[-1.843014121055603, 8.303302764892578, "Rounding the toe of Italy northward, the traveler reaches B.ourishing Reggio, founded by the Messenians about 730 under the name of Rhegion, and known to the Romans as Rhegium. Slipping through the Straits of Messina-probably the \"Scylla and Charybdis\" of the Odyssey-one comes to where Laus stood; and then to ancient Hyele, the Roman Velia, known to history as Elea because Plato wrote it so, and because only its philosophers are remembered. There\nXenophanes of Colophon came about s10,  and founded the Eleatic School\nHe was a personality as unique as his favorite foe, Pythagoras. A man of dauntless energy and reckless initiative, he wandered for sixty-seven years, he tells us,\"' ''up and down the land of Hellas,\" making observations and enemies everywhere. He wrote and recited philosophical poems, denounced Homer for his impious ribaldry, laughed at superstition, found a port in Elea, and obstinately completed a century before he died.\"' Homer and Hesiod, sang Xenophanes, \"have ascribed to the gods all deeds that are a shame and a dis\u00ad grace among men-thieving, adultery, and fraud.'71111 But he himself was not a pillar of orthodoxy.\nThere never was, nor ever will be, any man who knows with cer\u00ad tainty the things about the gods   Mortals fancy that gods are born,\nand wear clothes, and have voice and form like themselves. Yet if\noxen and lions had hands, and could paint and fashion images as men do, they would make the pictures and images of their gods in their own likeness; horses would make them like horses, oxen like oxen. Ethiopians make their gods black and snub-nosed; Thracians\u2022 give\nThe Greeks were so fond of this fable that they told it also of the laws of Catana and Thurii. The plan was especially pleasing to Michel de Montaigne, and may not have outlived its utility.\n168\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VII\ntheirs blue eyes and red hair.... There is one god, supreme among gods and men; resembling mortals neither in form nor in mind. The whole of him sees, the whole of him thinks, the whole of him hears. Without toil he rules all things by the power of his mind.\"'\nThis god, says Diogenes Laertius,\"\" was identified by Xenophanes with the universe. All things, even men, taught the philosopher, are derived from earth and water by natural laws... Water once covered nearly all the earth, for marine fossils are found far inland and on mountaintops; and at some future time water will probably cover the whole earth again.\"' Nevertheless all change in history, and all separateness in things, are superficial phenomena; beneath the flux and variety of forms is an unchanging unity, which is the innermost reality of God.\nFrom this starting point Xenophanes' disciple, Parmenides of Elea, proceeded to that idealistic philosophy which was in tum to mold the thought of Plato and Platonists throughout antiquity, and of Europe even to our day.\nIV. FROM ITALY TO SPAIN\nTwenty miles north of Elea lay the city of Poseidonia-the Roman Paestum\n-founded by colonists from Sybaris as the main Italian terminus of Milesian trade. Today one reaches it by a pleasant ride from Naples through Salemo. Suddenly, by the roadside, amid a deserted field, three temples appear, majes\u00ad tic even in their desolation. For the river, by blocking its own mouth here with centuries of silt, has long since turned this once healthy valley into a swamp, and even the reckless race that tills the slopes of Vesuvius has fled in despair from these malarial plains. Fragments of the ancient walls remain; but better preserved, as if by solitude, are the shrines that the Greeks raised, in modest limestone but almost perfect form, to the gods of the com and the sea. The oldest of the buildings, lately called the \"Basilica,\" was more likely a temple to Poseidon; men who owed their living to the fruit and commerce of the Mediterranean dedicated it to him towards the middle of this amazing sixth century B.c., which created great art, literature, and philosophy from Italy to Shantung. The inner as well as the outer colonnades remain, and attest the columnar passion of the Greeks. The following generation built a smaller tem\u00ad ple, also Dorically simple and strong; we call it the \"temple of Ceres,\" but we do not know what god sniffed the savor of its offerings. A yet later generation, just before or after the Persian War,\"\" erected the greatest and best-proportioned of the three temples, probably also to Poseidon-fittingly enough, since from its porticoes one gazes into the inviting face of the treacherous sea. Again almost everything is columns: a powerful and complete Doric peristyle with-\nCHAP.VII)\tTHE  GREEKS  IN  THE  WEST\nout, and, within, a two-storied colonnade that once upheld a roof. Here is one of the most impressive sights in Italy; it seems incredible that this temple, better preserved than anything built by the Romans, was the work of Greeks almost five centuries before Christ. We can imagine something of the beauty and vitality of a community that had both the resources and the taste to raise such centers for its religious life; and then we can conjure up less inadequately the splendor of richer and vaster cities like Miletus, Samos, Ephesus, Crotona, Sybaris, and Syracuse.\nSlightly north of where Naples stands today adventurers from Chalcis, Ere\u00ad tria, Euboean Cyme, and Graia founded, about 750, the great port of Comae, oldest of Greek towns in the West. Taking the products of eastern Greece and selling them in central Italy, Comae rapidly acquired wealth, colonized and controlled Rhegium, obtained command of the Straits of Messina, and excluded from them, or subjected to heavy tolls, the vessels of cities not leagued with it in trade... Spreading southward, the Cumaeans founded Dicaearchia\u00ad which became the Roman port of Puteoli (Pozzuoli)-and Neapolis, or New City, our Naples. From these colonies Greek ideas as well as goods passed into the crude young city of Rome, and northward into Etruria. At Comae the Romans picked up several Greek gods-Apollo and Heracles especially-and bought for more than they were worth the scrolls in which the Cumaean Sibyl\n-the aged priestess of Apollo-had foretold the future of Rome.\nNear the beginning of die sixth century the Phocaeans of Ionia landed on the southern shore of France, founded Massalia (Marseilles), and carried Greek products up the Rhone and its branches as far as Aries and N1mes. They made friends and wives of the natives, introduced the olive and the vine as gifts to France, and so familiarized southern Gaul with Greek civilization that Rome found it easy to spread its kindred culture there in Caesar's time. Ranging along the coast to the east, the Phocaeans established Antipolis (Antibes), Nicaea (Nice), and Monoecus (Monaco). Westward they ventured into Spain and built the towns of Rhodae (Rosas), Emporium (Ampurias), Hemeroscopium, and Maenaca ( near Malaga). The Greeks in Spain flourished for a while by exploiting the silver mines of Tartessus; but in 535 the Carthaginians and Etruscans combined their forces to destroy the Phocaean fleet, and from that time Greek power in the western Mediterranean waned.\nV, SICll.Y\nWe have left not quite to the last the richest of all the regions colonized by the Greeks. To Sicily nature had given what she had withheld from continental Greece-an apparently inexhaustible soil fertilized by rain and\n170\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VII\nlava, and producing so much wheat and com that Sicily was thought to be if not the birthplace at least a favorite haunt of Demeter herself. Here were orchards, vineyards, olive groves, heavy with fruit; honey as succulent as Hymettus', and flowers blooming in their turn from the beginning to the end of the year. Grassy plains pastured sheep and cattle, endless timber grew in the hills, and the fish in the surrounding waters reproduced faster than Sicily could eat them.\nA neolithic culture had flourished here in the third millennium before Christ, a bronze culture in the second; even in Minoan days trade had bound the island with Crete and Greece... Towards the end of the second millen\u00ad nium three waves of immigration broke upon Sicilian shores: the Sicans came from Spain, the Elymi from Asia Minor, the Sicels from Italy.\" About 800 the Phoenicians established themselves at Motya and Panormus (Paler\u00ad mo) in the west. From 735 on* the Greeks poured in, and in quick succes\u00ad sion founded Naxos, Syracuse, Leoritini, Messana (Messina), Catana, Gela, Himera, Selinus, and Acragas. In all these cases the natives were driven from the coast by force of arms. Most of them retired to till the mountain\u00ad ous interior, some became slaves to the invaders, so many others inter\u00ad married with the conquerors that Greek blood, character, and morals in Sicily took on a perceptible native tint of passion and sensuality.\"\" The Hellenes never quite conquered the island; the Phoer\u00b5cians and Carthagin\u00ad ians remained predominant on the west coast, and for five hundred years periodic war marked the struggle of Greek and Semite, Europe and Africa, for the possession of Sicily. After thirteen centuries of domination by Rome that contest would be resumed, in the Middle Ages, between Norman and Saracen.\nCatana was distinguished for its laws, the Lipari Islands for their communism, Himera for its poet, Segesta, Selinus, and Acragas for their temples, Syracuse for its power and wealth. The laws that Charondas gave to Catana, a full gen\u00ad eration before Solon, became a model for many cities in Sicily and Italy, and served to create public order and sexual morality in communities unprotected by ancient mores and sacred precedents. A man might divorce his wife, or a wife her husband, said Charondas, but then he or she must not marry anyone younger than the divorced mate.00 Charondas, according to a typically Greek tale, forbade the citizens to enter the assembly while armed. One day, how\u00ad ever, he himself came to the public meeting forgetfully wearing his sword. When a voter reproached him for breaking his own law he answered, \"I will rather confirm it,\" and slew himself.01"]
[-0.5717301964759827, 12.385788917541504, "CHAP, VIII)\tTHE  GODS  OF  GREECE\t193\ninviolable; here the worshipers met, and here all pursued persons, even if tainted with serious crime, could find sanctuary. The temple was not for the congregation but for the god; there, in his home, his statue was erected, and a light burned before it which was not allowed to die. Often the peo\u00ad ple identified the god with the statue; they washed, dressed, and tended the image carefully, and sometimes scolded it for negligence; they told how, at various times, the statue had sweated, or wept, or closed its eyes.11'1 In the temple records a history was .kept of the festivals of the god, and of the major events in the life of the city or group that worshiped him; this was the source and first form of Greek historiography.\nThe ceremony consisted of procession, chants, sacrifice, prayer, and sometimes a sacred meal. Magic and masquerade, tableaux and dramatic representations might be part of the procession. In most cases the basic ritual was prescribed by custom, and every movement of it, every word of the hymns and prayers, was preserved in a book kept sacred by the family or the state; rarely was any syllable or action altered, or any rhythm; the god might not like or comprehend the novelty. The living speech changed, the ritual speech remained as before; in time the worshipers ceased to understand the words they used,\"\" but the thrill of antiquity supplied the place of understanding. Often the ceremony outlasted even the memory of the cause that had prompted it; then new myths were invented to explain its establishment: the myth or creed might change, but not the ritual. Music was essential to the whole process, for without music religion would be difficult; music generates religion as much as religion generates music. Out of the temple and processional chants came poetry, and the meters that later adorned the robust profanity of Archilochus, the reckless passion of Sappho, and the scandalous delicacies of Anacreon.\nHaving reached the altar-usually in front of the temple-the worshipers sought with sacrifice and prayer to avert the wrath or win the aid of their god. As individuals they might off er almost anything of value-statues, re\u00ad liefs, furniture, weapons, caldrons, tripods, garments, pottery; when the gods could make no use of such articles the priests could. Armies might offer part of their spoils, as Xenophon's Ten Thousand did in their retreat.\"\" Groups would offer the fruits of the field, the vines or the trees; more often an animal appetizing to the god; sometimes, on occasions of great need, a human being. Agamemnon offered Iphigenia for a wind; Achilles slaugh\u00ad tered twelve Trojan youths on the pyre of Patroclus;.., human victims were hurled from the cliffs of Cyprus and Leucas to satiate Apollo; others were presented to Dionysus in Chios and Tenedos; Themistocles is said to have\n194\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP, VIII\nsacrificed Persian captives to Dionysus at the battle of Salamis;01 the Spar\u00ad tans celebrated the festival of Anemis Onhia by flogging youths, some\u00ad times to death, at her altar;\"' in Arcadia Zeus received human sacrifice till the second century A.o.;\"\" at Massalia, in time of pestilence, one of the poorer citizens was fed at public expense, clad in holy garments, decorated with sacred boughs, and cast over a cliff to death with prayers that he might bear punishment for all the sins of his people.\"' In Athens it was the cus\u00ad tom, in famine, plague, or other crisis, to offer to the gods, in ritual mimicry or in actual fact, one or more scapegoats for the purification of the city; and a similar rite, mimic or literal, was annually performed at the festival of the Thargelia.... In .the course of time human sacrifice was mitigated by restricting its victims to condemned criminals, and dulling their senses with wine; finally it was replaced by the sacrifice of an animal. When, on the night before the battle of Leuctra ( 371 B.c.), the Boeotian leader Pe\u00ad lopidas had a dream that seemed to demand a human sacrifice at the altar as the price of victory, some of his councilors advised it, but others pro\u00ad tested against it, saying \"that such a barbarous and impious obligation could not be pleasing to any Supreme Beings; that typhons and giants did not preside over the world, but the general father of gods and monals; that it was absurd to imagine any divinities and powers delighting in slaughter\u00b7 and sacrifice of men.\"..\nAnimal sacrifice, then, was a major step in the development of civilization. The beasts who bore the brunt of this advance in Greece were the bull, the sheep, and the pig. Before any battle the rival armies sent up sacrifices in proportion to their desired victory; before any assembly in Athens the meeting place was purified by the sacrifice of a pig. The piety of the peo\u00ad ple, however, broke down at the crucial point: only the bones and a little flesh, wrapped in fat, went to the god; the rest was kept for the priests and the worshipers. To excuse themselves the Greeks told how,, in the days of the giants, Prometheus had wrapped the edible ponions of the sacri\u00ad ficiai animal in skin, and the bones in fat, and had asked Zeus to choose which he preferred. Zeus had \"with both hands\" chosen the fat. It was true that Zeus was enraged upon finding that he had been deceived; but he had made his choice, and must abide by it forever.\u2022 Only in sacrifice to the chthonian gods was everything surrendered to the deity, and the entire animal burnt to ashes in a holocaust; the divinities of the lower world were\nThese victims in Athens were called pharmakoi, which meant originally magicians; pharmakon meant a magic spell or formula, then a healing drug.\u2022 The question whether the pharmakoi were really slain is in dispute; but there is little doubt that the sacrifice was originally literal.\u2022\nCRAP.VIII)\tTHE  GODS OF GREECE\t195\nmore feared than those of Olympus. No common meal followed a chthonic sacrifice, for that might tempt the god to come and join the feast. But after sacrifice to the Olympians the worshipers, not in awed atonement to the god but in joyous communion with him, consumed the consecrated victim; the magic formulas pronounced over it had, they hoped, imbued it with the life and power of the god, which would now pass mystically into his communicants. In like manner wine was poured upon the sacrifice, and\nthen into the cups of the worshipers, who drank, so to speak, with the gods.'lQ In the thiasoi, or fraternities, into which so many trade and social groups in Athens were organized, this idea of divine communion in a com\u00ad mon religious meal formed the binding tie.11\nAnimal sacrifice continued throughout Greece until ended by Chris\u00ad tianity,'ID which wisely substitUted for it the spiritual and symbolical sacri\u00ad fice of the Mass. In some measure prayer too became a substitute for sacrifice; it was a clever amendment that commuted offerings of blood into litanies of praise. In this gentler way man, subject to chance and tragedy at every step, consoled and strengthened himself by calling to his aid the mysterious powers of the world.\nSUPERSTITIONS\nBetween these upper and nether poles of Greek religion, the Olympian and the subterranean, surged an ocean of magic, superstition, and sorcery; behind and below the geniuses whom we shall celebrate were masses of people poor and simple, to whom religion was a mesh of fears rather than a ladder of hope. It was not merely that the average Greek accepted miracle stories-of Theseus rising from the dead to fight at Marathon, or of Dionysus changing water into wine:.. such stories appear among every people, and are part of the forgivable poetry with which imagination brightens the common life. One could even pass over the anxiety of Athens to secure the bones of Theseus, and of Sparta to bring back from Tegea the bones of Orestes;'6 the miraculous power officially attributed to these relics may well have been part of the technique of rule. What oppressed the pious Greek was the cloud of spirits that surrounded him, ready and able, he believed, to spy upon him, interfere with him, and do him evil. These demons were always seeking to enter into him; he had to be on his guard against them at all times, and to perform magical ceremonies to dis\u00ad perse them.\nThis superstition verged on science, and in some measure forecast our germ theory of disease. All sickness, to the Greek, meant possession by an alien\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, VIII\nspirit; to touch a sick person was to contract his uncleanliness or \"possession\"; our bacilli and bacteria are the currently fashionable forms of what the Greeks called keres or little demons.... So a dead person was \"unclean\"; the keres had gotten him once for all. When the Greek left a house where a corpse lay, he sprinkled himself with water, from a vessel placed for such purposes at the door, to drive away from himself the spirit that had conquered the dead man.v\u2022 This conception was extended to many realms where even our bacteriophobia would hardly apply it. Sexual intercourse rendered a person unclean; so did birth, childbirth, and homicide (even if unintentional). Madness was posses\u00ad sion by an alien spirit; the madman was \"beside himself.\" In all these cases a ceremony of purification was considered necessary. Periodically homes, tem\u00ad ples, camps, even whole cities were purified, and very much as we disinfect them-by water, smoke, or fire.Tl A bowl of clean water stood at the entrance to every temple, so that those who came to worship might cleanse themselves,\"' perhaps by a suggestive symbolism. The priest was an expert in purification; he could exorcise spirits by striking bronze vessels, by incantations, magic, and prayer; even the intentional homicide might, by adequate ritual, be purified.'\" Repentance was not indispensable in such cases; all that was needed was to get rid of the evil possessive demons; religion was not so much a matter of morals as a technique of manipulating spirits. Nevertheless the multiplication of taboos and purificatory rites produced in the religious Greek a state of mind surpris\u00ad ingly akin to the Puritan sense of sin. The notion that the Greeks were immune to the ideas of conscience and sin will hardly survive a reading of Pindar and Aeschylus.\nOut of this belief in an enveloping atmosphere of spirits came a thousand superstitions, which Theophrastus, successor to Aristotle, summarized in one of his Characters:\nSuperstitiousness would seem to be a sort of cowardice with re\u00ad spect to the divine    Your Superstitious Man will not sally forth\nfor the day till he have washed his hands and sprinkled himself at the\nNine Springs, and put a bit of bay-leaf from a temple in his mouth. And if a cat cross his path he will not proceed on his way till some one else be gone by, or he have cast three stones across the street. Should he espy a snake in his house, if it be one of the red sort he will call upon Dionysus; if it be a sacred snake he will build a shrine then and there. When he passes one of the smooth stones set up at crossroads he anoints it with oil from his flask, and will not go his ways till he have knelt down and worshiped it. If a mouse gnaw a bag of his meal, he will off to the wizard and ask what he must do; and if the advice be, \"Send the bag to the cobblers to be patched,\" he neglec.ts the advice and frees himself of the ill by rites of aversion.\nCHAP. VIII)\tTHE  GODS  OF GREECE\t197\n...\tIf he catches sight of a madman or an epileptic, he shudders and spits into his bosom.\"'\nThe simpler Greeks believed, or taught their children to believe, in a great variety of bogies. Whole cities were disturbed, at short intervals, by \"portents\" or strange occurrences, like deformed births of animals or men.81 The belief in unlucky days was so widespread that on such days no marriage might take place, no assembly might be held, no courts might meet, no enterprise might begin. A sneeze, a stumble, might be reason for abandoning a trip or an under taking; a minor eclipse could stop or turn back armies, and bring great wars to a disastrous end. Again, there were persons gifted with the power of effective cursing: an angered parent, a neglected beggar might lay upon one a curse that would ruin one's life. Some persons possessed magic arts; they could mix love philters or aphrodisiacs, and could by secret drugs reduce a man to impotence or a woman to sterility.89 Plato did not consider his Laws complete without an enactment against those who injure or slay by magic arts.\u2022 Witches are not medieval inventions; note Euripides' Medea, and Theocritus' Simaetha. Superstition is one of the most stable of social phenomena; it re\u00ad mains almost unchanged through centuries and civilizations, not only in its bases but even in its formulas.\nORACLES"]
[1.2251639366149902, 14.468525886535645, ". that would hold no toil too great that might give to the living moment of loveliness a lasting form. The women of Sparta placed in their sleeping chambers figures of Apollo, Narcissus, Hyacinthus, or some other hand\u00ad some deity, in order that they might bear beautiful children.\"\u00b0 Cypselus established a beauty contest among women far back in the seventh cen\u00ad tury; and according to Athenaeus this periodical competition continued down to the Christian era.111 In some places, says Theophrastus, \"there are contests between the women in respect of modesty and good manage\u00ad ment ... ; and also there are contests about beauty, as for instance ... in Tenedos and Lesbos.\"..\nVtises\nThere was a pretty legend in Greece that the first cup was molded upon Helen's breast.63 If so, the mold was lost in the Dorian invasion; for what pot\u00ad tery has come down to us from early Greece does not remind us of Helen. The invasion must have profoundly disturbed the arts, impoverishing crafts\u00ad men, scattering schools, and ending for a time the transmission of technology; for Greek vases after the invasion begin again with primitive simplicity and crudity, as if Crete had never lifted pottery into an art.\nProbably the rough mood of the Dorian conquerors, using what survived of Minoan-Mycenaean techniques, produced that Geometric style which domi\u00ad nates the oldest Greek pottery after the Homeric age. Flowers, scenery, and plants, so luxuriant in Cretan ornament, were swept away, and the stem spirit that made the glory of the Doric temple contrived the passing ruin of Greek pottery. The gigantic jars that characterize this period made small pretense to beauty; they were designed to store wine or oil or grain rather than to interest a ceramic connoisseur. The decoration was almost all by repeated triangles, circles, chains, checkers, lozenges, swastikas, or simple parallel horizontal lines; even the human figures that intervened were geometrical-torsos were triangles, thighs and legs were cones. This lazy style of ornament spread through Greece,\nCHAP. IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    219\nand determined the form of the Dipylon vases\u2022 at Athens; but on these enor\u00ad mous containers (usually made to receive the human dead) black silhouettes of mourners, chariots, and animals were drawn, however awkwardly, between the pattern's lines. Towards the end of the eighth century more life entered into the painting of Greek pottery; two colors were used for the ground, curves re\u00ad placed straight lines, palmettes and lotuses, prancing horses and hunted lions took form upon the clay, and the ornate Oriental succeeded the bare Geometric style.\nAn age of busy experimentation followed. Miletus flooded the market with its red vases, Samos with its alabasters, Lesbos with its black wares, Rhodes with its whites, Clazomenae with its grays, and Naucratis exported faience and translucent glass. Erythrae was famous for the thinness of its vases, Chalcis for brilliance of finish, Sicyon and Corinth for their delicate \"Proto-Corinthian\" scent bottles and elaborately painted jugs like the Chigi vase in Rome. A kind of ceramic war engaged the potters of the rival cities; one or another of them found purchasers in every port of the Mediterranean, and in the interior of Russia, Italy, and Gaul. In the seventh century Corinth seemed to be winning; its wares were in every land and hand, its potters had found new techniques of incision and coloring, and had shown a fresh inventiveness in forms. But about 550 the masters of the Ceramicus-the potters' quarter on the outskirts of Ath\u00ad ens-came to the front, threw off Oriental influence, and captured with their Black-Figure ware the markets of the Black Sea, Cyprus, Egypt, Etruria, and Spain. From that time onward the best ceramic craftsmen migrated to Athens or were born there; a great school and tradition formed as through many gen\u00ad erations son succeeded father in the art; and the making of fine pottery became one of the great industries, finally one of the conceded monopolies, of Attica.\nThe vases themselves, now and then, bear pictures of the potter's shop, the master working with his apprentices, or watchfully supervising the various processes: mixing the pigments and the clay, molding the form, painting the ground, engraving the picture, firing the cup, and feeling the happiness of those who see beauty taking form under their hands. More than a hundred of these Attic potters are known to us; but time has broken up their masterpieces, and they are only names. Here on a drinking cup are the proud words, Nikosthenes me poiesen-\"Nicosthenes made me.\"..\u2022 A greater than he was Execias, whose majestic amphora is in the Vatican; he was one of many artists encouraged by patronage and peace under the Peisistratids. From the hands of Clitias and Ergo\u00ad timus came, about 560, the famous Franc:;ois vase, found in Etruria by a French\u00ad man of that name, and now treasured in the Archeological Museum at Florence\n-a  great mixing bowl covered with row upon row of figures and scenes from\nGreek mythology.\" These men were the outstanding masters of the Black-\nSo called because they were found chiefly near the Double Gate of the city at the Ceramicas.\n220\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nFigure style in sixth-century Attica. We need not exaggerate the excellence of their work; it cannot compare, either in conception or in execution, with the best work of the T'ang or Sung Chinese. But the Greek had a different aim from\nthe Oriental: he sought not color but line, not ornament but form. The fo:cures on Jte Greek vases are conventional, stylized, improbably magnificent in the\nshoulders and thin in the legs; and as this continued through the classic age, we must assume that the Greek potter never dreamed of realistic accuracy. He was writing poetry, not prose, speaking to the imagination rather than the eye. He limited himself in materials and pigments: he took the fine red clay of the Ceramicus, quieted its color with yellow, carefully engraved the figures, and filled out the silhouettes with brilliant black glaze. He transformed the earth into a profusion of vessels that wedded beauty and use: hydria, amphora, oenochoe, kylix, krater, lekythos-i.e., water jug, two-handled jar, wine bowl, drinking cup, mixing bowl, and unguent flask. He conceived the experiments, created the subjects, and developed the techniques that were taken up by bronzeworkers, sculptors, and painters; he made the first essays in foreshort\u00ad ening, perspective, chiaroscuro, and modeling;... he paved the way for statuary by molding terra-cotta figures in a thousand themes and forms. He freed his own art from Dorian geometry and Oriental excess, and made the human figure the source and center of its life.\nTowards the last quarter of the sixth century the Athenian potter tired of black figures on a red ground, inverted the formula, and created that Red\u00ad Figure style which ruled the markets of the Mediterranean for two hundred years. The figures were still stiff and angular, the body in profile with the eyes in full view; but even within these limits there was a new freedom, a wider scope, of conception and execution. He sketched the figures upon the clay with a light point, drew them in greater detail with a pen, filled in the background with black, and added minor touches with colored glaze. Here, too, some of the masters made lasting names. One amphora is signed, \"Painted by Euthym\u00ad i .es, son of Pollias, as never Euphroniusrn\u2022,-which was to challenge Euphro\u00ad nius to equal it. Nevertheless this Euphronius is still rated as the greatest potter of his age; to him, some think, belongs the great krater on which Heracles wrestles with Antaeus. To his contemporary Sosias is attributed one of the most famous of Greek vases, whereon Achilles binds the wounded arm of Patroclus; every detail is lovingly carried out, and the silent pain of the young warrior has survived the centuries. To these men, and now nameless others, we owe such masterpieces as the cup in whose interior we see Dawn mourn\u00ad ing over her dead son, and the hydria, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art at New York, that shows a Greek soldier, perhaps Achilles, plunging his lance into a fair and not breastless Amazon. It was before such a vase as one of these that John Keats stood enthralled one day, until its \"wild ecstasy\" and \"mad pursuit\" fired his brain with an ode greater than any Grecian um.\nCHAP. IX) THE\tCOMMON  CULTURE  OF EARLY  GREECE\t221\nSculpture\nThe Greek settlement of western Asia, and the opening of Egypt to Greek trade towards 660 B.c., allowed Near Eastern and Egyptian forms.and methods of statuary to enter Ionia and European Greece. About 580 two Cretan sculp\u00ad tors, Dipoenus and Scyllis, accepted commissions at Sicyon and Argos, and left behind them there not only statues but pupils; from this period dates a vigorous school of sculpture in the Peloponnese. The art had many purposes: it commemorated the dead first with simple pillars, then with herms whose head alone was carved, then with forms completely chiseled in the round, or with funeral-stelae reliefs; it made statues of victorious athletes, first as types, later as individuals; and it was encouraged by the lively imagination of Greek faith to make countless images of the gods.\nUntil the sixth century its material was most frequently wood. We hear a great deal of the chest of Cypselus, dictator. of Corinth. According to Pau\u00ad sanias, it was made of cedar, inlaid with ivory and gold, and adorned with com\u00ad plicated carvings. As wealth increased, wooden statues might be covered, in whole or part, by precious materials; indeed it was thus that Pheidias made his chryselephantine (i.e., gold and ivory) statues of Athene Parthenos and the Olympian Zeus. Bronze rivaled stone as sculptural material to the end of classical an. Few ancient bronzes have survived the temptation to melt them down, but we may judge from the perhaps too ministerial Charioteer of the Delphi Museum (ca. 490) how near to perfection the art of hollow casting had been carried since Rhoecus and Theodorus of Samos had introduced it into Greece. The most famous group in Athenian statuary, the Tyrannicides (Harmodius and Aristogeiton), was cast in bronze by Antenor at Athens shortly after the expulsion of Hippias. Many forms of soft stone were used before the sculptors of Greece undertook to mold harder varieties with hammer and chisel; but once they had learned the art they almost denuded Naxos and Paros of marble. In the archaic period ( 1100-490) the figures were often painted; but towards the end of that age it was found that a better effect could be secured, in representing the delicate skin of women, by leaving the polished marble without artificial tint.\nThe Greeks of Ionia were the first to discover the uses of drapery as a sculp\u00ad tural element. Egypt and the Near East had left the clothing rigid-a vast stone apron nullifying the living form; but in sixth-century Greece the sculp\u00ad tors introduced folds into the drapery, and used the garment to reveal that ultimate source and norm of beauty, the healthy human body. Nevertheless the Egypto-Asiatic influence remained so strong that in most archaic Greek sculpture the figure is heavy, graceless, and stiff; the legs are strained even in repose; the arms hang helpless at the sides; the eyes have the almond form, and\n222\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\noccasionally an Oriental slant; the face is stereotyped, immobile, passionless. Greek statuary, in this period, accepted the Egyptian rule of frontality-i.e., the figure was made to be seen only from the front, and so rigidly bisymmetri\u00ad cal that a vertical line would pass through the nose, mouth, navel, and genitals with never a right or left deviation, and no flexure of either motion or re&t. Perhaps convention was responsible for this dull rigidity: the law of the Greek games forbade a victor to set up a portrait statue of himself unless he had won all contests in the pentathlon; only then, the Greeks argued, would he achieve the harmonious physical development that would merit individual modeling.67 For this reason, and perhaps because, as in Egypt, religious convention before the fifth century governed the representation of the gods, the Greek sculptor confined himself to a few poses and types, and devoted himself to their mastery.\nTwo types above all won his study: the youth, or kouros, nearly nude, slightly advancing the left leg, with arms at the side or partly extended, fists closed, countenance quiet and stem; and the kore, or maiden, carefully coiffured, mod\u00ad estly posed and draped, one hand gathering up the robe, the other offering some gift to the gods. History till lately called the kouroi \"Apollos,\" but they were more probably athletes or funerary monuments. The most famous of the type is the Apollo of Tenea; the largest, the Apollo of Sunium; the most pretentious, the Throne of Apollo at Arnyclae, near Sparta. One of the finest is the small Strangford Apollo in the British Museum; finer still is the Choiseul\u00ad Gouffier Apollo, a Roman copy of an early fifth-century original.68 To at least the male eye the korai are more pleasing: their bodies are gracefully slender, their faces are softened with a Mona Lisa smile, their drapery begins to escape the stiffness of convention; some of them, like those in the Athens Museum would be called masterpieces in any other land;\u2022\u2022 one of them, which we may call the Kore of Chios,* is a masterpiece even in Greece. In them the sensuous Ionian touch breaks through the Egyptian immobility and Dorian austerity of the \"Apollos.\" Archermus of Chios created another type, or followed lost models, in the Nike, or Victory, of Delos; out of this would come the lovely Nike of Paeonius at Olympia, the Winged Victory of Samothrace, and, in Christian art, the winged figures of cherubim... Near Miletus unknown sculp\u00ad tors carved a series of draped and seated females for the temple of the Branchi\u00ad\ndae, figures powerful but crude, dignified but ponderous, profound but dead.t"]
[-9.100802421569824, 14.986361503601074, "She becomes delirious, and swoons; soldiers carry her away. Menelaus appears, and bids his soldiers bring Helen to him. He has sworn that he will kill her, and Hecuba is comforted at the thought that punishment is at last to find Helen.\nI bless thee, Menelaus, I bless thee,\nIf thou wilt slay her! Only fear to see\nHer visage, lest she snare thee and thou fall!\nHelen enters, untouched and unafraid, proud in the consciousness of her beauty.\nHecuba.\tAnd comest thou now Forth, and hast decked thy bosom and thy brow, And breathest with thy lord the same blue air, Thou evil heart? Low, low, with ravaged hair, Rent raiment, and flesh shuddering, and within, Oh, shame at last, not glory for thy sin....\nBe.true,0 King; let Hellas bear the crown\nOf justice. Slay this woman....\nMenelaus. Peace, aged woman, peace\t(Tothe soldiers)\nHave some chambered galley set for her, Where she may sail the seas....\nHecuba. A lover once, will always love again.\nAs Helen and Menelaus leave, Talthybius returns, bearing the dead body of Astyanax.\nTalth. Andromache ...\thath charmed these tears into mine eyes, Weeping her fatherland, as o'er the wave.\nShe gazed, speaking words to Hector's grave. Howbeit, she prayed us that due rites be done For burial of this babe\tAnd in thine hands\nShe bade me lay him, to be swathed in bands\nCHAP.XVII) THE\tLITERATURE  OF  THE  GOLDEN  AGE\t409\nOf death and garments\t(Hecuba takes the body.)\nHecuba. Ah, what a death hath found thee, little one! ... Ye tender arms, the same dear mold have ye\nAs his.... And dear proud lips, so full of hope, And closed forever! What false words ye said At daybreak, when ye crept into my bed,\nCalled me kind names, and promised, \"Grandmother, When thou art dead, I will cut close my hair\nAnd lead out all the captains to ride by\nThy tomb.\" Why didst thou cheat me so? 'Tis I, Old, homeless, childless, that for thee must shed Cold tears, so young, so miserably dead.\nDear God! the pattering welcomes of thy feet, The nursing in my lap; and oh, the sweet Falling asleep together! All is gone.\nHow should a poet carve the funeral stone To tell thy story true? \"There Heth here\nA babe whom the Greeks feared, and in their fear Slew him.\" Aye, Greece will bless the tale it tells! ..."]
[-7.43336820602417, 12.415864944458008, "Over the upland folds thou roamest, and the trackless sea. Love the gods captive holds; shall mortals not yield to thee?,..\nHaemon disappears; and in search for him Creon orders his soldiers to open the cave in which Antigone has been entombed. There they find Antigone dead and beside her Haemon, resolved to die.\nWe looked, and in the cavern's vaulted gloom I saw the maiden lying strangled there,\nA noose of linen twined about her neck;\nAnd hard beside her, clasping her cold form, Her lover lay bewailing his dead bride ...\nWhen the King saw him, with a terrible groan\nHe moved towards him, crying, \"O my son,\nWhat hast thou done? What ailed thee? What mischance Has reft thee of thy reason? Oh, come forth,\nCome forth, my son; thy father supplicates.\" But the son glared at him with tiger eyes, Spat in his face, and then, without a word, Drew his two-hilted sword and smote, but\nMissed his father flying backwards. Then the boy, Wroth with himself, poor wretch, incontinent, Fell on his sword and drove it through his side Home; but, yet breathing, clasped in his lax arms The maid, her pallid cheek incarnadined\nWith his expiring gasps. So there they lay Two corpses, one in death.\"\nThe dominant qualities of these plays, surviving time and translation, are beauty of style and mastery of technique. Here is the typically \"clas\u00ad sic\" form of utterance: polished, placid, and serene; vigorous but restrained, dignified but graceful, with the strength of Pheidias and the smooth deli\u00ad cacy of Praxiteles. Classic too is the structure; every line is relevant, and moves towards that moment in which the action finds its climax and its significance. Each of these plays is built like a temple, wherein every part is carefully finished in detail, but has its proper and subordinate place ,in the whole; except that the Philoctetes lazily accepts the deus ex machina (which is a jest in Euripides) as a serious solution of a knotty plot. Here, as in Aeschylus, the drama moves upward towards the hybris of some crowning insolence (as in Oedipus' bitter curse upon the unknown mur\u00ad derer) ; turns around some anagnorisis or sudden recognition, some peripeteia or reversal of fortune; and moves downward toward the nemesis\nTHE\tLIFF  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVI:ti\nof inevitable punishment. Aristotle, when he wished to illustrate perfection of dramatic structure, always referred to Oedipus the King, and the two plays that deal with Oedipus illustrate well the Aristotelian definition of\ntragedy as a purging of pity and terror through their objective presentation. The characters are more clearly drawn than in Aeschylus, though not as realistically as in Euripides. \"I draw men as they ought to be drawn,\" said Sophocles, \"Euripides draws them as they are'\"\"-as if to say that drama should admit some idealization, and that art should not be photography. But the influence of Euripides appears in the argumentativeness of the dialogue and the occasional exploitation of sentiment; so Oedipus wrangles unroyally with Teiresias, and, blinded, gropes about touchingly to feel the faces of his daughters. Aeschylus, contemplating the same situation, would have forgotten the daughters and thought of some eternal law.\nSophocles, too, is a philosopher and a preacher, but his counsels rely less than those of Aeschylus upon the sanctions of the gods. The spirit of the Sophists has touched him, and though he maintains a prosperous orthodoxy, he reveals himself as one who might have been Euripides had he not been so fortunate. But he has too much of the poet's sensitivity to excuse the suffering that comes so often undeserved to men. Says Lyllus, over Heracles' writhing body:\nWe are blameless, but confess That the gods are pitiless.\nChildren they beget, and claim Worship in a father's name, Yet with apathetic eye\nLook upon such agony.\"\nHe makes Jocasta laugh at oracles, though his plays tum upon them creakingly; Creon denounces the prophets as \"all a money-getting tribe\"; and Philoctetes asks the old question, \"How justify the ways of Heaven, finding Heaven unjust?'\"'' Sophocles answers hopefully that though the moral order of the world may be too subtle for us to understand it, it is there, and right will triumph in the end.\" Following Aeschylus, he iden\u00ad tifies Zeus with this moral order, and cemes even more closely to mono\u00ad theism. Like a good Victorian he is uncertain of his theology, but strong in his moral faith; the highest wisdom is to find that law which is Zeus, the moral compass of the world, and follow it.\nOh, may my constant feet not fail, Walking in paths of righteousness.\nCHAP.XVII)  THE   LITERATURE  OF THE GOLD EN  AGE\t399\nSinless in word and deed, True to those eternal laws\nThat scale forever the high steep\nOf heaven's pure ether, whence they sprang: For only in Olympus is their home,"]
[-5.503342151641846, 16.291322708129883, "The chorus is in many ways the most important as well as the most costly part of the spectacle. Often it gives its name to the drama; anci through it, for the most part, the poet expresses his views on religion and philosophy. The history of the Greek theater is a losing struggle of the chorus to dominate the play: at first the chorus is everything; in Thespis and Aeschylus its role diminishes as the number of actors increase; in the drama of the third century it disappears. Usually the chorus is composed not of professional singers but of amateurs chosen from the civic roster of the tribe. They are all men, and number, after Aeschylus, fifteen. They dance as well as sing, and move in dignified procession across the long and narrow stage, interpreting through the poetry of motion the words and moods of the play.\nMu ic holds in the Greek drama a place second only to the action and the poetry. Usually the dramatist composes the music as well as the\nPlays were also presented during the lesser Dionysia, or Lenaea, usually at the Piraeus;\n:md at various times in the local theaters of the Attic towns.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nwords:11 Most of the dialogue is spoken or declaimed; some of it is chanted in recitative; but the leading roles contain lyrical passages that must be sung as solos, duets, trios, or in unison or alternation with the chorus.\"' The singing is simple, without \"parts\" or harmony. The accompaniment is usu\u00ad ally given by a single flute, and accords with the voices note for note; in this way the words can be followed by the audience, and the poem is not drowned out in the song. These plays cannot be judged by reading them silently; to the Greeks the words are but a part of a complex art form that weaves poetry, music, acting, and the dance into a profound and moving unity.\u2022\nNevertheless the play is the thing, and the prize is awarded less for the music than for the drama, and less for the drama than for the acting; a good actor can make a success of a middling play.'\" The actor-who is always a male-is not disdained as in Rome, but is much honored; he is exempt from military service, and is allowed safe passage through the lines in time of war. He is called hypokrites, but this word means answerer-i.e., to the chorus; only later will the actor's role as an impersonator lead to the use of the word as meaning hypocrite. Actors are organized in a strong union or guild called the Dionysian Artists, which has members through\u00ad out Greece. Troupes of players wander from city to city, composing their own plays and music, making their own costumes, and setting up their own stages. As in all times, the incomes of leading actors are very high, that of secondary actors precariously low;\"' and the morals of both are what might be expected of men moving from place to place, fluctuating between lux\u00ad ury and poverty, and too high-strung to be capable of a stable and normal life.\nIn both tragedy and comedy the actor wears a mask, fitted with a resonant mouthpiece of brass. The acoustics of the Greek theater, and the visibility of the stage from every seat, are remarkable; but even so it is found ad\u00ad visable to reinforce the voice of the actor, and help the eye of the distant spectator to distinguish readily the various characters portrayed. All subtle play of vocal or facial expression is sacrificed to these needs. When real individuals are represented on the stage, like the Euripides of the Eccle-\nMusic continued to play a central role in the culture of the classic period (480-323). The ttreat name among the fifth-century composers was Timotheus of Miletus; he wrote nomes m which the music dominated the poetry, and represented a stc,ry and an action. His ex\u00ad tension of the Greek lyre to eleven strings, and his experiments m complex and elaborate styles, provoked the conservatives of Athens to such denunciation that Timotheus, we are told, was about to take his own life when Euripides comforted him, collaborated with him, and correctly prophesied that all Greece would soon be at his feet.\"\"\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE  GOLDEN  AGE\t381\nsiazusae and the Socrates of the Clouds, the masks imitate, and largely cari\u00ad cature, their actual features. The masks have come down into the drama from religious performances, in which they were of ten instruments of ter\u00ad ror or humor; in comedy they continue this tradition, and are as grotesque and extravagant as Greek fancy can make them. Just as the actor's voice is strengthened and his countenance enlarged by the mask, so his dimen\u00ad sions are extended with padding, and his height is enhanced by an onkos, or projection on his head, and by kothornoi, or thick-soled shoes, on his feet. All in all, as Lucian puts it, the ancient actor makes a \"hideous and appalling spectacle.\"\"\"\nThe audience is as interesting as the play. Men and women of all ranks are admitted,\" and after 420 all citizens who need it receive from the state the two obols required for entrance. Women sit apart from men, and courtesans have a place to themselves; custom keeps all but the looser ladies away from comedy... It is a lively audience, not less or more mannerly than such assemblages in other lands. It eats nuts and fruit and drinks wine as it listens; Aristotle proposes to measure the failure of a play by the amount of food eaten during the presentation. It quarrels about seats, claps and shouts for its favorites, hisses and groans when it is displeased; when moved to more vigorous protest it kicks the benches beneath it; if it becomes angry it may frighten an actor off the stage with olives, figs, or stones.81 Aeschines is almost stoned to death for an offensive play; Aeschylus is nearly killed because the audience believes that he has revealed some secrets of the Eleusinian Mysteries. A musician who has borrowed a supply of stones to build a house promises to repay it with those that he expects to collect from his next performance... Actors sometimes hire a claque to drown out with applause the hisses they fear, and comic actors may throw nuts to the crowd as a bribe to peace.\" If it wishes, the audience can by deliberate noise prevent a drama from continuing, and compel the per\u00ad formance of the next play;\"' in this way a long program may be shortened within bearing.\nThere are three days of drama at the city Dionysia; on each day five plays are presented-three tragedies and a satyr play by one poet, and a comedy by another... The performance begins early in the morning and continues till dusk. Only in exceptional cases is a play performed twice in the Theater of Dionysus; those who have missed it there may see it in the theaters of other Greek cities, or with less splendor on some rural stage in Attica. Between 480 and 380 some two thousand new dramas are performed at Athens  In early times the prize for the best tragic trilogy was a goat, for\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nthe best comedy a basket of figs and a jug of wine; but in the Golden Age the three prizes for tragedy and the single prize for comedy take the form of grants of money by the state. The ten judges are chosen by lot in the theater itself on the first morning of the competition, out of a large list of candidates nominated by the Council. At the end of the last play each of the judges writes his selections for first, second, and third prizes upon a tablet; the tablets are placed in an urn, and an archon draws out five tablets at random. These five judgments, summed up, constitute the final award, and the other five are destroyed unread; no one, therefore, can know in advance who the judges are to be, or which of them will really judge. Despite these precautions there is some corruption or intimidation of judges.\"' Plato complains that the judges, through fear of the crowd, almost always decide according to the applause, and argues that this \"theatroc\u00ad racy\" is debasing both the dramatists and the audience... When the contest is over the victorious poet and his choragus are crowned with ivy, and sometimes the victors set up a monument, like the choragic monument of Lysicrates, to commemorate their triumph. Even kings compete for this crown.\nThe size of the theater and the traditions of the festival determine in large measure the nature of the Greek drama. Since nuances cannot be conveyed by facial expression or vocal inflection, subtle character portraits are rare in the Dionysian theater. The Greek drama is a study of fate, or of man in conflict with the gods; the Elizabethan drama is a study of action, or of man in conflict with man; the modem drama is a study of character, or of man in conflict with himself. The Athenian audience knows in ad\u00ad vance the destiny of each person represented, and the issue of each action; for religious custom is still strong enough in the fifth century to limit the theme of the Dionysian drama to some story from the accepted myths and legends of the early Greeks.* There is no suspense and no surprise, but, instead, the pleasures of anticipation and recognition. Dramatist after dramatist tells the same tale to the same audience; what differs is the poetry, the music, the interpretation, and the philosophy. Even the philosophy, before Euripides, is determined in large measure by tradition: throughout\nThere were a few dramas about later history; of these the only extant example is Aeschylus' Persian Women. About 493 Phrynichus presented The Fall of Miletus; but the Athenians were so moved to grief by contemplating the capture of their daughter city by the Peisians that they fined Phrynichus a thousand drachmas for his innovation, and forbade any repetition of the play.88 There are some indications that Themistocles had secretly arranged for the performance as a means of stirring up the Athenians to acnve war against\nPeisia...\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t383\nAeschylus and Sophocles the prevailing theme is the nemesis of punish\u00ad ment, by jealous gods or impersonal fate, for insolent presumption and irreverent pride (by bris); and the recurring moral is the wisdom of con\u00ad science, honor, and a modest moderation (aidos). It is this combination of philosophy with poetry, action, music, song, and dance that makes the Greek drama not only a new form in the history of literature, but one that almost at the outset achieves a grandeur never equaled again.\nIll. AESCHYLUS\nNot quite at the outset; for as many talents, in heredity and history, pre\u00ad pare the way for a genius, so some lesser playwrights, who may here be forgotten with honor, intervened between Thespis and Aeschylus. Per\u00ad haps it was the successful resistance to Persia that gave Athens the pride and stimulus necessary to an age of great drama, while the wealth that came with trade and empire after the war provided for the costly Dionysian con\u00ad tests in dithyrambic singing and the choral play. Aeschylus felt both the stimulus and the pride in person. Like so many Greek writers of the fifth century, he lived as well as wrote, and knew how to do as well as to speak. In 499, at the age of twenty-six, he produced his first play; in 490 he and his two brothers fought at Marathon, and so bravely that Athens ordere.d a painting to commemorate their deeds; in 484 he won his first prize at the Dionysian festival; in 480 he fought at Artemisium and Salamis, and in 479 at Plataea; in 476 and 470 he visited Syracuse, and was honored at the court of Hieron I; in 468, after dominating Athenian literature for a generation, he lost the first prize for drama to the youthful Sophocles; in 467 he recaptured supremacy with his Seven against Thebes; in 458 he won his last and greatest victory with the Oresteia trilogy; in 456 he was again in Sicily; and there, in that year, he died.\nIt took a man of such energy to mold the Greek drama into its classic\nform. It was Aeschylus who added a second actor to the one drawn out from the chorus by Thespis, and thereby completed the transformation of the Dionysian chant from an oratorio into a play.* He wrote seventy (some say ninety) dramas, of which seven remain. Of these, the earliest\nThough in Aeschylus the actors were only two, the roles they played in a drama were limited only in the sense that no more than two characters could be on the stage at once. The leader of the chorus was sometimes individualized into a third actor. Minor chancters\u00ad attendants. soldiers, etc.-were not counted as actors."]
[-1.2834837436676025, -9.347001075744629, "Here and there, in East and West, it created a desert and called it peace. But\namid all this evil it formed a majestic system of law which through nearly all Europe gave security to life and property, incentive and continuity to industry, from the Decemvirs to Napoleon. It molded a government of separated legislative and executive powers whose checks and balances in,. spired the makers of constitutions as late as revolutionary America and France. For a time it united monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy so suc\u00ad cessfully as to win the applause of philosophers, historians, subjects, and enemies. It gave municipal institutions, and for a long period mtmicipal freedom, to half a thousand cities. It administered its Empire at first with greed and cruelty, then with such tolerance and essential justice that the great realm has never again known a like content. It made the desert; blossom with civilization, and atoned for its sins with the miracle of a lasting peace. Today our highest labors seek to revive the Pax Romana for a d ordered world.\nWithin that unsurpassed framework Rome built a culture Greek i_n Qrigin,\nEPILOGUE\nRoman in application and result. She was too engrossed in government to create as bountifully in the realms of the mind as Greece had done; but she absorbed with appreciation, and preserved with tenacity, the technical, intel\u00ad lectual, and artistic heritage that she had received from Carthage and Egypt, Greece and the East. She made no advance in science, and no mechanical improvements in industry, but she enriched the world with a commerce moving over secure seas, and a network of enduring roads that became the arteries of a lusty life. Along those roads, and over a thousand handsome bridges, there passed to the medieval and modem worlds the ancient tech\u00ad niques of tillage, handicraft, and art, the science of monumental building, the processes of banking and investment, the organization of medicine and military hospitals, the sanitation of cities, and many varieties of fruit and nut trees, of agricultural or ornamental plants, brought from the East to take new root in the West. Even the secret of central heating came from the warm south to the cold north. The south has created the civilizations, the north has conquered and destroyed or borrowed them.\nRome did not invent education, but she developed it on a scale unknown before, gave it state support, and formed the curriculum that persisted till our harassed youth. She did not invent the arch, the vault, or the dome, but she used them with such audacity and magnificence that in some fields her architecture has remained unequaled; and all the elements of the medieval cathedral were prepared in her basilicas. She did not invent the sculptural portrait, but she gave it a realistic power rarely reached by the idealizing Greeks. She did not invent philosophy, but it was in Lucretius and Seneca that Epicureanism and Stoicism found their most finished form. She did not invent the types of literature, not even the satire; but who could adequately record the influence of Cicero on oratory, the essay, and prose style, of Virgil on Dante, Tasso, Milton, ...  of Livy and Tacitus on the writing of history, of Horace and Juvenal on Dryden, Swift, and Pope?\nHer language became, by a most admirable corruption, the speech of Italy, Rumania, France, Spain, Portugal, and Latin America; half the white man's world speaks a Latin tongue. Latin was, till the eighteenth century, the Esperanto of science, scholarship, and philosophy in the West; it gave a convenient international terminology to botany and zoology; it survives in the sonorous ritual and official documents of the Roman Church; it still writes medical prescriptions, and haunts the phraseology of the law. It entered by direct appropriation, and again through the Romance languages (regalis, regal, royal; paganus, pagan, peasant), to enhance the wealth and flexibility of English speech. Our Roman heritage works in our lives a thou\u00ad sand times a day.\n\\Vhen Christianity conquered Rome the ecclesiastical structure of the\nCAESAR AND CHRIST\npagan church, the title and vestments of the pontifex 11iaxirmts, the worship of the Great Mother and a multitude of comforting divinities, the sense of supersensible presences everywhere, the joy or solemnity of old festivals, and the pageantry of immemorial ceremony, passed like maternal blood into the new religion, and captive Rome captured her conqueror. The reins and skills of government were handed down by a dying empire to a virile papacy; the lost power of the broken swor was rewon by the magic of the consoling word; the armies of the state were replaced by the missionaries of the Church moving in all directions along the Roman roads; and the revolted provinces, accepting Christianity, again acknowledged the sov\u00ad ereignty of Rome. Through the long struggles of the Age of Faith the authority of the ancient capital persisted an1 grew, until in the Renaissance the classic culture seemed to rise from the grave, and the immortal city became once more the center and summit of the world's life and wealth and art. When, in 1936, Rome celebrated the 2689th anniversary of her founda\u00ad tion, she could look back upon the most impressive continuity of govern\u00ad ment and civilization in the history of mankind. May she rise again.\nTHANK YOU, PATIENT READER.\nBibliographical Guide\nto books mentioned in the Notes\n(Books marked with tm asterisk are recommended for further study.)\nABBOTT, F., The Common People of Ancient Rome, N. Y., 1911.\nAcroN, LoRD, The History of Freedom, London, 1907. ALCIPHRON, Letters, London, n.d.\nANDERSON, W., and SPIERS, R., The Architecture of Greece and Rome, Lon--\ndon, 1902.\nAPOCRYPHA AND PsEUDEPIGRAPHA OF THE OLD TEsTAlvIENT, Oxford, 1913. 2v.\nAPPIAN, Roman History, Loeb Classical Library. 4v. APULEIUS, The Golden Ass, tr. W. Adlington, N. Y., 1927. ArusTOTLE, Physics, Loeb Library. 2v.\nPolitics, Everyman Library.\nARNOLD, W., Roman System of Provincial Administration, Oxford, 1914. ARRIAN, Anabasis of Alexander, London, 1893.\nATHENAEus, The Deipnosophists, London, 1854, 3v. AUGUSTINE, ST., The City of God, London, 1934.\nSelect Letters, Loeb Library.\nAUGUSTUS, Res gestae, Loeb Library."]
[10.38175106048584, -7.972286701202393, "\"As it was Origen's general practice to allegorize Scripture,\" says Gibbon, \"it seems un\u00ad fortunate that, in this instance only, he should have adopted the literal sense.\" 61\n614\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. xxvm\n203 he succeeded Clement as head of the Catechetical School. Though he was only eighteen, his learning and eloquence drew many students, pagan as well as Christian, and his fame spread throughout the Christian world.\nSome ancients reckoned his \"books\" at 6000; many, of course, were brief brochures; even so Jerome asked, \"\\Vhich of us can read all that he has written?\" 62 In love with the Bible, which through boyhood memorizing had become part of his mind, Origen spent twenty years, and employed a corps of stenographers and copyists, collating in parallel columns the Hebrew text of the Old Testament, a Greek transliteration of that text, and Greek\ntranslations of it by the Septuagint, Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion.*\nBy comparing these diverse renderings, and using his knowledge of Hebrew, Origen offered to the Church a corrected Septuagint. Insatiate, he added commentaries, sometimes of great length, on every book in the Bible. In Peri archon, \"First Principles,\" he achieved the first orderly and philosophi\u00ad cal exposition of Christian doctrine. In a ''i\\liscellany\" (Stro111ate-is) he undertook to demonstrate all Christian dogmas from the writings of the pagan philosophers. To lighten his task he availed himself of that allegorical method by which pagan philosophers had made Homer accord with reason, and Philo had reconciled Judaism with Greek philosophy. The literal mean\u00ad ing of Scripture, argued Origen, overlay two deeper layers of meaning\u00ad the moral and the spiritual-to which only the esoteric and educated few could penetrate. He questioned the truth of Genesis as literally understood: \u2022 he explained away as symbols the unpleasant aspects of Yahveh's dealings with Israel; and he dismissed as legends such stories as that of Satan taking Jesus up to a high mountain and offering him the kingdoms of the world.63 Sometimes, he suggested, scriptural narratives were invented in order to convey some spiritual truth.64 \"What man of sense,\" he asked,\nwill suppose that the first and the second and the third day, and the evening and the morning, existed without a sun or moon or stars? Who is so foolish as to believe that God, like a husbandman, planted a garden in Eden, and placed in it a tree of life ... so that one who tasted of the fruit obtained life? 65\nAs Origen proceeds it becomes apparent that he is a Stoic, a Neo-Pytha\u00ad gorean, a Platonist, and a Gnostic, who is nonetheless resolved to be a Chris\u00ad tian. It would have been too much to ask of a man that he should abandon the faith for which he had edited a thousand volumes and flung away his manhood. Like Plotinus he had studied under Ammonius Saccas, and some- times it is hard to distinguish his philosophy from theirs. God, in Origen, is\nOf this Hexapla (s old) only fragments remain. Lost, too, is the Tetrapla, containing the four Greek translaoons.\nCHAP. XXVIII)   THE  GROWTH  OF THE  CHURCH\t615\nnot Yahveh, he is the First Principle of all things. Christ is not the human figure described in the New Testament, he is the Logos or Reason who organizes the world; as such he was created by God the Father, and is subordinate to him.66 In Origen, as in Plotinus, the soul passes through a succession of stages and embodiments before entering the body; and after death it will pass through a like succession before arriving at God. Even the purest souls will suffer for a while in Purgatory; but in the end all souls will be saved. After the \"final conflagration\" there will be another world with its long history, and then another, and another\tEach will improve\non the preceding, and the whole vast sequence will slowly work out the design of God.67\nWe cannot wonder that Demetrius, Bishop of Alexandria, looked with some doubt upon the brilliant philosopher who adorned his diocese and corresponded with emperors. He refused to ordain Origen to the priest\u00ad hood, on the ground that emasculation disqualified him. But while Origen was traveling in the Near East two Palestinian bishops ordained him. De\u00ad metrius protested that this infringed his rights; he convened a synod of his clergy; it annulled Origen's ordination, and banished him from Alexandria. Origen removed to Caesarea, and continued his work as a teacher. There he wrote his famous defense of Christianity Contra Ce/sum (248). With magnanimous spirit he admitted the force of Celsus' arguments; but he replied that for every difficulty and improbability in Christian doctrine there were worse incredibilities in paganism. He concluded not that both were absurd, but that the Christian faith offered a nobler way of life than could possibly come from a dying and idolatrous creed.\nIn 2 50 the Decian persecution reached Caesarea. Origen, now sixty-five, was arrested, stretched on the rack, loaded with chains and an iron collar, and kept in prison for many days. But death caught up with Decius first, and Origen was released. He lived only three years more; torture had fatally injured a body already weakened by unremitting asceticism. He died as poor as when he had begun to teach, and the most famous Christian of his time. As his heresies ceased to be the secret of a few scholars, the Church found it necessary to disown him; Pope Anastasius condemned his \"blas\u00ad phemous opinions\" in 400, and in 553 the Council of Constantinople pro\u00ad nounced him anathema. Nevertheless, nearly every later Christian savant for\ncenturies learned from him, and depended upon his work; and his defense\nof Christianity impressed pagan thinkers as no \"apology\" had done before him. With him Christianity ceased to be only a comforting faith; it became a full-fledged philosophy, buttressed with Scripture but proudly resting on reason.\n616\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVIII\nV. THE ORGANIZATION OF AUTHORITY\nThe Church might be excused for condemning Origen: his principle of allegorical interpretation not only made it possible to prove anything, but at one blow it did away with the narratives of Scripture and the earthly life of Christ; and it restored individual judgment precisely while proposing to defend the faith. Faced with the hostility of a powerful government, the Church felt the need of unity; it could not safely allow itself to be divided into a hundred feeble parts by every wind of intellect, by disloyal heretics, ecstatic prophets, or brilliant sons. Celsus himself had sarcastically observed that Christians were \"split up into ever so many factions, each individual desiring to have his own party.\" 68 About 187 Irenaeus listed twenty varieties of Christianity; about 384 Epiphanius counted eighty. At every point for\u00ad\neign ideas were creeping into Christian belief, and Christian believers were deserting to novel sects. The Church felt that its experimental youth was ending, its maturity was near; it must now define its terms and proclaim the conditions of its membership. Three difficult steps were necessary: the formation of a scriptural canon, the determination of doctrine, and the organization of authority.\nThe literature of Christianity in the second century abounded in gospels, epistles, apocalypses, and \"acts.\" Christians differed widely in accepting or rejecting these as authoritative expressions of the Christian creed. The Western churches accepted the Book of Revelation, the Eastern churches generally re\u00ad jected it; these accepted the Gospel according to the Hebrews and the Epistles of James, the Western churches discarded them. Clement of Alexandria quotes as sacred scripture a late first-century treatise, The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. Marcion's publication of a New Testament forced the hand of the Church. We do not know when the books of our present New Testament were determined as canonical-i.e., as authentic and inspired; we can only say that a Latin fragment discovered by Muratori in 1740, named after him, and generally assigned to ca. 180, assumes that the canon had by that time been fixed.\nEcclesiastical councils or synods met with increasing frequency in the sec\u00ad ond century. In the third they were limited to bishops; and by the close of that century they were recognized as the final arbiters of \"Catholic\"-i.e., universal\n-Christian belief. Orthodoxy survived heresy because it satisfied the need for a definite creed that could moderate dispute and quiet doubt, and because it was supPorted by the power of the Church.\nThe problem of organization lay in determining the center of that power. After the weakening of the mother church at Jerusalem, the individual con\u00ad gregations, unless established or protected by other communities, appear to have\nCHAP.XXVIII)   THE  GROWTH OF THE  CHURCH\t617"]
[-8.101521492004395, 0.44772574305534363, "Farther north Alexandria Troas was made a Roman colony by Augustus in memory of Rome's supposed Trojan origin-which gave Rome a convenient claim to all these parts. On a near-by hill (Hissarlik) old Troy was rebuilt as new Ilium, and became a goal for tourists to whom guides pointed out the exact spot of every exploit in the Iliad, and the cave where Paris had judged Hera, Aphrodite, and Athena. On the Propontis Cyzicus built ships and sent out a ubiquitous merchant fleet rivaled only by that of Rhodes. Here Hadrian built a Temple of Persephone ,vhich was one of the glories of Asia. Its columns, says Dio Cassius, were six feet in diameter and seventy-five feet high, yet each was a single block of stone.64 Rising from a hill, it towered so high that Aelius counted the harbor's lighthouse superfluous.\nFrom the Red to the Black Sea a hundred cities flourished under the RoIT.a::1 peace.\nTHE GREAT 1\\IITHRIDATES\nAlong the northern shores of Asia Minor sprawled Bithynia and Fontus, mountainous in the interior, but rich in timber and minerals. Here a mixture of Thracians, Greeks, and Iranians overlay an antique Hittite stock. A line of Greco-Thracian kings ruled Bithynia, built a capital at Nicomedia (ls-nikmid), and major cities at Prusa and Nicaea (Is-nik). About 302 B.c.\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\na Persian noble, piously called Mithridates, carved a kingdom for himself out of Cappadocia and Pontus, and founded a dynasty of virile Hellenizing monarchs, with capitals at Comana Pontica and Sinope. Their rule spread until it impinged upon Roman economic and political interests. The result\u00ad ing Mithridatic \\Vars are fitly named from the redoubtable king who united western Asia and European Greece in a revolt which, if it had succeeded, would have changed the face of history.\nMithridates VI had inherited the throne of Pontus as a boy of eleven. His mother and his guardians, seeking to supplant him, tried to kill him. He fled from the palace, disguised himself, and for seven years lived in the woods as a hunter, dressed in skins. About 1 1 5 B.C. a coup d'etat deposed his mother and restored him to power. Surrounded by the conspiracies characteristic of Oriental courts, he took the precaution of drinking a little poison every day, until he had developed immunity to most of the varieties available to his intimates. In the course of his experiments he discovered many antidotes. From these his interest spread to medicine, on which he compiled data of such value that Pompey had them translated into Latin. His wild and exact\u00ad ing life had given him strength of body as well as of will; he grew to so large a frame that he sent his suit of armor to Delphi to amuse the worshipers. He was an expert horseman and warrior, could (we are assured) run fast enough to overtake a deer, drove a SL\\'.teen-horse chariot, and rode 120 miles in a day.65 He prided himself on being able to outeat and outdrink any man, and he attended to a numerous harem. Roman historians tell us that he was cruel and treacherous and slew his mother, his brother, three sons, and three daughters; 66 but Rome has not transmitted his side of this tale. He was a man of some culture, could speak twenty-two languages, and never used an interpreter; 67 he studied Greek literature, was fond of Greek music, en\u00ad riched Greek temples, and had Greek scholars, poets, and philosophers at his court; he collected works of art and issued coins of surpassing excellence. But he shared in the sensuality and coarseness of his half-barbarian environ\u00ad ment and accepted the superstitions of his time. He def ended himself against Rome not with the far-seeing maneuvers of a great general or statesman, but with the impromptu courage of an animal at bay.\nSuch a man could not be content with the reduced kingdom relinquished\nby his mother. \\Vith the help of Greek officers and mercenaries he con\u00ad quered Armenia and the Caucasus, passed over the Kuban River and the Strait of Kerch into the Crimea, and brought under his sway all the Greek cities on the east, north, and west coast of the Black Sea. As the collapse of Greek military power had left these communities almost defenseless against the barbarians of their hinterland, they received the Greek phalanxes of\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nMithridates as saviors. The subject cities included Sinope (Sinob), Trapezus (Trebizond), Panticapaeum (Kerch), and Byzantium; but Bithynian con\u00ad trol of the Hellespont (Dardanelles) left the Mediterranean commerce of Pontus at the mercy of hostile kings. When Nicomedes II of Bithynia died (94 n.c.), his two sons contested the succession. One of them sought the aid of Rome, the other, Socrates, appealed to the Pantie king. Mithridates took advantage of the factional strife in Italy to invade Bithynia and en\u00ad throne Socrates. Rome, unwilling to see the Bosporus in hostile hands, ordered Mithridates and Socrates out of Bithynia. Mithridates complied, Socrates refused. The Roman governor of Asia deposed him and crowned Nicomedes III. The new ruler, encouraged by the Roman proconsul Manius Aquilius, invaded Pontus, and the First Mithridatic \\!Var began (88-84 n.c.). Mithridates felt that his sole chance of survival lay in arousing the Hellenic East to revolt against its Italian overlords. He announced himself as the liberator of Bellas and sent troops to free the Greek cities of Asia, if necessary by force. Opposed by the business classes of the towns, he courted the democratic parties with promises of semisocialistic reforms. Meanwhile his navy of 400 ships destroyed the Roman Black Sea fleet, and his army of 290,000 men overwhelmed the forces of Nicomedes and Aquilius. To ex\u00ad press his scorn of Roman avarice,68 the victorious king poured molten gold down the throat of the captured Aquilius-fresh from his triumph over the revolted slaves of Sicily. The Greek cities of Asia Minor, shorn of Roman defense, opened their gates to the armies of Mithridates and declared their allegiance to his cause. At his suggestion, on an appointed day, they slew all Italians-80,000 men, women, and children-whom they found within\ntheir walls (88 n.c.). Says Appian:\nThe Ephesians tore away the fugitives who had taken refucre in the Temple of Artemis and were clasping the images of the goddess, and slew them. The Pergamenes shot ,vith arrows the Romans who had sought sanctuary in the Temple of Aesculapius. The people of Adramyttium followed into the sea those who sought to escape by swimming, and killed them and drowned their children. The in\u00ad habitants of Caunus (in Caria) pursued the Italians who had taken\nrefuge about the statue of Vesta, killed the children before their mothers' eyes, then the mothers, then the men.   By which it was\nmade plain that it was as much hatred of the Romans as fear of Mith\u00ad ridates that impelled these atrocities.\u00ae\nDoubtless the poorer classes, who had home the brunt of Roman domina\u00ad tion, took the lead in this mad massacre; the propertied classes, long pro\u00ad tected by Rome, must have trembled at so wild an uprising of revenge.\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\t519\nMithridates sought to appease the well to do by exempting the Greek cities from taxes for five years and giving them complete home rule. At the same time, however, he \"proclaimed the canceling of debts,\" says Appian,70 \"freed the slaves, confiscated many estates, and redistributed the land.\" Leading men in the communities formed a conspiracy against him; he discovered it and had 1600 of them killed. The lower classes, aided by philosophers and university professors,71 seized power in many Greek cities, even in Athens and Sparta, and declared war against both Rome and wealth. The Greeks of Delos, in an ecstasy of freedom, slaughtered 20,000 Italians in one day. The fleet of Mithridates captured the Cyclades, and his armies took posses\u00ad sion of Euboea, Thessaly, Macedonia, and Thrace. The defection of rich \"Asia\" stopped the flow of tribute to the Roman treasury and of interest to Roman investors, and plunged Italy into a financial crisis that had something to do with the revolutionary movement of Satuminus and Cinna. Italy itself was divided, for the Samnites and Lucanians sent offers of alliance to the Pontic king.\nFaced with war and revolution everywhere, the Senate sold the accumu\u00ad lated gold and silver of Rome's temples to finance S lla's troops. We must not tell again how Sulla captured Athens, defeated the rebel armies, saved the Empire for Rome, and gave Mithridates a lenient peace. The King withdrew to his Pontic capital and quietly organized another army and fleet. Morena, the Roman legate in Asia, decided to attack him before he grew stronger. \\Vhen, in this Second Mithridatic War (83-81), Morena was defeated, Sulla reprimanded him for violating the treaty and ordered hostilities ended. Six years later Nicomedes III bequeathed Bithynia to Rome. Mithridates realized that his own kingdom would soon be swallowed up if the Roman power, already controlling the Bosporus, should reach the borders of Paphlagonia and Fontus. In the Third Mithridatic \\Var (75-63) he made a last effort, fought for twelve years against Lucullus and Pompey, was betrayed by his allies and aides, and fled to the Crimea. There the old warrior, now in his si--<ty-ninth year, tried to organize an army to cross the Balkans and invade Italy from the north. His son Phamaces revolted against his authority, his army refused the venture, and the deserted king tried to kill himself. The poison that he took failed to work because he had inured his system to it, and his hands were too weak to press home the blade from whose point he invited death. His friends and proteges, commissioned by his son to kill him, ended his life with their swords and spears.\n520\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nPROSE\nIt speaks well for Roman rule that the cities of Asia Minor recovered so rapidly from the intermittent fever of these wars. Nicomedia became the capital of the province of Bithynia-Pontus and later the imperial seat of Diocletian; Nicaea would be immortalized by the most important council in the history of the Christian Church. The two cities so rivaled one another in building that Trajan had to send the younger Pliny to draw them back from bankruptcy. Nicomedia made her offering to literature in Flavius Arrianus, whom we have seen recording the discourses of Epictetus. Governor of Cappadocia for six years, archon of Athens for one, Arrian yet found time to write many histories, of which only the Anabasis of Alex\u00ad ander remains, with an appendix of Indica. It was written in clear and simple Greek, for Arrian took Xenophon as his exemplar in style as well as life. \"This work,\" he says, with the bold vanity of the ancients, \"is, and has been from my youth up, equivalent to native land, and family, and public office for me; and therefore I do not deem myself unworthy to rank among the greatest authors in the Greek language.\" 72\nOther cities along the Black Sea had goodly buildings and famous scholars. Myrlea had 320,000 inhabitants; 73 Amastris (Amasra) impressed Pliny as \"a neat and lovely city,\" known for its .fine box trees; Sinope flourished as a fishing center and an outlet for the timber and minerals of its countryside; Amisus (Samsun) and Trapezus made a living by trading across the waters with Scythia (southern Russia); and Amasea (Amasia) gave birth and a home to antiquity's most celebrated geographer.\nStrabo came of a rich family, related, he assures us, to the Pantie kinQ\"S.\n.\t\u2022\t.\tt,"]
[-5.841186046600342, -6.082489967346191, "AEGY\nROMAN  EMPIRE\nCHAP. LXII)\tCIYILIZI G  THE WEST\nCarth ge. After the battle of Actium Augustus took up the frustrated project of Carns Gracchus and Caesar and sent to Carthage as colonists some of the soldiers whose fidelity and victories he wished to reward with land. The geographical advantages of the site, the perfect harbor, the fertile Bagradas delta, the excellent roads opened or reopened by Roman engineers, soon enable Cart a e to recapture from Utica. the export and import trade of the reg10n; w1thm a century of its refounding it had become the largest city in the western pro,\u00b7inces. Rich merchants and landowners built mansions on the historic Byrsa, or villas in the f!o\\'.rering suburbs, while peasants driven from the soil by the competition of latifundia joined prolctaires and slaves in slums whose fetid pm\u00b7erty would welcome the egalitarian gospel of Christianity. Houses rose to six or seven stories, public buildings gleamed with marble, and statuary of good Greek style abounded in the streets and squares. Temples were built again to the old Carthagini:m gods, and Mclkarr enjoyed till our second century the sacrifice of living children. The people rivaled the Romans in their p:ission for luxuries, cosmetics, jewelry, dyed hair, chariot races, and gladi:1corial games...\\mong the sights of the city were the great public baths presented by 1\\larcus Aurelius. There were lecture halls, schools of rhetoric, philosophy, medicine, and bw; Carthage rnnked only after Athens and Alexandria as a uni,\u00b7ersity town. Here Apuleius and Tenullian came to study everything, and Saint Augustine marveled at the pranks and immorality of the students, whose favorite philanthropy was to break into a lecture room and dismiss both the professor and his class.10\nCarthage was the capital of the proYince called \"Africa,\" now eastern Tunisia. South of it commerce bedecked the eastern coast with cities whose ancient wealth was re,\u00b7iving after rweh\u00b7e centuries when war struck them in our time: Hadrometum (Sousse), Leptis i\\linor, Thapsus, and Tacapac (Gabcs). Farther east on the Mediterranean Jay a district named T ripolis from its federation of three cities: Oea (Tripoli), f unded by the Phoenicians in 900 R.c., Sabrata, and Leptis l\\Iaana (Lebda). In this last city\u00b7 the Emperor Septimius Severus was born (A.D. 146)he rewarded it with a basilica and municipal bath whose ruins astonish\n\tthe traveler or warrior today. Pa\\\u00b7ed roads busv with camel caravans connected these ports ,\\\u00b7ith the towns f the interior: Suf tula, _now a ti y village ,vith t e remains of a great Roman temple; Thysdrus (EI D1em), \\\\\u00b7h1ch had an amphi\u00ad theater seating 6o,ooo; and Thugga (Dougga), whose uin theater attests, by its graceful Corinthian columns, the \":ealth and taste of 1:5 cmzens. .\t.\nNorth of Carthaae \\\\'as her ancient mother and 1mpi.lcable nYal, Utica\n(Utique). We catchi:,a hint of its Roman opulence ,vhen we kam that in 46 B.c.\n300 Roman bankers and wholesalers had br:mc'.1 offices there.11 Its territory reached northward to Hi_ppo Diar \u00b7hyrus, now B1zerte; thence a oa? led_ along the coast wesnrnrd to Hippo Rcgms (Bone), soon to be Augustine s episcopal\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXII\nsee. South and inland lay Cirta (Constantine), capital of the province of Nu\u00ad midia. Westward lay Thamugadi (Timgad), almost as well preserved as Pompei with paved and colonnaded streets, covered drains, an elegant arch, a forum, senate house, basilica, temples, baths, theater, library, and many private homes. On the pavement of the forum is a checkerboard engraved with the words, Venari, lavari, ludere, ridere, hoc est vivere-\"to hunt, bathe, play, and laugh, this is to live.\" 12 Thamugadi was founded about A.O. 11 7 by the Third Legion, sole guard of the African provinces. About 1:? 3 the legion took up more perma\u00ad nent headquarters a few miles to the west, and raised the city of Lambaesis (Lam\u00ad bese). The soldiers married and settled there, and lived in their homes more th:!n in the camp; but even their praetorium was a stately and ornate edifice, whose baths were as fine as any in Africa. Outside the camp they helped to build a capitol, temples, triumphal 2rches, and an amphitheater where struggle and death might mitigate the monotony of their peaceful lives.\nThat a single legion could protect all north Africa from the marauding tribes of the interior was made possible by a network of roads, military in purpose but commercial in result, binding Carthage with the Atlantic, and the Sahara with the Mediterranean. The main road went westward through Cirta to Caesarea, capital of Mauretania (Morocco). Here King Juba II taught civilization to the\n.Mauri or Moors from whom the province took its ancient and modern names. Son of the Juba who had died at Thapsus, he had been taken as a child to grace Caesar's triumph in Rome; he was spared, remained as a student, and became one of the most learned scholars of his time. Augustus made him client king of Maure\u00ad tania and bade him spread among his people the classic culture he had so zealously acquired. He succeeded, being favored with a long reign of forty-eight years; his subjects marveled that a man could write books and yet rule so well. His son and heir was brought to Rome and starved to death by Caligula. Claudius an\u00ad nexed the kingdom and divided it into two provinces: Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauretania Tingitana, named from its capital Tingis-our Tangier.\nIn hese African cities there were many schools, open to the poor as well as to the rich. We hear of courses in stenography,13 and Juvenal calls Africa nutricula causidiconmz-the nurse of oarristers.u It produced in this period\none minor and one major author-Fronto and Apuleius; only in its Christian heyday would African literature lead the world. Lucius Apuleius was a strange and picturesque character, far more than 1\\-fontaigne \"undulant and diverse.\" Born at Madaura of high family (A.O. 124), he studied there, at Carthage, and in Athens, spent a large inheritance recklessly, wandered from city to city and from faith to faith, had himself initiated into various relicrious mysteries, played with magic, wrote many works on subjects ranging from theolo .to tooth powder, l ctured at Ro_me and elsewhere on philosophy and religion, returned to Afnca, and marned at Tripoli a lady considerably richer than himself in both purse and years. Her friends and heirs-apparent\nCHAP.XXII)\tCIVILIZING  THE WEST\nsued to annul the marriage, charging that he had persuaded the widow by magic arts; he defended himself before the court in an Apologia that has come down to us in refurbished form. He won his case and bride, but the people persisted in believing him a magician, and their pagan posterity sought to belittle Christ by recounting the miracles of Apuleius. He spent the re\u00ad mainder of his days at Madaura and Carthage, practicing law and medicine,\nletters and rhetoric. Most pf his writings were on scientific and philosophical subjects; his native city raised a monument to him labeled Philosophus Platonicus; and he would be chagrined, if he could return, to find himself remembered only for his Golden Ass.\nIt is a work akin to the Satyricon of Petronius and even more bizarre. Originally entitled Metamorphoseon Libri XI-Eleven Books of Trans\u00ad formations-it expanded fantastically a story that Lucius of Patras had told of a man changed into an ass. It is a loose concatenation of adventures, descriptions, and extraneous episodes, seasoned with magic, horror, ribaldry, and deferred piety. The Lucius of the tale tells how he wandered into Thessaly, amused himself with various maidens, and sensed everywhere around him an atmosphere of sorcery.\nAs soon as night was past and a new day began to spring, I for\u00ad tuned to a\\vake, and rose out of mv bed as half amazed, and indeed desirous to know and see some st;ange and marvelous things. . . . Neither was there anything which I saw that I did believe to be the same which it was indeed, but everything seemed to me transformed into other shapes by the wicked power of enchantment, in so much that I thought the stones against which I might stumble were indurate and turned from men into that figure, and that the birds which I heard chirping, and the trees and the running waters were changed into such feathers and leaves and fountains. And further I thought that the statues and images would by and by move, and that the walls would talk, and the kine and other brute beasts would speak and. tell strange news, and that immediately I should hear some oracle from heaven and from the ray of the sun.15\nReady now for any adventure, Lucius rubs himself with a magic ointment, meanwhile mightily wishing to be changed into a bird; but as he rubs he becomes a perfect ass. Thenceforth the story records the tribulations of an ass with \"the sense and understanding of a man.\" His single consolation lies in his \"long ears, whereby I might hear all things that were even afar off.\" He will be restored to human shape, he is told, if he can find and eat a rose. He achieves this consummation after a long Asineid of vicissitudes. Dis\u00ad enamored of life, he turns first to philosophy, then to religion, and composes a prayer of thanksgiving to Isis astonishingly like a Christian apostrophe to\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXII\nthe Mother of God.16 He shaves his head, is received into the third order of Isiac initiates, and paves a road back to earth by revealing a dream in which Osiris, \"greatest of the gods,\" bids him go home and practice law.\nFew books embrace so much nonsense, but fewer still have phrased it so pleasantly. Apuleius tries every manner of style and manages each success\u00ad fully; he loves most a rich and fanciful verbiage ornate with alliteration and assonance, picturesque slang and archaic speech, sentimental diminutives, rhythmic and sometimes poetic prose. An Oriental warmth of coloring ac\u00ad companies here an Oriental mysticism and sensuality. Perhaps Apuleius wished to suggest, from the background of his experience, that sensual indulgence is an intoxicating ferment which changes us into beasts, and that we can become human again only through the rose of wisdom and piety. He is at his best in the incidental stories caught by his powerful and perambulat\u00ad ing ears; so an old woman comfons a kidnaped maiden by recounting the romance of Cupid and Psyche-17 how the son of Venus fell in love with a pretty maid, gave her every joy but that of seeing him, aroused his mother to cruel jealousy, and came to a happy ending in the skies. No artist's brush, in many an effort, has bettered the hoar shrew's tongue in telling the ancient tale.\nSPAIN"]
[12.92972183227539, -12.112300872802734, "\"The eyes of everyone in the synagogue,\" Luke adds, \"were fixed upon him. And he began by saying to them, 'This passage of Scripture has been ful\u00ad filled here in your hearing today.' And they all spoke well of him, and were astonished at the winning words that fell from his lips.\"48 When the news came that John had been beheaded, and his followers sought a new leader, Jesus assumed the burden and the risk, at first retiring cautiously to quiet villages, always refraining from political controversy, then more and more boldly proclaiming the gospel of repentance, belief, and salvation. Some of his hearers thought he was John risen from the dead.49\nIt is difficult to see him objectively, not only because the evidence is derived from those who worshiped him, but even more because our own moral heritage and ideals are so closely bound up with him and formed on his example that we feel injured in finding any flaw in his character. His religious sensitivity was so keen that he condemned severely those who would not share his vision; he could forgive any fault but unbelief. There are in the Gospels some bitter passages quite out of key with what else we are told about Christ. He seems to have taken over without scrutiny the harshest contemporary notions of an everlasting hell where unbelievers and unrepentant sinners would suffer from inextinguishable fire and insatiable worms.50 He tells without protest how the poor man in heaven was not per\u00ad mitted to let a single drop of water fall upon the tongue of the rich man in hell.51 He counsels nobly, \"Judge not, that ye be not judged,\" but he cursed the men and cities that would not receive his gospel, and the fig tree that bore no fruit.52 He may have been a bit harsh to his mother.53 He had the puritan zeal of the Hebrew prophet rather than the broad calm of the Greek sage. His convictions consumed him; righteous indignation now and then blurred his profound humanity; his faults were the price he paid for that passionate faith which enabled him to move the world.\nFor the rest he was the most lovable of men. We have no portrait of him, nor do the evangelist describe him; but he must have had some physical comeliness, as well as spiritual magnetism, to attract so many women as well as men. We gather from stray words 54 that, like other men of that age and land, he wore a tunic under a cloak, had sandals on his feet, and probably a cloth headdress falling over his shoulders to shield him from the sun.55 Many women sensed in him a sympathetic tenderness that aroused in them an un\u00ad stinted devotion. The fact that only John tells the story of the woman taken\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\nin adultery is no argument against its truth; it does not help John's theology, and is completely in character with Christ.* Of like beauty, and hardly within the inventive powers of the evangelists, is the account of the prostitute who, moved by his ready acceptance of repentant sinners, knelt before him, anointed his feet with precious myrrh, let her tears fall upon them, and dried them with her hair; of her Jesus said that her sins ,vere forgiven \"because she loved much.\" 57 We are told that mothers brought their children to be touched by him, and \"he took the children in his arms, laid his hands upon them, and blessed them.\" 58\nUnlike the prophets, the Essenes, and the Baptist, he was no ascetic. He is represented as providing abundant wine for a marriage feast, as living with \"publicans and sinners,\" and receiving a .Magdalene into his company. He was not hostile to the simple joys of life, though he was unbiologically harsh on the desire of a man for a maid. Occasionally he partook of banquets in the homes of rich men. Generally, however, he moved among the poor, even among the almost untouchable Amhaarez so scorned and shunned by Sad\u00ad ducees and Pharisees alike. Realizing that the rich would never accept him, he built his hopes upon an overturn that would make the poor and humble supreme in the coming Kingdom. He resembled Caesar only in taking his stand with the lower classes, and in the quality of mercy; otherwise what a world of outlook, character, and interests separated them! Caesar hoped to reform men by changing institutions and laws; Christ wished to remake institutions, and lessen laws, by changing men. Caesar too was capable of anger, but his emotions were always under the control of his clear-eyed intellect. Jesus was not without intellect; he answered the tricky questions of the Pharisees with almost a la,vyer's skill, and yet with wisdom; no one could confuse him, even in the face of death. But his powers of mind were not intellectual, did not depend upon knowledge; they were derived from keenness of perception, intensity of feeling, and singleness of purpose. He did not claim omniscience; he could be surprised by events; only his earnest\u00ad ness and enthusiasm led him to overestimate his capacities, as in Nazareth and Jerusalem. That his powers were nevertheless exceptional seems proved by his miracles.\nProbably these were in most cases the result of suggestion-the influence of a strong and confident spirit upon impressionable souls. His presence was itself a tonic; at his optimistic touch the weak grew strong and the sick were made well. The fact that like stories have been told of other characters in legend and history 511 does not prove that the miracles of Christ were myths.\nJohn, vrr, 52 f. The episode is found also in some old manuscripts of Mark and Luke; it was expunged from later texts, perhaps through fear of encouraging immorality.56\nCHAP.XXVI)\tJESUS\t563\nWith a few exceptions they are not beyond belief; similar phenomena may be observed almost any day at Lourdes, and doubtless occurred in Jesus' time at Epidaurus and other centers of psychic healing in the ancient world; the apostles too would work such cures. The psychological nature of the miracles is indicated by two features: Christ himself attributed his cures to the \"faith\" of those whom he healed; and he could not perform miracles in Nazareth, apparently because the people there looked upon him as \"the carpenter's son,\" and refused to believe in his unusual powers; hence his remark that \"a prophet is not without honor, save in his own country, and in his own house.\" 60 We are told of Mary Magdalene that \"seven demons had been driven out of her\"; i.e., she suffered from nervous diseases and seizures (the word recalls the theory of \"possession\"); these seemed to abate in the presence of Jesus; therefore she loved him as one who had restored her to life, and whose nearness was indispensable to her sanity. In the case of Jairus' daughter Christ said frankly that the girl was not dead but asleep\n-perhaps in a cataleptic state; in calling upon her to awake he used not his wonted gentleness but the sharp command, \"Little gir get up!\" 61 This is not to say that Jesus considered his miracles to be purely natural phe\u00ad nomena; he felt that he could work them only through the help of a divine spirit within him. We do not know that he was wrong, nor can we yet set limits to the powers that lie potential in the thought and will of man. Jesus himself seems to have experienced a psychical exhaustion after his miracles. He was reluctant to attempt them, forbade his followers to advertise them, reproved men for requiring a \"sign,\" and regretted that even his apostles accepted him chiefly because of the \"wonders\" he performed.\nThese men were hardly of the type that one would have chosen to re\u00ad mold the world. The Gospels reafotically differentiate their characters, and honestly expose their faults. They were frankly ambitious; to quiet them Jesus promised that at the Last Judgment they would sit upon twelve thrones and judge the twelve tribes of Israel.62 When the Baptist was imprisoned one of his followers, Andrew, attached himself to Jesus, and brought with him his brother Simon, whom Christ called Cephas-\"the rock\"; the Greeks translated the name into Petros. Peter is a thoroughly human figure, im\u00ad pulsive, earnest, generous, jealous, at times timid to the point of a forgivable cowardice. He and Andrew were fishermen on the Lake of Galilee; so were the two sons of Zebedee-James and John; these four forsook their work and their families to become an inner circle about Christ. Matthew was the collector of customs at the frontier town of Capernaum; he was a \"pub\u00ad lican\"-i.e., a man engaged in public or state business, therefore in this case serving Rome, and hated by every Jew who longed for freedom. Judas of Kerioth was the only one of the apostles who did not come from Galilee.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\nThe Twelve pooled their material possessions, and entrusted Judas with their common funds. As they followed Christ in his missionary wandering they lived on the country, taking their food now and then from the fields they passed, and accepting the hospitality of converts and friends. In addi\u00ad tion to the Twelve Jesus appointed seventy-two ot!iers as disciples, and sent two of them to each town that he intended to visit. He bade them \"carry no purse, nor wallet, nor shoes.\" 63 Kindly and pious women joined the apostles and disciples, contributed to their support, and performed for them those solicitous domestic functions which are the supreme consola\u00ad tion of male life. Through that little band, lowly and letterless, Christ sent his gospel into the world.\nTHE  GOSPEL\nHe taught with the simplicity required by his audiences, with interesting stories that insinuated his lessons into the understanding, with pungent aphor\u00ad isms rather than with reasoned argument, and with similes and metaphors as brilliant as any in literature. The parable form that he used was cus\u2022 tomary in the East, and some of his fetching analogies had come down to him, perhaps unconsciously, from the prophets, the psalmists, and the rabbis; 64 nevertheless, the directness of his speech, the vivid colors of his imagery, the warm sincerity of his nature lifted his utterances to the most inspired poetry. Some of his sayings are obscure, some seem at first sight unjust,65 some are sharp with sarcasm and bitterness; nearly all of them are models of brevity, clarity, and force.\nHis starting point was the Gospel of John the\u00b7Baptist, which itself went back to Daniel and Enoch; historia non facit saltum. The Kinadom of Heaven was at hand, he said; soon God would put an end to the reign of wickedness on earth; the Son of Man would come \"on the clouds of the sky\" to judge all humanity, living and dead.66 The time for repentance was running out; those who repented, lived justly, loved God, and put their faith in his messenger would inherit the Kingdom, would be raised to power and glory in a world at last freed from all evil, suffering, and death.\nAs these ideas were familiar to his hearers, Christ did not define them clearly, and many difficulties obscure his conception now. What did he mean by the Kingdom? A supernatural heaven? Apparently not, for the apostles nd the early _Christi s unanimo ly. expe_cted an earthly king\u00ad dom. This was the Jewish tradmon that Chnst mhented; and he taught his followers to pray to the Father, \"Thy Kingdom come, thy will be done on\nCHAP. XXVI)\tJESUS\t565\nearth as it is in heaven.\" Only after that hope had faded did the Gospel of John make Jesus say, \"My kingdom is not of this world.\" 67 Did he mean a spiritual condition, or a material utopia? At times he spoke of the King\u00ad dom as a state of soul reached by the pure and sinless 68-\"the Kingdom of God is within you\"; 69 at other times he pictured it as a happy future so\u00ad ciety in which the apostles would be rulers, and those who had given or suffered for Christ's sake would receive a hundredfold reward.70 He seems to have thought of moral perfection as only metaphorically the Kingdom, as the preparation and price for the Kingdom, and as the condition of all saved souls in the Kingdom when realized.71\nWhen would the Kingdom come? Soon. \"I will drink no more of the fruit of the vine until I drink it new in the Kingdom of God.\" 72 \"Ye shall not have gone over the cities of Israel,\" he told his followers, \"till the Son of Man is come.\" 73 Later he deferred it a bit: \"There be some standing here that shall not taste of death till they see the Son of Man coming in the Kin3dom\"; 74 and \"this generation shall not pass till all these things be\ndone.\" 75 In more politic moments he warned his apostles: \"Of that day\nand hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels in heaven, neither the Son, but the Father.\" 76 Certain signs would precede the coming: \"wars and rumors of war ...  nation will rise against nation ...  there will be famines and earthquakes ...  many shall be offended, and ...  shall hate one another. Many false prophets will appear, many will be misled by them; and because of the increase of wickedness most men's love will grow cold.\" 77 Sometimes Jesus made the advent of the Kingdom depend and wait upon the conversion of man to God and justice; usually he made its coming an act of God, a sudden and miraculous gift of divine grace.\nMany have interpreted the Kingdom as a communist utopia, and have seen in Christ a social revolutionist.78 The Gospels provide some evidence for this view. Christ cbviously scorned the man whose chief purpose in life is to amass money and luxuries.79 He promised hunger and woe to the rich and filled, and comforted the poor with Beatitudes that pledged them the Kingdom. To the rich youth who asked what he should do besides keeping the commandments, Christ answered: \"Sell your property, give your money to the poor, and ...  follow me.\" 80 Apparently the apostles interpreted the Kingdom as a revolutionary inversion of the existing relationships be\u00ad tween the rich and the poor; we shall find them and the early Christians forming a communistic band which \"had all things in common.\" 81 The charge on which Jesus was condemned was that he had plotted to make himself \"King of the Jews.\"\nBut a conservative can also quote the New Testament to his purpose."]
[-7.1124091148376465, -14.10009765625, "HAMILCAR\nOf Hamilcars, Hasdrubals, and Hannibals Carthage had an abundance, for these names were given in almost every generation in their oldest families. They were pious names, formed from those of the gods: Hamilcar was \"He whom .Melkart protects\"; Hasdrubal was \"He whose help is Baal\"; Hannibal was the very \"Grace of Baal.\" Our present Hamilcar was surnamed Barca\n-\"lightning\"; it was his nature to strike swiftly, suddenly, anywhere. He was still a youth when (247) Carthage gave him supreme command of its forces. Taking a small fleet, he harassed the coast of Italy with surprise landings, destroying Roman outposts and taking many prisoners. Then, in the face of a Roman army holdiJJg Panormus (Palermo), he disembarked his troops and captured a height overlooking the wwn. His contingent was too small to risk a major engagement; but every time he led it forth it re\u00ad turned with spoils. He begged the Carthaginian Senate for reinforcements and supplies; it refused, hugged its hoards, and bade him feed and clothe his soldiers on the country that surrounded him.\nMeanwhile the Roman fleet had won another victory, but had suffered a serious defeat at Drepana (249). \\Vom out almost equally, the two nations rested for nine years. But while in those years Carthage did nothing, relying upon the genius of Hamilcar, a number of Roman citizens voluntarily pre\u00ad sented to the state a fleet of 200 men-of-war, carrying 60,000 troops. This new armada, sailing secretly, caught the Carthaginian fleet unprepared at the Aegadian Isles off the west coast of Sicily, and so overwhelmed it that Carthage sued for peace (241). Carthaginian Sicily was surrendered to Rome, an annual indemnity of 440 talents was pledged to Rome for ten years, and all Carthaginian restrictions on Roman trade were withdrawn.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. III\nThe war had lasted nearly twenty-four years and had brought Rome so near to bankruptcy that its currency was debased eighty-three per cent. But it had proved the irresistible tenacity of the Roman character and the superiority of an army composed of free men over mercenaries seeking the greatest booty for the least blood.\nCarthage was now to be all but destroyed by its own greed. It had with\u00ad held for some time the pay of its mercenaries, even of those who had served Hamilcar well. They poured into the city and demanded their money; and when the government temporized and tried to disperse them, they broke into mad revolt. Carthage's subject peoples, taxed beyond endurance during the war, joined the uprising, and the women of Libya sold their jewels to finance revolution. Twenty thousand mercenaries and rebels, led by Matha, a Libyan freeman, and Spendius, a Campanian slave, laid siege to Canhage at a time when hardly a soldier was there to defend it. The rich merchants trembled for their lives and appealed to Hamilcar to save them. Torn be\u00ad tween affection for his mercenaries and his city, Hamilcar organized an army of 10,000 Canhaginians, trained them, led them forth, and raised the siege. The defeated mercenaries, retreating into the mountains, cut off-the hands and feet of Gesco, a Carthaginian general, and 700 other prisoners, broke their legs, and then threw the still living victims into an indiscriminate grave.17 Hamilcar maneuvered 40,000 of the rebels into a defile and blocked all exits so well that they began to starve. They ate their remaining captives, then their slaves; at last they sent Spendius to beg for peace. Hamilcar cruci\u00ad fied Spendius and had hundreds of prisoners trampled to death under elephants' feet. The mercenaries tried to fight their way out, but were cut to pieces. Matho was captured and was made to run through the streets of Carthage while the citizens beat him with thongs and tortured him till he died.18 This \"\\Var of the Mercenaries\" lasted forty months (241-237), and \"was by far,\" said Polybius, \"the most bloody and impious war in history.\" 19 When the conflict was over, Carthage found that Rome had occupied Sardinia. Canhage protested, and Rome declared war. The desperate Carthaginians bought peace only by paying Rome an additional I 200 talents, and surrendering Sardinia and Corsica.\nWe may judge the fury of Hamilcar at this treatment of his country. He proposed to his government that it should provide him with troops and funds to re-establish the power of Carthage in Spain, as a steppingstone to an attack upon Italy. The landowning aristocracy opposed the plan, fearing fnrther war; the mercantile middle class, resenting the loss of their foreign markets and ports, supported it. As a compromise Hamilcar was given a modest contingent, with which he crossed to Spain (238). He recaptured the cities whose allegiance to Carthage had lapsed during the war, built up\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t47\nhis army with native recruits, .financed and equipped it with the products of Spain's mines, and died while leading a charge against a Spanish tribe (229).\nHe left behind him in the camp his son-in-law Hasdrubal, and his sons Hannibal, Hasdrubal, and Mago-his \"lion's-brood.\" The son-in-law was chosen commander, and for eight years governed wisely, winning the co\u00ad operation of the Spaniards and building near the silver mines a great city, known to Rome as Nova Carthago, or New Carthage-the Cartagena of today. When he was assassinated (22 I), the army elected as its leader Hamilcar's eldest son, Hannibal, then twenty-six years of age. Before leav\u00ad ing Carthage, his father had brought him, a boy of nine, to the altar of Baal-Haman and had bidden him swear that someday he would revenge his country against Rome. Hannibal swore, and did not forget.\nHA:N\"NIBAL\n\\Vhy had Rome permitted the reconquest of Spain? Because she was harassed with class strife, was expanding in the Adriatic, and was at war with the Gauls. In z3 z a tribune, Caius Flarninius, foreshadowed the Gracchi by carrying through the Assembly, against the violent opposition of the Senate, a measure distributing among the poorer citizens some lands recently \u2022 won from the Gauls. In 230  Rome took her first step toward the conquest of Greece by clearing the Adriatic of pirates and seizing a part of the Illyrian coast as a further protection for Italian trade. Safe now on south and east, she resolved to drive the Gauls over the Alps and make Italy a completely united state. To secure herself on the west she signed a treaty with Hasdrubal by which the Carthaginians in Spain agreed to stay south of the Ebro River; and at the same time she made an alliance with the semi\u00ad Greek towns of Saguntum and Ampurias_ in Spain. In the following year\n(225) a Gallic army of 50,000 foot and 20,000 horse s,vept down the peninsula. The inhabitants of the capital were so frightened that the Senate returned to the primitive custom of human sacrifice and buried two Gauls alive in the Farum as an appeasement of the gods.20 The legions met the invaders near Telamon, killed 40,000, took 10,000 prisoners, and marched on to subjugate all Cisalpine Gaul. In three years the task was completed; protective colonies were established at Placentia and Cremona, and from the Alps to Sicily Italy was one.\nIt was an untimely victory. Had the Gauls been left unmolested for a few years more they might have stopped Hannibal; but now all Gaul was aflame against Rome. Hannibal saw the opportunity he had longed for-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. III\nto cross Gaul with little opposition and to invade Italy with Gallic tribes as his allies.\nThe Punic leader was now twenty-eight years old, at his prime in body and mind. In addition to a Carthaginian gentleman's schooling in the lan\u00ad guages, literatures, and history of Phoenicia and Greece,21 he had received a soldier's training through nineteen years in camp. He had disciplined his body to hardship, his appetite to moderation, his tongue to silence, his thought to objectivity. He could run or ride with the swiftest, hunt or fight with the bravest; he was \"the first to enter the battle,\" says the hostile Livy, \"and the last to abandon the field.\" 22 The veterans loved him because in his commanding presence and piercing eyes they saw their old leader Hamil\u00ad car return to them in fresh youth; the recruits liked him because he wore no distinctive dress, never rested till he had provided for his army's needs, and shared with them all sufferings and gains. The Romans accused him of avarice, cruelty, and treachery, for he honored no scruples in seizing sup\u00ad plies for his troops, punished disloyalty severely, and laid many snares for his foes.Yet we find him often merciful, always chivalrous. \"Nothing occurs in the accounts of him,'' says the judicious Mommsen, \"which may not be justified under the circumstances, and according to the international law of the times.\" 23 The Romans could not readily forgive him for winning battles with his brains rather than with the lives of his men. The tricks he\n\u2022played upon them, the skill of his espionage, the subtlety of his strategy, the surprises of his tactics were beyond their appreciation until Carthage was destroyed.\nIn z 19 B.c. Roman agents organized in Saguntum a coup d'etat that set\nup a government patriotically hostile to Carthage. When the Saguntines molested tribes friendly to him, Hannibal ordered them to desist; when they refused he besieged the city. Rome protested to Carthage and threatened war; Carthage replied that since Saguntum was a hundred Iniles south of the Ebro, Rome had no right to interfere, and had, by signing an alliance with it, violated her treaty with Hasdrubal. Hannibal persisted in the siege, and Rome took up arms again, never dreaining that this Second Punic \\Var was to be the most terrible in her history.\nHannibal spent eight months in subduing the Saguntines; he did not dare advance toward Italy while leaving to the Romans so excellent a port for landing in his rear. In z 1 8 he crossed the Ebro, challenging fate as Caesar would at the Rubicon. He had an army of 50,000 infantry and 9.000 cavalry, none of them mercenaries, most of them Spaniards and Libyans. Three thou\u00ad sand Spaniards deserted when they learned that he planned to cross the Alps, and Hannibal released 7000 others \\vho protested against his enter\u00ad prise as impossible.24 It was hard enough to force a passage through the\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t49\nPyrenees; more unexpected was the fierce resistance of some Gallic tribes allied with Marseilles; a summer of fighting was required to reach the Rhone, and a major battle to cross it. He had hardly left its banks when a Roman army arrived at the mouth of the river.\nHannibal led his troops nonh toward Vienne and then struck eastward into the Alps. Celtic hordes had crossed those ranges before him, and he too might have done it without extraordinary hardship had it not been for the hostility of the Alpine tribes, and the difficulty of getting his elephants through narrow or precipitous passages. Early in September, after a climb of nine days, he reached the summit and found it covered with snow; there he let his men and animals rest for two days and then began the downward march through passes steeper than the ascent, over roads sometimes buried by landslides and often paved with ice. Many soldiers and beasts lost their footing and tumbled to their deaths. Hannibal spurred on his despairing forces by pointing out to them, in the distant south, the green fields and sparkling streams of Italy; that paradise, he promised them, would soon be theirs. After seventeen days in the Alps they reached the plain and rested. So many men and horses had been lost in the crossing that the army was now reduced to 26,000-less than half the force that had left New Canhage four months before. Had the Cisalpine Gauls resisted him as the Transalpine Gauls had done, Hannibal's progress might have ended there. But the Boii and other tribes welcomed him as a savior and joined him as allies, while the recently established Roman settlers fled southward across the Po."]
[2.382868766784668, -7.436311721801758, "discipline, and would have no nonsense about liberty. He obeyed as a train\u00ad ing for command. He took it for granted that the government had a right to inquire into his morals as well as his income, and to value him purely according to his services to the state. He distrusted individuality and genius. He had none of the charm, vivacity, and unstable fluency of the Attic Greek. He admired character and will as the Greek admired freedom and intellect; and organization was his fone. He lacked imagination, even to make a mythology of his own. He could with some effon love beauty, but he could seldom create it. He had no use for pure science, and was sus\u00ad picious of philosophy as a devilish dissolvent of ancient beliefs and ways. He could not, for the life of him, understand Plato, or Archimedes, or Christ. He could only rule the world.\nLETTERS\nThe Roman was formed not only by the family, the religion, and the moral code, but, in less degree, by the school, the language, and the litera\u00ad ture. Plutarch dates the first Roman school about 2 50 B.c.;38 but Livy, per\u00ad haps romancing, describes Virginia, the desired of the Decemvir, as \"going to a grammar school in the Forum\" as early as 450.39 The demand for written laws, and the publication of the Twelve Tables, suggest that by that date a majority of the citizens could read.\nThe teacher was usually a slave or freedman, employed by several fam\u00ad ilies to instruct their children, or setting up his own private school and taking any pupil that came. He taught reading, writing, grammar, arith\u00ad metic, history, and obedience; moral education was fundamental and un\u00ad ceasing; disciple and discipline were almost the same word. Memory and character alike were trained by memorizing the Twelve Tables of the law. Heine remarked that \"the Romans would not have had much time left for conquering the world if they had first had to learn Latin\";40 but they too had to conjugate irregular Latin verbs, and soon would be put to Greek. The boy familiarized himself, through poetry and prose, with the exploits of his country and its heroes, and received many a patriotic lesson conveyed through edifying episodes that had never occurred. No attention was given to athletics; the Romans thought it better to tnin and harden the body by useful work in the field or the camp rather than through contests in the palaestra or gymnasium.\nThe language, like the people, was practical and economical, martially\nsharp and brief; its sentences and clauses marched in disciplined subordina-\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t73\nti.on to a determined goal. A thousand similarities allied it, within the lndo\u00ad European family, with Sanskrit and Greek and the Celtic tongues of an\u00ad cient Gaul, \\Vales, and Ireland. Latin was poorer than Greek in imagery, flexibility, and ready formation of compounds; Lucretius and Cicero com\u00ad plained of its limited vocabulary, its lack of subtle shadings. Nevertheless, it had a sonorous splendor and masculine strength that made it ideal for oratory, and a compactness and logical sentence form that made it an apt vehicle for Roman law. The Latin alphabet came from Euboean Chalcis via Cumae and Etruria.41 In the oldest Latin inscription known to us,\nascribed to the sixth century B.c., all the letters are Greek in form. C was\nsounded like our K, J like Y, V like U or TV, the vowels as in Italian. Caesar's contemporaries knew him as Y oo!eoos Keyssar, and Cicero was\nKeekero.\nThe Romans wrote in ink with a slit metal reed (calanzus, stilus), at first upon leaves (folia), whence our words folio and leaf (two pages); then upon strips of inner bark (liber); often upon white (album) tablets of waxed wood; later upon leather, linen paper, and parchment. As the written forms of Latin resisted change more than the spoken words, the language of literature diverged more and more from the speech of the people, as in modern America or France. The melodious Romance languages-Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, French, and Ru\u00ad manian-evolved from the crude popular Latin brought to the provinces, not by poets and grammarians, but by soldiers, merchants, and adventurers. So the\n,vords for horse in the Romance languages-caballo, cavallo, cheval, cal-were taken from the spoken Latin caballus, not from the written equus. In popular Latin ille (he) was one syllable, like French and Italian il; and final -s and -m were, as in those languages, dropped or not pronounced. The best came from a corruption of the worst: corruptio pessinzi optima.\nWhat literature did the young Roman read in those first three centuries of the Republic? There were religious hymns and chants, such as the song of the Arval Brethren, and there were popular lays of Rome's historic or legendary past. There were official-usually priestly-records of elections, magistracies, events, portents, and holidays.* On the basis of these archives Q. Fabius Pictor compiled ( 202  B.C.) a respectable History of Rome-but in Greek; Latin was not yet thought fit for literary prose and was not used by historians until Cato. There were farragoes of prose called saturae-medleys of merry nonsense and erotic banter-out of which Lucilius would forge a new form for Horace and Juvenal. There were boisterously obscene burlesques or mimes, usually acted by players from Etruria; some of these performers, coming from the town of Istria, were named istriones, and gave the ,vord histrio (actor) to Latin, and its\nFasti consulcrres, libri 11zagistratuum, annales maximi, fasti calendcrres.\n74\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nderivatives to modem tongues. There were also, on holidays or market days, crude, half-impromptu farces that gave their stock characters to thousands of Italian comedies, ancient and modem: the rich and stupid father, the extrava\u00ad gant love-entangled youth, the maligned virgin, the clever intriguing servant, the glutton always maneuvering for a meal, the rollicking, tumbling clown. Al\u00ad ready the last flaunted the gaily colored patches, the long expansive trousers, the large-sleeved doublet, and the shorn head, still familiar to our youth. An exact likeness of Punchinello, or Punch, has been found on the frescoes of Pompeii.42\nLiterature came formally to Rome about 272 B.c. in the person of a Greek slave. In that year Tarentum fell; many of its Greek citizens were slaugh\u00ad tered, but Livius Andronicus had the luck to be merely enslaved. Brought to Rome, he taught Latin and Greek to his master's children and some others, and translated the Odyssey for them into Latin \"Saturnian\" verse-lines of loose and irregular rhythm, scanned by accent rather than quantity. Freed for his services, he was commissioned by the aediles to produce a tragedy and a comedy for the ludi, or games, of 240 B.c. He composed them on Greek models, directed them, acted the main parts, and sang them to the accompaniment of a flute till his voice gave out; then he had another sing the lines while he acted them-a method followed in many later plays at Rome, and influential in generating the pantomime. The government was so well pleased by this introduction of the literary drama that in honor of Andronicus it gave poets the right to incorporate, and allowed them to hold their meetings in the Temple of Minerva on the Aventine. Henceforth it became the fashion to present such Judi scenici, or scenic plays, at the public festivals.43\nFive years after this historic prerniere a plebeian ex-soldier from Cam\u00ad\npania, Cnaeus Naevius, shocked the conservatives by producing a comedy in which he satirized with Aristophanic freedom the political abuses that were flourishing in the capital. The old families complained, and Naevius was jailed. He apologized and was freed, wrote another satire as sharp a the first, and was banished from Rome. In exile and old age he composed, with undiscourageable patriotism, an epic poem on the First Punic \\Var, in which he had fought; it began with the founding of Rome by Trojan refugees, and provided Virgil with a theme and several scenes. His con\u00ad demnation was a double misfortune: the vitality and originality of Roman comedy suffered from a censorship that made libel a capital crime, and Roman politics lost the purge of a public critique. Naevius wrote also a poetic drama based on Roman history; this experiment too ended with him, and thereafter Roman tragedy circled vainly in the cropped pastures\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t75\nof Greek myth. Only a few fragments survive to_ reveal Naevius' quality. One describes a coquettish girl:\nAs if playing ball in a ring she skips from one to another, and is all things to all men with her words and winks, her caresses and em\u00ad braces; now a squeeze of the hand or a pressure of the foot; her ring to look at, her lips to blow an inviting kiss; here a song, there the lan\u00ad guage of signs.44\nIt is pleasant to see that women were then as charming as now, that not all Romans were Catos, and that under the shadow of the Porch even virtue might take a holiday.\nBeyond the essentials of arithmetic, and enough geometry to plot a fann or plan a temple, science played as yet no part in the education or culture of the Roman citizen. The boy counted on his fingers (digita), and the figures he used were imitations of an extended digit (I), a hand CV), or two hands joined at their apexes (X); and he was content to form the other numerals by repeating these symbols (II, III), and prefixing (IV, IX) or suffixing (VI, XII) digits to V or X to lessen or increase them. Out of this manual arithmetic came the decimal system, constructed on parts and multiples of ten-i.e., .the ten fingers. The Romans used geometry well in building and engineering, but added not one theorem to that rounded achievement of the Greek mind. \\Ve hear nothing of Roman astronomy in this period except in its blundering calendar and its prosperous sister or mother-astrology."]
[-2.8646862506866455, -5.098386287689209, "Did this religion help Roman morals? In some ways it was immoral: its stress on ritual suggested that the gods rewarded not goodness but gifts and formulas; and its prayers were nearly always for material goods or martial victory. Ceremonies gave drama to the life of man and the soil, but they multiplied as if they, and not the devotion of the part to the whole, were the proper essence of religion. The gods were, with some exceptions, awesome spirits without moral aspect or nobility.\nNevertheless, the old religion made for morality, for order and strength in the individual, the family, and the state. Before the child could learn to doubt, faith molded its \u00b7character into discipline, duty, and decency. Religion gave divine sanctions and suppon to the family: it instilled in parents and children a mutual respect and piety never surpassed, it gave sacramental significance and dignity to binh and death, encouraged fidelity to the marriage vow, and promoted fertility by making parentage indispen\u00ad sable to the peace of the dead soul. By ceremonies sedulously performed before each campaign and batcle it raised the soldier's morale, and led him to believe that supernatural powers were fighting on his side. It strengthened law by giving it celestial origins and religious form, by making crime a disturbance of the order and peace of Heaven, and by placing the author\u00ad ity of Jove behind every oath. It invested every phase of public life with religious solemnity, prefaced every act of government with ritual and prayer, and fused the state into such intimate union with the gods that piety and patriotism became one, and love of country rose to a passion stronger than in any other society known to history. Religion shared with the family the honor and responsibility of forming tbat iron character which was the secret of Rome's mastery of the world.\nMORALS\nWhat kind of morality emerged from this life in the family and among the gods? Roman literature, from Ennius to Jm\u00b7enal, idealized these earlier\n68\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\ngenerations and mourned the passing of ancient simplicity and virtue. These pages too will suggest a contrast between the stoic Rome of Fabius and the epicurean Rome of Nero. But the contrast must not be exaggerated by a biased selection of the evidence. There were epicureans in Fabius' days and stoics in Nero's.\nFrom beginning to end of Roman history the sexual morality of the common man remained essentially the same: coarse and free, but not in\u00ad compatible with a successful family life. In all free classes virginity was demanded of young women, and powerful tales were told to exalt it; for the Roman had a strong sense of property and wanted a wife of such steady habits as would reasonably ensure him against leaving his goods to his rival's breed. But in Rome, as in Greece, premarital unchastity in men was not censured if it preserved a decent respect for the hypocrisies of mankind. From the elder Cato to Cicero 25 we find express justifications of it. What increases with civilization is not so much immorality of intent as opportunity of expression. In early Rome prostitutes were not numerous. They were forbidden to wear the matron's robe that marked the reputable wife, and were confined to the dark corners of Rome and Roman society. There were as yet no educated courtesans like the hetairai of Athens, nor such delicate drabs as posed for Ovid's verse.\nMen married early-usually by twenty; not through romantic love but for the sound purposes of having a helpmate, useful children, and a healthy sexual life. In the words of the Roman wedding ceremony, marriage was liberum quaerendorum causa-for the sake of getting children; on the farm, children, like wives, ere economic assets, not biological toys. Marriages were often arranged by the parents and engagements were sometimes made for couples in their infancy. In every case the consent of both fathers was required. Betrothal was formal and constituted a legal bond. The relatives gathered in a feast to witness the contract; a stipula, or straw, was broken between the parties as a sign of their agreement; the stipulations-especially those concerning the dowry-were put in writing; and the man placed an iron ring upon the fourth finger of the girl's left hand, because it was believed that a nerve ran thence to the heart.26 The minimum age for legal marriage was twelve for the girl, fourteen for the man. Early Roman law made marriage compulsory;27 but this law must have become a dead letter by 413 B.c., when Camillus as censor imposed a tax on bachelors.\nMarriage was either cum manu or sine nza11u-with or without the hand\u00ad ing over of the bride and her possessions to the authority of the husband or the father-in-law..Marriage sine nurnu dispensed with religious cere\u00ad mony and required only the consent of the bride and groom. Marriage cum manu was by usus-a year's cohabitation; or by coemptio-purchase;\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\nor by confarreatio (literally, eating a cake together), which required re\u00ad ligious ceremony and was confined to patricians. Marriage by actual pur\u00ad chase disappeared at an early date, or was reversed; the bride's dowry often in effect bought the man. This dowry was usually at the husband's dis\u00ad posal, but its equivalent had to be returned to the wife in divorce or on the death of the male. Weddings were rich in folk ceremony and song. The two families feasted in the home of the bride; then they marched in col\u00ad orful and frolicsome procession to the home of the groom's father, to an accompaniment of flutes, hymeneal chants, and Rabelaisian raillery. At the garlanded door the bridegroom asked the girl, \"\\Vho art thou?\" and she answered with a simple formula of devotion, equality, and unity: \"\\Vhere thou art Caius, there am I Caia.\" He lifted her over the threshold, pre\u00ad sented her with the keys of the house, and put his neck with hers under a yoke to signify their common bond; hence marriage was called \u00b7coniugium\n-a yoking together. In token of her joining the new family the bride then took part with the others in worshiping the household gods.\nDivorce was difficult and rare in marriages by confarreatio; marriages cum manu could be dissolved only by the husband; in marriage sine manu divorce was open to either party at will, without asking consent of the state. The first recorded divorce in Roman history is dated 268 B.c.; a sus\u00ad picious tradition claimed that no divorce had previously occurred since the foundation of the city.28 Cl::m custom required a husband to divorce an unfaithful or childless wife. \"If you find your wife in the act of adultery,\" said old Cato, \"the law permits you to kill her without trial. If by chance she surprises you in the same condition she must not touch you even with the tips of her fingers; the law forbids her.\" 29 Despite these distinctions\nthere were apparently many happy marriages. The tombstones abound in post-mortem affection. One honored touchingly a lady who had served two husbands well:\nThou wert beautiful beyond measure, Statilia, and true to thy husbands! . . . He who came first, had he been able to withstand the fates, would have set up this stone to thee; while I, alas, ,vho have been blessed by thy pure heart these sixteen years, now have lost thee.30\nThe young women of early Rome were probably not quite so pretty as the later ladies whom the experienced Catullus would credit with laneum latusculum manusque mollicellas 31-\"lictle sides as smooth as wool, and soft little hands.\" Presumably in those rural days toil and care soon overlaid this adolescent loveliness. Feminine features were classically regular, nose small and thin, hair and eyes usually dark. Blondes were at a premium, as\n70\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nwere the German dyes that made them. As for the Roman male, he was impressive rather than handsome. A stern education and years of military life, hardened his face, as later indulgence would soften it into flabbiness. Oeopatra must have loved Antony for something else than his wine-puffed chee!\u00b7s, and Caesar for some other charm than his eagle's head and nose. The Roman nose was like the Roman character-sharp and devious. Beards and long hair were customary till about 300  B.C., when barbers began to ply their trade in Rome. Dress was essentially like the Greek. Boys, girls, magistrates, and the higher priests wore the toga praetexta, or purple-fringed robe; on attaining his sixteenth birthday the youth changed to the toga virilis-the white robe of manhood-as a symbol of his right to vote in the assemblies and his duty to serve in the army. Women wore, indoors, a dress (stola) bound with a girdle under the breasts, and reaching to the feet; outdoors they covered this with a palla, or cloak. Indoors, men wore a simple tunica, or shirt; outdoors they added a toga, and sometimes a cloak. The toga (tegere, to cover) was a woolen gannent in one piece, twice the width and thrice in length the height of the wearer. It was wrapped around the body, and the surplus was thrown back over the left shoulder, brought forward under the right arm, and again thrown over the left shoul\u00ad der. The folds at the breast served as pockets; the right ann remained free. The Roman male cultivated a severe dignity (gravitas) as an uncom\u00ad fortable necessity in an aristocracy that ruled a people, then a peninsula, then an empire. Sentiment and tenderness belonged to private life; in public a man of the upper classes had to be as stern as his statue, and hide behind a mask of austere calm the excitability and humor that cry out nor only in the comedies of Plautus but in the speeches of Cicero. Even in private life the Roman of this age was expected to live Spartanly. Luxury of dress or table was reproved by the censor; even negligent tillage could bring some Cato down upon the farmer's head. In the First Punic \\Var the Carthagin\u00ad ian ambassadors, returning from Rome, amused the rich merchants by tell\u00ad ing how the identical set of silver plate had appeared in every house to which they had been invited; one set, secretly passed about, had sufficed the whole parriciate. In that age the Senate sat on hard wooden benches\nin a curia, or hall, never heated even in winter.\nNevertheless, between the First and Second Punic \\Vars, wealth and luxury made a good beginning. Hannibal gathered a peck of gold rings from the fingers of Romans slain at Cannae;32 and sumptuary laws repeat\u00ad edly-therefore vainly-forbade ornate jewelry, fancy dress, and costly meals. In the third century n.c. the menu of the average Roman was still simple: breakfast (ientaculum) of bread with honey or olives or cheese; luncheon (prandium) and dinner (cena) of grains, vegetables, and fruit;\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t71\nonly the rich ate fish or meat.33 Wine, usually diluted, graced nearly every table; to drink undiluted wine was considered intemperance. Festivals and banquets were a necessary relaxation in this stoic age; those who could not unbend to them became too tense, and showed their nervous fatigue in the portrait statues they left to posterity.\nCharity found little scope in this frngal life. Hospitality survived as a mutual convenience at a time when inns were poor and far between; but the sympathetic Polybius reports that \"in Rome no one ever gives away anything to anyone if he can help it\" 3-1-doubtless an exaggeration. The young were kind to the old, but in general the graces and courtesies of life came to Rome only with the dying Republic. vVar and conquest molded morals and manners and left men often coarse and usually hard, prepared to kill without compunction and be killed without complaint. \\Var cap\u00ad tives were sold into slavery by the thousands, unless they were kings or generals; these were usually slaughtered at the victor's triumph or allowed to starve leisurely to death. In the business world these qualities took on a fairer aspect. The Romans loved money, bur Polybius (about 160 B.c.) describes them as industrious and honorable men; a Greek, said the Greek, could not be prevented from embezzling, no matter how many clerks were set to watch him, while the Romans spent great sums of public money with only rare cases of ascertained dishonesty.30 We note, however, that a law to check malpractice at elections was passed in 432 n.c. Roman historians report that political integrity was at its height in the first three centuries of the Republic; but they arouse suspicion by their high praise of Valerius Corvus, who, after occupying twenty-one magistracies, returned to his fields as poor as he had come; of Curius Dematos, who kept no part of the spoils he had taken from the enemy; and of Fabius Pictor and his associates, who handed over to the state the rich presents they had received on an -embassy to Egypt. Friends lent one another substantial amounts without interest. The Roman government was guilty of frequent treach\u00ad ery in dealing with other states, and perhaps in foreign relations the Empire was more honorable than the Republic. But the Senate refused to connive at the poisoning of Pyrrhus, and warned him of the plot. When, after Cannae, Hannibal sent ten prisoners to Rome to negotiate for the ransom of 8000 others, and drew from them a promise to return, all bur one kept their word; the Senate apprehended the tenth, put him in irons, and rorned him over to Hannibal, whose joy at his victory, says Polybius, \"was not so great as his dejection when he saw how steadfast and high-spirited the Romans were.\" 27\nIn summary, the typical educated Roman of this age was orderly, con\u00ad servative, loyal, sober, reverent, tenacious, severe, practical. He enjoyed\n72\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV"]
[-1.3174396753311157, -2.5273704528808594, "The Carthaginians were Semites, akin in blood and features to the ancient Jews. Their language now and then struck a Hebraic note, as when it called the chief magistrates shofetes-the Hebrew shophetim, or judges. The men grew beards, but usually shaved the upper lip with bronze razors. Most of them wore a fez or a turban, shoes or sandals, and a long loose gown; but the upper classes adopted the Greek style of dress, dyed their robes with purple, and fringed them with glass beads. The women led for the most part a veiled and secluded life; they could rise to high place in the priesthoods but otherwise had to be contented with the sovereignty of their charms. Both sexes used jewelry and perfume, and occasionally displayed a ring in the nose. We know little of their morals except from their enemies. Greek and Roman writers describe them as heavy eaters and drinkers, loving to gather in dinner clubs, and as loose in their sex relations as they were corrupt in their politics. The treacherous Romans employed fides Punica-Cartha\u00ad ginian faith-as a synonym for treachery. Polybius reported that \"at Carthage nothing that results in profit is regarded as disgraceful.\" 4 Plutarch denounced the Carthaginians as \"harsh and gloomy, docile to their rulers, hard to their subjects, running to extremes of cowardice in fear and of savagery in anger, stubborn in decisions, austere, and unresponsive to amuse\u00ad ment or the graces of life.\" 5 But Plutarch, though usually fair, was always a Greek; and Polybius was bosom friend of the Scipio who burned Carthage to the ground.\nThe Carthaginians appear at their worst in their religion, which again we know only from their enemies. Their ancestors in Phoenicia had wor\u00ad shiped Baal-Moloch and Astarte as personifying the male and female prin\u00ad ciples in nature, and the sun and moon in the sky; the Carthaginians ad\u00ad dressed similar devotions to corresponding deities-Baal-Haman and Tanith. Tanith above all aroused their loving piety; they filled her temples with\n42\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. III\ngifts, and took her name in their oaths. Third in honor was the god Melkart, \"Key of the City\"; then Eshmun, god of wealth and health; then a host of minor gods-\"baals\" or lords; even Dido was worshiped.6 To Baal-Haman, in great crises, living children were sacrificed, as many as three hundred in a day. They were placed upon the inclined and outstretched arms of the idol and rolled off into the fire beneath; their cries were drowned in the noise of trumpets and cymbals; their mothers were required to look upon the scene without moan or tear, lest they be accused of impiety and lose the credit due them from the god. In time the rich refused to sacrifice their own children and bought substitutes among the poor; but when Agathocles of Syracuse besieged Carthage, the upper classes, fearing that their subter\u00ad fuge had offended the god, cast two hundred aristocratic infants into the\nfire.7 It should be added that these stories are told us by Diodorus, a Sicilian\nGreek, who looked with equanimity upon the Greek custom of infanticide. It may be that the Carthaginian sacrifice solaced with piety an effort to control the excesses of human fertility.\nWhen the Romans destroyed Carthage they presented the libraries they found there to their African allies. Of these collections nothing survives except Hanno's record of his voyage, and fragments of Mago on husbandry. Saint Augustine vaguely assures us that \"in Carthage there were many things wisely handed down to memory,\" 8 and Sallust and Juba made use of Carthaginian historians; but we have no native account of Carthage's history. Of its architecture the Romans left not a stone upon a stone. We are told that its style was a mi'Cture of Phoenician and Greek, that its temples were massive and ornate; that the temple and statue of Baal-Haman were plated with gold valued at a thousand talents; 9 and that even the proud Greeks considered Carthage one of the world's most beautiful capitals. The museums of Tunis contain some pieces of sculpture from sarcophagi found in tombs near the site of Carthage; the finest is a strong and graceful figure, per\u00ad haps of Tanith, in a manner essentially Greek. Smaller statues, unearthed from Carthaginian graves in the Baleares, are crude and often repulsively grotesque, as if designed to impress children or frighten devils away. The surviving pottery is purely utilitarian; but we know that Carthaginian craftsmen did good work in textiles, jewelry, ivory, ebony, amber, and glass.\nAny clear picture of Carthaginian government is now beyond our pens. Aristotle praised the constitution of Carthage as \"in many respects superior to all others,\" for \"a state is proved to be well ordered when the commons are steadily loyal to the constitution. when no civil conflict worth speaking of has arisen, and when no one has succeeded in making himself dictator.\" 10 The citizens met occasionally in an Assembly empowered to accept or reject, but not to discuss or amend, proposals referred to it by a Senate of three hundred elders; the Senate, however, was not obliged to submit to the Assembly any measures upon which it could itself agree.11 The people elected the Senate, but\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t43\nopen bribery reduced the virtue or danger of this democratic procedure, and replaced an aristocracy of birth with an oligarchy of wealth. From nominations presented by the Senate, the Assembly annually chose two shofetes to head the judicial and administrative branches of the state. Above all these bodies was a court of 104 judges, who, in contravention of the law, held office for life. As it was empowered to supervise all administration, and to require an accounting from every official at the end of his term, this court acquired, by the time of the Punic Wars, supreme control over every governmental agency and every citizen.\nThe commander of the armies was nominated by the Senate and chosen by the Assembly. He was in a better position than the Roman consul, for his command could be continued as long as the Senate desired. The Roman, however, led against Carthage legions of landowning patriots, whereas the Carthaginian army was a mercenary force of foreign-chiefly Libyan-origin, feeling no affection for Carthage, but loyal only to its paymaster and, occasionally, to its general. The Carthaginian navy was without question the most powerful of its time; '\n500  quinqueremes, gaily painted, slim and swift, ably protected Carthaginian\ncolonies, markets, and trade routes. It was the conquest of Sicily by this army, and the closing of the western Mediterranean to Roman commerce by this navy, that brought on the century-long duel to the death known to us as the three Punic Wars.\nREGULUS\nThe two nations had once been friends when one of them was strong enough to dominate the other. In 508 they had made a treaty that recog\u00ad nized the hegemony of Rome over the coast of Latium, but pledged the Romans not to sail the Mediterranean west of Carthage, nor to land in\nSardinia or Libya except for the brief repair or provisioning of ships.12 It\nbecame a common practice among the Carthaginians, says a Greek geog\u00ad rapher, to drown any foreign sailor found between Sardinia and Gibraltar.13 The Greeks of Massalia (J\\Iarseilles) had developed a peaceful coastal com\u00ad merce between southern Gaul and northeastern Spain; Carthage, we are told, warred on this trade piratically, and Massalia was a faithful' ally of Rome. (vVe do not know how much of this is war propaganda dignified as history.) Now that Rome controlled Italy she could not feel secure so long as two hostile powers-Greeks and Carthaginians-held Sicily, hardly a mile from the Italian coast. Besides, Sicily was fertile; it might supply half of Italy with grain. Sicily taken, Sardinia and Corsica would of themselves fall into Roman hands. Here was manifest destiny, the natural next step in the expansion of Rome.\nHow to .find a casus belli? About 26-1- B.c. a band of Samnite mercenaries who called themselves Mamenines-i.e., \"Men of Mars\"-seized the town of\n44\tCAESAR  AND CHRIST\t(CHAP. Ill.\nMessana, on the Sicilian coast nearest to Italy. They slew or expelled the Greek citizens, divided among themselves the women, children, and goods of the victims, and made a living by raiding the Greek cities near by. Hiero II, Dictator of Syracuse, besieged them; a Carthaginian force landed at Messana, drove Hiero back, and took possession of the city. The Mamertines appealed to Rome for help in expelling their saviors. The Senate hesitated, knowing the power and wealth of Carthage; but the rich plebeians who dominated the Centuria! Assembly clamored for war and Sicily. Rome decided that at whatever cost she must keep the Carthaginians from so near and strategic a port. A fleet was fitted out and dispatched under Caius Claudius to rescue the Mamertines. But these had meanwhile been persuaded by the Carthagin\u00ad ians to withdraw their request for Roman aid, and a message from them to this effect reached Claudius at Rhegium. Ignoring it, he crossed the strait, invited the Carthaginian commander to a conference, imprisoned him, and sent word to the Carthaginian army that he would be killed if they resisted. The mercenaries welcomed so gallant an excuse for avoiding the legions, and .Messana fell to Rome.\nTwo heroes were thrown up by this First Punic War: on the Roman side, Regulus; on the Carthaginian, Hamilcar. Perhaps we should add a third and fourth-the Senate and the Roman people. The Senate won Hiero of Syracuse to Rome's side, and thereby assured supplies for Roman troops in Sicily; it organized the nation with wisdom and resolution, and led it to victory through almost overwhelming disasters. The citizens provided money, materials, labor, and men to build Rome's .first fleet-330 vessels, nearly all quinqueremes 150 feet long, each manned by 300 rowers and 120 soldiers, and most of them equipped with novel grappling irons and movable gangways for seizing and boarding enemy ships; by these means naval war\u00ad fare, unfamiliar to the Romans, could be turned into hand-to-hand combat, in which the legionaries could use all their disciplined skill. \"This fact,\" says Polybius, \"shows us better than anything else how spirited and daring the Romans are when they are determined to do a thing.    They had never\ngiven a\u00b7 thought to a navy; yet when they had once conceived the project they took it in hand so boldly that before gaining any experience in such matters they at once engaged the Carthaginians, who for generations had held undisputed command of the sea.\"14 Off Ecnomus, on the southern coast of Sicily, the hostile fleets, carrying 300,000 men, fought the greatest sea battle of antiquity ( 256). The Romans under Regulus won decisively and sailed on unhindered to Africa. Landing there without careful reconnais\u00ad sance, they soon met a superior Carthaginian force, which almost annihilated them, and took their reckless consul prisoner. Shortly afterward the Roman fleet was dashed by a storm against a rocky coast, 284 vessels were wrecked,\nCHAP.III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t45\nand some 80,000 men were drowned; it was the worst naval calamity in the memory of men. The Romans showed their quality by building 200 new quinqueremes in three months, and training 80,000 men to man them.\nAfter keeping Regulus a prisoner for five years, his captors allowed him to accompany a Carthaginian embassy sent to Rome to seek peace, but on his promise to return to captivity if the Senate refused the proffered terms. When Regulus heard these he advised the Senate to reject them and, despite the entreaties of his family and his friends, went back with the embassy to Carthage. There he was tortured to death by being prevented from sleep\u00ad ing.15 His sons at Rome took two Carthaginian captives of high rank, bound them in a chest studded with spikes, and kept them awake till they died.16 Neither tale seems credible, until we recall the barbarities of our time."]
[9.346206665039062, -14.737936019897461, "Says a great Jewish scholar, perhaps too strongly: \"H we had ancient sources like those in the Gospels for the history of Alexander or Caesar, we should not cast any doubt upon them whatsoever.\"-Klausner, J., From Jesus to Paul, z6o.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\nJesus as \"about thirty years old\" when John baptized him \"in the fifteenth year of Tiberius\" 27:t-i.e., A.D. 28-29; this would place Christ's binh in the year 2-1 B.c. Luke adds that \"in those days there went out a decree of Caesar Auaustus that all the world should be taxed ... when Quirinius w:.1s governor of Syria.\" Quirinius is known to have been legate in Syria between\nA.D. 6 and 12; Josephus notes a census by him in Judea, but ascribes it to A.D.\n6-7; 28 we have no further mention of this census. T enullian 29 records a census of Judea by Samrninus, governor of Syria 8-7 n.c.; if this is the census that Luke had in mind, the birth of Christ would have to be placed before 6 n.c. \\Ve have no knowledge of the specific day of his birth. Clement of Alexandria (ca. 200) repons diverse opinions on the subject in his day, some chronologists dating the binh April 19, some May 20; he himself assigned it to November r 7, 3 n.c. As far back as the second century the Eastern Christians celebrated the Nativity on January 6. In 354 some \\Vest\u00ad ern churches, including those of Rome, commemorated the binh of Christ on December 25; this was then erroneously calculated as the winter solstice, on which the days begin to lengthen; it was already the central festival of\n.Mithraism, the natalis invicti solis, or birthday of the unconquered sun. The Eastern churches clung for a time to January 6, and charged their Western brethren with sun worship and idolatry, but by the end of the founh cen\u00ad tury December 25 had been adopted also in the East.30\nMatthew and Luke place the birth of Christ in Bethlehem, five miles south of Jerusalem; thence, they tell us, the family moved to Nazareth in Galilee. Mark makes no mention of Bethlehem, but merely names Christ \"Jesus of Nazareth.\" * His parents gave him the quite common name Yeshu'a (our Joshua), meaning \"the help of Yahveh\"; the Greeks made this into lesous, the Romans into Jesus.\n.  He was _ap arently ?ne of a lar e family, _for his neig bors, marveling at his authontative teaching, asked, \\Vhere did he get this wisdom, and the power to do these wonders? Is he not the carpenter's son? Is not his mother named Mary, and are not his brothers named James, Joseph, Simon, and Judas? And do. n t his isters live.here among us?\" 31 Luke tells the story of the Annunciat10n with some literary an, and puts into the mouth of Miriam-Mary-that Magnificat which is one of the great poems embedded in the New Testament.\nNext to her son, .M ry is ?1e most touching figure in the narrative: rearing him through_ all the pamf Joys f mothe l100 , proud of his youthful learn\u00ad ing, wondenng later at his doctnne and his claims, wishing to withdraw him\nCritics suspect Matthew and Luke of choo ing Bethlehem to strengthen the claim that Jesus was the M siah, and descended, as. J_e'l.vISh prophecy required, from David-whose family had dwelt m Bethlehem; but the susp1c1on falls far short of proof.\nCHAP. XXVI)\tJESUS\t559\nfrom the exciting throng of his followers and bring him back to the healing quiet of his home (\"thy father and I have sought thee sorrowing\"), help\u00ad lessly witnessing his crucifixion, and receiving his body into her arms; if this is not history it is supreme literature, for the relations of parents and children hold deeper dramas than those of sexual love. The tales later circu\u00ad lated, by Celsus and others, about Mary and a Roman soldier are by critical consent \"clumsy fabrications.\" 32 Not so awkward are the stories, chiefly contained in the apocryphal or uncanonical gospels, about the birth of Christ in a cave or stable, the adoration of the shepherds and the Magi, the massacre of the innocents, and the flight into Egypt; the mature mind will not resent this popular poetry. The virgin birth is not mentioned by Paul or John; and Matthew and Luke, who tell of it, trace Jesus back to David through Joseph, by conflicting genealogies; apparently the belief in the virgin birth rose later than that in the Davidic descent.\nThe evangelists tell us little of Christ's youth. vVhen he was eight days old he was circumcized. Joseph was a carpenter, and the occupational heredity usual in that age suggests that Jesus followed that pleasant trade for a time. He knew the craftsmen of his village, and the landlords, stewards, tenants, and slaves of his rural surroundings; his speech is studded with them. He was sensitive to the natural beauties of the countryside, to the grace and color of flowers, and the silent fruitfulness of trees. The story of his questioning the scholars in the temple is not incredible; he had an alert and curious mind, and in the Near East a boy of twelve already touches maturity. But he had no formal education. \"How is it,\" his neighbors asked, \"that this man can read when he has never gone to school?\" 33 He attended the syna\u00ad gogue, and heard the Scriptures with evident delight; the Prophets and the Psalms above all sank deep into his memory, and helped to mold him. Per\u00ad haps he read also the books of Daniel and Enoch, for his later teaching was shot through with their visions of the Messiah, the Last Judgment, and the coming Kingdom of God.\nThe air he breathed was tense with religious excitement. Thousands of Jews awaited anxiously the Redeemer of Israel. Magic and witchcraft, demons and angels, \"possession\" and exorcism, miracles and prophecies, divination and astrology were taken for granted everywhere; probably the story of the Magi was a necessary concession to the astrological convic\u00ad tions of the age.34 Thaumaturgists-wonder-workers-toured the towns. On the annual journeys that all good Palestinian Jews made to Jerusalem for the Passover festival, Jesus must have learned something of the Essenes, and their half-monastic, almost Buddhistic, life;* possibly he heard also of a sect\nAshoka had sent his Buddhist missionaries as far west as Egypt and Cyrene; 35 very likely, therefore, to the Near East.\n560\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\ncalled \"Nazarenes,\" who dwelt beyond the Jordan in Peraea, rejected Tem\u00ad ple worship, and denied the binding character of the Law.36 But the experi\u00ad ence that aroused him to religious fervor was the preaching of John, the son of Mary's cousin Elizabeth.\nJosephus tells John's story in some detail.37 We tend to picture the Baptist as an old man; on the contrary, he was apparently of the same age as Jesus. Mark and Matthew describe him as garbed in haircloth, living on dried locusts and honey, standing beside the Jordan, and calling people to repent\u00ad ance. He shared the asceticism of the Essenes, but differed from them in holding one baptism to be enough; his name \"the Baptist\" may be a Greek equivalent of \"Essene\" (bather).38 To his rite of symbolic purification John added a menacing condemnation of hypocrisy and loose living, warned sinners to prepare themselves for the Last Judgment, and proclaimed the early coming of the Kingdom of God.39 If all Judea should repent and be cleansed of sin, said John, the Messiah and the Kingdom would come at once. In or shortly after \"the fiftee_nth year of Tiberius,\" says Luke, Jesus came down to the Jordan to be baptized by John. This decision, by a man now \"about thirty years old,\" 40 attested Christ's acceptance of John's teaching; his own would be essentially the same. His methods and character, however, were different: he would himself never baptize anyone,41 and he would live not in the wilderness but in the world. Soon after this meeting Herod Antipas, tetrarch (\"ruler of four cities\") of Galilee, ordered the imprison\u00ad ment of John. The Gospels ascribe the arrest to John's criticism of Herod's acts in divorcing his wife and marrying Herodias while she was still the wife of his half brother Philip. Josephus attributes the arrest to Herod's fear that John was fomenting a political rebellion in the guise of a religious reforma\u00ad tion.42 Mark 43 and Matthew 44 tell here the story of Salome, Herodias' daughter, who danced so alluringly before Herod that he offered her any reward she might name. At her mother's urging, we are told, she asked for the head of John, and the tetrarch reluctantly accommodated her. There is nothing in the Gospels about Salome loving John, nor anything in Josephus\nabout her share in John's death.\nTHE MISSION\nWhen John was imprisoned J:sus took up the Baptist's work, and began to preach the coming of the Kmgdom.45 He \"returned to Galilee,\" says\nLuke, \"and tauht\u2022 m he sy_nagogues.\" 4.6 W e have an i\u2022mpressive picture of\nthe young idealist taking his um at readmg the Scriptures to the congre\u00ad gation at Nazareth, and choosmg a passage from Isaiah:\nCHAP. XXVI)\tJESUS\nThe spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach glad tidings to the poor; he hath sent me to heal the broken\u00ad hearted, to preach deliverance to captives, and recovery of sight to the blind, to set the down-trodden free.47"]
[-0.47445768117904663, -5.762984275817871, "CHAP. xx1)\tITALY\noccasion they furnished free oil or wine, or a public banquet, or a gift of money, to all citizens, sometimes to all inhabitants. Extant inscriptions abound in com\u00ad memorations of such generosity. A millionaire gave Altinum, in Venetia, 1,600,- 000 sesterces for public baths; a rich lady built a temple and an amphitheater for Casinum; Desumius Tullus gave Tarquinii baths costing 5,000,000 sesterces; Cremona, destroyed by Vespasian's troops, was rapidly rebuilt by the contribu\u00ad tions of private citizens; and two physicians exhausted their fortunes in gifts to Naples. At populous Ostia, Lucilius Gemala invited all the inhabitants to dinner, paved a long and spacious avenue, repaired or restored seven temples, rebuilt the municipal baths, and donated 3,000,000 sesterces to the city treasury.22 It was the custom of many rich men to invite a considerable portion of the citizenry to a feast on the occasion of their birthday, their election to office, their daughter's marriage, their son's assumption of the toga virilis of manhood, or the dedication of a building which they had presented to the community. In return for such favors the city voted the giver an office, a statue, a panegyric, or an inscription. The poor were not overwhelmed with all these gifts; they accused the rich of deriving the means of philanthropy from exploitation, and they demanded less ornate buildings and cheaper com, less statuary and more games.23\nWhen we add to private munificence the donations of the emperors to the towns, the buildings erected, and the catastrophes mitigated, in them by im\u00ad perial funds, and the public works and functions financed by the municipal treasury, we begin to feel the splendor and pride of the Italian cities under the Principate. Streets were paved, drained, policed, and adorned, free medical service was maintained for the poor, clean water was piped into privat'1 homes for a small fee, food was offered to the paor at a low price, public baths were often free through private subsidies, alinzenta were paid to straitened families to help them rear their children, schools and libraries were built, plays were presented, concerts were given, games were arranged in reckless emulation of Rome. Civilization in the Italian towns was not so materialistic as in the capital. They rivaled one another in erecting amphi\u00ad theaters, but also they raised noble temples, sometimes equaling Rome's best,24 and made the months gay with picturesque religious festivals. They spent freely on works of art and provided halls for lecturers, poets, sophists, rhetors, philosophers, and musicians. They supplied their citizens with facili\u00ad ties for health, cleanliness, recreation, and a vigorous cultural life. From them, not from Rome, came most of the great Latin authors, and some of the finest sculptural masterpieces in our museums, like the Nike of Naples, the Eros of Centumcellae, the Zeus of Otricoli. They supported as large a popu\u00ad lation as their modern successors before our century, and gave it an un\u00ad paralleled security from war. The first two hundred years of our era saw the zenith of the great peninsula.\nCHAPTER  XXII\nCivilizing\tthe  West\nI. ROME AND THE  PROVINCES\nHE blot on Italian prosperity-aside from a system of slavery common to ancient states-was its partial dependence upon provincial exploita\u00ad\ntion. Italy was free of taxation because the provinces had yielded so much in plunder and tribute; and to them could be traced some of the wealth that came to flower in the Italian towns. Rome, before Caesar, frankly classed the provinces as conquered territory; all their inhabitants were Roman subjects, only a few were Roman citizens; all their land was the property of the Roman state and was held by the possessors on revocable grants from the imperial government. To lessen the likelihood of revolt Rome cut conquered regions into smaller states, forbade any province to have direct political dealings witli another, and favored the business classes against the lower classes everywhere. Divide et impera was the secret of Roman rule.\nCicero perhaps exaggerated when, in excoriating Verres, he pictured the\n.Mediterranean nations as desolate under the Republic: \"All the provinces mourn, all free peoples cry out, all kingdoms protest against our cruelty and greed; from one ocean to another there is no place, however hidden or remote, that has not felt our lust and our iniquity.\" 1 The Principate dealt more liberally with the provinces, not from generosity so much as from husbandry. Taxation was made bearable, local religions, languages, and customs were respected, freedom of speech was allowed except for attacks against the sovereign power, and local laws were retained so far as they did not conflict with Roman profit and mastery. A wise flexibility created a useful diversity of rank and privilege among and within the subject states. Certain municipalities, like Athens and Rhodes, were \"free cities\"; they paid no tribute, w re i:ot subject to he provincial governor, and managed their domestic affairs without Roman mterference so long as they maintained social order and peace. Some old kingdoms, like N umidia and Cappadocia, were allowed tc keep their kings, but these were \"clients\" of Rome-de\u00ad pendent upon her protection and her pol cy and required to aid her with men and materials at her call. In the provmces the governor (proconsul or propraetor) combined in himself the power to legislate, to administer, and to judge; his power was limited only by the free cities, by a Roman citizen's 462\nCHAP.XXII)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\nright of appeal to the emperor, and by the financial supervision exercised by the provincial quaestor or procurator. Such near-omnipotence invited abuse; and though the lengthening of the governor's term under the Princi\u00ad pate, his ample salary and allowance, and his financial responsibility to the emperor considerably lessened malfeasance, we may see from the letters of Pliny and some passages in Tacitus 2 that extortion and corruption were still no rarities at the end of the first century.\nTaxation was a primary industry of the governor and his aides. Under the Empire a census was taken of every province for the purpose of assessing the tax on land and the tax on property-which included animals and slaves. To stimulate production a fixed tribute was substituted for the tithe. \"Publicans'.' no longer gathered these ta.'Ces, but they collected port duties and managed some state forests, mines, and public works. The provinces were expected to contribute towards a golden crown for each new emperor, pay the cost of provincial administration, and in some cases send heavy ship\u00ad ments of grain to Rome. The old custom of liturgies was maintained in the East, and spread through the West, by which the local or the Roman gov\u00ad ernment might \"ask\" rich men to provide loans for war, ships for the navy, buildings for public purposes, food for famine victims, or choruses for festivals and plays.\nCicero, having joined the Ins, contended that the taxes paid by the prov\u00ad inces barely covered the cost of administration and defense; 3 \"defense\" included the suppression of revolts, and \"administration\" presumably em\u00ad braced the perquisites. that made so many Roman millionaires. We must reconcile ourselves to the probability that whatever power establishes security and order will send taxgatherers to collect something more than the cost. Despite all levies the provinces prospered under the Principate. The emperor and the Senate exercised a more careful supervision over provincial staffs and severely punished those who stole beyond their station. Ultimately the.excess taken from the provinces flowed back to them in payment for therr goods; and in the end the industries so supported made the provinces stronger than a precariously parasitic Italy. A government, said Plutarch, ought to give a people two boons above all: liberty and peace. \"As to peace,\" he wrote, \"there is no need to occupy ourselves, for all war has ceased. As to liberty, we have that which the government [Rome] leaves us; and perhaps it would not be good if we had any more.\" 4\nll.  AFRICA\nCorsica and Sardinia were classed together as a province, not as parts of Italy. Corsica was for the most part a mountainous wilderness, in which Romai-is\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXll\nhunted the natives with dogs to sell them as slaves.5 Sardinia provided slaves, silver, copper, iron, and grain; it had a thousand miles of road and one excellent harbor, Carales (Cagliari). Sicily had been reduced to an almost purely agricul\u00ad tural province as one of the \"frumentary supports\" of Rome; its arable soil was largely taken up with latifundia devoted to cattle raising, and manned by slaves so poorly clothed and fed that they periodically revolted and escaped to form robber bands. The island had in Augustus' days some 750,000 souls. (In 1930 it had 3,972,000.) Of its sixty-five cities the most flourishing were Catania, Syracuse, Tauromenium (Taormina), Messana, Agrigentum, and Panormus (Palermo). Syracuse and T auromenium had magnificent Greek theaters, still in use today. Despite Verres' depredations Syracuse was so full of impressive architecture, famous sculptures, and historic sites that professional guides prospered on the tourist trade,6 and Cicero considered it the finest city in the world. Most well\u00ad to-do urban families had farms or orchards in the suburbs, and the whole Sicilian countryside was fragrant with fruit trees and vineyards, as it is today.\nAll that Sicily lost through Roman domination Africa gained. It gradually replaced Sicily as an unwilling granary for Rome; but in return Roman soldiers, colonists, businessmen, and engineers made it blossom into a hardly credible affluence. Doubtless the new conquerors had found cenain regions thriving when they came; between the mountains that frowned upon the Mediterranean, and the Atlas range that kept out the Sahara, ran a semi\u00ad tropical valley sufficiently watered by the Bagradas (Medjerda) River, and two months of rain, to repay the patient husbandry that Mago had taught and Masinissa had enforced. But Rome improved and expanded what she found. Her engineers built dams across the rivers that flowed down from the southern hills; they gathered the surplus water in reservoirs in the rainy season, and poured it into irrigation canals in the hot months when the streams ran dry.7 Rome asked no heavier taxes than native chiefs had levied, but her legion and fonifications gave better protection against nomad raiders from the mountains; mile by mile new soil was won from desert or savagery for cultivation and settlement. The valley produced so much olive oil that when in our seventh century the Arabs came, they were amazed to find that they could ride from Tripoli to Tangier without ever moving from the shade of olive trees.8 Towns and cities multiplied, architecture exalted them, and literature found new voice. The ruins of Roman forums, temples, aqueducts, and theaters on now arid wastes reveal the reach and wealth of Roman Africa. Those fields decayed and became dead sand not through a change in climate but through a change in gov rnment-from a state that gave economic security, order, and discipline to one that allowed chaos and negligence to ruin the roads, reservoirs, and canals.\nAt the head of this restored prosperity was the resurrected city of\nOcEA}(y.5\nG\u00a3RMAN1cus\n\u00b7:, \u00b7:.,\nI\n07-yrf.-'j\t-\tI"]
[-7.246723175048828, 1.4737541675567627, "e1111s or Baacbus at Baalbek\t-\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\ntells us, that Hercules himself would have shunned.55 Time in its tenderness has buried all his works, as at its leisure it will cover ours.\nASIA MINOR\nNorth of Syria was the client kingdom-later the province-of Commagene, with a populous capital at Samosata, Lucian's childhood home. Across the Euphrates stood the little realm of Osrhoene; Rome fortified its capital, Edessa (Urfa), as a base against Parthia; we shall hear more of it in Christian days. Westward from Syria one passed into Cilicia (as now into Turkey) at Alex\u00ad andria Issi (Alexandretta). This, Cicero's province, was highly civilized along the southern Asia Minor coast, but still barbarous in the Taurus hills. Tarsus (Tersous), the capital, was \"no mean city,\" said its son Saint Paul, but was re\u00ad nowned for its schools and philosophers.\nOver against Cilicia, in the Mediterranean, the island of Cyprus pursued its immemorial life of mining copper, cutting cypress, building ships, and bearing patiently a succession of conquerors. The lucrative mines were owned by Rome and worked by slaves. Galen describes how in his time a mine there collapsed and crushed hundreds of workers-a periodical incident in the geological basis of human comforts and powers.\nNorth of Cilicia lay arid and mountainous Cappadocia, mining precious metals, and raising wheat, cattle, and slaves for export. West of it, Lycaonia would enter into history with the visits of Saint Paul to Derbe, Lystra, and Iconium. Again north was Galatia, settled and named by the Gauls in the third century B.c.; its most famous product was the Black Stone of Pessinus, sent to Rome as a symbol of Cybele; its chief city was Ancyra, capital of the Hittites 3500  years ago, and of Turkey today. West of Cilicia, the province of Pisidia counted fine cities within its borders, like Xanthus, now recovering from its mass suicide before Brutus, and Aspendus, whose theater is so well preserved that one easily imagines it filling again to hear Menander or Euripides.\nWest and north of Pisidia was the province of \"Asia,\" divided into Phrygia, Caria, Lydia, and Mysia. Here, where the civilization of Ionia still flourished after a thousand years, Philostratus counted 500 towns, '\\vith a total population far greater than the region supports today. The countryside was fertile, the crafts had grown in skill from age to age, and the ports profited from the development of rich markets in Italy, Africa, Spain, and Gaul. Phrygia was mountainous, but it boasted large cities like Apamea Celaenae-ranked by Strabo as second only to Ephesus in \"Asia\"-and Laodicea, fortunate in its philanthropic philosophers and millionaires. Cnidus was yet important enough to make an alliance with Rome; but Halicarnassus had declined from Herodotus to Dionvsius\n-an excellent literary critic, an uncritical historian. Miletus was no longer in its prime, though still an active port; the oracle of Apollo in the temple at near-by\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nDidyma continued to answer questions with puzzles; and the storytellers of the region were weaving those amorous picaresque \"Milesian tales\" that would soon develop into the Greek novel. Priene was a minor town, but its citizens vied honorably in making it fair with fine buildings. Here, in the first century B.c., a woman, Phile, was elected to the highest municipal office; the influence of wealth and Rome was raising the status of woman in Hellenic lands. Magnesia on the Maeander had what many rated as the most nearly perfect temple in Asia-dedicated to Artemis ( 129 B.c.), and designed by Hermogenes, the supreme architect of the age. At .Mycale the koinon, or Commons, still met annually as a general council and religious union for Ionia.\nOf the islands lying off the Carian coast Cos prospered with its silk industry and its medical school, rich with traditions of Hippocrates, and Rhodes (i.e., the Rose) was even in her decline the most beautiful city of the Greek world. When, after the Civil War, Augustus sought to relieve the distress of the eastern cities by allowing the cancellation of all debts, Rhodes refused to avail herself of the expedient and met all her obligations faithfully. As a result she rapidly regained her place as banker to the Aegean trade and became again a halfway port for vessels plying between Asia and Egypt The city was celebrated for\nits fallen Colossus, its handsome buildings, its famous statuary, its clean and . orderly streets, its competent aristocratic government, its celebrated schools of rhetoric and philosophy. Here Apollonius Molo taught Caesar and Cicero those arts of style which through them influenced all later Latin prose.\nThe most famous Rhodian of this period was Poseidonius, the last great synthetic mind of antiquity. Born at Syrian Apamea ( r 35 B.c.), he first earned fame as a long-distance runner. After studying under Panaetius in Athens he made Rhodes his home, served her as magistrate and ambassador, traveled into many provin.ces, returned to Rhodes, and drew such men as Pompey and Cicero to his lectures on the Stoic philosophy. At 83 he went to live in Rome and died there a year later. His lost Universal History-covering Rome and its possessions from 144 to 82 B.c.-was ranked by ancient scholars as equal to the work of Polybius. His report of his travels in Gaul and his treatise On the Ocean were basic sources for Strabo. His calculation of the sun's distance from the earth- 52,000,000 miles-was closer than that of any other ancient student to our modem reckoning. He went to Cadiz to study the tides, and explained them by the joint action of the sun and the moon. He underestimated the distance across the Atlantic and predicted that one sailing from Spain would come to India after 8000 miles. -espi e s :\"ide acqu n nce with natural science, he accepted many of the spmtuahstic ideas of his tlme-daimones, divination, astrology, telepathy, and the power of the soul to rise to a mystic union with God, whom he defined as the Life-Fo ce of the world. Cicero too generously ranked him\nas the greatest of the Stoics; we might also consider him a forerunner of the Neo-Platonists, a bridge from Zeno to Plotinus.\nFollowing the coast of Asia northward from Caria, the traveler entered Lydia\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE  HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\nand its greatest city, Ephesus. It flourished under the Romans as never before. Though Pergamum was the formal capital of \"Asia,\" Ephesus became the seat of the Roman proconsul and his staff; it was also the main port of the province and the meeting place of the provincial assembly. Its polyglot population of 225,ooo ranged from philanthropic sophists to a noisy and superstitious rabble. The streets were well paved and lighted and had miles of shady porticoes. There were the usual public buildings, some unearthed as late as 1894: a \"museum\" or scientific center, a medical school, a library with a strangely baroque fa ade, and a theater that seated 56,000 persons; here Demetrius the image-maker would arouse the populace against Saint Paul. The center (and chief bank) of the city was the Temple of Artemis, surrounded by 128 columns each the gift of a king. The eunuch priests were attended by virgin priestesses and a swarm of slaves; the rites were a mixture of Oriental and Greek; the barbarous statue that rep\u00ad resented the goddess had two rows of supernumerary breasts, symbolizing fer\u00ad tility. The Festival of Artemis made all May a month of rejoicing, feasting, and games.\nSmyrna, despite its fishermen, had a better atmosphere. Apollonius of Tyana, who traveled far and wide, called it \"the most beautiful city under the sun.\" 59 It was proud of its long, straight streets, its double-tiered colonnades, its library, and its university. One of its most famous sons, Aelius Aristides (A.D. 117-187), described it in terms that reveal the splendor of these Roman-Hellenistic cities.\nGo from east to west, and you will pass from temple to temple and from hill to hill along a street fairer than its name (the Golden Way). Stand on the acropolis: the sea flows beneath you, the suburbs lie about you, the city through three lovely views fills the goblet of your soul. ... Everything to the very shore is a shining mass of gymnasia, markets, theaters ...  baths-so many that you hardly know where to bathe . . . fountains and public walks, and running water in every home. The abundance of her spectacles, contests, and exhibitions is beyond telling, and the variety of her handicrafts. Of all cities this is best suited for those who like to live at ease and be philosophers without guile.60\nAelius was one of many rhetors and sophists whose fame drew Students to Smyrna from all Bellas. His teacher Polemo was so great (says Philostratus) \"that he talked with cities as his inferiors, with emperors as not his superiors, and with the gods as his equals.\" 61 When he lectured in Athens Herodes Atticus, his greatest rival in opulent eloquence, attended as an admiring pupil. In payment for the privilege Herodes sent him 150,000 drachmas ($90,000); when Polemo failed to thank him a friend suggested that he felt underpaid; Herodes sent 100,000 more, which Polemo quietly accepted as his due. Polemo used his for\u00ad tune to embellish his adopted city; he took part in its government, harmonized its factions, and served it as ambassador. Tradition says that finding his arthritis\n516\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nunbearable he shut himself uo in the tomb of his ancestors at Laodicea and died of voluntary starvation at the age of fifty-si'<.62\nSardis, Croesus' ancient capital, was still \"a great city\" in Strabo's time. Cicero was impressed by the splendor and refinement of 1'1ytilene, and in the third cen\u00ad tury Longus described it in terms suggestive of Venice.63 Pergamum shone \\\\\u00b7ith the great altar and costly buildings raised by the Attalid kings out of a treasury fattened by the labor of slaves in state forests, fields, mines, and factories. Attalus III anticipated Roman expansion and social revolution by bequeathing his realm to Rome in 133 B.C. Aristonicus, son of King Eumenes II by a concubine, de\u00ad nounced the bequest as forced, called the slaves and the free poor to revolt,\ndefeated a Roman army ( 1 32), captured many cities, and planned a socialist state with the help of Blossius, teacher of the Gracchi. The neighboring kings of Bithynia and Pontus, and the business classes of the occupied cities, joined Rome in suppressing the rebellion, and Aristonicus died in a Roman dungeon. This uprising, and the Mithridatic Wars, interrupted the cultural life of Pergamum for half a century, and Antony despoiled its famous library to re\u00ad imburse Alexandria for the volumes burned during Caesar's stay. Pergamum must have recovered by Vespasian's time, for the elder Pliny judged it the most brilliant city in Asia. It enjoyed a new flurry of building under the Antonines, and developed in its Asclepieum a medical school from ,vhich Galen went forth to cure the world."]
[9.013506889343262, -10.84386157989502, "exercised an independent authority. The church of Rome, however, claimed to have been founded by Peter, and quoted Jesus as saying: \"Thou art Peter\" (Heb. Cephas, Gk. Petros), \"and upon this rock\" (Heb. cephas, Gk. petra) \"I will build my church, and the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it. I will give you the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth shall be loosed in heaven.\" 61l The passage has been challenged as an interpolation, and as a pun to which only Shakespeare would stoop; but the likelihood remains that Peter, if he did not establish the Christian colony in Rome, preached to it, and appointed its bishop.70 Irenaeus ( 1 87) wrote that Peter \"committed to the hands of Linus the office of the episcopate\"; Tertullian (200) confirmed this tradition; and Cyprian (252), bishop of Rome's great rival, Carthage, urged all Christians to accept the primacy of the Roman see.71\nThe earliest occupants of \"Peter's throne\" left no mark upon history. The third, Pope\u2022 Clement, stands out as the author of an extant letter written about 96 to the church of Corinth, appealing to its members to maintain harmony and order; 72 here, only a generation after Peter's death, the bishop of Rome speaks with authority to the Christians of a distant congregation. The other bishops, while acknowledging the \"primacy\"of the Roman bishop as the lineal successor of Peter, repeatedly challenged his power to overrule their own decisions. The Eastern churches celebrated Easter on the fourteenth day of the Jewish month of Nisan, whatever day of the week this might be; the Western churches post\u00ad poned the feast to the following Sunday. Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, visiting Rome about 156, tried and failed to persuade Anicetus, Bishop of Rome, to have the Eastern date observed in the West; and on his return he rejected the Pope's suggestion that the Eastern churches should accept the Western date. Pope Victor (190) rephrased Anicetus' request as a command; the bishops of Palestine obeyed, those of Asia Minor refused. Victor sent out letters to the Christian congregations, excommunicating the recalcitrant churches; many bishops, even in the West, protested against so severe a measure, and apparently Victor did not insist.\nHis successor Zephyrinus (202-18) was \"a simple and unlettered man.\" 73 To aid him in administering the spreading episcopate of Rome, Zephyrinus raised to the archdeaconate a man whose intelligence was less questioned than his morals. Callistus, said his enemies, had begun his career as a slave, had become a banker, had embezzled the funds deposited with him, had been sentenced to hard labor, had been released, had started a riot in a synagogue, had been con\u00ad demned to the mines of Sardinia, had escaped by having his name surreptitiously inserted into a list of pardoned prisoners, and had then lived for ten years at Antium in painful peace. When Zephyrinus placed him in charge of the papal cemetery he transferred it to the Via Appia, in the catacomb that bears his name. When Zephyrinus died, and Callistus was chosen pope, Hippolytus and some\nThe term papa, \"father,\" which became in English pope, was applied in the first three centuries to any Christian bishop.\n618\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVIII\nother priests denounced him as unfit, and set up a rival church and papacy ( 2 18). Doctrinal differences accentuated the schism: Callistus believed in read\u00ad mitting to the Church those who, after baptism, had committed a mortal sin (adultery, murder, aPostasy), and who professed their penitence. Hippolytus considered such lenience ruinous, and wrote a Refutation of All Heresies, with special attention to this one. Callistus excommunicated him, gave the Church a competent administration, and vigorously asserted the supreme authority of the Roman see over all Christendom.\nThe schism of Hippolytus ended in 235; but under Pope Cornelius (251-53) his heresy was revived by two priests-Novatus at Carthage and Novatian at Rome-who set up schismatic churches dedicated to the unrelenting exclusion of postbaptismal sinners. The Council of Carthage under Cyprian, and the Coun\u00ad cil of Rome under Cornelius, excommunicated both groups. Cyprian's appeal for Cornelius' support strengthened the papacy; but when Pope Stephen I ( 2 54-57) ruled that converts from heretical sects need not be rebaptized, Cyprian led a synod of African bishops in rejecting the decree. Stephen, like another Cato, excommunicated them in an ecclesiastical Punic War; his providentially early death allowed the quarrel to lapse, and averted the secession of the powerful African Church.\nDespite overreachings and setbacks, the Roman see increased its power with almost every decade. Its wealth and ecumenical charities exalted its prestige; it was consulted by the Christian world on every issue of gravity; it took the initiative in repudiating and combating heresies, and in defining the canon of the Scriptures. It was deficient in scholars, and could not boast a Tenullian, an Origen, or a Cyprian; it gave its attention to organization rather than to theory; it built and governed and let others write and talk. Cyprian rebelled; but it was he who, in his De Catbolicae Ecclesiae Unitate, acclaimed the see or seat of Peter (catbedra Petri) as the center and summit of Christendom, and proclaimed to the world those principles of solidarity, unanimity, and persistency which have been the essence and mainstay of the Catholic Church.74 By the middle of the third century the position and resources of the papacy were so strong that Decius vowed he would rather have a rival emperor at Rome than a pope.75 The capital of the Empire naturally became the capital of the Church.\nAs Judea had given Christianity ethics, and Greece had given it theology, so now Rome gave it organization; all these, with a dozen absorbed and rival faiths, entered into the Christian synthesis. It was not merely that the Church took over some religious customs and forms common in pre-Chris\u00ad tian Rome-the stole and other vestments of pagan priests, the use of incense and holy water in purifications, the burning of candles and an everlast\u00ad ing light before the altar, the worship of the saints, the architecture\nCHAP. XXVIII)   THE  GROWTH  OF THE  CHURCH\nof the basilica, the law of Rome as a basis for canon law, the title of Pontifex Maximus for the Supreme Pontiff, and, in the fourth century, the Latin language as the noble and enduring vehicle of Catholic ritual. The Roman gift was above all a vast framework of government, which, as secular au\u00ad thority failed, became the structure of ecclesiastical rule. Soon the bishops, rather than the Roman prefects, would be the source of order and the seat of power in the cities; the metropolitans, or archbishops, would support, if not supplant, the provincial governors; and the synod of bishops would succeed the provincial assembly. The Roman Church followed in the foot\u00ad steps of the Roman state; it conquered the provinces, beautified the capital, and established discipline and unity from frontier to frontier. Rome died in giving birth to the Church; the Church matured by inheriting and accepting the responsibilities of Rome.\nCHAPTER  XXIX\nTheCollapse of the Empire\nA SEMITIC DYNASTY\nN January r, 193, a few hours after the assassination of Commodus, the Senate met in a transport of happiness, and chose as emperor one\nof its most respected members, whose just administration as prefect of the city had continued the finest traditions of the Antonines. Peninax accepted with reluctance a dignity so exalted that any fall from it must be fatal. He \"demeaned himself as an ordinary man,\" says Herodian,1 attended the lec\u00ad tures of the philosophers, encouraged literature, replenished the treasury, reduced taxes, and auctioned off the gold and silver, the embroideries and silks and beautiful slaves, wherewith Commodus had filled the imperial palace; \"in fact, he did everything,\" says Dio Cassius, \"that a good emperor should do.\" 2 The freedmen who had lost their perquisites through his economy conspired with the Praetorian Guard, which disliked his restora\u00ad tion of discipline. On March 28, 300 soldiers forced their way into the palace, struck l}im down, and carried his head upon a spear to their camp. The people and the Senate mourned and hid.\nThe leaders of the Guard announced that they would bestow the crown upon that Roman who should offer them the largest donative. Didius Julianus was persuaded by his wife and daughter to interrupt his meal and enter his bid. Proceeding to the camp, he found a rival offering 5000 drachmas ($3000) to each soldier in return for the throne. The agents of the Guard passed from one millionaire to the other, encouraging higher bids; when Julianus promised each man 62 50 drachmas the Guard declared him emperor. Aroused by this crowning indignity, the people of Rome appealed to the legions in Britain, Syria, and Pannonia to come and depose Julianus. The legions, angered by exclusion from the donative, hailed their respective generals with the imperial title, and marched toward Rome. The Pannonian commander, Lucius Septimius Severus Geta, gained the Principate by bold\u00ad ness, expedition, and bribery. He pledged himself to give each soldier 12,000 drachmas upon his accession; he led them from the Danube to within seventy\n620\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE\nmiles of Rome in a month; he won over to himself the troops sent to halt him, and subdued the Praetorians by offering them pardon in return for the surrender of their leaders. He violated precedent by entering the capital with all his troops in full armor, but he himself appeased tradition by wear\u00ad ing civilian dress. A tribune found Julianus in tears and terror in the palace, led him into a bathroom, and beheaded him (June 2, 193).\nAfrica, which was at this time providing Christianity with its ablest de\u00ad fenders, gave birth (146) and early schooling to Septimius. Brought up in a family of Punic-speaking Phoenicians, he studied literature and philosophy in Athens and practiced law in Rome. Despite the Semitic accent of his Latin, he was among the best-educated Romans of his time, and liked to surround himself with poets and philosophers. But he did not allow philos\u00ad ophy to impede his wars, or poetry to soften his character. He was a man of handsome features, strong physique, and simple dress, hardy in hardship, clever in strategy, fearless in battle, ruthless in victory. He conversed with wit, judged with penetration, lied without scruple, loved money more than honor, and governed with cruelty and competence.3\nThe Senate had made the mistake of declaring for his rival Albinus; Sep\u00ad timius, surrounded with 600 guards, persuaded it to confirm his own acces\u00ad sion; then he put scores of senators to death, and confiscated so many aristo\u00ad cratic estates that he became landlord to half the peninsula. The decimated Senate was replenished by imperial nomination with new members chiefly from the monarchical East. The great lawyers of the age-Papinian, Paulus, Ulpian-accumulated arguments in defense of absolute power. Septimius ignored the Senate except when he sent it commands; he assumed full con\u00ad trol of the various treasuries, based his rule frankly upon the army, and made the Principate an hereditary military monarchy. The army was in\u00ad creased in size; the pay of the soldiers was raised, and became an exhausting drain upon the public purse. Military service was made compulsory, but was forbidden to the inhabitants of Italy; henceforth provincial legions would choose emperors for a Rome that had lost the fortitude to rule.\nThis realistic warrior believed in astrology, and excelled in the interpreta\u00ad tion of portents and dreams. \\Vhen, six years before his accession, his first wife died, he offered his hand to a rich Syrian whose horoscope 1!ad pledged her a throne. Julia Domna was the daughter of a rich priest of the god Elagabal at \u00a3mesa. There, long since, a meteorite had fallen, had been en\u00ad shrined in a gaudy temple, and was worshiped as the symbol, if not the embodiment, of the deity. Julia came, bore Septimius two sons, Caracalla and Geta, and rose to her promised throne. She was too beautiful to be monogamous, but Septimius was too busy to be jealous. She gathered around her a salon of literary men, patronized the arts, and persuaded Philostratus\n622.\tCAESAR  AND CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nto write and adorn the life of Apollonius of T yana. Her strong character and influence accelerated that orientation of the monarchy toward Eastern ways which culminated morally under Elagabalus, and politically under Diocletian."]
[-4.132268905639648, 9.436079025268555, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVIl\nthree are minor works;* the most famous is the Prometheus Rownd; the greatest make up the Oresteia trilogy.\nThe Prometheus Bound, too, may have been part of a trilogy, though no ancient authority vouches for this. We hear of a satyr play by Aeschy\u00ad lus called Prometheus the Fire Bringer; but it was produced apart from the Prometheus Bound, in a quite different combination.\" Fragments sur\u00ad vive of a Prometheus Unbound by Aeschylus; these are well-nigh mean\u00ad ingless, but anxious scholars assure us that if we had the full text we should find Aeschylus answering satisfactorily all the heresies which the extant play\u00b7 puts into the hero's lines. Even so it is noteworthy that an Athenian audience, at a religious festival, should have put up with the Titan's blasphemies. As the play opens we find Prometheus being chained to a rock in the Caucasus by Hephaestus at the command of a Zeus irate because Prometheus has taught men the art of fire. Hephaestus speaks:\nHigh-thoughted son of Themis, who is sage! Thee loath I loath must rivet fast in chains Against this rocky height unclomb by man, Where never human voice nor face shall find\nOut thee who lov'st them; and thy beauty's flower, Scorched in the sun's clear heat shall fade away.\nNight shall come up with garniture of stars To comfort thee with shadow, and the sun\nDisperse with retrickt beams the morning frosts; But through all dangers sense of present woe Shall vex thee sore, because with none of them There comes a hand to free. Such fruit is plucked From love of man! ... For Zeus is stern,\nAnd new-made kings are cruel.'\"\nHanging helpless on the crag, Prometheus hurls defiance to Olympus, and recounts proudly the steps by which he brought civilization to primi\u00ad tive men, who till then\nlived like silly ants beneath the ground\nIn hollow caves unsunned. There came to them No steadfast sign of winter, nor of spring Flower-perfumed, nor of summer full of f it;\nTheSuppliant Women is of the primitive type, in which the chorus predominatc3; The Persians is also mostly choral, and vividly describes the battle of Salamis; the Seven against Thebes was the third play in a trilogy that told the story of King Laius and his queen Jocasta. the patricide and incest of their son Oedipus, and the conflict between the sons of Oedipus for the Theban throne.\nCHAP.xvn)  THE  LITERATURE  OF 1.'HE  GOLDEN  AGE\t385\nBut blindly and lawlessly they did all things, Until I taught them how the stars do rise And set in mystery, and devised for them Number, the inducer of philosophies,\nThe synthesis of letters, and besides, The artificer of all things, memory\nThat sweet muse-mother. I was first to yoke The servile beasts. . ..\nAnd none but I originated ships....\nAndi, Who did devise for mortals all these arts, Have no device left now to save myself...\nThe whole earth mourns with him. \"There is a cry in the waves of the sea as they fall together, and a groaning in the deep; a wail comes up from the cavern realms of death.\" All the nations send their condolences to this political prisoner, and bid him remember that suffering visits all: \"Grief walks the earth, and sits down at the feet of each by turns.\" But they do nothing to free him. Oceanus advises him to yield, \"seeing that who reigns, reigns by cruelty instead of right\"; and the chorus of Oceanids, daughters\n\tof the sea, wonder whether humanity deserves to be suffered for with such a crucifixion. \"Nay, thine was a helpless sacrifice, 0\tbeloved.... Didst thou not see the race of men, how little in effort and energy, dream\u00ad ers bound in chains?\"\" Nevertheless they so admire him that when Zeus threatens to hurl .him down into T artarus they stay by him, and face with him the thunderbolt that blasts them and Prometheus into the abyss. But Prometheus, being a god, is denied the easement of death. In the lost conclusion of the trilogy he is raised up from Tartarus to be again chained to a mountain rock, and a vulture is commissioned by Zeus to gnaw out the Titan's heart. The heart grows by night as fast as the vulture consumes it by day; in this way Prometheus suffers through thirteen generations of men. Then the kindly giant Heracles kills the vulture, and persuades Zeus to free Prometheus. The Titan repents, makes his peace with Omnipo\u00ad tence, and places upon his finger the iron ring of necessity.\nIn this simple and powerful trilogy Aeschylus set the theme of Greek drama-the struggle of human will against inescapable destiny-and the theme of the life of Greece in the fifth century-:-the conflict between re\u00ad bellious thought and traditional belief. His conclusion is conservative, but he know the case for the rebel, and gives it all his sympathy; not even in Euripides shall we find so critical a view of Olympus. This is another\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVII\nParadise Lost in which the Fallen Angel, despite the poet's piety, is the hero of the tale. Probably Milton often recalled Aeschylus' Titan when he composed such eloquent speeches for Satan. Goethe was fond of this play, and used Prometheus as a mouthpiece in irreverent youth; Byron made him the model of nearly all his selves; and Shelley, always at odds with fate, brought the story back to life in Prometheus Unbound, where the rebel never yields. The legend hides a dozen allegories: su.ffering is the fruit of the tree of knowledge; to know the future is to gnaw one's heart away; the liberator is always crucified; and in the end one must accept limits, man muss entsagen, must accomplish his purpose within the nature of things. This is a noble theme, and helps the majestic language of Aeschylus to make the Prometheus a tragedy in the \"grand style.\" Never has the war between knowledge and superstition. enlightenment and obscurantism, genius and dogma, been more powerfully pictured, or lifted to a higher reach of symbol and utterance. \"The other productions of the Greek\ntragedians,\" said Schlegel, \"are so many tragedies; but this is Tragedy her\u00ad self,,,.\"\nNevertheless the Oresteia is greater still-by common consent the finest achievement in Greek drama, perhaps in all drama.\" It was produced in 458, probably two years after Prometheus Bownd, and two years before the author's death. The theme is the fateful breeding of violence by vio\u00ad lence, and the inescapable punishment, through generation after genera\u00ad tjon, of insolent pride and excess. We call it a legend but the Greeks, per\u00ad haps rightly, called it history. The story, as told by each of the greater dramatists of Greece, might be called The Children of Tantalus, for it was he, the Phrygian king so recklessly proud in his wealth, who began the long chain of crime, and called down the vengeance of the Furies, by steal\u00ad ing the nectar and ambrosia of the gods, and giving the divine food to Pelops, his son; in every age some men acquire more wealth than befits a man, and use it to spoil their children. We have seen how Pelops, by foul means, won the throne of Elis, slew his accomplice, and married th daugh\u00ad ter of the king whom he had deceived and killed. By Hippodameia he had three children: Thyestes, Aerope, and Atreus. Thyestes seduced Aerope; Atreus, to avenge his sister, served up his brother's children to him at a banquet; whereupon Aegisthus, son of Thyestes by Thyestes' daughter, vowed vengeance upon Atreus and his line. Atreus had two sons, Aga\u00ad memnon and Menelaus. Agamemnon married Clytaemnestra, and had by her two daughters, Iphigenia and Electra, and one son, Orestes. At Aulis,"]
[3.9120404720306396, 13.371773719787598, "Nor mortal wisdom gave them birth; And howsoe'er men may forget, They will not sleep.\"\nIt is the pen of Sophocles, but the voice of Aeschylus, faith making the last stand against unbelief. In this piety and resignation we see the figure of Job repentant and reconciled; but between the lines we catch premonitions of Euripides.\nLike Solon, Sophocles counts that man most blessed who has never been born, and him next happiest who dies in infancy. A modem pessimist has taken pleasure in translating the somber lines of the chorus on the death of Oedipus, lines that reflect a world-weariness brought on by old age, and the bitter fratricide of the Peloponnesian War:\nWhat man is he that yeameth\nFor length unmeasured of days?\nFolly mine eye discerneth Encompassing all his ways.\nFor years over-running the measure Shall change thee in evil wise:\nGrief draweth nigh thee; and pleasure, Behold it is hid from thine eyes.\nThis to their wage have they Which overlive their day....\nThpyortion esteem I highest Who wast not ever begot;\nThine next, being born, who diest And straightway again art not.\nWith follies light as the feather Doth Youth to man befall;\nThen evils gather together,\nThere wants not one of them all\u00ad Wrath, envy, discord, strife, The sword that seeketh life.\nAnd sealing the sum of trouble Doth tottering Age draw nigh, Whom friends and kinsfolk fiy;\n400\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\nAge, upon whom redouble\nAll sorrows under the sky....\nAnd he that looseth from labor Doth one with other befriend,\nWhom bride nor bridesmen attend, Song, nor sound of the tabor,\nDeath that maketh an end...\n(CHAP.XVII\nEvery scholastic gossip knows that Sophocles consoled his old age with the hetaira Theoris, and had offspring by her... His legitimate son lophon, fearing, perhaps, that the poet would bequeath his wealth to Theoris' child, brought his father to court on a charge of financial incompetence. Sophocles read to the\u00b7 jury, as evidence of his mental clarity, certain cho\u00ad ruses from the play which he was writing, probably the Oedipus at Colonus; whereupon the judges not only acquitted him, but escorted him to his home... Born many years before Euripides, he lived to put on mourning for him; and then, in that same year 406, he too died. Legend tells how, as the Spartans besieged Athens, Dionysus, g9d of the drama, appeared to Lysander and obtained a safe-conduct for the friends of Sophocles, who wished to bury him in the sepulcher of his fathers at Deceleia. The Greeks rendered him divine honors, and the poet Simmias composed for him a quiet epitaph:\nCreep gently, ivy, ever gently creep,\nWhere Sophocles sleeps on in calm repose; Thy pale green tresses o'er the marble sweep,"]
[-7.2795939445495605, 14.12202262878418, "Oh, vain is man, Who glorieth in his joy and hath no fears, While to and fro the chances of the years\nDance like an idiot in the wind! ...\t(She 'Wraps the child in the burial garments.) \u2022\nGlory of Phrygian raiment, which my thought Kept for thy bridal day with some far-sought Queen of the East, folds thee for evermore\t\"\"\nIn the Electra the ancient theme is far advanced. Agamemnon is dead, Orestes is in Phocis, and Electra has been married off by her mother to a peasant whose simple fidelity, and awe of her royal descent, survive her brooding negligence of him. To her, wondering will Orestes never find her, Orestes comes, bidden by Apollo himself (Euripides drives this point home) to avenge Agamemnon's death. Electra stirs him on; if he will not kill the murderers she will. The lad finds Aegisthus and slays him, and then turns upon his mother. Clytaemnestra is here a subdued and aging woman, gray-haired and frail, haunted by the memory of her crimes, at once fearing and loving the children who hate her; asking, but not beg\u00ad ging, for mercy; and half reconciled to the penalty of her sins. When the killing is over Orestes is overcome with horror.\nSister, touch her again, Oh, veil the body of her,\n410\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\nShed on her raiment fair,\nAnd close that death-red stain.\u00ad Mother! And didst thou bear, Bear in thy bitter pain,\nTo life, thy murderer?\"'\n(CHAP.XVD\nThe final act of the drama, in Euripides, is called Iphigenia in Ttmris\u00ad i.e., Iphigenia among the Tauri. Anemis, it now appears, substituted a deer for Agamemnon's daughter on the pyre at Aulis, snatched the girl from the flames, and made her a priestess at the- shrine of Anemis among the half-savage Tauri of the Crimea. The Tauri make it a rule to sacrifice to the goddess any stranger who sets foot unasked upon their shores; and Iphigenia is the unhappy, brooding ministrant who consecrates the vic\u00ad tims. Eighteen years of separation from Greece and those she loved have dulled her mind with grief. Meanwhile the oracle of Apollo has promised Orestes peace if he will capture from the Tauri the sacred image of Anemis, and bring it to Attica. Orestes and Pylades set sail, and at last reach the land of the T auri, who gladly accept them as gifts of the sea for Artemis, and hurry them off to be slain at her altar. Orestes, exhausted, falls in an epileptic fit at Iphigenia's feet; and though she does not recog\u00ad nize him, she is overwhelmed with pity as she sees the two comrades, in the fairest years of youth, faced with death.\nlphig. To none is given\nTo know the coming nor the end of woe; So dark is God, and to great darkness go\nHis paths, by blind chance mazed from our ken. Whence are ye come,0 most unhappy men? ... What mother then was yours,0 strangers, say, And father? And your sister, if you have\nA sister: both at once, so young and brave To leave her brotherless....\nOrestes. Would that my sister's hand could close mine eyes!\nlphig. Alas, she dwelleth under distant skies, Unhappy one, and vain is all thy prayer.\nYet, oh, thou art from Argos; all of care That can be I will give, and fail thee not. Rich raiment to thy burial shall be brought, And oil to cool thy pyre in golden floods,\nAnd sweet that from a thousand mountain buds The murmuring bee hath garnered, I will throw To die with thee in fragrance.\nCHAP.xvn) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t411\nShe promises to save them if they will carry back to Argos the message\nwhich she bids them store in their memories.\nIphig. Say, \"To Orestes, Agamemnon's son, She that was slain in Aulis, dead to Greece Yet quick, Iphigenia, sendeth peace.\"\nOrestes. Iphigenia! Where? Back from the dead? lphig. 'Tis _I. But speak not, lest thou break my thread. \"Take me to Argos, brother, ere I die.\"\nOrestes wishes to clasp her in his arms, but the attendants forbid it; no man may touch the priestess of Artemis. He declares himself Orestes, but she cannot believe him. He convinces her by recalling the tales Electra told them."]
[-3.6444873809814453, 6.346343040466309, "Since athletics were necessary for war, and yet would die without com\u00ad petitions, the cities of Greece, to provide the highest stimulus, arranged Panhellenic games. The oldest of these were organized as a regular quad\u00ad rennial event at Olympia in 776 B.c.-the first definite date in Greek history. Originally confined to Eleans, within a century they were drawing entries from all Greece; by 476 the list of victors ranged from Sinope to Marseilles. The feast of Zeus became an international holyday; a truce was proclaimed to all wars in Greece for the month of the festival, and fines were levied by the Eleans upon any Greek state in whose territory a traveler to the games suffered molestation. Philip of Macedon humbly paid a fine because some of his soldiers had robbed an Athenian en route to Olympia.\nWe picture the pilgrims and athletes starting out from distant cities, a month ahead of time, to come together at the games. It was a fair as well as a festival; the plain was covered not only with the tents that sheltered the visitors from the July heat, but with the booths where a thousand con\u00ad cessionaires exposed for sale everything from wine and fruit to horses and statuary, while acrobats and conjutors performed their tricks for the crowd. Some juggled balls in the air, others performed marvels of agility and skill, others ate fire or swallowed swords: modes of amusement, like forms of superstition, enjoy a reverend antiquity. Famous orators like Gorgias, famous sophists like Hippias, perhaps famous writers like Herodotus, de\u00ad livered addresses or recitations from the porticoes of the temple of Zeus. It was a special holiday for men, since married women were not allowed to attend the festival; these had their own games at the feast of Hera. Menander summed up such a scene in five words: \"crowd, market, acro\u00ad bats, amusements, thieves.\"\"'\nOnly freeborn Greeks were allowed to compete in the Olympic games. The athletes (from athlos, a contest) were selected by local and municipal elimination trials, after which they submitted for ten months to rigorous training under professional paidotribai (literally, youth rubbers) and gym\u00ad nastai. Arrived at Olympia, they were examined by the officials, and took an oath to observe all the rules. Irregularities were rare; we hear of Eupolis bribing other boxers to lose to him,\" but the penalty and dishonor attached to su h offenses were discouragingly great. When everything was ready the athletes were led into the stadium; as they entered, a herald announced their. names and the cities that had entered them. All the con-\n214\tTHE\tL IF E  OF\tGREECE\t(CHAP. IX\ntestants, whatever their age or rank, were naked; occasionally a girdle might be worn at the loins... Of the stadium itself nothing remains but the narrow stone slabs toed by the runners at the starting point. The 45,ooo spectators kept their places in the stadium all day long, suffering from in\u00ad sects, heat, and thirst; hats were forbidden, the water was bad, and flies and mosquitoes infested the place as they do today. Sacrifices were offered at frequent intervals to Zeus Averter of Flies...,\nThe most important events were grouped together as the pentathlon, or five contests. To promote all-around development in the athlete each entry in any of these events was required to compete in all of them; to secure the victory it was necessary to win three contests out of the five. The first was a broad jump; the athlete held weights like dumbbells in his hands, and leaped from a standing start. Ancient writers assure us that some jumpers spanned fifty feet;\"\" but it is not necessary to believe everything that we read. The second event was throwing the discus, a circular plate of metal or stone weighing about twelve pounds; the best throws are said to have covered a hundred feet.\"\" The third contest was in hurling the javelin or spear, with the aid of a leather thong attached to the center of the shaft. The fourth and principal event of the group was the stadium sprint-i.e., for the length of the stadium, usually some two hundred yards. The fifth contest was wrestling. It was a highly popular form of competi\u00ad tion in Greece, for the very name palaistra was taken from it, and many a story was told of its champions.\nBoxing was an ancient game, almost visibly handed down from Minoan Crete and Mycenaean Greece. The boxers practiced with punching balls hung on a level with the head and filled with fig seeds, meal, or sand. In the classic age of Greece (i.e., the fifth and fourth centuries), they wore \"soft gloves\" of oxhide dressed with fat and reaching almost to the elbow. Blows were confined to the head, but there was no rule against hitting a man who was down. There were no rests or rounds; the boxers fought till one surrendered or succumbed. They were not classified by weight; any man of any weight might enter the lists. Hence weight was an asset, and boxing degenerated in Greece from a competition in skill into a contest in brawn. In the course of time, as brutality increased, boxing and wrestling were combined into a new contest called the pankration, or game of all powers. In this everything but biting and eye-gouging was permitted, even to a kick in the stomach.'\u00b0 Three heroes whose names have come down to us won by breaking the .fingers of their opponents;\" another struck so fero-\nCHAP. IX)  THE  COM  MON  CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    215\nciously with straight extended fingers and strong sharp nails that he pierced the .flesh of his adversary and dragged out his bowels.02 Milo of Crotona was a more amiable pugilist. He had developed his strength, we are told, by carrying a calf every day of its life until it was a full-grown bull. Peo\u00ad ple loved him for his tricks: he would hold a pomegranate so fast in his fist that no one could get it from him, and yet the fruit was uninjured; he would stand on an oiled quoit and resist all efforts to dislodge him; he would tie a cord around his forehead and burst the cord by holding his breath and so forcing blood to his head. In the end he was destroyed by his virtues. \"For he chanced,\" says Pausanias, \"on a withered tree, into which some wedges had been driven to separate the wood, and he took it into his head to keep the wood apart with his hands. But the wedges slipped out, he was imprisoned in the tree, and became a prey to the wolves.\"'\"\nIn addition to the pentathlon sprint, there were other foot races at the games. One was for four hundred yards, another for twenty-four stadia, or 2 \u00bd miles; a third was an armed race, in which each runner carried a heavy shield. We have no knowledge of the records made in these races; the stadium differed in length in different cities, and the Greeks had no instruments for measuring small intervals of time. Stories tell of a Greek\nrunner who could outdistance a hare; of another who raced a horse from Coronea to Thebes (some twenty miles) and beat it; and of how Pheidip\u00ad pides ran from Athens to Sparta-150 miles-in two days\" and, at the cost of his life, brought to Athens the news of the victory at Marathon, twenty\u00ad four miles away. But there were no \"marathon races\" in Greece.\nIn the plain below the stadium Olympia built a special hippodrome for horse races. Women as well as men might enter their horses, and, as now, the prize went to the owner and not to the jockey, though the horse was sometimes rewarded with a statue.'\" The culminating events of the games were the chariot races, with two or four horses running abreast. Often ten four-horse chariots competed together; and as each had to negotiate twenty\u00ad three turns around the posts at the ends of the course, accidents were the chief thrill of the game; in one race with forty starters a single chariot fin\u00ad ished. We may imagine the tense excitement of the spectators at these contests, their wordy arguments about their favorites, their emotional aban\u00ad donment as the survivors rounded the last turn.\nWhen the toils of five days were over the victors received their rewards. Each bound a woolen fillet about his head, and upon this the judges placed\n216\tThE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\na crown of wild olive, while a herald announced the name and city of the winner. This laurel wreath was the only prize given at the Olympic games, and yet it was the most eagerly contested distinction in Greece. So im\u00ad ponant were the games that not even the Persian invasion stopped them; and while a handful of Greeks withstood Xerxes' army at Thermopylae the customary thousands watched Theagenes of Thasos, on the very day of the battle, win the pancratiast's crown. \"Good heavens!\" exclaimed a Per\u00ad sian to his general; \"what manner of men are these against whom you have brought us to fi.ght?-men who contend with one another not for money but for honor!\"'\" He, or the Greek inventor of the tale, did the Greeks oo much credit, and not merely because the Greeks should on that day have been at Thermopylae rather than at Olympia. Though the direct prize at the games was little, the indirect rewards were great. Many cities voted substantial sums to the victors on their rettirn from their triumphs; some cities made them generals; and the crowd idolized them so openly that jealous philosophers complained.\" Poets like Simonides and Pindar were engaged by the victor or his patrons to write odes in his honor, which were sung by choruses of boys in the procession that welcomed him home; sculptors were paid to perpetuate him in bronze or stone; and sometimes he was given free sustenance in the city hall. We may judge tht: cost of this item when we learn, on questionable authority, that Milo ate a four\u00ad year-old heifer, and Theagenes an ox, in a day.'\"\nThe sixth century saw the peak of the splendor and popularity of ath\u00ad letics in Greece. In 582 the Amphictyonic League established the Pythian games in honor of Apollo at Delphi; in the same year the lst\u00b5mian games were instituted at Corinth in honor of Poseidon; six years later the Nemean games were inaugurated to celebrate the Nemean Zeus; and all three occa\u00ad sions became Panh'ellenic festivals. Together with the Olympic games they formed a periodos, or cycle, and the great ambition of a Greek athlete was to win the crown at all of them. In the Pythian games contests in music and poetry were added to the physical competitions; and indeed such musi\u00ad cal tilts had been celebrated at Delphi long before the establishment of the athletic games. The original event was a hymn in honor of Apollo's vic\u00ad tory over the Delphic python; in 582 contests were added in singing, and in playing the lyre and the flute. Similar musica) contests were held at Corinth, Nemea, Delos, and elsewhere; for the Greeks believed that by frequent public competitions they could stimulate not only the ability of the performer but the taste of the public as well. The principle was ap-\nCHAP.IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    217\nplied to almost every art-to pottery, poetry, sculpture, painting, choral singing, oratory, and drama:\u2022 In this way and others the games had a pro\u00ad found influence upon art and literature, and even upon the writing of his\u00ad tory; for the chief method of reckoning time, in later Greek historiography, was by Olympiads, designated by the name of the victor in the one-stadium foot race. The physical perfection of the all-around athlete in the sixth century generated that ideal of statuary which reached its fullness in Myron and Polycleitus. The nude contests and games in the palaestra and at the festivals gave the sculptor unequaled opportunities to study the human body in every natural form and pose; the nation unwittingly became mod\u00ad els to its artists, and Greek athletics united with Greek religion to generate Greek art.\nARTS\nNow that we come at last to the most perfect products of Greek civ\u00ad ilization we find ourselves tragically limited in the quantity of the remains. The devastation caused in Greek literature by time and bigotry and mental fashions is negligible compared with the destruction of Greek art. One classic bronze survives-the Charioteer of Delphi; one classic marble statue\n-the Hermes of Praxiteles; not one temple-not even the Theseum-has come down to us in the form and color that it had for ancient Greece. Greek work in textiles, in wood, in ivory, silver, or gold, is nearly all gone; the material was too perishable or too precious to escape vandalism and time. We must reconstruct the ship from a few planks of the wreckage.\nThe sources of Greek art were the impulses to representation and deco\u00ad ration, the anthropomorphic quality of Greek religion, and the athletic character and ideal. The early Greek, like other primitives, when he out\u00ad grew the custom of sacrificing living beings to accompany and serve the dead, buried carved or painted figures as substitutes. Later he placed images of his ancestors in his home; or he dedicated in the temple likenesses of himself, or of those whom he loved, as votive figurines that might magically win for their models the protection of the god. Minoan religion, Myce\u00ad naean religion, even the chthonic cults of Greece, were too vague and im\u00ad personal, sometimes too horrible and grotesque, to lend themselves to esthetic form; but the frank humanity of the Olympian gods, and their need of temple homes for their earthly stays, opened a wide road for sculp\u00ad ture, architecture, and a hundred ancillary arts. No other religion-pos\u00ad sibly excepting Catholicism-has so stimulated and influenced literature and\n218\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nart: almost every book or play, statue or building or vase, that has come down to us from ancient Greece touches upon religion in subject, purpose, or inspiration.\nBut inspiration alone would not have made Greek art great. There was needed a technical excellence rising out of cultural contacts and the trans\u00ad mission and development of crafts; indeed art to the Greek was a form of handicraft, and the artist grew so naturally out of the artisan that Greece never quite distinguished them. There was needed a knowledge of the human body, as in its healthy development the norm of proportion, sym\u00ad metry, and beauty; there was needed a sensuous, passionate love of beauty,"]
[-0.6134622693061829, 11.751871109008789, "MYSTERIES\nThere were essentially three elements and stages in Greek religion: chthonian, Olympian, and mystic. The first was probably of Pelasgo-Mycenaean origin, the second probably Achaeo-Dorian, the third Egypto:.Asiatic. The first wor\u00ad shiped subterranean, the second celestial, the third resurrected, gods.  The first was most popular among the poor, the second among the well to do, the third in the lower middle class. The first predominated before the Homeric age, the second in it, the third after it. By the time of the Periclean Enlight\u00ad enment the most vigorous element in Greek religion was the mystery. In the Greek sense a mystery was a secret ceremony in which sacred symbols were revealed, symbolic rites were performed, and only initiates were the wor\u00ad shipers. Usually the rites represented or commemorated, in semidramatic form, the suffering, death, and resurrection of a god, pointed back to old vegetation themes and magic, and promised the initiate a personal immortality.\nMany places in Greece celebrated such mystic rites, but no other place in this respect could rival Eleusis. The mysteries there were of pre-Achaean origin, and appear to have been originally an autumn festival of plowing and sowing.'\" A myth explained how Demeter, rewarding the people of Attica for their kindness to her in her wanderings, established at Eleusis her greatest tem\u00ad ple, which was destroyed and rebuilt many times during the history of Greece. Under Solon, Peisistratus, and Pericles the festival of Demeter at Eleusis was adopted by Athens, and raised to higher elaboration and pomp. In the Lesser Mysteries, held near Athens in the spring, candidates for initiation underwent a preliminary purification by self-immersion in the waters of the Ilissus. In Sep\u00ad tember the candidates and others walked in grave but happy pilgrimage for fourteen miles along the Sacred Way to Eleusis, bearing at their head the image of the chthonian deity lacchu . The _Procession arrived at E eusis under torchlight, and solemnly placed the image m the temple; after which the day was ended with sacred dances and songs.\nThe Greater Mysteries lasted four days more. Those who had been purified with bathing and fasting were now admitted to the lesser rites; those who had\nCHAP. vm)\tTHE  GODS  OF  GREECE\nreceived such rites a year before were taken into the Hall of Initiation, where the secret ceremony was performed. The mystai, or initiates, broke their fast by participating in a holy communion in memory of Demeter, drinking a holy mixture of meal and water, and eating sacred cakes. What mystic ritual was then performed we do not know; the secret was well kept throughout antiquity, under penalty of death; even the pious Aeschylus narrowly escaped condem\u00ad nation for certain lines that might have given the secret away. The ceremony was in any case a symbolic play, and had a part in generating the Dionysian drama. Very probably the theme was the rape of Persephone by Pluto, the sorrowful wandering of Demeter, the return of the Maiden to earth, and the revelation of agriculture to Attica. The summary of the ceremony was the mystic marriage of a priest representing Zeus with a priestess impersonating Demeter. These symbolic nuptials bore fruit with magic speed, for it was soon followed, we are told, by a solemn announcement that \"Our Lady has borne a holy boy\"; and a reaped ear of corn was exhibited as symbolizing the fruit of Demeter's labor-the bounty of the fields. The worshipers were then led by dim torchlight into dark subterranean caverns symbolizing Hades, and, again, to an upper chamber brilliant with light, representing, it appears, the abode of the blessed; and they were now shown, in solemn exaltation, the holy objects, relics, or icons that till that moment had been concealed. In this ecstasy of revelation, we are assured, they felt the unity of God, and the oneness of God and the soul; they were lifted up out of the delusion of individuality, and knew the peace of absorption into deity.\"\nIn the age of Peisistratus the mysteries of Dionysus entered into the Eleu\u00ad sinian liturgy by a religious _infection: the god lacchus was identified with Dionysus as the son of Persephone, and the legend of Dionysus Zagreus was superimposed upon the myth of Demeter.\"' But through all forms the basic idea of the mysteries remained the same: as the seed is born again, so may the dead have renewed life; and not merely the dreary, shadowy existence of Hades, but a life of happiness and peace. When almost everything else in Greek religion had passed away, this consoling hope, reunited in Alexandria with that Egyptian belief in immortality from which the Greek had been derived, gave to Christianity the weapon with which to conquer the Western world.\nIn the seventh century there came into Hellas, from Egypt, Thrace, and Thessaly, another mystic cult, even more important in Greek history than the mysteries of Eleusis. At its source we find, in the age of the Argonauts, the obscure but fascinating figure of Orpheus, a Thracian who \"in culture, music, and poetry,\" says Diodorus, \"far surpassed all men of whom we have a record.'\"\" Very probably he existed, though all that we now know of him bears the marks of myth. He is pictured as a gentle spirit, tender, medi-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF \"'G'REECE\t(CHAP. VIII\ntative, affectionate; sometimes a musician, sometimes a reforming ascetic priest of Dionysus. He played the lyre so well, and sang to it so melodi\u00ad ously, that those who heard him almost began to worship him as a god; wild animals became tame at his voice, and trees and rocks left their places to follow the sound of his harp. He married the fair Eurydice, and almost went mad when death took her. He plunged into Hades, charmed Perseph\u00ad one with his lyre, and was allowed to lead Eurydice up to life again on condition that he should not look back upon her until the surface of the eanh was reached. At the last barrier anxiety overcame him lest she should no longer be following; he looked back, only to see her snatched down once more into the nether world. Thracian women, resenting his unwillingness 1 o console himself with them, tore him to pieces in one of their Dionysian revels; Zeus atoned for them by placing the lyre of Orpheus as a constella\u00ad tion among the st s. Thesevered head, still singing, was buried at Lesbos in a cleft that became the site of a popular oracle; there, we are told, the nightingales sang with especial tenderness.\"\nIn later days it was claimed that he had left behind him many sacred songs; and perhaps it was so. At the behest of Hipparchus, says Greek tradition, a scholar named Onomacritus, about 520, edited these as the Homeric lays had been edited a generation before. In the sixth century, or earlier, these hymns had acquired a sacred character as divinely inspired, and formed the basis of a mystical cult related to that of Dionysus but far superior to it in doctrine, ritual, and moral influence. The creed was essen\u00ad tially an affirmation of the passion (suffering), death, and resurrection of the divine son Dionysus Zagreus, and the resurrection of all men into a future of reward and punishment. Since the Titans, who had slain Diony\u00ad sus, were believed to have been the ancestors of man, a taint of original sin rested upon all humanity; and in punishment for this the soul was enclosed in the body as in a prison or a tomb. But man might console himself by knowing that the Titans had eaten Dionysus, and that therefore every man harbored, in his soul, a panicle of indestructible divinity. In a mystic sacra\u00ad ment of communion the Orphic worshipers ate the raw flesh of a bull as a symbol of Dionysus to commemorate the slaying and eating of the god, and to absorb the divine essence anew.'\"\nAfter death, said Orphic theology, the soul goes down to Hades, and\nmust face judgment by the gods of the underworld; the Orphic hymns and ritual, like the Egyptian Book of the Dead, instructed the faithful in the art of preparing for this comprehensive and final examination. If the ver\u00ad dict was guilty there would be severe punishment. One form of the doctrine\nCHAP.VIII)\tTHE  GODS  OF GREECE\nconceived this punishment as eternal,'\" and transmitted to later theology the notion of hell. Another form adopted the idea of transmigration: the soul was reborn again and again into lives happier or bitterer than before accord\u00ad ing to the purity or impurity of its former existence; and this wheel of rebirth would tum until complete purity was achieved, and the soul was admitted to the Islands of the Blest.\"\u00b0 Another variant offered hope that the punishment in Hades might be ended through penances performed in advance by the individual, or, after his death, by his friends. In this way a doctrine of purgatory and indulgences arose; and Plato describes with almost the anger of a Luther the peddling of such indulgences in the Athens of the fourth century B.c.:\nMendicant prophets go to rich men's doors and persuade them that they have a power committed to them of making atonement for their sins or those of their fathers by sacrifices or charms   And\nthey produce a host of books written by Musaeus and Orpheus ... according to which they perform their ritual, and persuade not only individuals but whole cities that expiations and atonements may be made by sacrifices and amusements [ceremonies?] which fill a vacant hour, and are equally at the service of the living and the dead. The latter [ceremonies] they call mysteries, and these redeem us from the Pains of Hell; but if we neglect them no one knows what awaits us.11\nNevertheless there were in Orphism idealistic trends that culminated in the morals and monasticism of Christianity. The reckless looseness of the Olympians was replaced by a strict code of conduct, and the mighty Zeus was slowly dethroned by the gentle figure of Orpheus, even as Yahweh was to be dethroned by Christ. A conception of sin and conscience, a dualistic view of the body as evil and of the soul as divine, entered into Greek thought; the subjugation of the flesh became a main purpose of religion, as a condition of the release for the soul. The brotherhood of Orphic initiates had no ecclesiastical organization and no separate life; but they were dis\u00ad tinguished by the wearing of white garments, the avoidance of flesh food, and a degree of asceticism not usually associated with Hellenic ways. They represented, in several aspects, a Puritan Reformation in the history of Greece. Their rites encroached more and more upon the public worship of the Olympian gods.\nThe influence of the sect was extensive and enduring. Perhaps it was here that the Pythagoreans took their diet, their dress, and their theory of\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. VIIl\ntransmigration; it is worthy of note that the oldest Orphic documents now extant were found in southern Italy.\u2022 Plato, though he rejected much in Orphism, accepted its opposition of body and soul, its puritan tendency, its hope of immortality. Pan of the pantheism and asceticism of Stoicism may be traced to an Orphic origin. The Neo-Platonists of Alexandria pos\u00ad\nsessed a large collection of Orphic writings, and based upon them much of their theology and their mysticism. The doctrines of hell, purgatory, and' heaven, of the body versus the soul, of the divine son slain and reborn, as well as the sacramental eating of the body and blood and divinity of the god, directly or deviously influenced Christianity, which was itself a mys\u00ad tery religion of atonement and hope, of mystic union and release. The basic ideas and ritual of the Orphic cult are alive and flourishing amongst us today.\nWORSHIP\nGreek ritual was as varied as the kinds of deities that it honored. The chthonian gods received a gloomy ritual of appeasement and riddance, the Olympians a joyful ritual of welcome and praise. Neither form of cere\u00ad mony required a clergyman: the father acted as priest for the family, the chief magistrate for the state. Life in Greece was not as secular as it has been described; religion played a major part in it everywhere, and each government protected the official cult as vital to social order and political stability. But whereas in Egypt and the Near East the priesthood dominated the state, in Greece the state dominated the priesthood, took the leader\u00ad ship of religion, and reduced the clergy to minor functionaries in the tem\u00ad ples. The propeny of the temples, in real estate, money, and slaves, was audited and administered by officials of the state.\"\" There were no sem\u00ad inaries for the training of priests; anyone could be quietly chosen or ap\u00ad pointed priest if he knew the rites of the god; and in many places the office was let out to the highest bidder.&< There was no hierarchy of priestly caste; the priests of one temple or state had usually no association with those of another.\"\" There was no church, no orthodoxy, no rigid creed; religion con\u00ad sisted not in professing certain beliefs, but in joining in the official ritual;\"\" any man might have his own creed provided that he did not openly deny or blaspheme the city's gods. In Greece church and state were one.\nThe place of worship could be the domestic hearth, the municipal hearth in the city hall, some cleft in the earth for a chthonian deity, some temple for an Olympian god.  The precincts of the temple were sacred and"]
[15.371746063232422, 7.779231071472168, "From geometry, inverting the modern order, Pythagoras passed to arith-\nThe Pythagoreans appear to have been the first to use the word mathematike with the meaning of mathematics; before them it had been applied to the learning (mathema) of any- thing...\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VII\nmetic-not as a practical art of reckoning, but as the abstract theory of numbers. The school seems to have made the first classification of num\u00ad bers into odd or even, prime or factorable;.. it formulated the theory of proponion, and through this and the \"application of areas\" created a geometrical algebra.\"' Perhaps it was the study of proportion that led Pythagoras to reduce music to number. One day, as he passed a black\u00ad smith's shop, his ear was attracted by the apparently regular musical inter\u00ad vals of the sounds that came from the anvil. Finding that the hammers were of different weights, he concluded that tones depend upon numerical ratios. In one of the few experiments which we hear of in classical science, he took two strings of equal thickness and equal tension, and discovered that if one was twice as long as the other they sounded an octave when he plucked them; if one was half again the length of the other they gave a fifth (do, sol); if one was a third longer than the other they gave a fourth (do, fa);\"\" in this way every musical interval could be mathematically calculated and expressed. Since all bodies moving in space produce sounds, whose pitch depends upon the size and speed of the body, then each planet in its orbit about the earth (argued Pythagoras) makes a sound proportioned to its rapidity of translation, which in turn rises with its distance from the earth; and these diverse notes constitute a harmony or \"music of the spheres,\" which we never hear because we hear it all the time...\nThe universe, said Pythagoras, is a living sphere, whose center is the earth. The eanh too is a sphere, revolving, like the planets, from west to east. The eanh, indeed the whole universe, is divided into five zones\u00ad arctic, antarctic, summer, winter, and equatorial. More or less of the moon is visible to us according to the degree in which that half of it which is facing the sun is also turned toward the earth. Eclipses of the moon are caused by the interposition of the earth, or some other body, between the moon and the sun... Pythagoras, says Diogenes Laertius, \"was the first person to call the earth round, and to give the name of kosmos to the world.\"111\nHaving with these contributions to mathematics and astronomy done more than any other man to establish science in Europe, Pythagoras pro\u00ad ceeded to philosophy. The very word is apparently one of his creations. He rejected the term sophia, or wisdom, as pretentious, and described his own pursuit of understanding as philosophia-the love of wisdom... In the sixth century philosopher and Pythagorean were synonyms.'\u00b0 Whereas Thales and the other Milesians had sought the first principle of all things\nCHAP. vu)\tTHE  GREEKS  IN  THE  WEST\nin matter, Pythagoras sought it in form. Having discovered numerically regular relations and sequences in music, and having postulated them in the planets, he made the philosopher's leap at unity by announcing that such numerically regular relations and sequences existed everywhere, and that the essential factor in everything was number. Just as Spinoza would argue\u2022 that there were two worlds-one the people's world of things perceived by sense, the other the philosopher's world of laws and constancies per\u00ad ceived by reason-and that only the second world was permanently real; so Pythagoras felt that the only basic and lasting aspects of anything were\nthe numerical relationships of its parts.t Perhaps health was a proper mathe\u00ad\nmatical relationship, or proportion, in the parts or elements of the body. Perhaps even the soul was number.\nAt this point the mysticism in Pythagoras, nurtured in Egypt and the Near East, disported itself freely. The soul, he believed, is divided into three parts: feeling, intuition, and reason. Feeling is centered in the heart, intuition and reason in the brain. Feeling and intuition belong to animals as well as men;t reason belongs to man alone, and is immortal... After death the soul undergoes a period of purgation in Hades; then it returns to earth and enters a new body in a chain of transmigration that can be ended only by a completely virtuous life. Pythagoras amused, or perhaps edified, his followers by telling them that he had been in one incarnation a courtesan, in another the hero Euphorbus; he could remember quite distinctly his adven\u00ad tures at the siege of Troy, and recognized, in a temple at Argos, the armor that he had worn in that ancient life.  Hearing the yelp of a beaten dog, he\nwent at once to the rescue of the animal, saying that he distinguished in its\ncries the voice of a dead friend.\" We catch again a glimpse of the trade in ideas that bound sixth-century Greece, Africa, and Asia when we reflect that this idea of metempsychosis was at one and the same time capturing the imagination of India, of the Orphic cult in Greece, and of a philo\u00ad sophical school in Italy.\nWe feel the hot breath of Hindu pessimism mingling, in the ethics of\nIn the fraFent \"On the Improvement of the Intellect.\"\nt Science tries to reduce all phenomena to quantitative, mathematical, verifiable statements; chemistry describes all things in terms of symbols and figures, arranges the elements mathe\u00ad matically in a periodic law, and reduces them to an intra-atomic arithmetic of electrons; astronomy becomes celestial mathematics, and physicists seek a mathematical formula to cover the phenomena of electricity, magnetism, and gravitation; some thinkers of our time have tried to express philosophy itself in mathematical form.\n:I= We should note, m passing, that Pythagoras, slightly anticipating Pasteur, denied spon taneous generation, and taught that all animals are born from other animals through \"seeds.',a\n166\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VII\nPythagoras, with the clear, bright air of Plato. The purpose of life in the Pythagorean system is to gain release from reincarnation; the method is through virtue; and virtue is a harmony of the soul within itself and with God. Sometimes this harmony can be artificially induced, and the Pytha\u00ad goreans, like Greek priests and doctors, used music to heal nervous disorders.\nMore often harmony comes to the soul through wisdom, a quiet under\u00ad standing of underlying truths; for such wisdom teaches a man modesty, measure, and the golden mean. The opposite way-the way of discord, ex\u00ad cess, and sin-leads by inevitable fate to tragedy and punishment; justice is a \"square number,\" and sooner or later every wrong will be.\"squared\" with an equivalent penalty.\u2022 Here in germ are the moral philosophies of Plato and Aristotle.\nPythagorean politics is Plato's philosophy realized before its conception. According to the common tradition of antiquity the school of Pythagoras was a communistic aristocracy: men and women pooling their goods, edu\u00ad cated together, trained to virtue and high thinking by mathematics, music, and philosophy, and offering themselves as the guardian rulers of the state. Indeed it was Pythagoras' effon to make his society the actual government of his city that brought ruin upon himself and his followers. The initiates entered so actively into politics, and took so decidedly the aristocratic side, that the democratic or popular party of Crotona, in an ecstasy of rage, burned down the house in which the Pythagoreans were gathered, killed several of them, and drove the rest out of the city. Pythagoras himself, in one account, was captured and slain when, in his flight, he refused to tread upon a field of beans; another story lets him escape to Metapontum, where he abstained from food for fony days and-perhaps feeling that eighty years were enough-starved himself to death.\"\nHis influence was lasting; even today he is a potent name. His society survived for three centuries in scattered groups throughout Greece, pro- 1ucing scientists like Philolaus of Thebes and statesmen like Archytas, dictator of Taras and friend of Plato. Wordsworth, in his most famous ode, was an unconscious Pythagorean. Plato himself was enthralled by the vague figure of Pythagoras. At every turn he takes from him-in his scorn of democracy, his yearning for a communistic aristocracy of philosopher\u00ad rulers, his conception of virtue as harmony, his theories of the nature and destiny of the soul, his love of geometry, and his addiction to the mysticism of number. All in all, Pythagoras was the founder, so far as we know them, of both science and philosophy in Europe-an achievement sufficient for any. man.\nCRAP. VD)\tTHE\tGREEKS  IN  THE  WEIT\nm. XENOPBANES OF ELEA\nWest of Crotona lies the site of ancient Locri. The colony was founded, says Aristotle, by runaway slaves, adulterers, and thieves from Locris in main\u00ad land Greece; but perhaps Aristotle had an Old World disdain for the New. Suffering disorder from the defects of their qualities, the colonists applied to the oracle at Delphi for advice, and were told to get themselves laws. Pos\u00ad sibly Zaleucus had instructed the oracle, for about 664 he gave to Locri ordinances which, as he said, Athena had dictated to him in a dream. This was the first written cod of laws in the history of Greece, though not the first to be handed down by the gods. The Locrians liked it so well that they required any man who wished to propose a new law to speak with a rope around his neck, so that, if his motion failed, he might be hanged with a minimum of public inconvenience.\u2022\""]
[0.1315797120332718, 17.109947204589844, "Sculpture in relief was so old that a pretty legend could undertake to de\u00ad scribe its origin. A lass of Corinth drew upon a wall the outline of the shadow that the lamplight cast of her lover's head. Her father Butades, a potter, filled in the outline with clay, pressed the form to hardness, took it down, and baked\nNo. 682 in the National Museum at Athens.\nt Now in the British Museum; there are copies in the Metropolitan Museum in New York.\nThe Branchidae were the hereditary priests of the temple.\nCHAP.IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE\t32)\nit; so, Pliny assures us, bas-relief was born.\"' The art became even more im\u00ad portant than sculpture in the adornment of temples and graves. Already in\n520 Aristocles made a funeral relief of Aristion, which is one of the many treasures of the Athens Museum.\nSince reliefs were nearly always painted, sculpture, relief, and painting were allied arts, usually handmaids to architecture; and most artists were skilled in all four forms. Temple moldings, friezes, metopes, and pediment backgrounds were usually painted, while the main structure was ordinarily left in the natural color of the stone. Of painting as a separate art we have only negligible remains from Greece; but we know through passages in the poets that panel painting, with colors mixed in melted wax, was already practiced in the days of Anacre\u00ad on... Painting was the last great art to develop in Greece, and the last to die.\nAll in all, the sixth century failed to rise, in any Greek art except architecture, to the boldness of conception or the perfection of form attained in the same age by Greek philosophy and poetry. Perhaps artistic patronage was slow to develop in an aristocracy still rural and poor, or in a business class too young to have graduated from wealth to taste. Nevertheless the age of the dictators was a period of stimulation and improvement in f:very Greek art-above all, under Peisistratus and Hippias in Athens. Towards the end of this period the old rigidity of sculpture began to thaw, the rule of frontality was broken down; legs began to move, arms to leave the side, hands to open up, faces to take on feeling and character, bodies to bend in a variety of poses revealing new studies in anatomy and action. This revolution in sculpture, this animation of stone with life, became a major event in Greek history; the escape from fron\u00ad tality was one of the signal accomplishments of Greece. Egyptian and Oriental influences were set aside, and Greek art became Greek.\nArchitecture\nThe science of building recovered slowly from the Dorian invasion, and redeemed beyond its deserts the Dorian name. Across the Dark Age from Agamemnon to Terpander, the Mycenaean megaron transmitted the essentials of its structure to Greece; the rectangular shape of the building, the use of columns within and without, the circular shaft and simple square capital, the triglyphs and metopes of the entablature, were all preserved in the greatest achievement of Greek art, the Doric style. But whereas Mycenaean architecture was apparently secular, devoted to palaces and homes, classical Greek archi\u00ad tecture was almost entirely religious. The royal megaron was transformed into a civic temple as monarchy waned and religion and democracy united the affec\u00ad tions of Greece in honoring .the personified city in its god.\n224\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nThe earliest Greek temples were of wood or brick, as befitted the poverty of the Dark Age. When stone became the orthodox material of temple build\u00ad ing the architectural features remained as set by timber construction; the rectangular naos or temple proper, the circular shafts, the \"master-beam\" archi\u00ad traves, the beam-end triglyphs, the gabled roof, confessed the wooden origin of their form; even the first Ionic spiral was apparently a floral figure painted upon a block of wood.08 The use of stone increased as Greek wealth and travel grew; the transition was most rapid after the opening of Egypt to Greek trade about 660 B.c. Limestone was the favored ma erial of the new styles before the sixth century; marble came in towards 580, at first for decorative portions, then for fa ades, finally for the entire temple from base to tiles.\nThree \"orders\" of architecture were developed in Greece: the Doric, the Ionic, and, in the fourth century, the Corinthian. Since the interior of the temple was reserved for the god and his ministrants, and worship was held outside, all three orders devoted themselves to making the exterior impressively beautiful. They began at the ground, usually in some elevated place, with the stereobate-two or three layers of foundation stone in receding steps. From the uppermost layer, or stylobate, rose directly, without individual base, the Doric column--:-\"fluted\" with shallow, sharp-edged grooves, and widening perceptibly at the middle in what the Greeks called entasis, or stretching. Furthermore, the Doric column tapered slightly towards the top, thereby emulating the tree, and successfully contradicting the Minoan-Mycenaean style. (An undiminished shaft-worse yet, one that tapers downward-seems top-heavy and graceless to the eye, while the wider base heightens that sense of stability which all archi\u00ad tecture should convey. Perhaps, however, the Doric_ column is too heavy, too thick in proportion to its height, too stolidly engrossed in sturdiness and strength.) Upon the Doric column sat its simple and powerful capital: a \"neck\u00ad ing\" or circular band, a cushionlike echinus, and, topmost, a square abacus to spread the supporting thrust of the pillar beneath the architrave.\nWhile the Dorians were developing this style from the megaron, modified probably by acquaintance with the Egyptian \"proto-Doric\" colonnades of Der\u00ad el-Bahri and Beni-Hasan, the Ionian Greeks were altering the same fundamental form under Asiatic influence. In the resultant Ionic order a slender column rose upon an individual base, and began at the bottom, as it ended at the top, with a narrow fillet or band; its height was usually greater, and its diameter smaller, than in the Doric shaft; the upward tapering was scarcely perceptible; the flutings were deep, semicircular grooves separated by flat edges. The Ionic capital was composed of a narrow echinus, a still narrower abacus, and between them-almost concealing them-emerged the twin spirals of a volute, like an infolded scroll-a graceful element adapted from Hittite, Assyrian, and other Oriental forms.\"' These characteristics, together with the elaborate adornment\nCHAP.IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    225\nof the entablature, described not only a style but a people; they represented in stone the Ionian expressiveness, suppleness, sentiment, elegance, and love of delicate detail, even as the Doric order conveyed the proud reserve, the massive strength, the severe simplicity of the Dorian; the sculpture, literature, music, manners, and dress of the rival groups differed in harmony with their archi\u00ad tectural styles. Dorian architecture is mathematics, Ionian architecture is poetry, both seeking the durability of stone; the one is \"Nordic,\" the other Oriental; together they constitute the masculine and feminine themes in a basically har\u00ad monious form.\nGreek architecture distinguished itself by developing the column into an ele\u00ad ment of beauty as well as a structural support. The essential function of the external colonnade was to uphold the eaves, and to relieve the walls of the naos, or inner temple, from the outward thrust of the gabled roof. Above the columns rose the entablature-i.e., the superstructure of the edifice. Here again, as in the supporting elements, Greek architecture sought a clear differentiation, and yet an articulated connection, of the members. The architrave-the great stone that connected the capitals-was in the Doric order plain, or carried a simple painted molding; in Ionic it was composed of three layers, each project\u00ad ing below, and was topped with a marble cornice segmented with a confusing variety of ornamental details. Since the sloping beams that made the frame\u00ad work of the roof in the Doric style came down, and were secured, between two horizontal beams at the eaves, the united ends of the three beams formed\u00ad at first in wood, then imitatively in stone-a triglyph or triply divided surface. Between each triglyph and the next a space was left as an open window when the roof was of wood or of terra-cotta tiles; when translucent marble tiles were used these metopes, or \"seeing-between\" places, were filled in with mar\u00ad\nble slabs carved in low relief. In the Ionic style a band or frieze of reliefs might\nrun around the upper outer walls of the naos or cella; in the fifth century both\nforms of relief-metopes and frieze-were often used in the same building, as in the Parthenon. In the pediments-the triangles formed by the gabled roof in front and rear-the sculptor found his greatest opportunity; the figures here might be drawn out in high relief and enlarged for view from below; and the cramped corners, or tympana, tested the subtlest skill. Finally, the roof itself might be a work of art, with brilliantly colored tiles and decorative rain-dis\u00ad posing acroteria, or pinnacle figures, rising from the angles of the pediments. All in all, there was probably a surplus of sculpture on the Greek temple, be\u00ad tween the columns, along the walls, or within the edifice. The painter also was involved: the temple was colored in whole or in part, along with its statues, moldings, and reliefs. Perhaps we do the Greeks too much honor today, when time has worn the paint from their temples and divinities, and ferrous strains have lent to the marble natural and incalculable hues that set off the brilliance\n226\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nof the stone under the clear Greek sky. Some day even contemporary art may become beautiful.\nThe two rival styles achieved grandeur in the sixth century, and perfection in the fifth. Geographically they divided Greece unevenly: Ionic prevailed in Asia and the Aegean, Doric on the mainland and in the west. The salient achievements of sixth-century Ionic were the temples of Artemis at Ephesus, of Hera at Samos, and of the Branchidae near Miletus; but only ruins survive of Ionic architecture before Marathon. The finest extant buildings from the sixth century are the older temples of Paestum and Sicily, all in the Doric style. The ground plan remains of the great temple built at Delphi, between 548 and 512, from the designs of the Corinthian Spintharus; it was destroyed by earth\u00ad quake in 373, was rebuilt on the same plan, and in that form still stood when Pausanias made his tour of Greece. Athenian architecture of the period was almost wholly Doric: in this style Peisistratus began, about 530, the gigantic temple of the Olympian Zeus, on the plain at the foot of the Acropolis. After the Persian conquest of Ionia in 546, hundreds of Ionian artists migrated to Attica, and introduced or developed the Ionic style in Athens. By the end of the century Athenian architects were using both orders, and had laid all the technical groundwork for the Periclean age.\nMusic and the Dance"]
[-0.6174094676971436, 10.478524208068848, "Inaworld so crowded with supernatural powers, the events of life seemed to depend upon the will of demons and gods. To discover that will the curious Greeks consulted soothsayers and oracles, who divined the future by reading the stars, interpreting dreams, examining the entrails of animals, or observing the flight of birds. Professional soothsayers hired themselves out to families, armies, and states;\"' Nicias, before setting out upon the expedition to Sicily, engaged a troop of sacrificers, augurs, diviners;\"\" and though not all generals were as pious as this great slaveowner, nearly all were as superstitious. Men and women appeared who claimed inspiration\n.and clairvoyance; in Ionia particularly certain women called Sibyls (i.e., the Will of God) issued oracles believed by millions of Greeks.88 From Erythrae the Sibyl Herophila was said to have wandered through Greece to Comae in Italy, where she became the most famous of her kind, and lived, we are told, a thousand years. Athens, like Rome, had a collection of ancient oracles, and the government maintained in the prytaneum men skilled in their interpretation...\nPublic oracles were set up at many temples in all parts of Greece; but the most famous and honored were in early days the oracle of Zeus at\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP, VIII\nDodona, and in the historical period that of Apollo at Delphi. \"Barbarians\" as well as Greeks consulted this oracle; even Rome sent messengers to ask or suggest the will of the god. Since the power of divination was supposed to belong particularly to the intuitive sex, three priestesses, each at least half a century old, were trained to consult Apollo through the medium of a trance. From a hollow in the earth below the temple came a peculiar gas, ascribed to the eternal decomposition of the python that Apollo had slain there; the officiating priestess, called Pythia, took her seat on a high tripod over this cleft, inhaled the divine stench, chewed narcotic laurel leaves, fell into delirium and convulsions, and, thus inspired, uttered in\u00ad coherent words which the priests translated to the people. Very often the final reply admitted of diverse, even contrary, interpretations, so that the infallibility of the oracle was maintained whatever the event.88 Possibly the priests were no less puppets than the priestesses; sometimes they accepted bribes;\u2022 and in most cases the voice of the oracle harmonized melodiously with the dominant influence in Greece.\"\u00b0 Nevertheless, where external pow\u00ad ers did not constrain them, the priests taught valuable lessons of moderation and political wisdom to the Greeks. Though they condoned human sac\u00ad rifice even after the moral sense of Greece had begun to revolt against it, and made no protest against the immoralities of Olympus, they aided the establishment of law, encouraged the manumission of slaves, and bought many slaves in order to give them liberty.\"' They were not in advance of Greek thought, but they did not hinder it by doctrinal intolerance. They gave a helpful supernatural sanction to necessary Greek policies, and pro\u00ad vided some degree of international conscience and moral unity for the scat\u00ad tered cities of Greece.\nOut of this unifying influence came the oldest known confederation of Greek states. The Amphictyonic League was originally the religious alli\u00ad ance of the peoples \"dwelling around\" the sanctuary of Demeter near Ther\u00ad mopylae. The chief constituent states were Thessaly, Magnesia, Phthiotis, Doris, Phocis, Boeotia, Euboea, and Achaea. They met semiannually, in spring at Delphi, in autumn at Thermopylae. They bound themselves never to destroy one another's cities, never to allow the water supply of any member city to be shut off, never to plunder-or permit to be plundered\u00ad the treasury of Apollo at Delphi, and to attack any nation that violated these pledges. Here was the outline of a League of Nations; an outline whose completion was prevented by the natural fluctuations of wealth and power among states, and the inherent rivalries of men and groups. Thessaly formed .t bloc of vassal states, and permanently dominated the League.\"\"\nCHAP.VIII)\tTHE  GODS  OF GREECE\t199\nOther amphictyonies were established; Athens, for example, belonged to the Amphictyony of Calauria; and the rival leagues, while promoting peace within their membership, became against other groups vast instruments of intrigue and war.\nFESTIVALS\nIf it could not end war Greek religion succeeded in alleviating the routine of economic life with numerous festivals. \"How many victims offered to the gods!\" cried Aristophanes; \"how many temples, statues   sacred pro\u00ad\ncessions! At every moment of the year we see religious feasts and gar\u00ad landed victims\" of sacrifice.\"\" The rich paid the cost, the state provided the theorika, or divine funds, to pay to the populace the price of admission to the games or plays that distinguished the holyday.\nThe calendar at Athens was essentially a religious calendar, and many months were named from their religious festivals. In the. first month, Hecatombaion (July-August), came the Cronia (corresponding to the Roman Saturnalia), when masters and slaves sat down together to a joyful feast; in the same month, every fourth year, occurred the Panathenaea, when, after four days of varied contests and games, the entire citizenship formed a solemn and colorful pro\u00ad cession to carry to the priestess of Athena the sacred peplos, a gorgeously embroidered robe which was to be placed upon the image of the city's god\u00ad dess; this, as all the world knows, was the theme that Pheidias chose for the frieze of the Parthenon. In the second month, Metageitnion, came the Meta\u00ad geitnia, a minor festival in honor of Apollo. In the third month, Boedromion, Athens sallied forth to Eleusis for the Greater Mysteries. The fourth month, Pyanepsion, celebrated the Pyanepsia, the Oscophoria, and the Thesmophoria; in this the women of Athens honored Demeter Thesmophoros (the Lawgiver) with a strange chthonian ritual, parading phallic emblems, exchanging obsceni\u00ad ties, and symbolically going down to Hades and returning, apparently as magi\u00ad cal ceremonies to promote fertility in the soil and man.\"' Only the month of Maimakterion had no festival.\nIn the month of Poseideon Athens held the Italoa, a feast of first fruits; in Gamelion the Lenaea, in honor of Dionysus. In Anthesterion came three important celebrations: the Lesser or preparatory Mysteries; the Diasia, or sac\u00ad rifice to Zeus Meilichios; and, above all, the Anthesteria, or Feast of Flowers. In this three-day spring festival to Dionysus wine flowed freely, and every\u00ad body was more or less drunk;\"\" there was a competition in wine drinking, and the streets were alive with revelry. The king-archon's wife rode on a car be\u00ad side the image of Dionysus, and was married to it in the temple as a symbol\n200\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VIII\nof the union of the god with Athens. Beneath this jolly ritual ran a somber undertone of fear and propitiation of the dead; the living ate a solemn meal in commemoration of their ancestors, and left for them pots full of food and drink. At the end of the feast the people chased the spirits of the departed from the house with a formula of exorcism: \"Out of the door with you, souls! Anthesteria is over\"-words that became a proverbial phrase for dismissing importunate beggars.\u2022\nIn the ninth month, Elaphebolion, came the Great Dionysia, established by Peisistratus in 534; in that year Thespis inaugurated the drama at Athens as part of the festival. It was the end of March, spring was in the air, the sea was navigable, merchants and visitors crowded the city and swelled the attendance at the ceremonies and the plays. All business was suspended, all courts were closed; prisoners were released to let them share in the festivities. Athenians of every age and class, brilliantly attired, took part in the procession that brought the statue of Dionysus from Eleutherae and placed it in his theater. The rich drove chariots, the poor marched on foot; a long train of animals followed as destined gifts for the gods. Choruses from the towns of Attica joined or competed in song arid dance.-In the tenth month, Munychion, Athens cele\u00ad brated the Munychia, and Attica, every fifth year, celebrated the Brauronia in honor of Artemis. In Thargelion occurred the Thargelia, or feast of the grain harvest. In the twelfth month, Skirophorion, came the festivals of Skiro\u00ad phoria, Arretophoria, Dipolia, and Bouphonia. Not all these feasts were annual; but even for a four-year period they represented a grateful relief from daily toil.\nOther states had similar holidays; and in the countryside every sowing and every harvest was greeted with festal conviviality. Greater than all these were the Panhellenic festivals, the panegyreis, or universal gatherings. There were the Panionia on Mycale, the feast of Apollo at Delos, the Pythian festival at Delphi, the Isthmian at Corinth, the Nemean near Argos, the Olympic in Elis. These were the occasions of interstate games, but basically they were holydays. It was the good fortune of Greece to have a religion human enough\n-in later days humane enough-to associate itself joyfully and creatively with art, poetry, music, and games, even, at last, with morality.\nRELIGION AND MORALS\nAt first sight Greek religion does not seem to have been a major influ\u00ad ence for morality. It was in origin a system of magic rather than of ethics, and remained so, in large measure, to the end; correct ritual received more\nIn many parts of Europe the people still believe that the ghosts of the dead return to earth yearly, and must be entertained in a \"Feast of All Souls,\"\"\nCHAP.VU!)\tTHE  GODS OF GREECE\t201\nemphasis than good conduct, and the gods themselves, on Olympus or on eanh, had not been exemplars of honesty, chastity, or gentleness. Even the Eleusinian Mysteries, though they offered supernatural hopes, made salvation depend upon ritual purifications rather than upon nobility of life. \"Pataikion the thief,\" said the sarcastic Diogenes, ''will have a better fate after his death than Agesilaus or Epaminondas, for Pataikion has been initiated at Eleusis.'\"\"\nNevertheless, in the more vital moral relations Greek religion came subtly to the aid of the race and the state. The purification ritual, however external in form, served as a stimulating symbol of moral hygiene. The gods gave a general, if vague and inconstant, support to virtue; they frowned upon wickedness, revenged themselves upon pride, protected the stranger and the suppliant, and lent their terror to the sanctity of oaths. Dike, we are told, punished every wrong, and the awful Eumenides pur\u00ad sued the murderer, like Orestes, to madness or death. The central acts and institutions of human life-birth, marriage, the family, the clan, the state\u00ad received a sacramental dignity from religion, and were rescued from the chaos of hasty desire. Through the worship or honoring of the dead, the generations were bound together in a stabilizing continuity of obligations, so that the family was not merely a couple and their children, or even a patriarchal assemblage of parents, children, and grandchildren, but a holy union and sequence of blood and fire stretching far into the past and the future, and holding the dead, the living, and the unborn in a sacred unity stronger than any state. Religion not only made the procreation of children a solemn duty to the dead, but encouraged it through the fear of the child\u00ad less man that no posterity would inter him or tend his grave. So long as this religion kept its influence, the Greek people reproduced themselves vigorously, and as plentifully among the best as among the worst; and in this way, with the help of a merciless natural selection, the strength and quality of the race were maintained. Religion and patriotism were bound together in a thousand impressive rites; the god or goddess most revered in public ceremony represented the apotheosis of the city; every law, every meeting of the assembly or the courts, every major enterprise of the army or the government, every school and university, every economic or politi\u00ad cal association, was surrounded with religious ceremony and invocation. In all these ways Greek religion was used as a defense by the community and the race against the natural egoism of the individual man.\nArt, literature, and philosophy first strengthened this influence, and then weakened it. Pindar, Aeschylus, and Sophocles poured their own ethical"]
[-5.397836208343506, 12.879919052124023, "Phaedra dies; and in her hand her husband finds a note saying that Hippo\u00ad lytus seduced her. Theseus wildly calls upon Poseidon to slay Hippolytus. The youth protests his innocence, but is not believed. He is driven out of the land by Theseus; and as his chariot passes along the shore a sea lion emerges from the waves and pursues him; his horses run away, upset the chariot, and drag the entangled Hippolytus (i.e., \"torn by horses\") over the rocks to a mangled death. And the chorus cries out, in lines that must have stanled Athens,\nYe gods that did snare him, Lo, I cast in your faces\nMy hate and my scorn!\nIn the Medea Euripides forgets for a while his war against the gods, and transforms the story of the Argonauts into his most powerful play. When Jason reaches Colchis, the royal princess Medea falls in love with him, helps him to get the Golden Fleece, and, to shield him, deceives her father and kills her brother. Jason vows eternal love to her, and takes her back with him to lolcus. There the almost savage Medea poisons King Pelias to secure the throne that Pelias promised to Jason. Since the law of Thes\u00ad saly forbids him to marry a foreigner, Jason lives with Medea in unwedded love, and has two children by her. But in time he tires of her barbarian intensity, looks about him for a legal wife and heir, and proposes to marry the daughter of Creon, King of Corinth. Creon accepts him, and exiles Medea. Medea, brooding upon her wrongs, speaks one of the famous passages of Euripides in defense of woman:\nOf all things upon earth that bleed and grow, A herb most bruised is woman. We must pay Our store of gold, hoarded for that one day, To buy us some man's love; and lo, they bring A master of our flesh! There comes the sting Of the whole shame. And then the jeopardy, For good or ill, what shall that master be....\nHome never taught her that-how best to guide Toward peace the thing that sleepeth at her side. And she who, laboring long, shall find some way Whereby her lord may bear with her, nor fray His yoke too fiercely, blessed is the breath\nThat woman draws! Else let her pray for death.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\nHer lord, if he be wearied of her face\nWithin doors, gets him forth; some merrier place Will ease his heart; but she waits on, her whole Vision enchained on a single soul.\nAnd then they say 'tis they that face the call Of war, while we sit sheltered, hid from all Peril! False mocking! Sooner would I stand Three times to face their battles, shield in hand, Than bear one child...\n(CHAP. XVII\nThen follows the terrible story of her revenge. She sends to her rival,\u00b7in pretended reconciliation, a set of costly robes; the Corinthian princess puts one on, and is consumed in fire; Creon, trying to rescue her, is burned to death. Medea kills her own children and drives off with their dead bodies before Jason's eyes. The chorus chants a philosophic end:\nGreat treasure halls hath Zeus in heaven, From whence to man strange dooms be given,\nPast hope or fear.\nAnd the end men looked for cometh not, And a path is there where no man thought:\nSo hath it fallen here.\nThe remaining plays tum for the most part upon the tale of Troy. In Helen we get the revised version of Stesichorus and Herodotus:.., the Spar\u00ad tan queen does not elope with Paris to Troy; she is carried against her will to Egypt, and chastely awaits her master there; all Greece, Euripides sug\u00ad gests, has been hoodwinked by the legend of Helen in Troy. In Iphigenia in Aulis he pours into the old story of Agamemnon's sacrifice a profusion of sentiment new to the Greek drama, and a Lucretian horror of the crimes to which the ancient faith persuaded men. Aeschylus and Sophocles . had also written on this theme, but their plays were soon forgotten in the brilliance of this new performance. The arrival of Clytaemnestra and her daughter is visioned with Euripidean tenderness; Orestes, \"yet a wordless babe,\" is present to witness the superstitious murder that will dictate his destiny. The girl is all shyness and happiness as she runs to greet the King:\nlpbig. Fain am I, father, on thy breast to fall, After so long! Though o.thers I outrun- For oh, I yearn for thy face!-be not wroth ...\nSo glad to see me-yet what troubled look!\nAgam. On kings and captains weigheth many a care.\nCHAP. XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t405\nIphig. This hour be mine-this one! Yield not to care! Agam. Yea, I am all thine now; my thoughts stray not ... Iphig. And yet-and yet-thine eyes are welling tears!\nAgam. Yea, for the absence yet to come is long.\nlphig. I know not, know not, dear my sire, thy meaning. Agam. Thy wise discernment stirs my grief the more. lphig. So I may please thee, folly will I talk.88"]
[4.4775004386901855, 14.273560523986816, "All these Are dead unhappy tales of minstrelsy.1a1\nSometimes such passages are softened with hymns to Dionysus, or psalms\nTHLIFEEOF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nof pantheistic piety; but occasionally a character extends the Euripidean doubt to all the gods:\nDoth some one say that there be gods above? There are not, no, there are not. Let no fool, Led by the old false fable, thus deceive you. Look at the facts themselves, yielding my words No undue credence; for I say that kings\nKill, rob, break oaths, lay cities waste by fraud, And doing thus are happier than those\nWho live calm pious lives day after day.101\nHe begins his lost Melanippe with a startling couplet-\n0 Zeus, if there be a Zeus,\nFor I know of h\tonly by report-\nwhereupon the audience, we are told, rose to its feet in protest. 1\\nd he concludes:\nThe gods, too, whom mortals deem so wise, Are nothing clearer than some winged dream;\nAnd all their ways, like man's ways, but a stream Of turmoil. He who cares to suffer least,\nNot blind as fools are blinded by a priest,\nGoes straight ...  to what death, those who know him know.1o,.\nThe fortunes of men, he thinks, are the result of natural causes, or of aimless chance; they are not the work of intelligent supernatural beings.'.. He suggests rational explanations of supposed miracles; Alcestis, for exam\u00ad ple, did not really die, but was sent off to burial while still alive; Heracles caught up with her before she had time to die.100 He does not clearly tell us what his belief is, perhaps because he feels that the evidence does not lend itself to clear belief; but his most characteristic expressions are those of the va.gue pantheism that was now replacing polytheism among the educated Greeks.\nThou deep Base of the World, and thou high Throne Above the World, whoe'er thou art, unknown\nAnd hard of surmise, Chain of Things that be,\nOr Reason of our Reason; God to thee I lift my praise, seeing the silent road\nThat bringeth justice ere the end be trod To all that breathes and dies.wr\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t415\nSocial justice is the minor theme of his songs; like all sympathetic spirits he longs for a time when the strong will be more chivalrous to the weak, and there will be an end to misery and strife.108 Even in the midst of war, with all its compulsion to a patriotic belligerency, he presents the woes and horrors of war with unsparing realism.\nHow are ye blind, Ye treaders down of cities, ye that cast Temples to desolation, and lay waste Tombs, the untrodden sanctuaries where lie\nThe ancient dead; yourselves so soon to die.JOO\nHe gnaws his heart out at the sight of Athenians fighting Spartans for half a century, each enslaving the other, and both killing off their best; and he indites in a late play a touching apostrophe to peace:"]
[0.37505191564559937, 16.325763702392578, "Statues of Nike, or Victory, were often made without wings, so that she might not be able to abandon the city. The temple was pulled down by the Turks in A.o. 1687 to make a fortress. Lord Elgin rescued some slabs of the frieze and sent them to the British Museum. In 1835 the stones of the temple were put together again; the restored building was replaced on the original site, and terra-cotta casts were substituted for the missing parts of the badly damaged frieze.\n!-32\tTHE\tL IF E  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XIV\ncolumns as beautiful as any of their kind.\u2022 In the nonhern porch was a perfect ponal, adorned with a molding of marble flowers. In the cella was the primitive wooden statue of Athena, which the pious believed had fallen from heaven; there, too, was the great lamp whose fire was never extin\u00ad guished, and which Callimachus, the Cellini of his time, had fashioned of gold and embellished with acanthus leaves, like his Corinthian capitals. The\nsouth ponico was the famous Porch of the Maidens, or Caryatids.t These\npatient women were descended, presumably, from the basket bearers of the Orient; and an early caryatid at Tralles, in Asia Minor, betrays the Eastern\u00ad probably the Assyrian-origin of the form. The drapery is superb, and the natural flexure of the knee gives an impression of ease; but even these sub\u00ad stantial ladies seem hardly strong enough to convey that sense of sturdy and reliable suppon which the finest architecture gives. It was an aberra\u00ad tion of taste that Pheidias would probably have forbidden.\n3. The Parthenon\nIn 447 lctinus, aided by Callicrates, and under the general supervision of Pheidias and Pericles, began to build a new temple for Athene Parthenos. In the western end of the structure he placed a room for her maiden priest\u00ad esses, and called it the room \"of the virgins\"-ton parthenon; and in the course of careless time this name of a part, by a kind of architectural met\u00ad aphor, was applied to the whole. lctinus chose as his material the white marble of Mt. Pentelicus, veined with iron grains. No monar was used; the blocks were so accurately squared and so finely finished that each stone grasped the next as if the two were one. The column drums were bored to let a small cylinder of olivewood connect them, and permit each drum to be turned around and around upon the one below it until the meeting sur\u00ad faces were ground so smooth that the division between drums was almost invisible...\nThese columns, rather than those of the Parthenon, set the style for later architecture. The foot of each was modulated into the stylobate by an \"Attic base\" of three members, articulated by fillets or bands. The top of the column was graduated into the voluted capital by a band of flowers. The entablature had a richly decorated molding, a frieze of black stone, and, under the cornice, a series of reliefs. The egg-and-dart and honeysuckle orna\u00ad ment of the molding was as carefully carved as the sculpture; the artists were paid as much for a foot of such molding as for a figure in the frieze.'\"\nt This term was applied to the figures by the Roman architect Vitruvius, from the name\ngiven to the priestesses of Artemis at Caryae in Laconia. The Athenians called them simply\nkorai, or Maidens.\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE\tART\tOF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t333\nThe style was pure Doric, and of classic simplicity. The design was rec\u00ad tangular, for the Greeks did not care for circular or conical forms; hence there were no arches in Greek architecture, though Greek architects must have been familiar with them. The dimensions were modest: 2 2 8 x Io I x 65 feet. Probably a system of proportion, like the Polycleitan canon, prevailed in every part of the building, all measurements bearing a given relation to the diameter of the column.\"\u00b0 At Poseidonia the height of the column was four times its diameter; here it was five; and the new form mediated success\u00ad fully between Spartan sturdiness and Attic elegance. Each column swelled slightly (three quarters of an inch in diameter) from base to middle, tapered toward the top, and leaned toward the center of its colonnade; each corner column was a trifle thicker than the rest. Every horizontal line of stylobate and entablature was curved upward towards its center, so that the eye placed at one end of any supposedly level line could not see the farther half of the line. The metopes were not quite square, but were designed to ap\u00ad pear square from below. All these curvatures were subtle corrections for optical illusions that would otherwise have made stylobate lines seem to sink in the center, columns to diminish upward from the base, and corner columns to be thinner and outwardly inclined. Such adjustments required considerable knowledge of mathematics and optics, and constituted but one of those mechanical features that made the temple a perfect union of science and art. In the Parthenon, as in current physics, every straight line was a curve, and, as in a painting, every part was drawn toward the center in subtle composition. The result was a certain flexibility and grace that seemed to give life and freedom to the stones.\nAbove the plain architrave ran an alternating series of triglyphs and metopes. In the ninety-two metopes were high reliefs recounting once more the struggle of \"civilization\" against \"savagery\" in the wars of Greeks and Trojans, Greeks and Amazons, Lapiths and centaurs, giants and gods. These slabs are clearly the work of many hands and unequal skills; they do not match in excellence the reliefs of the cella frieze, though some of the centaur heads are Rembrandts in stone. In the gable pediments were statu\u00ad ary groups carved in the round and in heroic size. In the east pediment, over the entrance, the spectator was allowed to see the birth of Athena from the head of Zeus. Here was a powerful recumbent \"Theseus,\"\u2022 a giant capable of philosophical meditation and civilized repose; and a fine figure of Iris, the female Hermes, with drapery clinging and yet blown by the wind-for\nThe naming of the Parthenon figures is mostly conjectural.\n334\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\nPheidias considers it an ill wind that does not disturb some robe. Here also was a majestic \"Hebe,\" the goddess of youth, who filled the cups of the Olympians with nectar; and here were three imposing \"Fates.\" In the left corner four horses' heads-eyes flashing, nostrils snorting, mouths foaming with speed-announced the rising of the sun, while in the right corner the moon drove her chariot to her setting; these eight are the finest horses in sculptural history. In the west pediment Athena contested with Poseidon the lordship of Attica. Here again were horses, as if to redeem the forked absurdity of man; and reclining figures that represented, with unrealistic magnificence, Athens' modest streams. Perhaps the male figures are too muscular, and the female too spacious; but seldom has statuary been grouped so naturally, or so skillfully adjusted to the narrowing spaces of a pediment. \"All other statues,\" said Canova, with some hyperbole, \"are of stone; these are of flesh and blood.\"\nMore attractive, however, are the men and women of the frieze. For 525 feet along the top of the outer wall of the cella, within the portico, ran this most famous of all reliefs. Here, presumably, the youths and maids of Attica are bearing homage and gifts to Athena on the festival day of the Panathenaic games. One part of the procession moves along the west and north sides, another along the south side, to meet on the east front before the goddess, who proudly offers to Zeus and other Olympians the hospital\u00ad ity of her city and a share of her spoils. Handsome knights move in graceful dignity on still handsomer steeds; chariots support dignitaries, while simple folk are happy to join in on foot; pretty girls and quiet old men carry olive branches and trays of cakes; attendants bear on their shoulders jugs of sacred wine; stately women convey to the goddess the peplos that they have woven and embroidered for her in long anticipation of this holy day; sacrificial vic\u00ad tims move with bovine patience or angry prescience to their fate; maidens of high degree bring utensils of ritual and sacrifice; and musicians play on their flutes deathless ditties of no tone. Seldom have animals or men been honored with such painstaking art. With but two and a quarter inches of relief the sculptors were able, by shading and modeling, to achieve such an illusion of depth that one horse or horseman seems to be beyond another, though the nearest is raised no farther from the background than the rest.11 Perhaps it was a mistake to place this extraordinary relief so high that men could not comfortably contemplate it, or exhaust its excellence. Pheidias excused himself, doubtless with a twinkle in his eye, on the ground that the gods could see it; but the gods were dying while he carved.\nBeneath the seated deities of the frieze was the entrance to the inner\nFie. 1-Hygiaea, Goddess of Health\nA rhens ,\\,f uscu111\n(Sec page 499)\n-\u00b7,  w-  ... .,  -\t\u2022 -  \u00b7-\t......--,'lf'n,--.......,........---\u2022\u2022,.,.iiar--,,,\"1,i--.,.,,., ,n\u2022.,+..4,.\u2666-\u25c4\"''\"'' .w.. -\u25a0.w---\nFIG. 2-The Cup-Bearer\nFrom the P,1lace of Minos."]
[16.214061737060547, 0.7235939502716064, "610\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVIII\nBut what is God? \"He\" too is a triad-of unity (/Jen), reason (nous), and soul (psyche). \"Beyond Being there is the One\": 48 through the seeming chaos of mundane multiplicity runs a unifying life. We know almost nothing of it except its existence; any positive adjective or prejudiced pronoun applied to it would be an unwarrantable limitation; we may only call it One and First, and Good as the object of our supreme desire. Emanating from this Unity is the World Reason, corresponding to Plato's Ideas, the formative models and ruling laws of things; they are, so to speak, the thoughts of God, the Reason in the One, the order and rationality of the world. Since these Ideas persist while matter is a kaleidoscope of passing shapes, they are the only true or enduring reality. But Unity and Reason, though they hold the universe together, do not create it; this function is performed by the third aspect of the godhead-the vitalizing principle that fills all things and gives them their power and predestined form. Every\u00ad thing, from atoms to planets, has an activating soul, which is itself a part of the World-Soul; every Atman is Brahman. The individual soul is eternal only as vitality or energy, not as a distinct character.49 Immortality is not the survival of personality; it is the absorption of the soul in deathless things.50 Virtue is the movement of the soul toward God. Beauty is not mere har\u00ad mony and proportion, as Plato and Aristotle thought, but the living soul or unseen divinity in things; it is the predominance of soul over body, of form over matter, of reason over things; and an is the translation of this rational or spiritual beauty into another medium. The soul can be trained to rise from the pursuit of beauty in material or human forms to seeking it in the hidden soul in Nature and her laws, in science and the subtle order that it reveals, finally in the divine Unity that gathers all things, even striv\u00ad ing and conflicting things, into a sublime and marvelous harmony.51 In the end beauty and virtue are one-the unity and co-operation of the pan with\nthe whole.\nWithdraw into yourself and look. And if you do not find yourself beautiful, yet act as does the creator of a statue . . . he cuts away here, he smooths there, he makes this line lighter, the other purer, until a lovely face has grown upon his work. So do you also: cut away all that is excessive, straighten all that is crooked . . . and never cease chiseling your statue until . . . you see the perfect goodness established in the stainless shrine.52\nvVe feel in this philosophy the same spiritual atmosphere as in contem\u00ad porary Christianity-the withdrawal of tender minds from civic interest to religion, a flight from the state to God. It was no accident that Plotinus and Origen were fellow pupils and friends, and that Clement developed a\nCHAP. xxvm)   THE  GROWTH  OF THE  CHURCH\t611\nChristian Platonism at Alexandria. Plotinus is the last of the great pagan philosophers; and like Epictetus and Aurelius, he is a Christian without Christ. Christianity accepted nearly every line of him, and many a page of Augustine echoes the ecstasy of the supreme mystic. Through Philo, John, Plotinus, and Augustine, Plato conquered Aristotle, and entered into the profoundest theology of the Church. The gap between philosophy and religion was closing, and reason for a thousand years consented to be the handmaiden of theology.\nIV. THE DEFENDERS OF THE FAITH\nThe Church now won to its support some of the finest minds in the Em\u00ad pire. Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch, began the powerful dynasty of the post\u00ad apostolic \"Fathers,\" who gave a philosophy to Christianity, and overwhelmed its enemies with argument. Condemned to be thrown to the beasts for refus\u00ad ing to abjure his faith ( 108), Justin composed on his way to Rome several letters whose hot devotion reveals the spirit in which Christians could go to their death:\nI give injunctions to all men that I am dying willingly for God's sake, if you do not hinder it. I beseech you, be not an unseasonable kindness to me. Suffer me to be eaten by the beasts, through whom I can attain to God.    Rather entice the wild beasts that they may\nbecome my tomb, and leave no trace of my body, that when I fall asleep I be not burdensome to any. . . . I long for the beasts that are prepared for me     Let there come upon me fire and cross [cruci\u00ad\nfixion], struggles with wild beasts, cutting and tearing asunder, rack\u00ad ings of bones, mangling of limbs, crushing of my whole body, and cruel tortures of the devil, if so I may attain to Jesus Christ! 53\nQuadratus, Athenagoras, and many others wrote \"Apologies\" for Christianity, usually addressed to the emperor. Minucius Felix, in an almost Ciceronian dia\u00ad logue, allowed his Caecilius to defend paganism ably, but made his Octavius. answer him so courteously that Caecilius was almost persuaded to be a Chris\u00ad tian. Justin of Samaria, coming to Rome in the reign of Antoninus, opened there a school of Christian philosophy, and, in two eloquent \"Apologies,\" sought to convince the Emperor, and \"Verissimus the Philosopher,\" that Christians were loyal citizens, paid their taxes promptly, and might, under friendly treatment, become a valuable support to the state. For some years he taught unmolested; but the sharpness of his tongue made him enemies, and in 166 a rival philosopher prodded the authorities to arrest him and six of his followers, and put them all to death. Twenty years later lrenaeus, Bishop of Lyons, struck a powerful blow\n612\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVIII\nfor the unity of the Church in his Adversus Haereses, a blast at all heretics. The only way of preventing Christianity from disintegrating into a thousand sects, said lrenaeus, was for all Christians to accept humbly one doctrinal au\u00ad thority-the decrees of the episcopal councils of the Church.\nThe doughtiest fighter for Christianity in this period was Quintus Sep\u00ad timius Tertullianus of Carthage. Born there about 160, theson of a Roman centurion, he studied rhetoric in the same school that trained Apuleius; then for years he practiced law at Rome. Midway in life he was converted to Christianity, married a Christian, renounced all pagan pleasures, and (says Jerome) was ordained a priest. All the arts and tricks that he had learned from rhetoric and law were now put at the service of Christian apologetics, enhanced by a convert's ardor. Greek Christianity was theological, meta\u00ad physical, mystical; Terrullian made Latin Christianity ethical, juristic, prac\u00ad tical. He had the vigor and virulence of Cicero, the satirical scurrility of Juvenal, and sometimes he could rival Tacitus in concentrating acid in a phrase. Irenaeus had written in Greek; with Minucius and Tertullian Chris\u00ad tian literature in the \"\\Vest became Latin, and Latin literature became Christian.\nIn the year r97, while Roman magistrates in Carthage were trying Chris\u00ad tians on charges of disloyalty, Tertullian addressed to an imaginary court the most eloquent of his works-the Apologeticus. He assured the Romans that Christians \"are always praying for all emperors, for . . . a safe dynasty, brave armies, a faithful Senate, and a quiet world.\" 54 He extolled the grandeur of monotheism, and found premonitions of it in pre-Christian writers.0 testimonium animae naturaliter Christianae! he cried in a happy phrase-\"Behold the witness of the soul, by its very nature Christian!\" 55 A year later, passing with strange celerity from persuasive defense to ferocious\nattack, he issued De Spectaculis, a scornful description of the Roman theaters as citadels of obscenity, and of the amphitheaters as the acme of man's in\u00ad humanity to man. And he concluded with a bitter threat:\nOther spectacles will come-that last eternal Day of Judgment\n. . . when all this old world and its generations shall be consumed in one fire. How vast the spectacle will be on that day! How I shall marvel, laugh, rejoice, and exult, seeing so many ki gs-supposedly received into heaven-groaning in the depths of darkness!-and the magistrates ,vho persecuted the name of Jesus melting in fiercer flames than they ever kindled ... against the Christians!-sages and phi\u00ad losophers blushing before their disciples as they blaze together! . . . and tragic actors now more than ever vocal in their own tragedy, and\nCHAP. xxvm)\tTHE\tGROWTH  OF  THE  CHURCH\t613\nplayers lither of limb by far in the fire, and charioteers burning red on the wheel of flame! 56\nSuch unhealthy intensity of imagination does not make for orthodoxy. As T ertullian aged, the same energy that in his youth had courted pleasure now turned into a fierce denunciation of every consolation bur those of faith and hope. He addressed woman in the coarsest terms as \"the gate by which the demon enters,\" and told her that \"it is on your account that Jesus Christ died.\" 57 Once he loved philosophy, and had written works like De Aninza, applying Stoic metaphysics to Christianity; now he renounced all reasoning independent of revelation, and rejoiced in the incredibility of his creed. \"God's son died: it is believable precisely because it is absurd [ineptum]. He was buried and rose again: it is certain because it is impos\u00ad sible.\" 58 Sinking into a morose puritanism, Tertullian in his fifty-eighth year rejected the orthodox Church as too sullied with worldly ways, and embraced Montanism as a more outright application of the teachings of Christ. He condemned all Christians who became soldiers, artists, or state officials; all parents who did not veil their daughters; all bishops who restored repentant sinners to communion; finally he called the pope pastor moec\u00ad horu111-\"shepherd of adulterers.\" 59\nDespite him the Church prospered in Africa. Able and devoted bishops like Cyprian made the diocese of Carthage almost as rich and influential as Rome's. In Egypt the growth of the Church was slower, and its early stages are lost to history; suddenly, late in the second century, we hear of a \"Catechetical School\" in Alexandria, which wedded Christianity to Greek philosophy, and produced two major fathers of the Church. Both Clement and Origen were well versed in pagan literature, and loved it after their own fashion; if their spirit had prevailed there would have been a less tlestructive break between classical culture and Christianity.\nWhen Origenes Adamantius was seventeen (202) his father was arrested as a Christian, and condemned to death. The boy wished to join him in prison and martyrdom; his mother, failing to deter him by other means, hid all his clothes. Origen sent his father letters of encouragement: \"Take heed,\" he bade him, \"not to change your Inind on our accounr.\"60 The father was beheaded, and the youth was left to care for the mother and six young children. Inspired to greater piety by the many martyrdoms he saw, he adopted the ascetic life. He fasted much, slept little and on bare ground, wore no shoes, and subjected himself to,cold and nakedness; finally, in rigorous interpretation of Matthew xix, 1 2, he emasculated himself.* In"]
[-5.992010116577148, -9.82444953918457, "Barbarian inroads, and cenruries of mining the richer veins, had doubtless lowered Rome's supply of the precious metals. In central and southern Italy deforestation, erosion, and the neglect of irrigation canals by a diminishing peasantry and a disordered government had left Italy poorer than before. The cause, however, was no inherent exhaustion of the soil, no change in climate, but the negligence and sterility of harassed and discouraged men.\nBiological factors were more fundamental. A serious decline of popula\u00ad tion appears in the West after Hadrian. It has been questioned, but the mass importation of barbarians into the Empire by Aurelius, Valentinian, Au\u00ad relian, Probus, and Constantine leaves little room for doubt.3 Aurelius, to replenish his army, enrolled slaves, gladiators, policemen, criminals; either the crisis was greater, or the free population less, than before; and the slave population had certainly fallen. So many farms had been abandoned, above all in Italy, that Percinax offered them gratis to anyone who would till them.\n665\n666\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\nA law of Septimius Severus speaks of a perzuria hominum-a shortage of men.4 In Greece the depopulation had been going on for centuries. In Alex\u00ad andria, which had boasted of its numbers, Bishop Dionysius calculated t at the population had in his time (250) been halved. He mourned to \"see the human race diminishing and constantly wasting away.\" 6 Only the barbarians and the Orientals were increasing, outside the Empire and within.\nWhat had caused this fall in population? Above all, family limitation. Practiced first by the educated classes, it had now seeped down to '1 prole\u00ad tariat named for its fertility; 6 by A.D. 100 it had reached the agricultural classes, as shown by the use of imperial alimenta to encourage .rural par\u00ad entage; by the third century it had overrun the western provinces, and was lowering man power in Gaul.7 Though branded as a crime, infanticide flourished as poverty grew.8 Sexual excesses may have reduced human fer\u00ad tility; the avoidance or deferment of marriage had a like effect, and the making of eunuchs increased as Oriental customs flowed into the \\Vest, Plantianus, Praetorian Prefect, had one hundred boys emasculated, and then gave them to his daughter as a wedding gift.9\nSecond only to family limitation as a cause of lessened population were the slaughters of pestilence, revolution, and war. Epidemics of major pro\u00ad portions decimated the population under Aurelius, Gallienus, and Con\u00ad stantine. In the plague of 260-65 almost every family in the Empire was attacked; in Rome, we are told, there were 5000 deaths every day for many weeks.10 The mosquitoes of the Campagna were winning their war against the human invaders of the Pontine marshes, and malaria was sapping the strength of rich and poor in Latium and Tuscany. The holocausts of war and revolution, and perhaps the operation of contraception, abortion, and infanticide, had a dysgenic as well as a numerical effect: the ablest men mar\u00ad Jjed latest, bred least, and died soonest. The dole weakened the poor, luxury weakened the rich; and a long peace deprived all classes in the peninsula of the martial qualities and arts. The Germans who were now peopling north Italy and filling the army were physically and morally superior to the sur\u00ad viving native stock; if time had allowed a leisurely assimilation they might have absorbed the classic culture and reinvigorated the Italian blood. But time was not so generous. Moreover, the population of Italy had long since been mingled with Oriental strains physically inferior, though perhaps men\u00ad tally superior, to the Roman type. The rapidly breeding Germans could not understand the classic culture, did not accept it, did not transmit it; the rapidly breeding Orientals were mostly of a mind to destroy that culture; the Romans, possessing it, sacrificed it to the comforts of sterility. Rome was conquered not by barbarian invasion from without, but by barbarian multi\u00ad plication within.\nEPILOGUE\t667\nMoral decay contributed to the dissolution. The virile character that had been formed by arduous simplicities and a supporting faith relaxed in the sunshine of wealth and the freedom of unbelief; men had now, in the middle and upper classes, the means to yield to temptation, and only expediency to restrain them. Urban congestion multiplied contacts and frustrated sur\u00ad veillance; immigration brought together a hundred cultures whose differ\u00ad ences rubbed themselves out into indifference. Moral and esthetic standards were lowered by the magnetism of the mass; and sex ran riot in freedom while political liberty decayed.\nThe greatest of historians held that Christianity was the chief cause of Rome's fall.11 For this religion, he and his followers 12 argued, had destroyed the old faith that had given moral character to the Roman soul and stability to the Roman state. It had declared war upon the classic culture-upon science, philosophy, literature, and art. It had brought an enfeebling Ori\u00ad ental mysticism into the realistic stoicism of Roman life; it had turned men's thoughts from the tasks of this world to an enervating preparation for some cosmic catastrophe, and had lured them into seeking individual salvation through asceticism and prayer, rather than collective salvation through de\u00ad votion to the state. It had disrupted the unity of the Empire while soldier emperors were struggling to preserve it; it had discouraged its adherents from holding office, or rendering military service; it had preached an ethic ' of nohresistance and peace when the survival of the Empire had demanded\n. a will to War. Christ's victory had been Rome's death.\nThere is some truth in this hard indictment. Christianity unwillingly shared in the chaos of creeds that helped produce that medley of mores which moderately contributed to Rome's collapse. But the growth of Chris\u00ad tianity Was more an effect than a cause of Rome's decay. The breakup of the cld reli;ion h::id begun long before Christ; there were more vigorous attacks upon it in Ennius and Lucretius than in any pagan author after them. Moral disintegration had begun with the Roman conquest of Greece, and had culminated under Nero; thereafter Roman morals improved, and the ethical influence of Christianity upon Roman life was largely a wholesome one. It was because Rome was already dying that Christianity grew so rapidly. l\\Ien lost faith in the state not because Christianity held them aloof, but because the state defended wealth against poverty, fought tb capture slav s, taxed toil to suppon luxury, and failed to protect its people from famine, pes::i!ence, invasion, and destitution; forgivably they turned from Caesar preaching war to Christ preac!ung peace, from incredible brutality to unprecedented charity, from a life without hope or dignity to a faith that consoled their poverty and honored their humanity. Rome was not destroyed\n668\tCAESAR  AND CHRIST\nby Christianity, any more than by barbarian invasion; it was an empty shell when Christianity rose to influence and invasion came.\nThe economic causes of Rome's decline have already been stated as pre\u00ad requisite to the understanding of Diocletian's reforms; they need only a re\u00ad minding summary here. The precarious dependence upon provincial grains, the collapse of the slave supply and the latifundia; the deterioration of trans\u00ad port and the perils of trade; the loss of provincial markets to provincial competition; the inability of Italian industry to export the equivalent of Italian imports, and the consequent drain of precious metals to the East; the destructive war between rich and poor; the rising cost of armies, doles, public works, an expanding bureaucracy, and a parasitic court; the depreci\u00ad ation of the currency; the discouragement of ability, and the absorption of investment capital, by confiscatory taxation; the emigration of capital and labor, the strait jacket of serfdom placed upon agriculture, and of caste forced upon industry: all these conspired to sap the material bases of Italian life, until at last the power of Rome was a political ghost surviving its economic death.\nThe political causes of decay were rooted in one fact-that increasing despotism destroyed the citizen's civic sense and dried up statesmanship at its source. Powerless to express his political will except by violence, the Roman lost interest in government and became absorbed in his business, his amusements, his legion, or his individual salvation. Patriotism and the pagan religion had been bound together, and now together decayed.13 The Senate, losing ever more of its power and prestige after Pertinax, relapsed into indo\u00ad lence, subservience, or venality; and the last barrier fell that might have saved the state from militarism and anarchy. Local governments, overrun by imperial correctores and exactores, no longer attracted first-rate men. The responsibility of municipal officials for the tax quotas of their areas, the rising expense of their unpaid honors, the fees, liturgies, benefactions, and games expected of them, the dangers incident to invasion and class war, led to a flight from office corresponding to the flight from taxes, factories, and farms. JVIen deliberately made themselves ineligible by debasing their social category; some fled to other towns, some became farmers, some monks. In 31 3 Constantine extended to the Christian clergy that exemption from municipal office, and from several taxes, which pagan priests had tradi\u00ad tionally enjoyed; the Church was soon swamped with candidates for ordina\u00ad tion, and cities complained of losses in revenue and senators; in the end Constantine was compelled to rule that no man eligible for municipal po\u00ad sition should be admitted to the priesthood.14 The imperial police pursued fugitives from political honors as it hunted evaders of taxes or conscription;\nEPILOGUE\nit brought them back to the cities and forced them to serve; 15 finally it decreed that a son must inherit the social status of his father, and must accept election if eligible to it by .his rank. A serfdom of office rounded out the prison of economic caste.\nGallienus, fearing a revolt of the Senate, excluded senators from the army. As martial material no longer grew in Italy, this decree completed the mili\u00ad tary decline of the peninsula. The rise of provincial and mercenary armies, the overthrow of the Praetorian Guard by Septimius Severus, the emergence of provincial generals, and their capture of the imperial throne, destroyed the leadership, even the independence, of Italy long before the fall of the Empire in the West. The armies of Rome were no longer Roman armies; they were composed chiefly of provincials, largely of barbarians; they fought not for their altars and their homes, but for their wages, their dona\u00ad tives, and their loot. They attacked and plundered the cities of the Empire with more relish than they showed in facing the enemy; most of them were the sons of peasants who hated the rich and the cities as exploiters of the poor and the countryside; and as civil strife provided opportunity, they sacked such towns with a thoroughne that left little for alien barbarism to destroy.16 When military problems became more important than internal affairs, cities near the frontiers were made the seats of government; Rome became a theater for triumphs, a show place of imperial architecture, a museum of political antiquities and forms. The multiplication of capitals and the division of power broke down the unity of administration. The Empire, grown too vast for its statesmen to rule or its armies to defend, began to disintegrate. Left to protect themselves unaided against the Germans and the Scots, Gaul and Britain chose their own imperatores, and made them sovereign; Palmyra seceded under Zenobia, and soon Spain and Africa would yield almost unresisting to barbarian conquest. In the reign of Gallienus thirty generals governed thirty regions of the Empire in practical inde\u00ad pendence of the central power. In this awful drama of a great state breaking into pieces, the internal causes were the unseen protagonists; the invading barbarians merely entered where weakness had opened the door, and where the failure of biological, moral, economic, and political statesmanship had left the stage to chaos, despondency, and decay.\nExternally the fall of the Western Roman Empire was hastened by the expan\u00ad sion and migration of the Hsiung-nu, or Huns, in northwestern Asia. Defeated in their eastward advance by Chinese armies and the Chinese Wall, they turned westward, and about A.D. 355 reached the Volga and the Oxus. Their pressure forced the Sarmatians of Russia to move into the Balkans; the Goths, so harassed, moved again upon the Roman frontiers. They were admitted across the Danube\n670\tCAESAR  AND CHRIST\nto settle in Moesia (376); maltreated there by Roman officials, they rev0lted, defeated a large Roman army at Adrianople (378), and for a time threatened Constantinople. In 400 Alaric led the Visigoths over the Alps into Italy, and in 410 thev took and sacked Rome. In 429 Gaiseric led the Vandals to the conquest of Sp;in and Africa, and in 455 they took and sacked Rome. In 451 Attila led the Huns in an attack upon Gaul and Italy; he was defeated at Chalons, but overran Lombardy. In 472 a Pannonian general, Orestes, made his son emperor under the name of Romulus Augustulus. Four years later the barbarian mercenaries who dominated the Roman army deposed this \"little Augustus,\" and named their leader Odoacer king of Italy. Odoacer recognized the supremacy of the Roman emperor at Constantinople, and was accepted by him as a vassal king. The Roman Empire in the East would go on until 1453; in the West it had come to an end.\nJI. THE ROMAN ACHIEVEMENT\nIt is easier to explain Rome's fall than to account for her long sl).rvival, This is the essential accomplishment of Rome-that having won the Medi-. terranean world she adopted its culture, gave it order, prosperity, and peac for 200 years, held back the tide of barbarism for two centuries more, and transmitted he classic heritage to the West before she died.\nRome has had no rival in the art of government. The Roman state com-. mitred a thousand political crimes; it built its edifice upon a selfish oliga.rchy and an obscurantist priesthood; it achieved a democracy of freemen, and then destroyed it with corruption and violence; it exploited its conquests to support a parasitic Italy, which, when it could no longer exploit, collapsed,"]
[-6.9420952796936035, -9.399904251098633, "Crossing the straits from Tangier, we pass from one of the newest to one of the oldest provinces of Rome. Standing strategically at the door of the Mediterranean, blessed and cursed with precious minerals that soaked her soil with the blood of greed, crossed with mountain ranges that hindered communications, assimilation, and unity, Spain has felt the full fever of life from the days when Old Stone Age artists painted bisons on the cave walls of Altamira down to our own disordered time. For thirty centuries the Spaniards have been a proud and warlike people, lean and tough, stoically brave, passionate a_nd obstinate? sober and melancholy, frugal and hospitable, courteous and chivalrous, easily provoked to hatred, more easily to love. When the R_omans came t ey toun a opulation even then inextricably diverse: Ibenans from Afnca (r ), L1gunans from Italy, Celts from Gaul, and a layer of Carth ginians at the top. If we i:nay believe their conquerors, the pre-Roman Spamards were close to barbansm, some livina in towns and houses, some in hamlets and huts and caves, sleeping on the floor or the earth, and washing their teeth with urine carefully aged.18 The men wore black cloaks, the \u00b7women \"long mantles and gay-colored gowns.\" In some parts, Strabo reprovingly adds, \"the women dance promiscuously with men taking hold of their hands.\" 19\t'\nCHAP.xxu)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\nAs early as 2000 B.C. the inhabitants of southeastern Spain-Tartessus, the Phoenician \"Tarshish\"-had developed a bronze industry whose products were sold throughout\u2022 the Mediterranean. On this basis T artessus evolved in the sixth century B.c. a literature and art that claimed an antiquity of 6000 years. Little remains of it except a few crude statues and a strange polychrome bust in sandstone, The Lady of Eiche, carved on Greek models in a strong and fl.owing Celtic style. About 1000 B.c. thePhoenicians began to tap the mineral wealth of Spain, and by 800 they had taken Cadiz and Malaga, and built great temples there. Towards 500 B.c. Greek colonists settled along the northeastern coast. About the same time the Carthaginians, summoned by their Phoenician kin to help suppress a revolt, conquered T artessus and all south and eastern Spain. The rapid exploitation of the peninsula by Carthage between the First and Second Punic Wars opened the eyes of the Romans to the resources of what they then called \"Iberia,\" and the passage of Hannibal into Italy was finally outweighed by the move\u00ad ment of the Scipios into Spain. The disunited tribes fought fiercely for their independence; women killed their children rather than let them fall into Roman hands, and captive natives sang their war songs while dying on the cross.20 The conquest took two centuries, but once completed it proved more fundamental than in most other provinces. The Gracchi, Caesar, and Augustus changed the Republic's policy of ruthlessness to one of courtesy and consideration, with good and lasting results. Romanization proceeded rapidly; Latin was adopted and adapted, the economy expanded and pros\u00ad pered, and soon Spain was contributing poets, philosophers, senators, and emperors to Rome.\nFrom Seneca to Aurelius Spain was the economic mainstay of the Empire. Having enriched Tyre and then Carthage, Spanish minerals now enriched Rome; Spain became to Italy what Mexico and Peru would be to Spain. Gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, lead were mined with modern thoroughness; at Rio Tinto one may still see Roman shafts sunk to great depths through solid quartz, and Roman slag with an astonishingly low percentage of copper left in it.21 In these mines slaves and prisoners worked day after day, in many cases never seeing the light of the sun for months.22 Great metallurgical industries rose near the mines. Meanwhile the soil of Spain, despite mountains and arid wastes, produced esparto grass for cord, rope, baskets, bedding, and sandals, nourished prize sheep and a renowned woolen industry, and gave to the Empire the best olives, oil, and wine that antiquity knew. The Guadal\u00ad quivir, the Tagus, the Ebro, and lesser streams helped a web of Roman roads to carry the products of Spain to her ports and innumerable towns.\nIndeed, the most remarkable and characteristic result of Roman rule, here as elsewhere, was the multiplication or expansion of cities. In the province\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXII\nof Baetica (Andalusia) were Caneia (Algeciras), Munda, Malaca, ltalica (birthplace of Trajan and Hadrian), Corduba, Hispalis (Seville), and Gades (Cadiz). Corduba, founded 152 B.c. was a literary\u00b7 center famous for its schools of rhetoric; here were born Lucan, the Senecas, and Saint Paul's Gallia; this tradition of scholarship would last through the Dark Ages and make Cordova the most learned city in Europe. Gades was the most popu\u00ad lous of Spanish towns, and notoriously rich; situated at the mouth of the Guadalquivir, it commanded the Atlantic trade with western Africa, Spain, Gaul, and Britain. Its sensuous dancing girls (puellae Gaditanae) contributed modestly to its fame.\nRome knew Portugal as the province of Lusitania, and Lisbon as Olisipo. At N orba Caesarina, to which the Arabs gave its present name of Alcantara (The Bridge), Trajan's engineers threw across the Tagus the most perfect of existing Roman bridges; its majestic arches, 1 oo feet wide and r So above the stream, still carry a busy four-lane ro:id. The capital cf Lusitania was Emerita (Merida), which boasted many temples, three aqueducts, a circus, a theater, a naumachia, and a bridge 2500 feet long. Farther east, in the province of Tarraconensis, Segovia still enjoys the pure water brought in by an aqueduct built in Trajan's reign. South of it was Toletum (Toledo), known in Roman times for its ironworks. On the eastern coast rose the great city of Nova Carthago (Cartagena), rich with mining, fisheries, and trade. Out in the Mediterranean lay the Baleares, where Palma and Pollentia were already old and flourishing cities. Northward on the coast were Valentia, Tarraco (Tarragona), Barcino (Barcelona), and, just below the Pyrenees, the old Greek town of Emporiae. A short sail around the eastern end of the mountains, and the traveler found himself in Gaul.\nGAUL\nIn those days, when all ships were of moderate draught, even ocean-going vessels could navigate the Rhone from Marseilles to Lyons; smaller boats could continue to within thirty miles of the upper Rhine; after a short haul over level land goods could sail by a hundred cities and a thousand villas into the North Sea. Similar overland leaps led from the Rhone and the Saone to the Loire and the Atlantic, from the Aude to the Garonne and Bordeaux, from the Saone to the Seine and the English Channel. Trade followed these waterwa s and created cities at their meeting points. France, like Fgypt, was the gift of her streams.\nIn a sens French civilization began with \"Aurignacian man\" 3o,ooo years before Chnst; for even then, as the caves of lvlontignac attest, there were\nCHAP. XXII)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\t471\nartists capable of rich color and vivid line. From that Old Stone Age of hunting and herding, France passed, about 12,000 B.c., to the settled life and tillage of the Neolithic Age, and, after ten long millenniums, to the Age of Bronze. About 900 B.c. a new race, \"Alpine\" and roundheaded, began to filter in from Germany and spread across France to Britain and Ireland and down into Spain. These \"Celts\" brought with them the Halstatt iron culture of Austria, and about 5 50 B.c. they imported from Switzerland the more developed iron technology of La Tene. YVhen Rome became conscious of France she named it Celtica; only in Caesar's time was this changed to Gallia, Gaul.\nThe immigrants conquered or outbred the natives and settled down in\nindependent tribes whose names still lurk in the cities they built.* The Gauls, said Caesar, were tall, muscular, and strong; 23 they combed their rich blond hair back over their heads and down the nape of their necks; some had beards, many had powerful mustaches curling around their mouths. They had brought from the East, perhaps from the ancient Iranians, the custom of wearing breeches; to these they added tunics dyed in many colors and embroidered with flowers, and striped cloaks fastened at the shoulders. They loved jewelry and wore gold ornaments-even if nothing else-in war.24 They liked abundant meat, beer, and undiluted wine, being \"intemperate by nature\" if we may believe Appian.23 Strabo calls them \"simple and high\u00ad spirited, boastful    insufferable when victorious, scared out of their wits\nwhen defeated\"; 26 but it is not always a boon that our enemies should write a book. Poseidonius was shocked to find that they hung the severed heads of their foes from the necks of their horses.27 They were easily aroused to argument and combat, and sometimes, to amuse themselves at banquets, they fought duels to the death. \"They were,\" says Caesar, \"our equals in valor and warlike zeal.\" 28 Ammianus Marcellinus describes them as\nat all ages fit for military service. The old man marches out on a campaign with courage equal to that of the man in the prime of life.\n. . . In fact a whole band of foreigners will be unable to cope with one Gaul if he call in his wife, who is usually far stronger and fiercer than he, above all when she swells her neck, gnashes her teeth, and poising her huge arms, begins to rain down blows and kicks like shots from a catapult.29\nThe Gauls believed in a variety of gods, now too dead to mind anonymity. Belief in a pleasant life after death was so keen as to be in Caesar's judgment an important source of Gallic bravery. On the strength of it, says Valerius\nThe Ambiani in Amiens, Bellovaci in Beauvais, Bituriges in Bourges, Carnutes in Chanres, Parisii in Paris, Pictones in Poiriers, Remi in Rheims, Senones in Sens, Suessiones in Soissons, etc.\n472\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXII\nMaximus, men lent money to be repaid in heaven; and Poseidonius claimed to have seen Gauls at a funeral write letters to their friends in the other world and throw them upon the pyre so that the dead man might deliver them;30 we should enjoy a Gaul's opinion of these Roman tales. A priestly class, the Druids, controlled all education and vigorously inculcated religious belief. They conducted a colorful ritual, in sacred groves more often than in temples; and to appease the gods they offered human sacrifice of men con\u00ad demned to death for crime; the custom will appear barbarous to those who have not seen an electrocution. The Druids were the only learned, perhaps the only literate, part of the community. They composed hymns, poems, and historical records; they studied \"the stars and their movements, the size of the universe and the earth, and the order of nature,\" 31 and formulated a practicable calendar. They served as judges and had great influence at the courts of the tribal kings. Pre-Roman, like medieval, Gaul was a political feudalism clothed in theocracy.\nUnder these kings and priests Celtic Gaul reached its zenith in the fourth century n.c. Population expanded with the productivity of the La Tene techniques, and the result was a series of \u00b7wars for land. About 400 B.c. the Celts, who already held most of central Europe as well as Gaul, conquered Britain, Spain, and north Italy. In 390 they pushed sooth to Rome; in 278 they pillaged Delphi and conquered Phrygia. A century later their vigor began to wane, partly through the softening influence of wealth and Greek ways, partly through the political atomism of feudal barons. Just as in medieval France the kings broke the po\"\\ver of the barons and established a unified state, conversely, in the century before Caesar, the lords of the manors broke the power of the kings and left Gaul more fragmentary than before. The Celtic front was pushed back everywhere except in Ireland; the Carthaginians subdued the Celts in Spain, the Romans drove them out of Italy, the Cimbri and Teutones overran them in Germany and southern\nGaul. In r zs B.C. the Rori:ans, eager to con_trol the road to Spain, conquered southern Gaul and made 1t a Roman province. In 58 B.c. the Gallic leaders\nbegged Caesar to help them repel a German invasion. Caei;ar complied and named his own reward."]
[3.2396459579467773, -4.887810707092285, "He  suffered from a peculiar squmt still known by his name.74 He traveled\nextensively, apparently on diplomatic missions, and used every opponunity to gather geographical or historical information. He wrote a lost history con\u00ad tinuing Polybius; and in 7 B.c. he issued his great Geography, of whose seventeen books time has preserved nearly all. Like Arrian he begins by pro\u00ad claiming the virtues of his work:\nI ask pardon of my readers, and appeal to them not to fasten the blame for the lengt_h of my discussion upon me rather than upon those who earnestly desire knowledge of thmgs famous and ancient. . . . In this work I must leave untouched what is small, and devote my attention to what is noble and great ... useful or memorable or entertaining. And just as, in judging the merits of colossal statues, we do not examine each individual part with minute care, but rather\n\u2022\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\t521\nconsider the general effect ... so should this my book be judged. For it, too, is a colossal work ...  worthy of a philosopher.75\nHe borrows frankly from Polybius and Poseidonius, less frankly from Eratosthenes, brings them all sharply to account for their errors, and sug\u00ad gests that his own should be blamed on his sources.76 But he acknowledges his sources with rare candor and usually selects them with discrimination. He notes that the extension of the Roman Empire has widened geographical knowledge, but believes that there are whole continents still unknown\u00ad possibly in the Atlantic. He believes that the eanh is spheroidal (but the word probably meant spherical), and that if one were to sail westward from Spain he would in time come to India. He describes coastlines as always changing through erosion or eruption and conjectures that subterranean disturbances may someday sever Suez and unite the seas. His work was a brave summary of the global knowledge of his age and must be ranked as one of the major achievements of ancient science.\nFar more renowned than Strabo in his time was Dio Chrysostom-Dio of the Golden Mouth (A.D. 40- 120). His family had long been distinguished in Prusa; his grandfather had exhausted a fortune in gifts to the Bithynian city and then had made another; his father had gone through the same experience; and Dio followed in their steps.77 He became an orator and a sophist, went to Rome, was converted to Stoicism by Musonius Rufus, and was banished from Italy and Bithynia by Domitian (82). Forbidden the use of his propeny or income, he wandered for thineen years from country to country as a penniless philosopher, refusing money for his discourses, and earning his bread for the most pan by the work of his hands. When Domitian was succeeded by Nerva, Dio's exile was changed into honors; Nerva and Trajan befriended him and gave his city many favors at his request. He returned to Prusa and devoted most of his wealth to beautifying it. Another philosopher accused him of embezzling public funds; he was tried by Pliny and appears to have been exonerated.\nDio left behind him eighty orations. For us today they contain more wind than meat; they suffer from empty amplification, deceptive analogies, and rhetorical tricks; they stretch half an idea to half a hundred pages; no wonder a weary listener complained, \"You are letting the sun go down with your interminable questions.\" 78 But the man had charm and eloquence, else he could hardly have become the most celebrated orator of the century, for whose speeches men would interrupt a war. \"I don't know what you mean,\" said the honest Trajan, \"but I love you as myself.\" 70 The barbarians on the Borysthenes (Dnieper) heard him as gladly as the Greeks gathered at Olym\u00ad pia, or the excitable Alexandrians; an army about to revolt against N erva was\nI\n522\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nmollified into acceptance by the impromptu address of the half-naked exile. Probably what drew people to him was not his fine Attic Greek, but the courage of his denunciations. Almost alone in pagan antiquity he condemned prostitution; and few writers of his time so openly attacked the institution of slavery. (He was a bit vexed, however, when he found that his slaves had run away.)80 His address to the Alexandrians was a castigation of their lux\u00ad ury, superstition, and vice. He chose Ilium as the scene of an oration in which he argued that Troy had never existed and that \"Homer was the boldest liar in history.\" In the heart of Rome he expounded the case of the countryside against the city, painted in vivid narrative a touching picture of rural poverty, and warned his audience that the land was being neglected and the agricultural basis of civilization was in decay. At Olympia, amid a multi\u00ad tude of fanatical worldlings, he reproved the atheists and epicureans of the day. Though popular conceptions of deity may be absurd, said Dio, the wise man will understand that the simple mind needs simple ideas and pictorial symbols. In truth no man can conceive the form of the Supreme Being, and even Pheidias' noble statue was an anthropomorphic assumption as unwar\u00ad rantable as the primitive identification of God with a star or a tree. We can\u00ad not know what God is, but we have an innate conviction that he exists, and we feel that philosophy without religion is a dark and hopeless thing. The only real freedom is wisdom-i.e., the knowledge of what is right and what is wrong; the road to freedom lies not through politics or revolution, but through philosophy; and true philosophy consists not in the speculations of books, but in the faithful practice of honor and virtue according to the dic\u00ad tates of that inmost voice which is, in some mystic sense, the word of God in\nthe heart of man.81\nTHE ORIENTAL TIDE\nReligion, which had bided its time and nourished its roots through all the learned or ribald skepticism of the Periclean and Hellenistic periods, now in the second century resumed its immemorial sway as philosophy, baffled by infinity and human hope, confessed its limitations and abdicated its author\u00ad ity. The people themselves had never lost their faith; most of them accepted in outline the Homeric description of the afterlife,82 sacrificed religiously before undertaking a voyage, and still placed an obol in the mouth of the dead to pay his passage across the Styx. Roman statecraft welcomed the aid of established priesthoods and sought popular support by building costly tem\u00ad ples to local gods. Throughout Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor, the wealth of the cler continued to grow. Hadad and Atargatis were still worshiped by the Synans and had an awesome shrine at Hierapolis; the resurrection of\nCHAP. xxrv)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVI;v AL\t523\nthe god T ammuz was still hailed in the towns of Syria with the cry, \"Adonis [i.e., the Lord] is risen,\" and his ascension into heaven was celebrated in the closing scenes of his festival.83 Similar ceremonies commemorated in Greek ritual the agony, death, and resurrection of Dionysus. From Cappadocia the worship of the goddess Ma had spread into Ionia and Italy; her priests (called fanatici as belonging to the fanum, or temple) danced dizzily to the sound of trumpets and drums, slashed themselves with knives, and sprinkled the goddess and her devotees with their blood.84 The making of new deities went on assiduously; Caesar and the emperors, Antinoiis and many local worthies, were deified (i.e., canonized) in life or death. Cross-fertilized by trade and war, pantheons were everywhere in flower, and prayers rose hope\u00ad fully in a thousand tongues to a thousand gods. Paganism was not one re\u00ad ligion; it was a jungle of rival creeds, often merging in eclectic confusion.\nThe worship of Cybele held its ground in Lydia and Phrygia, Italy and Africa and elsewhere, and its priests, as before, emasculated themselves in imitation of her beloved Attis. At her spring festival her worshipers fasted, prayed, and mourned the death of Attis; her priests cut their arms and drank their own blood; and a solemn procession bore the young god to his grave. But on the morrow the streets rang with exultant shouts as the people cele\u00ad brated the resurrection of Attis and the renewal of the earth. \"Take courage,\n0 mystics,\" cried the priests, \"the god is saved; and for you also will come salvation.\" 86 On the last day of the feast the image of the Great Mother was carried in triumph through crowds that hailed her, at Rome, as Nostra Domina, \"Our Lady.\" 86\nEven more widely honored than Cybele was the Egyptian goddess Isis, the sorrowing mother, the loving comforter, the bearer of the gift of eternal life. All the Mediterranean peoples knew how her great spouse Osiris had died and had risen from the dead; in nearly every great city on that historic sea this happy resurrection was commemorated with gorgeous pageantry, and jubilant worshipers sang, \"We have found Osiris again.\" 87 Isis was represented in pictures and statues as holding her divine child Horus in her arms, and devout litanies hailed her as \"Queen of Heaven,\" \"Star of the Sea,\" and \"Mother of God.\" 88 Of all pagan cults this came nearest to Chris\u00ad tianity in the tenderness of its story, the refinement of its ritual, the solemnity and yet joyful atmosphere of its chapels, the moving music of its vespers, the conscientious ministry of its white-robed and tonsured priests,89 the honors and opportunities with which it charmed and comforted women, the universal welcome it gave to every nationality and every class. The religion of Isis spread from Egypt to Greece in the fourth century B.c., to Sicily in the third, to Italy in the second, and then to all parts of the Empire; her icons have been found on the Danube, the Rhine, and the Seine, and a temple to \u2022\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nher has been unearthed in London.90 The Mediterranean soul has never ceased to worship the divine creativeness and maternal solicitude of woman. Meanwhile the masculine cult of Mithras was passing from Persia to the most distant Roman frontiers. In the later Zoroastrian theology Mithras was the son of Ahura-Mazda, the God of Light. He, too, was the god of light, of truth, purity, and honor; sometimes he was identified with the sun and led the cosmic war against the powers of darkness, always he mediated between his father and his followers, protecting and encouraging them in life's struggle with evil, lies, uncleanliness, and the other works of Ahriman, Prince of Darkness. When Pompey's soldiers brought this religion from Cappadocia to Europe a Greek artist pictured Mithras as kneeling on the back of a bull and plunging a poniard into its neck; this repri:sentation be\u00ad came the universal symbol of the faith. The seventh day of each week was held sacred to the sun-god; and towards the end of December his followers celebrated the birthday of Mithras \"the Invincible Sun,\" who, at the winter solstice, had won his annual victory over the forces of darkness, and day by day would now give longer light.91 Tertullian speaks of a Mithraic priest\u00ad hood with a \"high pontiff,\" and of celibates and virgins serving the god; daily sacrifice was offered at his altar, worshipers partook of consecrated bread and wine, and the climax of the ceremony was signaled by the sound\u00ad ing of a bell.'2 A flame was kept ever burning before the crypt in which the young god was represented felling the bull. Mithraism preached a high morality and pledged its \"soldiers\" to a lifelong war against evil in every form. After death, said its priests, all men must appear before the judgment seat of Mithras; then unclean souls would be handed over to Ahriman for eternal torment, while the pure would rise through seven spheres, shedding some mortal element at each stage, until they would be received into the full radiance of heaven by Ahura-Mazda himself.93 This invigorating mythology spread in the second and third centuries of our era through western Asia and Europe (skipping Greece), and built its chapels as far north as Hadrian's\n\\Vall. Christian Fathers were shocked to find so many parallels between their own religion and Mithraism; they argued that these were thefts from Chris\u00ad tianity, or confusing stratagems of Satan (a form of Ahriman). It is difficult to say which faith borrowed from the other; perhaps both absorbed ideas current in the religious air of the East.\nEach of the great cults of the Mediterranean region had \"mysteries,\" which were usually ceremonies of purification, sacrifice, initiation, revela\u00ad tion, and regeneration, centering about the death and resurrection of the god. New members were admitted into the worship of Cybele by being placed naked in a pit over which a bull was slain; the blood of the sacrificed animal, falling upon the candidate, purified him of sin and gave him a new\nCHAP. :0:IV)\tTHE  HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL"]
[-8.565010070800781, 9.050956726074219, "_it intheflesh, and therefore formed pan of it in its spiritual multitude and timeless unity.\nOther spirits came to his aid as he grew up: Cuba watched over his sleep, Abeona guided his first steps, Fabulina taught him to speak. When he left the house he found himself again and everywhere in the presence of gods. The earth itself was a deity: sometimes Tellus, or Terra Mater-Mother Earth; sometimes Mars as the very soil he trod, and its divine fertility; sometimes Bona Dea, the Good Goddess who ga,\u00b7e rich wombs to women and fields. On the farm there was a helping god for every task or spot: Pomona for orchards, Faunus for cattle, Pales for pasturage, Sterculus for manure heaps, Saturn for sowing, Ceres for crops, Fomax for baking com in the oven, Vulcan for making the fire. Over the boundaries presided the great god Terminus, imaged and worshiped in the stones or trees that marked the limits of the farm. Other religions may have looked to the sky, and the Roman admitted that there too were gods; but his deepest piety and sincerest propitiations turned to the earth as the source and mother of his life, the home of his dead and the magic nurse of the sprouting seed. Every December the Lares of the soil were \u00b7worshiped in the joyful Feast of the Crossroads, or Compitalia; every January rich gifts sought the favor of Tellus for all planted things; every i\\lay the priests of the Arval (or PlO\\-.;ing) Brother\u00ad hood led a chanting procession along the boundaries of adjoining farms, gar\u00ad landed the stones with flowers, sprinkled them ,vith the blood of sacrificial victims, and prayed to 1\\1ars (the earth) to bear generous fruit. So religion sancti\u00ad fied property, quieted disputes, ennobled the labor of the fields with poetry and drama, and strengthened body and soul with faith and hope.\nThe Roman did not, like the Greek, think of his gods as having human form; he called them simply mmzina, or spirits; sometimes they were abstractions like Health, You.:1, i\\1emory, Fortune, Honor, Hope, Fear, Virtue, Chastity, Con\u00ad cord, Victory, or Rome. Some of them, like the Lemures or Ghosts, were spirits\n60\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nof disease, hard to propitiate. Some were spirits of the season, like Maia, the soul of May; others were water gods like Neptune, or woodland sprites like Silvanus, or the gods that dwelt in trees. Some lived in sacred animals, like the sacrificed horse or bull, or in the sacred geese that a playful piety preserved unharmed on the Capitol. Some were spirits of procreation; Tutumus supervised conception, Lucina protected menstruation and delivery. Priapus was a Greek god of fer\u00ad tility soon domiciled in Rome: maidens and matrons (if we may believe the indignant Saint Augustine) sat on the male member of his statue as a means of ensuring pregnancy; 2 scandalous figures of him adorned many a garden; little phallic images of him were worn by simple persons to bring fertility or good luck or to avert the \"evil eye.\"3 Never had a religion so many divinities. Varro reckoned them at 30,000, and Petronius complained that in some towns of Italy there were more gods than men. But deus, to the Roman, meant saint as well as god.\nUnder these basic concepts lurked a polymorphous mass of popular be\u00ad liefs in animism, fetishism, totemism, magic, miracles, spells, superstitions, and taboos, most of them going back to the prehistoric inhabitants of Italy, and perhaps to Indo-European ancestors in their ancient Asiatic home. Many objects, places, or persons were sacred (sacer) and therefore taboo\n-not to be touched or profaned: e.g., newborn children, menstruating women, condemned criminals. Hundreds of verbal formulas or mechan\u00ad ical contraptions were used to achieve natural ends by supernatural means. Amulets were well-nieh universal; nearly every child wore a bu/la, or golden talisman, suspended from his neck. Small images were hung upon doors or trees to ward off evil spirits. Charms or incantations were used to avert accidents, cure disease, bring rain, destroy a hostile army, wither an en\u00ad emy's crops or himself. \"We are all afraid,\" said Pliny, \"of being trans\u00ad fixed by curses and spells.\" 4 \\Vitches appear in Horace, Virgil, Tibullus, Lucian. They were believed to eat snakes, fly through the air at night, brew poisons from esoteric herbs, kill children, and raise the dead. All but a few skeptics seem to have believed in miracles and portents, in speak\u00ad ing or sweating statues,5 in gods descending from Olympus to fight for Rome, in lucky odd and unlucky even days, and in the presaging of the future by strange events. Livy's history must contain several hundred such portents, reported with philosophic gravity; and the elder Pliny's volumes so abound in portents and magic cures that they might well have been called Supernatural History. The most serious business of commerce, govern\u00ad ment, or war could be deferred or ended by the priestly announcement of an unfavorable omen like abnormal entrails in a sacrificial victim or a roll of thunder in the sky.\nThe state did what it could to check these excesses-called them, in-\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t61\ndeed, precisely that, superstitio. But it sedulously exploited the piety of the people to promote the stability of society and government. It adapted the rural divinities to urban life, built a national hearth for the goddess Vesta, and appointed a college of Vestal Virgins to serve the city's sacred fire. Out of the gods of the family, the farm, and the village it developed the di indigetes-or native gods-of the state, and arranged for these a solemn and picturesque worship in the name of all the citizens.\nAmong these original national gods Jupiter or Jove was the favorite, though not yet, like Zeus, their king. In the early centuries of Rome he was still a half-impersonal force-the bright expanse of the sky, the light of the sun and the moon, a bolt of thunder, or (as Jupiter Pluvius) a shower of fertilizing rain; even Virgil and Horace occasionally use \"Jove\" as a synonym for rain or sky.6 In time of drought the richest ladies of Rome walked in barefoot procession up the Capitoline hill to the Temple of Jupiter Tonans-Jove the Thunderer-to pray for rain. Probably his name was a corruption of Diuspater, or Diespiter, Father of the Sky. Perhaps primitively one with him was Janus, originally Dianus: first the two-faced spirit of the cottage door, then of the city gate, then of any opening or beginning, as of the day or year. The portals of his temple were open only in time of war, so that he might go forth with Rome's armies to overcome the gods of the foe. As old as Jupiter in the respect of the people was Mars, at first a god of tillage, then of war, then almost a symbol of Rome; every tribe in Italy named a month after him. Of like hoary antiquity was Saturn, the national god of the new-sown seed (sata). Legend pictured him as a prehistoric king who had brought the tribes under one law, taught them agriculture, and established peace and communism in the Saturnia regna\u00ad the Golden Age of Saturn's reign.\nLess powerful but more deeply loved than these were the goddesses of Rome. Juno Regina was the queen of heaven, the protective genius of wom\u00ad anhood, marriage, and maternity; her month of June 7 was recommended as the luckiest for weddings. Minerva was the goddess of wisdom (mens) or memory, of handicrafts and guilds, of actors, musicians, and scribes; the Palladium on which the s\u00b7afety of Rome was believed to depend was an image of Pallas Minerva, fully armed, which Aeneas was said to have brought from Troy through love and war to Rome. Venus was the spirit of desire, mating, fertility; sacred to her was April, the month of opening buds (aperire); poets like Lucretius and Ovid saw in her the amorous origin of all living things. Diana was the goddess of the moon, of women and child\u00ad birth, of the hunt, of the woods and their wild denizens, a tree spirit brought from Aricia when that region of Latium came under Roman power. Near Aricia were the lake and grove of Neini, and in that grove was a rich shrine\n62\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nof Diana, the resort of pilgrims who believed that the goddess had once mated there with Virbius, the first \"King of the Woods.\" To ensure the fertility of Diana and the soil, the successors of Virbius-all priests and husbands of the huntress-were replaced, each in turn, by any vigorous slave who, having taken as a talisman a sprig of mistletoe (the Golden Bough) from the sacred oak tree of the grove, attacked and slew the king\n-a custom that endured till the second century of our era.8\nThese, then, were the major gods of the official Roman worship. There were lesser, but not less popular, national deities: Hercules, god of joy and wine, who was not above gambling gaily for a courtesan with the sacristan of his temple; 9 Mercury, the patron deity of merchants, orators, and thieves; Ops, goddess of wealth; Bellona, goddess of war; and count\u00ad less more. As the city spread its rule it brought in new divinities-di no\u00ad vensiles. Sometimes it imponed the god of a beaten city into the Roman pantheon as a sign and surety of conquest, as when the Juno of Veii was led captive to Rome. Conversely, when the citizens of a community were moved to the capital their gods were brought with them, lest the spiritual and moral roots of the new inhabitants should be too suddenly snapped short; so immigrants bring their gods to America today. The Romans did not question the existence of these foreign deities; most of them believed that when they led the statue away the god had to come with it; many be\u00ad lieved that the statue was the god.10\nBut some of the di novensiles were not conquered but conquering; they seeped into Roman worship through commercial, military, and cultural contacts with Greek civilization-first in Campania, then in south Italy, then in Sicily, finally in Greece itself. There was something cold and im\u00ad personal in the gods of the state religion; they could be bribed by offer\u00ad ings or sacrifice, but they could seldom provide comfon or individual in\u00ad spiration; by contrast the gods of Greece seemed intimately human, full of adventure, humor, and poetry. The Roman populace welcomed them, built temples for them, and willingly learned their ritual. The official priest\u00ad hood, glad to enlist these new policemen in the service of order and con\u00ad tent, adopted the Greek gods into the divine family of Rome, and merged them, when possible, with their nearest analogues in the indigenous deities. As far back as 496 B.C. came Demeter and Dionysus, who were attached to Ceres and Liber (god of the grape); twelve years later Castor and Pol\u00ad lux were received, to become the protectors of Rome; in 43 r a temple was raised to Apollo the Healer in the hope that he might allay a plague; in 294 Aesculapius, the Greek god of medicine, was brought from Epidaurus to Rome in the form of a huge snake,11 and a temple-hospital was built in his honor on an island in the Tiber. Cronus was accepted as substantially\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\none with Saturn, Poseidon was identified with Neptune, Artemis with Diana, Hephaestus with Vulcan, Heracles with Hercules, Hades with Pluto, Hermes with l\\lercury. \\Vith the help of the poets Jupiter ,vas elevated into another Zeus, a stern witness and guardian of oaths, a bearded judge of morals, a custodian of laws, a god of gods; and slowly the educated Ro\u00ad man was prepared for the monotheistic creeds of Stoicism, Judaism, and Christianity.\nThe Priests\nTo appease or enlist the aid of these gods Italy employed an elaborate clergy. In his home the father was priest; but public worship was con\u00ad ducted by several collegia-associations-of priests, each filling its own va\u00ad cancies, but all under the lead of a po11tif ex maximus elected by the cen\u00ad turies. No special training was necessary for membership in these sacred colleges; any citizen might be enrolled in them or leave them; they formed no separate order or caste and were politically powerless except as tools of the state. They received the income of certain state lands for their sup\u00ad port, with slaves to serve them; and grew rich through generations of pious legacies.\nIn the third century before Christ the main pontifical college had nine mem\u00ad bers. They kept historical annals, recorded la\"\\VS, took auspices, offered sacrifices, and purified Rome with quinquennial lustrations. In performing the official ritual the pontiffs were aided by fifteen flamines-kindlers of the sacrificial flames.\n.Minor pontifical colleges had special functions: the Salii, or Leapers, ushered in each New Year with a ritual dance to Mars; the fetiales sanctified the ratification of treaties and declarations of war; and the Luperci, or Brotherhood of the \\Volf,\ncarried on the strange rites of the Lupercalia. The college of the Vestal Virgins tended the state hearth, and sprinkled it daily with holy water from the fountain of the sacred nymph Egeria. These white-clad, white-veiled nuns were chosen from among girls six to ten years of age; they took a vow of virginity and service for thirty years, but in return they received many public honors and privileges. If anv of them was found guilty of sexual relations she was beaten with rods and buried alive; Roman historians record twelve cases of such punishment. After thirty years they were free to leave and marry, but few took or found the opportunity.12\nThe most influential of the priestly colleges was that of the nine augures who"]
[-13.548974990844727, -8.468992233276367, "A legion was a mb:ed brigade of some 4200 infantry, 300 cavalry, and various auxiliary groups; 22 two legions made a consul's army. Each legion was sub\u00ad divided into centuries-originally of one hundred, later of two hundred, men\u00ad commanded by centurions. Every legion had its vcxillum-its banner or colors; honor forbade that this should ever fall into hostile hands, and clever officers sometimes threw it into the enemy's ranks to stir their men to a desperate recovery. In battle the front ranks of the infantry hurled at the foe, ten to twenty paces away, a volley of javelins-short wooden lances with an iron point-while on the wings archers and slingers attacked with arrows and stones, and the cavalry charged with pikes and sword ; hand-to-hand ombats with short swords were the final and decisive action. In a siege massive wooden catapults, worked by tension or torsion, hurled ten-pound rocks over 300 yards; immense batter\u00ad ing rams, suspended on ropes, were drawn back like a swing and then released against the enemy's ,vaEs; an inclined ramp of earth and timber was built, wheeled towers were pushed and hauled up this ramp, and from these towers missiles were discharged upon the foe.23 Instead of the solid and unwieldy phalanx-six lines of 500 men each-which the early Republic seems to have taken\nover from Etrur:a, the legion was rearranged, about 366 B.c., into maniples * of\ntwo centuries each; free room was left between each maniple and its neighbors, and the maniplcs of e2ch succeeding line stood behind these open spaces. This formation made possible a rapid reinforcement of one line by the next, and a quick veering of one or more maniples to face a flank attack; and it gave free\nManipulus meant a handful of hay, fems, etc.; attached to a pole this seems_ to have formeda primitive military standard; hence the word came to mean a body of soldiers serv\u00ad\ning under the same ensign.\n34\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. II\nplay to that individual combat for which the Roman soldier was especially trained.\nThe major element in the success of this army was discipline. The young Roman was educated for war from his childhood; he studied the military art above all others, and spent ten formative years of his life in field or camp. Cowardice ,vas in that army the unforgivable sin, punished by flogging the offender to death.24 The general was empowered to behead any soldier or officer, not merely for flight from battle, but for any deviation from orders, however favorable the result. Deserters or thieves had their right hands cut off.25 Food in camp ,vas simple: bread or porridge, some vegetables, sour wine, rarely flesh; the Roman army conquered the world on a vegetarian diet; Caesar's troops complained when corn ran out and they had to eat meat.26 Labor was so arduous and long that the soldiers begged for battle instead; valor became the better part of discretion. The soldier received no pay till 405 B.c., and little thereafter; but he was allowed to share, according to his rank, in the booty of the defeated\u00ad bullion and currency, lands and men and movable goods. Such training made not only brave and eager warriors but able and intrepid generals; the discipline of obedience developed the capacity to command. The army of the Republic lost battles, but it never lost a war. Men molded by stoic education and brutal spec\u00ad tacles to a contemptuous familiarity with death carved out the victories that conquered Italy, then Carthage and Greece, and then the Mediterranean world.\nSuch in outline was the \"mixed constitution\" that Polybius admired as \"the best of all existing governments\": a limited democracy in the legislative sovereignty of the assemblies, an aristocracy in the leadership of the patrician Senate, a Spartan \"dyarchy\" in the brief royalty of the consuls, a monarchy in occasional dictatorships. Essentially it was an aristocracy, in which old and rich families, through ability and privilege, held office for hundreds of years, and gave to Roman policy a tenacious continuity that was the secret of its accomplishments.\nBut it had its faults. It was a clumsy confusion of checks and balances in\nwhich nearly every command could in time of peace be nullified by an equal and opposite ctmunand. The division of power was an aid to liberty and\u00ad\n1\nfor a while-a restraint on malfeasance; on the other hand, it led to great\nmilitary disasters like Cannae, it dissolved democracy into mob rule, and at last brought on the permanent dictatorship of the Principate. YVhat aston\u00ad ishes us is that such a government could last so long (508 to 49 B.c.) and achieve so much. Perhaps it endured because of its muddling adaptability to change, and the proud patriotism formed in the home, the school, the temple, the army, the Assembly, and the Senate. Devotion to the state marked the zenith of the Republic, as unparalleled political corruption\nCHAP, II)\tTHE   STRUGGLE  FOR  DEMOCRACY\t35\nmarked its fall. Rome remained great as long as she had enemies who forced her to unity, vision, and heroism. When she had overcome them all she flourished for a moment and then began to die.\nTHE CONQUEST OF ITALY\nNever had Rome been so encompassed by enemies as when she emerged from the monarchy as a weak city-state ruling only 350 square miles\n-equivalent to a space nineteen by nineteen miles. \"\\Vhile Lars Porsena ad\u00ad vanced upon her, many of the neighboring communities that had been sub\u00ad jected by her kings resumed their liberty and formed a Latin League to withstand Rome. Italy was a medley of independent tribes or cities, each with its own government and dialect: in the north the Ligures, Gauls, Umbrians, Etruscans, and Sabines; to the south the Latins, Volscians, Sam\u00ad nites, Lucanians, Bruttians; along the western and southern coasts Greek colonists in Cumae, Naples, Pompeii, Paestum, Locri, Rhegium, Crotona, Metapontum, Tarentum. Rome was at the center of them all, strategically placed for expansion, but perilously open to attack from all sides at once. It was her salvation that her enemies seldom united against her. In 505, while\nshe was at war with the Sabincs, a powerful Sabine clan-the Claudian gens\n-came over to Rome and was granted citizenship on favorable terms. In 449 the Sabines were defeated; by 290 all their territory was annexed to Rome, and by 2 50 they had received the full Roman franchise.\nIn 496 the Tarquins persuaded some of the to,vns of Latium-Tusculum, Ardea, Lanuvium, Aricia, Tibur, and others-to join in a war against Rome. Faced with this apparently ovenvhelming combination, the Romans appointed their first dic\u00ad tator, Aulus Postumius; at Lake Regillus they won a saving victory, helped, they assure us, by the gods Castor and Pollu.x, who left Olympus to fight in their ranks. Three years later Rome signed a treaty ,vith the Latin League in which all patties pledged that \"between the Romans and the cities of the Latins there shall be peace as long as heaven and earth shall last.... Both shall share equally in all booty taken in a common war.\" 27 Rome became a member of the League, then its leader, then its master. In 493 she fought the Volscians; it was in this conflict that Caius Marcius ,von the name of Coriolanus by capturing Corioli, the Volscian capital. The historians add, probably with a touch of romance, that Coriolanus became a hard reactionarv, \"\u00b7as banished on the insistence of the plebs (491 ), fled to the Volscians, reo ganized them, and led them in a siege of Rome. The starving Romans, we are told, sent embassy after embassy to dissuade him, to no avail, until his mother and wife went out to him and, failing in their pleas, threatened to block his advance with their bodies. Thereupon he ,vithdrew his\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. II\narmy, and was killed by the Volscians; or, says another story, he lived among them to a bitter ripe old age.28 In 405 Veii and Rome entered upon a duel to the death for control of the Tiber. Rome besieged the city for nine years without success, and the emboldened towns of Etruria joined in the war. Attacked on every side, and their very existence challenged, the Romans appointed a dictator, Camillus, who raised a new army, captured Veii, and divided its lands among the citizens of Rome. In 351, after sundry further wars, southern Etruria was an\u00ad nexed to Rome under the almost modern name of Tuscia.\nMeanwhile, in 390, a new and greater peril appeared, and that long duel had begun, between Rome and Gaul, which ended only with Caesar. While Etruria and Rome were fighting fourteen wars, Celtic tribes from Gaul and Germany had filtered down through the Alps and settled in Italy as far south as the Po. Ancient historians called the invaders Keltai or Celtae, Galatae or Galli, indif\u00ad ferently. Nothing is known of their origin; we may only describe them as that branch of the lndo-European stock which peopled western Germany, Gaul, central Spain, Belgium, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, and formed the pre\u00ad Roman languages there. Polybius pictures them as \"tall and handsome,\" relishing war, and fighting naked except for golden amulets and chains.29 When the Celts of southern Gaul tasted Italian wine, they were so pleased with it that they decided to visit the land that produced such transporting fruit; probably they were moved more by the quest for fresh acres and new pasturage. Entering, they lived for a time in abnormal peace, tilling and herding, and taking over the Etrus\u00ad can culture which they found in the towns. About 400 B.c. they inYaded and plundered Etruria; the Etruscans resisted weakly, having sent most of their forces to defend Veii against Rome. In 391, 30,000 Gauls reached Clusium; a year later they met the Romans at the river Allia, routed them, and entered Rome un\u00ad hindered. They sacked and burned large sections of the city, and for seven months besieged the remnants of the Roman army on the Capitol-the crest of the Capitoline hil_l. Finally the Romans yielded, and paid the Gauls a thousand pounds of gold to depart.* They left, but returned in 367, 358, and 350; repeatediy re\u00ad pulsed, they at last contented themselves with northern Italy, which now became Cisalpine Gaul.\t,"]
[-1.4331108331680298, -13.11910343170166, ".... .\n-'\t-.illJII!\t.,,\nt  -... - .-:...\nFie. ;-Tbe Orator\n.\u2022\u00b7\nl\\luseo Archeologico, Florence\nCHAP. I)\tETRUSCAN PRELUDE\nmonarchy had shielded them from aristocratic domination.47 The victors called the revolution a triumph of liberty; but now and then liberty, in the slogans of the strong, means freedom from restraint in the exploitation of the weak.\nThe expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome, added to the defeat of the Etruscans by Greek colonists at Cumae in 524, threatened to end Etruscan leadership in central Italy. Responding for these reasons to Tarquin's appeal, Lars Porsena, chief magistrate of Clusium, collected an army from the feder\u00ad ated cities of Etruria and advanced upon Rome. At the same time an attempt was made in Rome itself to restore T arquin. The two sons of Brutus were among the arrested conspirators, and the fiery first consul provided an exemplar-perhaps a myth-for all later Romans when he witnessed in stoic silence the flogging and beheading of his children. The Romans destroyed the Tiber bridges before Porsena could reach them; it was in this defense of the bridgeheads that Horatius Codes immortalized himself in Latin and English lays. Despite this and other legends with which defeat tried to cover itself with glory, Rome surrendered to Porsena,48 and yielded portions of her territory to Veii and to the Latin towns that had been despoiled by Rome's kings.49 Porsena showed his good taste by not demanding the restoration of T arquin; in Etruria, too, by this time, aristocracy had driven out monarchy. Rome was weakened for a generation, but her revolution remained.\nThe Etruscan power had been expelled, but the marks and relics of Etruscan influence were to survive in Roman civilization to its end. That influence was apparently least on the Latin language; nevertheless, the Roman numerals are probably Etruscan,50 and the name Roma may have come from the Etruscan rumon, river.51 The Romans believed that they had taken from Etruria the ceremonies of a returning conqueror's triumph, the purple-hemmed robes and ivory cu.rule (chariotlike) seat of the magistrates, and the rods and axes carried before each consul by twelve lictors in token of his authority to strike and kill.52 * The coins of Rome, centuries before she had a fleet, were adorned with the prow of a ship-long used in the coinage of Etruria to symbolize her commercial activity and naval power. From the seventh to the fourth centuries n.c. it was a custom among Roman aristocrats to send their sons to Etruscan cities for higher education; there, among other\nIn an Etruscan tomb at Vetulonia, dated back to the eighth centurv B.c., a double-headed iron a.-.. was found, with its shaft enclosed by eight iron rods.63 The double ax as a symbol of government is at least as old as Minoan Crete. The Romans gaYe to the bound rods and\naxes the name of f asces, bundles. The twelve lictors (ligi'lre, to bind) owed their number to\nthe twelve cities of the Erruscan Federation, each of which provided a lictor for the chief officer of the Federation.64\n18\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\nthings, they learned geometry, surveying, and architecture.55 Roman dress derived from the Etruscan, or both from a common source.\nThe first actors, and their name histriones, came to Rome from Etruria. It was Tarquinius Priscus, if we may believe Livy, who built the first Circus Maximus, and imported race horses and pugilists from Etruria for Roman games. The Etruscans gave Rome brutal gladiatorial contests, but they also transmitted to Rome a higher status of woman than could be found in Greece. Etruscan engineers built the walls and sewers of Rome, and turned it from a swamp into a protected and civilized capital. From Etruria Rome took most of her religious ritual, her augurs, haruspices, and soothsayers; as late as Julian (A.n. 36 3). Etruscan soothsayers were an official part of every Roman army. With Etruscan rites Romulus was believed to have laid out the limits of Rome. From the same source came the Roman wedding cere\u00ad mony, with its symbolism of capture, and the Roman ceremonial funeral. Rome took her musical modes and instruments from Etruria.56 Most of her artists were Etruscans, and the Roman street where the artists worked was called Vicus Tuscus; the arts themselves, however, may have filtered in through Lacium from the Campanian Greeks. Sculptural portraiture in Rome was deeply influenced by the death masks made for the family gal\u00ad lery-a custom taken from Etruria. Etruscan sculptors adorned the temples and palaces of Rome with bronze statuary and terra-cotta figures and reliefs; Etruscan architects bequeathed to Rome a \"Tuscan style\" that still survives in the colonnade of St. Peter's Church; Etruscan kings at Rome seem to have built her first large edifices, and to have transformed Rome from an assem\u00ad blage of earthen or wooden huts into a city of wood, brick, and stone. Not till Caesar would Rome see again so much building as under Etruscan rule.\nWe must not exaggerate. However much Rome learned from her neigh\u00ad bors, she remained, in all the basic fearures of life, distinctively herself. Nothing in Etruscan history quite suggests the Roman character, the grave self-discipline, the cruelty and courage, the patriotism and stoic devotion that patiently conquered, and then patiently ruled, the Mediterranean states. Now Rome was free, and the stage was cleared for the incomparable drama of the grandeur and decline of paganism in the ancient world.\nBOOK I\nTHE\tREPUBLIC\n508-30 B.C.\nCHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE\nB.C.\n813 (?): Foundation of Carthage\n558f: Carthage conquers western Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, etc.\n509: Establishment of Roman Republic 508: War with Etruscans; Horatius Co\u00ad"]
[-1.7166650295257568, -11.65280532836914, "The surviving Romans found their city so devastated that m ny of them wished to abandon the site and make Veii their capital. Camillus dissuaded them, and the government provided financial aid for rebuilding homes. This rapid reconstruction in the face of many enemies was a part cause of Rome's design\u00ad lessness and the venturesome crookedness of her narrow streets. The subject peoples, seeing her so near destruction, revolted again and again, and half a century of intermittent war was required to cure their lust for freecom. The Latins, Aequi, Hernici, and Volscians attacked in turn or together; if the Vol\u00ad scians had succeeded they would have shut off Rome from southern Italy and\n\" Livy's story 30 that at the last moment Camillus refused to hand over the gold, and drove the Gauls out by force, is now by common consent rejected as an im\u00b7encion o.t Roman pride. No nation is ever defeated in its textbooks.\nCHAP.II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR  DEMOCRACY\t37\nthe sea, and perhaps have put an end to her history. In 340 the cities of the Latin League were defeated; two years later Rome dissolved the League and annexed nearly all Latium.\u2022\nMeanwhile the victories of Rome over the Volscians had brought her face to face with the powerful Samnite tribes. These held a large cross section of Italy from Naples to the Adriatic, with such rich cities as Nola, Beneventum, Cumae, and Capua. They had absorbed most of the Etruscan and Greek settlements of the west coast, and enough of Hellenism to produce a distinctive Campanian art; probably they were more civilized than the Romans. With them Rome fought three long and bloody wars for the control of Italy. At the Caudine Forks (321) the Romans suffered one of their greatest defeats, and their beaten army passed \"under the yoke\"-an arch of hostile spears-in token of submission. The con\u00ad suls at the front signed an abject peace, which the Senate refused to ratify. The Samnites won the Etruscans and Gauls as allies, and for a time Rome faced nearly all Italy in arms. But the legions gained a decisive victory at Sentinum ( 295), and Rome added Campania and Umbria to her domain. Twelve years later she drove the Gauls back beyond the Po, and again reduced Etruria to a subject state.\nBetween the Gallic north and the Greek south, Rome was now master of Italy. Insatiate and insecure, she offered the cities of Magna Graecia a choice between alliance under Roman hegemony and war. Preferring Rome to further absorption by the \"barbarian\" (i.e., Italian) tribes who were multi\u00ad plying around and within them, Thurii, Locri, and Crotona consented; probably they, too, like the towns of Latium, were troubled by class war, and received Roman garrisons as a protection of property owners against a rising plebs.32 Tarentum was obstinate, and called over to her aid Pyrrhus, King of Epirus. This gallant warrior, fevered with memories of Achilles and Alexander, crossed the Adriatic with an Epirote force, defeated the Romans at Heraclea (280), and gave an adjective to European languages by mourning the costliness of his victory.33 All the Greek cities of Italy now joined him, and the Lucanians, Brutti:ms, and Samnites declared themselves his allies. He dispatched Cineas to Rome with offers of peace, and freed his 2000 Roman prisoners on their word to return if Rome preferred war. The Senate was about to make terms \"vhen old blind Appius Claudius, who had long since retired from public life, had himself carried to the senate house and demanded that Rome should never make peace with a foreign am1y on Italian soil. The Senate sent back to Pyrrhus the prisoners whom he had released, and resumed the war. The young king won another victory; then, disgusted with the sloth and cowardice of his allies, he sailed with his\nThis war was marked by two probably legen_dary d eds. One consul, Publius Decius, rode to his death amid the enemy as a sacrifice to wm the a1rl of rhe gods for Rome: the other consul, Titus J\\lanlius Torquatus, bchcJdcJ his son for winning an engagement by disobeying orders.31\n38\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.11\ndepleted army to Sicily. He relieved the Canhaginian siege of Syracuse and drove the Carthaginians from nearly all their possessions on the island; but his imperious rule offended the Sicilian Greeks, who thought they could have freedom without order and courage; they withdrew their support, and Pyrrhus returned to Italy, saying of Sicily, \"What a prize I leave to be fought for by Carthage and Rome!\" His army met the Romans at Bene\u00ad ventum, where for the first time he suffered defeat (275); the light-armed and mobile maniples proved superior to the unwieldy phalanxes, and began a new chapter in military history. Pyrrhus appealed to his Italian allies for new troops; they refused, doubting his fidelity and persistence. He re\u00ad turned to Epirus, and died an adventurer's death in Greece. In that same year ( 2 72) Milo betrayed Tarentum to Rome. Soon all the Greek cities yielded, the Samnites sullenly surrendered, and Rome was at last, after two centuries of war, the ruler of Italy.\nThe conquest was quickly consolidated with colonies, some sent out by the Latin League, some by Rome. These colonies served many pur\u00ad poses: they relieved unemployment, the pressure of population upon the means of subsistence, and consequent class strife in Rome; they acted as garrisons or loyal nuclei amid disaffected subjects, provided outposts and outlets for Roman trade, and raised additional food for hungry mouths in the capital; conquests in Italy were completed with the plow soon after they had been begun by the sword. In these ways hundreds of Italian towns that still live today received their foundation or their Romanization. The Latin language and culture were spread throughout a peninsula still largely polyglot and barbarous, and Italy was slowly forged into a united state. The first step had been taken in a political synthesis brutal in execution, majestic in result.\nBut in Corsica, Sardinia, Sicily, and Africa, closing the western Medi\u00ad terranean to Roman trade, and imprisoning Italy in her own seas, stood a power older and richer than Rome.\nCHAPTER  III\nHannibal Against Rome\nCARTHAGE\nOME eleven hundred years before our era the inquisitive traders of Phoenicia discovered the mineral wealth of Spain. Soon a fleet of mer\u00ad chant vessels plied between Sidon, Tyre, and Byblus, at one end of the Mediterranean, and Tartessus, at the mouth of the Guadalquivir, on the other. Since such voyages could not then be made without many stops, and the southern shores of the Mediterranean provided the shortest and safest route, the Phoenicians established intermediate posts and trading stations on the African coast at Leptis Magna (now Lebda), Hadrumetum (Sousse), Utica (Utique), Hippo Diarrhytus (Bizerte), Hippo Regius (Bone), and even beyond Gibraltar at Lixus (south of Tangier). The Semitic settlers at these posts married some of the natives and bribed the rest to peace. About 813 B.c. a new group of colonists, perhaps from Phoenicia, perhaps from expanding Utica, built their homes upon a promontory ten miles northwest of the modern Tunis. The narrow peninsula could be easily defended, and the land, watered by the Bagradas (Medjerda) River, was so fertile that it quickly recovered from repeated devastation. Classic tradition ascribed the founding of the city to Elissa, or Dido, daughter of the king of Tyre: her husband having been slain by her brother, she had sailed with other ad\u00ad venturous souls to Africa. Her settlement was called Kart-badasbt-New\u00ad town-to distinguish it from Utica; the Greeks transformed the name into Karchedon, the Romans into Carthago. The Latins gave the name Africa to the region around Carthage and Utica, and followed the Greeks in call\u00ad ing its Semitic population Poeni-i.e., Phoenicians. The sieges of Tyre by Shalmaneser, Nebuchadrezzar, and Alexander drove many wealthy Tyrians\nto Africa. Most of them went to Carthage, and made it a new center of Phoenician trade. Carthage grew in power and splendor as Tyre and Sidon declined.\nThe strengthened city drove the African natives farther and farther in\u00ad land, ceased to pay tribute to them, exacted tribute from them, and used them asslaves and serfs in its homes and fields. Large estates took form, some\n39\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. III\nwith 20,000 men; 1 in the hands of the practical Phoenicians agriculture be\u00ad came a science and an industry, which the Carthaginian Mago summarized in a famous manual. Irrigated with canals, the soil flowered into gardens, cornfields, vineyards, and orchards of olives, pomegranates, pears, cherries, and figs.2 Horses and cattle, sheep and goats, were bred; asses and mules were the beasts of burden, and the elephant was one of many domesticated ani\u00ad mals. Urban industry was relatively immature, except for metalwork; the Carthaginians, like their Asiatic forebears, preferred to trade what others made. They led their pack mules east and west and across the Sahara to find elephants, ivory, gold, or slaves. Their immense galleys carried goods\nto and from a hundred ports between Asia and Britain, for they refused to tum back, like most other mariners, at the Pillars of Hercules. It was pre\u00ad sumably they who, about 490 B.C., financed Hanna's voyage of exploration 2600 miles down the Atlantic coast of Africa, and the voyage of Himilco along the northern shores of Europe. Though their coinage was undis\u00ad tinguished, they were apparently the first to issue the equivalent of a paper currency-leather strips stamped with signs of value, and accepted through\u00ad out the Carthaginian realm.\nProbably it was the rich merchants, rather than the aristocratic land\u00ad owners, who provided the funds for those armies and navies which trans\u00ad formed Carthage from a trading post into an empire. The African coast\u00ad except Utica-was conquered from Cyrenaica to Gibraltar and beyond. Tartessus, Gades (Cadiz), and other Spanish towns were captured, and Carthage grew wealthy from the gold, silver, iron, and copper of Spain. It took the Balearic Islands, and reached out even to J\\ladeira; it conquered Malta, Sardinia, Corsica, and the western half of Sicily. It treated these subject lands with varying degrees of severity, charging them annual tribute, conscripting their population for its army, and strictly controlling their foreign relations and their trade. In return it gave them military protection, local self-government, and economic stability. We may judge the wealth of these dependencies from the fact that the town of Leptis Minor paid 365 talents ($1, 3 14,000) a year into the Carthaginian treasury.\nThe exploitation of this empire and trade made Carthage, in the third century n.c., the richest of Mediterranean cities.Tariffs and tribute brought her annually 12,000 talents-twenty times the revenue of Athens at her zenith. The upper classes lived in palaces, wore costly robes, and ate exotic delicacies. The city, crowded with a quarter of a million inhabitants, became famous for its gleaming temples, its public baths, above all for its secure harbors and spacious docks. Each of the 2 20 docks was faced with two Ionic pillars, so that the inner harbor (\"cothon\") presented a majestic circle of 440  marble columns. Thence a broad avenue led to the Forum, a colon-\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\nnaded square adorned with Greek sculpture and containing administrative buildings, commercial offices, law courts, and temples; while the adjoining streets, Orientally narrow, teemed with a thousand shops plying a hundred crafts and resounded with bargaining. Houses rose to six stories, and often crowded a family into a single room. In the center of the city, providing one of many hints to the later builders of Rome, stood a hill or citadel\u00ad the Byrsa; here were the Treasury and the Mint, more shrines and colon\u00ad nades, and the most brilliant of Carthaginian temples-to the great god Eshmun. Around the landward side of the city ran a threefold protective wall forty-five feet high, with still higher towers and battlements; within the wall were accommodations for 4000 horses, 300 elephants, and 20,000 men.3 Outside the walls were the estates of the rich, and beyond these, the fields of the poor."]
[-4.176581859588623, -3.5084128379821777, "studied the intent or will of the gods, in earlier times b , watching the flight of birds,* later by examining the entrails of sacrificed animals. Before every im-\nHence the words augurs-bird carriers (a \u00b7es-gero )-and auspices-bird inspection (aves\u00ad spicio). Primitive man may actually have learned to forecast weather through the movements of birds.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nportant act 9f policy, government, or war, the \"auspices were taken\" by the magistrates and interpreted by the augurs, or by special haruspices-liver in\u00ad spectors-whose art went back through Etruria to Chaldea and beyond. As the priests were occasionally open to financial persuasion, their pronouncements were sometimes adjusted to the needs of the purchaser; for example, incon\u00ad venient legislation could be stopped by announcing that the auspices were un\u00ad favorable for further business on that day; or the Assembly might be induced by \"favorable\" auspices to vote a war.13 In major crises the government professed to learn the pleasure of Heaven by consulting the Sibylline Books-the recorded oracles of the Sibyl, or priestess of Apollo, at Cumae. Through such means, and occasional deputations to the oracle at Delphi, the aristocracy could influence the people in any direction to almost any end.14\nThe ritual of worship aimed merely to offer the gods a gift or sacrifice to win\ntheir aid or avert their wrath. To be effective, said the priests, the ceremony had to be performed with such precision of words and movements as only the clergy could manage. If any mistake was made, the rite had to be repeated, even to thirty times. Religio meant the performance of ritual with religious care.15 The essence of the ceremony was a sacrifice-literally making a thing sacer-i.e., belonging to a god. In the home the offering would normally be a bit of cake or wine placed on the hearth or dropped into the domestic fire; in the village it would be the first fruits of the crops, or a ram, a dog, or a pig; on great occasions, a horse, a hog, a sheep, or an ox; on supreme occasions the last three were slaughtered together in the su-ove-taur-ilia. Holy formulas pronounced over the victim turned it into the god who was to receive it; in this sense the god himself was sacrificed; 10 and since only the viscera were burned on the altar, while priests and people ate the rest, the strength and glory of the god ( men hoped) passed into his feasting worshipers. Sometimes human beings ,vere offered in sacrifice; it is significant that a law had to be passed as late as 97 n.c. forbidding this. By a variant of these ideas of vicarious atonement a man might offer his life for the state as the Decii had done, or Marcus Curtius, who, to propitiate angry sub\u00ad terranean powers, leaped into a chasm that an earthquake had opened in the Forum-whereupon, we are told, the chasm closed and all was well.17\nPleasanter was the ceremony of purification. This might be of crops or flocks, of an army or a city. A procession made the circuit of the objects to be purified, prayer and sacrifice were offered, evil influences were thereby dispelled, and misfortune was turned away. Prayer was still imperfectly evolved from magic incantations; the words for it-carmen-meant not only a chart but a cbann; and Pliny frankly reckoned prayer as a form of magical utterance.18 If the formula was properly recited, and was addressed to the correct deity according to the indigitamenta, or classified directory of the gods compiled and kept by the priests, the request was certain to be granted; if not granted there must have been an error in the ritual. Akin to magic were also the 7,\u2022ott1, or vowed offerings, with which the people sought to gain the help of the gods; sometimes great temples rose in fulfillment of such vows. The multitude of votive offerings found\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\nin Roman remains suggests that the religion of the people was warm and tender with piety and gratitude, a feeling of kinship with the hidden forces in nature, and an anxious desire to be in harmony with them all. By contrast the state religion was uncomfonably formal, a kind of legal and cont'ractual relation between the government and the gods. When new cults flowed in from the con\u00ad quered East it was this official worship that declined first, while the picturesque and intimate faith and ritual of the countryside patiently and obstinately sur\u00ad vived. Victorious Christianity, half surrendering, wisely took over much of the faith and ritual; and, under new forms and phrases, they continue in the Latin world to this day.\n8. Festivals\nIf the official worship was gloomy and severe, its festivals redeemed it, and showed men and gods in a lighter mood. The year was adorned with over a hundred holy days (feriae), including the first of every month and\nsometimes the ninth and fifteenth. Some of the feriae \"\u00b7ere sacred to the\ndead or to the spirits of the lower world; these were \"apotropaic\" in their ceremonies, aiming to- PFfase the departed and turn away wrath. On May 11-13 Roman families commemorated with awe the feast of the Lenmres, or dead souls; the father spat black beans from his mouth, and cried: \"\\Vith these beans I redeem myself and mine. . . . Shades of my ancestors, de\u00ad part!\" 19 The Parentalia and the Feralia, in February, were similar attempts to propitiate the fearsome dead. But for the most part the festivals were occasions of feasting and jollity, often, among the plebs, of sexual freedom; on such days, says a character in Plautus, \"you may eat what you like, go where you like . . . and love whom you like, provided you abstain from wives, widows, virgins, and free boys\";20 apparently he felt that a wide\nchoice would still remain.\nOn February 15 came the strange Lupercalia, sacred to the God Faunus as averter of wolves (lupercus): goats and sheep were sacrificed; and the luperci\n-priests clad only in goatskin girdles-ran around the Palatine praying to Faunus to drive away evil spirits, and striking the women whom they encountered with thongs of hide from the sacrificed animals, to purify them and make them fertile; then puppets of straw were cast into the Tiber to appease or deceive the river god, who had perhaps, in wilder days, demanded living men. On March 15 the poor emerged from their hovels and, like the Jews on the Feast of Tabernacles, built themselves tents in the Field of Mars, celebrated the coming of the New Year, and prayed to the goddess Anna Perenna (Ring of the Years) for as inany years as they quaffed cups of wine.21 April alone had six festivals, culminating in the Floralia; this Feast of Flora, goddess of flowers and springs, continued for six days of bibulous and promiscuous revelry. The first of May was the Feast of the Good Goddess, Bona Dea. On May 9, 11, and 13 Liber and Libera,\n66\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\ngod and goddess of the grape, were celebrated in the Liberalia; the phallus, symbol of fenility, was frankly honored by gay crowds of men and women.23 At the end of May the Arval Brethren led the people in the solemn and yet joyful Ambarvalia. The gods were neglected in the autumn months, after the crops were safely in, but December was again rich in feasts. The Saturnalia ran from the 17th to the 23rd; they celebrated the sowing of the seed for the next year and commemorated the happy classless reign of Saturn; gifts were ex\u00ad changed, and many libenies were allowed; the distinction benveen slave and free was for a while abolished or even inverted; slaves might sit down with their owners, give orders to them, rail at them; the masters waited upon their slaves, and did not eat till all the slaves were filled.24\nThese festivals, though agricultural in origin, remained popular in the cities and survived through all vicissitudes of belief into the fourth and fifth centuries of our era. Their number was so confusing that one of the prime purposes of the Roman calendar was to list them for the guidance of the people. In early Italian custom the chief priest had convened the citizens at the beginning of every month and named the festivals to be observed in the next thirty days; this calling (cafatio) gave a name (calendae) to the first day of each month. To the Romans, as in some measure to modern Catholics or orthodox Jews, a calendar meant a priestly list of holidays and business days, interspersed with scraps of sacred, legal, historical, and astronomical information. Tradition ascribed to Numa the calendar that governed Roman chronology and life till Caesar. It divided the year into twelve lunar months, with complex intercalations that summed up to an average of 366 days per year. To remedy the mounting excess the pontiffs were empowered ( 191 B.C.) to revise the intercalations; but they used their authority to lengthen or shorten magistracies pleasing or displeasing to them, so that by the end of the Republic the calendar, then three months amiss, was a monster of chaos and chicanery.\nIn the early days time had been measured simply by the height of the sun in the sky. In 263 B.c. a sundial was brought from Catana, in Sicily, and placed in the Forum; but as Catana was four degrees south of Rome, the dial was deceptive, and the priests were for a century unable to make the needed adjustments. In 158 B.c. Scipio Nasica set up a public clepsydra, or water clock. The month was divided into three periods by the kalends (first), the nones (fifth or seventh), and the ides (thirteenth or fifteenth); and the days were clumsily named by their distance before these dividing lines; so March 1 2 was \"the third day before the ides of March.\" A loose economic week was marked out by the nundinae, or every ninth day, when the villagers came to market in the towns. The year began with the com\u00ad ing of spring, and the first month, Martius, bore the name of the god of\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\nsowing; next came Aprilis, sprouting; Maius, month of Maia, or perhaps of increase; lunius, month of Juno, or possibly of thriving; then Quinctilis, Sextilis, September, October, November, and December, named from their numerical _order in the year; then January for Janus, and February for\nthe f ebrua, or magic objects by which persons might be purified. The year itself was called anmts, ring; as if to say that in reality there is no begin\u00ad\nning and no end.\n4. Religion and Cbaracter"]
[3.2033169269561768, -3.5652050971984863, "GOVERNMENT OF INDIA\nDEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY\nCENTRAL\tARCHAEOLOGICAL\nLIBRARY\nANCIENT\nROME\nCAESAR AND CHRIST\nB\nPreface\nTHIS volume, while an independent unit by itself, is Part III in a history of civilization, of which Part I was Our Oriental Heritage, and\nPart II was The Life of Greece. \\Var and health pennitting, Pan IV, The Age of Faith, should be ready in 1950.\nThe method of these volumes is synthetic history, which studies all the major phases of a people's life, work, and culture in their simultaneous opera\u00ad tion. Analytic history, which is equally necessary and a scholarly prerequis\u00ad ite, studies some separate phase of man's activity-politics, economics, morals, religion, science, philosophy, literature, art-in one civilization or in all. The defect of the analytic method is the distorting isolation of a part from the whole; the weakness of the synthetic method lies in the impossibility of one mind speaking with firsthand knowledge on every aspect of a complex civilization spanning a thousand years. Errors of detail are inevitable; but only in this way can a mind enchanted by philosophy-the quest for under\u00ad standing through perspective-content itself with delving into the past. We may seek perspective through science by studying the relations of things in space, or through history by studying the relations of events in time.We shall learn more of the nature of man by watching his behavior through sixty centuries than by reading Plato and Aristotle, Spinoza and Kant. \"All philos\u00ad ophy,\" said Nietzsche, \"has now fallen forfeit to history.\"*\nThe study of antiquity is properly accounted worthless except as it may be made living drama, or illuminate our contemporary life. The rise of Rome from a crossroads town to world mastery, its achievement of two centuries of security and peace from the Crimea to Gibraltar and from the Euphrates to Hadrian's Wall, its spread of classic civilization over the Mediterranean and western European world, its struggle to preserve its ordered realm from a surrounding sea of barbarism, its long, slow crumbling and final catastrophic collapse into darkness and chaos-this is surely the greatest drama ever played by man; unless it be that other drama which began when Caesar and Christ stood face to face in Pilate's court, and continued until a handful of hunted Christians had grown by time and patience, and through persecution and terror, to be first the allies, then the masters, and at last the heirs, of the greatest empire in history.\nPREFACE\nBut that multiple panorama has greater meaning for us than through its scope and majesty: it resembles significantly, and sometimes with menacing illumination, the civilization and problems of our day. This is the advantage of studying a civilization in its total scope and life-that one may compare each stage or aspect of its career with a corresponding moment or element of our own cultural trajectory, and be warned or encouraged by the ancient aftermath of a modern phase. There, in the struggle of Roman civilization against barbarism within and without, is our own struggle; through Rome's problems of biological and moral decadence signposts rise on our road today; the class war of the Gracchi against the Senate, of Marius against Sulla, of Caesar against Pompey, of Antony against Octavian, is the war that con\u00ad sumes our interludes of peace; and the desperate effort of the Mediterranean\nsoul to maintain some freedom against a despotic state is an augury of our coming task. De nobis f abula narratur: of ourselves this Roman story is told.\nI wish to acknowledge the invaluable and self-sacrificing aid of Wallace Brockway at every step in the preparation of this book; the patience of my daughter, Mrs. David Easton, and of Miss Regina Sands, in typing I 200 pages from my minuscule script; and above all to the affectionate toleration and protective guidance accorded me by my wife through many years of dull and plodding and happy scholarship.\nviii\nTable of Contents\nINTRODUCTION:  ORIGINS\nChapter I. ETRUSCAN PRELUDE: 800-508 B.c.\t3\nBOOK 1: THE REPUBLIC: 508-30 B.c.\nChronological Table\t20\nChapter II. THE  STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY: 508-264 B.c\t21\n1.Patricians and Plebs .............. 21\t3. The Beginnings of Roman"]
[12.397481918334961, 0.13654738664627075, "spiritual and eternal Iife. The genitals of the bull, representing his sacred fer\u00ad tility, were placed in a consecrated vessel and were dedicated to the god\u00ad dess.94 Mithraism had a siinilar rite, known to the classic world as the tauro\u00ad bolium, or throwing of the bull. Apuleius described in ecstatic terms the degrees of initiation into the service of Isis-the long novitiate of fasting, continence, and prayer, the purifying submersion in holy water, and at last the mystic vision of the goddess offering everlasting bliss. At Eleusis the candidate was required to confess his sins (which discouraged Nero), ab\u00ad stain for a time from certain foods, bathe in the bay for spiritual as well as physical cleansing, and then offer sacrifice, usually of a pig. For three days, at the Feast of Demeter, the initiates mourned with her the snatching of her daughter into Hades, and meanwhile lived on consecrated cakes and a mystic mixture of flour, water, and mint. On the third night a religious drama represented the resurrection of Persephone, and the officiating priest prom\u00ad ised a like rebirth to every purified soul.95 Varying the theme under Hindu Qr Pythagorean influence, the Orphic sect throughout Greek lands taught that the soul is imprisoned in a succession of sinful bodies and can be released from this degrading reincarnation by rising to ecstatic union with Dionysus. At their gatherings the members of the Orphic brotherhood drank the blood of a bull sacrificed to-and identified with-the dying and atoning savior. Communal partaking of sacred food or drink was a frequent feature of these\n.Mediterranean faiths. Often the food was thought to take on, by sanctifica\u00ad tion, the powers of the god, which were then magically conveyed to the communicant.96\nAll sects asrumed the possibility of magic. The Magi had disseminated their art through the East and had given a new name to old jugglery. The Mediterranean world was rich in magicians, miracleworkers, oracles, astrol\u00ad ogers, ascetic saints, and scientific interpreters of dreams. Every unusual oc\u00ad currence was widely hailed as a divine portent of future events. Askesis, which the Greeks had used to denote the athletic training of the body, came now to mean the spiritual taming of the flesh; men scourged themselves, mutilated themselves, starved themselves, or bound themselves to one place with chains; some of them died through self-torture or self-denial.97 In the Egyptian desert near Lake Mareotis a group of Jews and non-Jews, male and female, lived in solitary cells, avoided sexual relations, met on the Sabbath for common prayer, and called themselves Tbe-rapeutae, healers of the soul.98 Millions believed that the writings ascribed to Orpheus, Hermes, Pythagoras, the sibyls, etc., had been dictated or inspired by a god. Preachers\n. claiming divine inspiration traveled from city to city, performing apparently miraculous cures. Alexander of Abonoteichus trained a serpent to hide its head under his arm and allow a half-human mask to be affi.\\'.ed to its tail; he\n526\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. llIV\nannounced that the serpent was the god Asclepius come to earth to serve as an oracle; and he amassed a fortune by interpreting the sounds made by reeds inserted in the false head.99\nBeside such charlatans there were probably thousands of sincere preachers of the pagan faiths. Early in the third century Philostratus painted an ideal\u00ad ized picture of such a man in his Life of Apollonius of Tyana. At sixteen Apollonius adopted the strict rule of the Pythagorean brotherhood, renounc\u00ad ing marriage, meat, and wine, never shaving his beard, and keeping silence for five years.100 He distributed his patrimony among his relatives and wandered as a penniless monk through Persia, India, Egypt, western Asia, Greece, and Italy. He imbibed the lore of the Magi, the Brahmans, and the Egyptian ascetics. He visited temples of any creed, implt)red the priests to abandon the sacrifice of animals, worshiped the sun, accepted the gods, and taught that behind them there was one supreme unknO\\vable deity. His life of abne\u00ad gation and piety led his followers to cbim that he was the son of a god, but he described himself simply as the son of Apollonius. Tradition credited him with many miracles: he walked through closed doors, understood all languages, cast out demons, and raised a girl from the dead.101 But he was a philosopher rather than a magician. He knew and loved Greek literature and expounded a simple but exacting morality. \"Grant me,\" he prayed the gods, \"to have little and to desire nothing.\" Asked by a king to choose a gift, he answered, \"Dried fruit and bread.\" 102 Preaching reincarnation, he bade his followers injure no living creature and eat no flesh. He exhorted them to shun enmity, slander, jealousy, and hatred; \"if we are philosophers,\" he told them, \"we cannot hate our fellow men.\" 103 \"Sometimes,\" says Philostratus, \"he discussed communism and taught that men ought to support one an\u00ad other.\" 104 He was accused of sedition and witchcraft, came of his own accord to Rome to answer these charges before Domitian, was imprisoned, and escaped. He died about A.O. 98, at an advanced age. His followers claimed that he had appeared to them after his death and had then ascended bodily into heaven.105\nWhat were the qualities that won half of Rome, half the Empire, to these ew a ths? Partly their classless, race!ess character; they accepted all na\u00ad t1onaht1es, all freemen, and all slaves, and rode with consoling indifference over inequalities of pedigree and wealth. Their temples were made spacious to welcome the people as well as to enshrine the god. Cybele and Isis were mother-goddesses acquainted with grief, who mourned like millions of bereaved women; they could understand what the Roman deities seldom knew-the emptied hearts of the defeated. The desire to re!:urn tc the mother is stronger than the impulse to depend upon the fath::r; it is the mother name that comes spontaneously to the lips in great joy or distress; therefore\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\t527\nmen as well as women found comfort and refuge in Isis and Cybele. Even today the Mediterranean worshiper appeals more often to Mary than to the Father or the Son; and the lovely prayer that he most frequently repeats is addressed not to the Virgin but to the Mother, blessed in the fruit of her womb.\nThe new faiths not only entered more deeply into the heart; they appealed more colorfully to the imagination and the senses with processions and chants alternating between sorrow and rejoicing, and a ritual of impressive symbolism that brought fresh courage to spirits heavy with the prose of life. The new priesthoods were filled not by politicians occasionally don\u00ad ning sacerdotal garb, but by men and women of all ranks, graduating through an ascetic novitiate to continual ministration. By their help the soul conscious of wrongdoing could be purified; sometimes the body racked with illness could be healed by an inspiring word or ritual; and the mysteries at which they officiated symbolized the hope that even death might be over\u00ad come.\nOnce men had sublimated their longing for grandeur and continuance in the glory and survival of their family and their clan, and then of a state that was their creation and collective self. Now the old clan lines were melting away in the new mobility of peace; and the imperial state was the spiritual embodiment only of the master class, not of the powerless multitude of men. Monarchy at the top, frustrating the participation and merger of the citizen in the state, produced individualism at the bottom and through the mass. The promise of personal immortality, of an endless happiness after a life of subjection, poverty, tribulation, or toil, was the final and irresistible attrac\u00ad tion of the Oriental faiths and of the Christianity that summarized, absorbed, and conquered them. All the world seemed conspiring to prepare the way for Christ.\nCHAPTER  XXV\nRome and Judea\nI 3 2 B.C.-4 B.C.\nPARTHIA\nETWEEN Pontus and the Caucasus rose the troubled mountains of Armenia, on whose crest, story told, Noah's ark had found a mooring. Through the fertile valleys ran the roads that led from Parthia and Mesopotamia to the Black Sea; hence\u2022empires competed for Armenia. The people were Indo\u00ad European, akin to the Hittites and the Phrygians, but they had never surrendered their sweeping Anatolian nose. They were a vigorous race, patient in agricul\u00ad ture, skilled in handicraft, unequaled in commercial acumen; they made the best\nof a difficult terrain and raised enough wealth to keep their kings in luxury if\nnot in power. Darius I, in the Behistun inscription ( 52 1 B.c.), named Armenia among the satrapies of Persia; later it gave a nominal allegiance to the Seleucids and then alternately to Parthia and Rome; but its remoteness allowed it a prac\u00ad tical independence. Its most famous king, Tirgranes the Great (94-56 B.c.), conquered Cappadocia, added a second capital, T riganocerta, to Artaxata, and joined Mithridates' revolt against Rome. When Pompey accepted his apologies he gave the victorious general 6000 talents ($21,600,000), 10,000 drachmas ($6000) toeach centurion, and fifty to each soldier, in the Roman army.1 Under Caesar, Augustus, and Nero Armenia acknowledged the suzerainty of Rome, and under Trajan it was for a time :. Roman province; nevertheless, its culture was Iranian, and its usual orientation was toward Parthia.\nThe Parthians had for centuries occupied the region south of the Caspian Sea as subjects of the Achaemenid, then of the Seleucid, kings. They were of Scythian-Turanian stock-i.e., they belonged racially with the peoples of south\u00ad ern Russia and Turkestan. About 248 B.c. a Scythian chief, Arsaces, revolted against the Seleucid authority, made Parthia a sovereign state, and established the Arsacid dynasty. The Seleucid kings, weakened by Rome's defeat of Anti\u00ad ochus III (189 B.c.), were unable to defend their territory against the reckless, half-barbarous Parthians, and by the end of the second century B.c. all Meso\u00ad potamia and Persia were absorbed into a new Parthian Empire. Three capitals, according to the season, entertained the new royalty: Hecatompylus in Parthia, Ecbatana in Media, and Ctesiphon on the lower Tigris. Across from Ctesiphon lay the former Seleucid capital Seleucia, which remained for centuries a Greek city in a Parthian realm. The Arsacid rulers kept the administrative structure\n528\nCHAP.XXV)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t529\nbuilt up by the Seleucids, but overlaid it with a feudalism derived from the Achaemenid kings. The mass of the population was composed of agricultural serfs and slaves; industry was backward, but the Parthian ironworkers made a fine steel, and \"the brewing trade was highly profitable.\" 2 The wealth of the state came partly from the trade that passed along the great rivers, partly from the caravans that crossed Parthia on the way between farther Asia and the West. From 53 B.c., when the Parthians defeated Crassus at Carrhae, to A.D. 217, when Macrinus bought peace from Artabanus, Rome fought war after war for the control of these routes and the Red Sea.\nThe Parthians were too rich or too poor to indulge in literature. The aristo\u00ad crats, as in all ages, preferred the art of life to the life of art, and the serfs were too illiterate, the artisans too busy, the merchants too commercial, to produce great art or great books. The people spoke Pahlavi and wrote in Aramaic on parchment, which now replaced cuneiform; but not a line of Parthian literature has been preserved. We know that Greek plays were enjoyed in Ctesiphon as well as in Seleucia, for the head of Crassus played a part there in the Bacchae of Euripides. The paintings and sculptures discovered at Palmyra, Dura-Europus, and Ashur were probably the work of Iranian artists; their crude amalgam of Greek and Oriental stvles affected later art from China to Byzantium. A vivid relief of a mounted ar her has come down to us to suggest that we might have a higher opinion of Parthian art if more of it remained.2a At Hatta, near Mosul, an Arabian feudatory of the Parthian king built (88 B.c.?) a limestone palace of seven arched and vaulted halls, in a powerful but barbarous style. Good Parthian work has survived in engraved silverware and jewelry.\nThe Parthians excelled in man's favorite art-personal adornment. Both sexes curled their hair; the men nursed frizzed beards and flowing mustaches, and clothed themselves in tunic and baggy trousers, usually covered with a many\u00ad colored robe; the women swathed themselves in delicate embroideries and decked their hair with flowers. Free Parthians amused themselves with hunting, ate and drank abundantly, and never went on foot when they could ride. They were brave warriors and honorable foes, treated prisoners decentlv, admitted foreigners to high office, and gave asylum to refugees; sometime;, however, they mutilated dead enemies, tortured witnesses, and corrected trifling offenses with the scourge. They practiced polygamy according to their means, veiled and secluded their women, severely punished the infidelity of their wives, but permitted divorce to either sex almost at will.3 When the Parthian general Surena led an army against Crassus he took with him zoo concubines and a thousand camels for his baggage.4 All in all the Parthians impress us as less civilized than the Achaemenid Persians and more honorable gentlemen than the Romans. They were tolerant of religious diversities, allowing the Greeks, Je,vs, and Christians among them to practice their rituals unhindered. They themselves, veering from Zoroastrian orthodoxy, worshiped the sun and the moon, and preferred l\\'lithras to Ahura-Mazda, much as the Christians preferred Christ to Yahveh. The Magi, neglected by the later Arsacid kings, abetted the overthrow of the dynasty."]
[0.8230780363082886, -14.83963394165039, "Caesar and Augustus reorganized Gaul into four provinces: Gallia Narbon\u00ad ensis in the south, known to the Romans as pro\u00b7,:incia, and to us as Provence, then largely Hellenized through the Greek settlements on the Mediterranean coast; Aquitania in the southwest, chiefly Iberian in population; in the center Gall a Lugdunensis, overwhelmin ly Celtic; and in the northeast Belgica, pre\u00ad dommantly German. Rome recogmzed and abetted these ethnic divisions to fore\u00ad stall united revolt. The tribal cantons were retained as administrative areas\u00b7, the-\nCHAP.XXII)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\t473\nmagistrates were chosen by owners of property, whose allegiance was secured by Rome's support of them against the lower classes; and Roman citizenship was granted as a prize to loyal and useful Gauls. A provincial assembly of repre\u00ad sentatives chosen from every canton met each year in Lyons; at first it limited itself cautiously to the ritual of Augustan worship, but soon it passed on to sending requests to the Roman governors, then recommendation , then demands. The administration of justice was taken out of the hands of the Druids, who were suppressed, and France received Roman law. For almost a century Gaul sub\u00ad mitted peacefully to the new yoke; for a moment in A.D. 68, and again in 71, revolt flared under Vindex and Civilis; but the people gave scant support to these movements, and the love of liberty yielded to the enjoyment of prosperity, se- curity, and peace.\t-\nUnder the Pax Romana Gaul became one of the richest parts of the Empire. Rome marveled at the wealth of the Gallic nobles who entered the Senate under Claudius, and a century later Florus contrasted the :flourishing economy of Gaul with the decline of ltaly.33 Forests were cleared, swamps were drained, agriculture was improved even to the introduction of a mechanical reaper,34 and the grape and the olive spread into every canton of Gaul. Already in the first century Pliny and Columella praised the wines of Burgundy and Bordeaux. There were large estates tilled by serfs and slaves and o,vned by the forerunners of medieval feudal lords; but there were also many small proprietors, and wealth was more evenly distributed in ancient Gaul, as in modem France, than in almost any other civilized state. Progress was especially rapid in industry. By A.D. 200 Gallic potters and ironworkers were stealing the markets of Germany and the West from Italy, Gallic weavers were doing the largest textile business in the Empire, and the factories of Lyons were turning out not only commercial glass, but wares of artistic excellence.35 Industrial techniques were handed down from father to son and formed a precious part of the classical heritage. Over 13,000 miles of road, built or improved by Roman engineers, teemed with transport and trade.\nEnriched with this expanded economic life, the towns of ancient Celtica be\u00ad came the cities of Roman Gaul. In Aquitania the capital, Burdigala (Bordeaux), was one of the busiest of Atlantic ports; Limonum (Limoges), Avaricum (Bourges), and Augustonemetum (Clermont-Ferrand) were already rich; the last paid Zenodotus 400,000 sesterces for a colossus of i\\'lercury.36 In Gallia Nar\u00ad bonensis there were so many cities that Pliny described it as \"more like Italy than a province.\" 37 Farthest west was Tolosa (Toulouse), famous for its schools. Narbo (Narbonne), capital of the province, was in our first century the greatest city of Gaul, the chief port of exit for Gallic goods to Italy and Spain; \"here,\" Sidonius Apollinaris would say, \"are walls, promenades, taverns, arches, porti\u00ad coes, a forum, a theater, temples, baths, markets, meadows, lakes, a bridge, and the sea.\" 38 Farther east, on the great Via Domitia from Spain to Italy, lay Nemausus (Nimes). Its pretty Maison Carree was raised by Augustus and the town to commemorate his grandsons Lucius and Caius Caesar; its inner colonnade\n474\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXII\nis lamentably sunk into the cella wall, but its free Corinthian columns are as lovely as any in Rome. The amphitheater, which seated 20,000, is still the scene of periodical pageantry. The Roman aqueduct that brought Nimes fresh water became\u00b7in time the Pont du Gard, or Bridge of the Gard River; standing today as a gigantic ruin in the rugged countryside beyond the city, its massive lower arches contrast to fine effect with the smaller arches above them to make the structure a revealing witness of Rome's engineering art.\nEastward on the Mediterranean, at the mouth of the Rhone, Caesar founded Arelate (Arles), in the hope that it would replace rebellious Massalia as a ship\u00ad building center and port. Mass:1lia (Marseilles), already old when Caesar was born, remained Greek in language and culture until his death. Through its harbor Hellenic agriculture, arboriculture, viticulture, and culture had entered Gaul; here, above all, western Europe exchanged its goods for those of the classic world. It was one of the great university centers of the Empire, especially re\u00ad nowned for its school of law. It declined after Caesar, but maintained its ancient status as a free city, independent of the provincial governor. Farther east were Forum Iulii (Frejus), Antipolis (Antibes), and Nicaea (Nice)-this in the little province of the Maritime Alps. Sailing up the Rhone from Arelate the traveler came to Avenio (Avignon) and Arausio (Orange); here a powerful arch sur\u00ad vives from Augustus' days, and an immense Roman theater still hears ancient plays.\nThe largest of the Gallic provinces was Gallia Lugdunensis, named from Lug\u00ad\ndunum (Lyons), its capital. Situated at the confluence of the Rhone and the Saone, and at the crossing of great highways built by Agrippa, the city became the trading center of a rich region and the capital of all Gaul. Iron, glass, and ceramic industries helped to sustain a population of 200,000 in our first century.4o Northward lay Cabillonum (Chalon-sur-Saone), Caesarodunum (Tours), Au\u00ad\ngusto unu (Autun), C nabum (Orleans), nd . utetia (Paris). \"I have spent the wmter (357-58), writes the Emperor Julian, m our beloved Lutetia, for so the Gauls term the little town of the Parisii, a small island in the river....\nGood wine is grown here.\" 41\nBelgica, w ch_ included parts of France and Switzerland, was almost entirely agricultural; 1ts industry was for the most part attached to the villas whose numerous rem s suggest a baronial li!e of comfort an luxury. Her Augustus founded the cities now known as SoISsons, St. Quentm, Senlis, Beauvais, and Treves. The last,_Augusta revirorum, r se t pr minence as the headquarters of the army def ndmg the Rhine; u der D10clet1an It re laced Lyons as the capital of Gau1, and in he fift century It wa\\ he re test city north of the Alps. It is still rich in classic remains-the Porta N1gra m its Roman wall, the Baths of St. Barbara, the Tomb of the Secundini family at nearby Igel, and the crude reliefs on the fortress blocks of neighboring Neumagen.\nIn and around these towns life slowly ch nged its surface and obstinately renewed its elements. The Gauls kept theu- character, their breeches, and\nCHAP.XXII)    CIVILIZING  THE  WEST\t475\nfor three centuries their language. Latin triumphed in the sixth century, chiefly through its use by the Roman Church, but it was already being clipped and nosed into French. In Gaul Rome achieved her greatest triumph in the transmission of civilization. Great French historians like Jullian and Funck-Brentano 43 have thought that France would have fared better with\u00ad out the Roman conquest, but a still greater historian believed that the Roman conquest was the sole alternative to a German conquest of Gaul. If Caesar had not won there, says J\\1ommsen,\nthe migration of peoples would have occurred 400 years sooner than it did, and would have come at a time when Italian civilization had not become naturalized either in Gaul, or on the D:mube, or in Africa and Spain. Inasmuch as the great Roman general and statesman with sure glance perceived in the German tribes the rival antagonists of the Romano-Greek world; inasmuch as with firm hand he established the new system of aggressive defense, down even to its details, and taught men to protect the frontiers of the Empire by rivers and artifi\u00ad cial ramparts . . . he gained for the Greco-Roman culture the in\u00ad terval necessary to civilize the West.44\nThe Rhine was the frontier between classic and primitive civilization. Gaul could not defend that frontier; Rome d1d; and that fact detennined the history of Europe to this day.\nBRITAIN\nAbout 1200 B.c. a branch of the Celts crossed over from Gaul and settled in England. They found there a mingled population of dark-haired people, possibly Iberian, and light-haired Scandinavians. They conquered these na\u00ad tives, married them, and spread through England and \\Vales. About roo B.C. (for so the egocentric foreshortening of history telescopes eventful cen\u00ad turies, and erases vital generations from a crowded memory) another branch of Celts came from the Continent and dispossessed their kinsmen of southern and e::stern Britain. When Caesar came he found the island peopled by several independent tribes, each with its expansive king. He gave to all the popula\u00ad tion the name Britarmi, from a Gallic tribe, so called, just south of the Chan\u00ad nel, in the belief that the same tribe inhabited both shores.\nCeltic Britain was in customs, langu:ige, and reiigion essentially like Celtic Gaul, but its civilization was less advanced. It passed from bronze to iron some six cent:Gries before Christ, three centuries after Gaul. Pythe:is, the Massiliot explorer, sailing the Atlantic to England about 350 B.c., found the\n476\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXII\nCantii of Kent already prosperous with agriculture and trade. The soil was fertile from abundant rain and contained rich ores of copper, iron, tin, and lead. By Caesar's time domestic industry was able to supply an active com\u00ad merce among the tribes and with the Continent, and coins were minted in bronze and gold.45 His invasions were reconnaissance raids; he brought back the double assurance that the tribes were incapable of united resistance and that the crops were adequate to feed an invading army coming at the proper time. A century later (A.D. 43) Claudius crossed the Channel with 40,000 men whose discipline, armament, and skill proved too much for the natives; Britain in her turn became a Roman province. In 61 a British tribal queen, Boudicca or Boadicea, led a furious revolt, alleging that Roman officers had ravished both her daughters, plundered her realm, and sold many of its free\u00ad men into slavery. \\Vhile the Roman governor Paulinus was busy conquering\nthe Isle of Man, Boudicca's army overcame the single legion that opposed it and marched upon Londinium-already, says Tacitus, \"the chief residence of merchants, and a great mart of trade.\" 46 Every Roman found there or in Verulamium (St. Albans) was killed; 70,000 Romans and their allies were slain before Paulinus and his legions caught up with the rebel force. Boudicca, standing with her daughters in a chariot, fought heroically in def eat. She drank poison, and 80,000 Britons were put to the sword.\nTacitus tells how his son-in-law Agricola, as governor of Britain (A.D.78-84), brought civilization to a \"rude, scattered, and warlike people\" by establishing"]
[8.899269104003906, -10.976415634155273, "CHAP.XXX)   THE  TRIUMPH OF CHRISTIANITY\t661\nsiastical majority that the organization and survival of the Church required a certain fixity of doctrine; and in final effect it achieved that practical unanim\u00ad ity of basic belief which gave the medieval Church its Catholic name. At the same time it marked the replacement of paganism with Christianity as the religious expression and support of the Roman Empire, and committed Con\u00ad stantine to a more definite alliance with Christianity than ever before. A new civilization, based on a new religion, would now rise over the ruins of an exhausted culture and a dying creed. The Middle Ages had begun.\nCONSTANTINE AND CMLIZATION\nA year after the Council Constantine dedicated, amid the desolation of Byzantium, a new city which he termed Nova Roma, and which posterity called by his name. In 330 he turned his back upon both Rome and Nico\u00ad media, and made Constantinople his capital. There he surrounded himself with the impressive pomp of an Oriental court, feeling that its psychological influence upon army and people would make its expensive pageantry a subtle economy in government. He protected the anny with able diplomacy and arms, tempered despotism with humane decrees, and lent his aid to letters and the arts. He encouraged the schools at Athens, and founded at Con\u00ad stantinople a new university where state-paid professors taught Greek and Latin, literature and philosophy, rhetoric and law, and trained officials for the Empi.re.52 He confirmed and extended the privileges of physicians and teachers in all provinces. Provincial governors were instructed to establish schools of architecture, and to draw students to them with divers privi\u00ad leges and .rewards. Artists we.re exempted from civic obligations, so that they Inight have time to learn their art thoroughly and transinit it to their sons. The art t:easures of the Empire were drawn upon to make Constantinople an elegant capital.\nIn Rome the architectural works f this period were inaugurated by\nMaxentius. He began (306), and Constantine finished, an immense basilica that marked the climax of classical architecture in the West. Adapting the structure of the great baths, this edifice cove.red an area 330 by 250 feet. Its central hall, 114  by 82 feet, was roofed by three cross vaults of concrete\n120 feet high, partly supported by eight broad piers faced with fluted Co\u00ad rinthian columns sixty feet tall. Its pavement was of colored marble; its bays were peopled with statuary; and the walls of these bays were prolonged above their roofs to serve as elevated buttresses for the central vaults. Gothic and Renaissance architects found much instruction in these vaults and but\u00ad tresses. Bramante, designing St. Peter's, planned to \"raise the Pantheon over\n662\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXX\nthe Basilica of Constantine\" 03-i.e., to crown a spacious nave with a massive dome.\nThe first Christian emperor built many churches in Rome, probably including the original form of San Lorenzo outside the Walls. To celebrate his victory at the Mulvian Bridge he raised in 31 5 the arch that still towers over the Via dei Trionfi.. It is one of the best preserved of Rome's remains; and its majesty is not visibly injured by the diverse pilferage of its parts. Four finely proportioned shafts, rising from sculptured bases, divide the three arches, and support an ornate entablature. The attic story bears reliefs and statues taken from monuments of Trajan and Aurelius; while the medallions between the columns are from some building of Hadrian's reign. Two of the reliefs appear to be the work of Con\u00ad stantine's artists. The crude squat figures, the awkward quarrel of profile faces with frontal legs, the rude piling of heads upon heads as a substitute for perspec\u00ad tive, betray a coarsening of technique and taste; but the deep drilling produces, in the play of light and shade, an impressive effect of depth and space; and the episodes are presented with a rough vitality as if Italian art had resolved to return to its source. The colossal figure of Constantine in the Palazzo dei Con\u00ad servatori carries this primitiveness to a repellent extreme; it seems incredible that the man who presided so graciously over the Council of Nicaea should have resembled this dour barbarian-unless the artist had a mind to illustrate in advance the cynical summary of Gibbon: \"I have described the triumph of barbarism and religion.\" 54\nEarly in this fourth century a new art took form-the \"illumination\" of manu\u00ad scripts with miniature paintings. Literature itself ,vas now predominantly Chris\u00ad tian. Lucius Firmianus Lactantius expounded Christianity eloquently in Divinae lnstitutiones (307 ), and in De Mortibus Persecutormn ( 31-t-) described the final agonies of the persecuting emperors with Ciceronian elegance and venom. \"Re\u00ad ligion,\" wrote Lactantius, \"must by its very nature be untrammeled, unforced, free\" 55-a heresy which he did not live to expiate. J\\fore famous was Eusebius Pamphili, bishop of Caesarea. He began his literary career as a priestly scribe and librarian for his episcopal predecessor, Pamphilus, whom he loved so well that he adopted his name. Pamprnlus had acquired Origen's library, and had built around it the largest Christian collection of books yet known. Living among these volumes, Eusebius became the most erudite cleric of his time. Pamphilus lost his life in the Galerian persecution ( 31 o), and Eusebius was much plagued by later queries as to how he himself had survived. He made diverse enemies by taking a middle position between Arius and Alexander; nevertheless, he became the Bossuet of Constantine's court, and was commissioned to write the imperial biography. Part of his scholastic harvest ,vas gathered into a Universal History-the most complete of ancient chronologies. Eusebius arranged sacred and profane history in parallel columns divided by a synchronizing row of dates, and tried to fix the time of every important event from Abraham to Constantine. All later chronologies rested on this \"canon.\"\nCHAP. XXX)\tTHE\tTRIUMPH  OF CHRISTIANITY\nPutting flesh upon these bones, Eusebius issued in 325 an Ecclesiastical History describing the development of the Church from its beginnings to the Council of Nicaea. Here in the first chapter, again serving as a model for Bossuet, was the earliest philosophy of history-portraying time as the battleground of God and Satan, and all events as advancing the triumph of Christ. The book was poorly arranged but well written. The sources were critically and conscientiously examined, the statements are as accurate as in any ancient work of history; and at every turn Eusebius put posterity in his debt by quoting important docu\u00ad ments that would otherwise have been lost. The bishop's learning is enormous, his style is warmed with feeling and rises to eloquence in moments of theological odium. He frankly excludes such matters as might not edify his Christian readers or support his philosophy, and he manages to write a history of the great Council without mentioning either Arius or Athanasius. The same honest dishonesty makes his Life of Constantine a panegyric rather than a biography. It begins with eight inspiring chapters on the Emperor's piety and good works, and tells how he \"governed his empire in a godly manner for more than thirty years.\" One would never guess from this book that Constantine had killed his son, his nephew, and his wife.\nFor like Augustus, Constantine had managed well everything but his family. His relations with his mother were generally happy. Apparently by his commis\u00ad sion she went to Jerusalem, and leveled to the ground the scandalous Temple of Aphrodite that had been built, it was said, over the Saviour's tomb. According to Eusebius the Holy Sepulcher thereupon came to light, with the very cross on which Christ had died. Constantine ordered a Church of the Holy Sepulcher to be built over the tomb, and the revered relics were preserved in a special shrine. As in classical days the pagan world had cherished and adored the relics of the Trojan War, and even Rome had boasted the Palladium of Troy's Athene, so now the Christian world, changing its surface and renewing its essence in the immemorial manner of human life, began to collect and worship relics of Christ and the saints. Helena raised a chapel over the traditional site of Jesus' birth at Bethlehem, modestly served the nuns who ministered there, and then returned to Constantinople to die in the arms of her son.\nConstantine had been twice married: first to Minervina, who had borne him a son Crispus; then to Maximian's daughter Fausta, by whom he had three daughters and three sons. Crispus became an excellent soldier, and rendered vital aid to his father in the campaigns against Licinius. In 326 Crispus was put to death by Constantine's order; about the same time the Emperor decreed the execution of Licinianus, son of Licinius by Constan\u00ad tine's sister Constantia; and shonly thereafter Fausta was slain by her hus\u00ad band's command. Y\\:e do not know the reasons for this triple execution. Zosimus assures us that Crispus had made love to Fausta, who accused him to the Emperor; and that Helena, who loved Crispus dearly, had avenged\nCAESAR  AND CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXX\nhim by persuading Constantine that his wife had yielded to his son.57 Possibly Fausta had schemed to remove Crispus from the path of her sons' rise to imperial power, and Licinianus may have been killed for plotting to claim his father's share of the realm.\nFausta achieved her aim after her death, for in 335 Constantine bequeathed the Empire to his surviving sons and nephews. Two years later, at Easter, he celebrated with festival ceremonies the thirtieth year of his reign. Then, feeling the nearness of death, he went to take the warm baths at near-by Aquyrion. As his illness increased, he called for a priest to administer to him that sacrament of baptism which he had purposely deferred to this moment, hoping to be cleansed by it from all the sins of his crowded life. Then the tired ruler, aged sixty-four, laid aside the purple robes of royalty, put on the white garb of a Christian neophyte, and passed away.\nHe was a masterly general, a remarkable administrator, a superlative states\u00ad man. He inherited and completed the restorative work of Diocletian; through them the Empire lived I I 50 years more. He continued the monarchical forms of Aurelian and Diocletian, partly out of ambition and vanity, partly, no doubt, because he believed that absolute rule was demanded by the chaos of the times. His greatest error lay in dividing the Empire among his sons; presumably he foresaw that they would .fight for sole supremacy as he had done, but surmised that they would .fight even more certainly if he chose another heir; this, too, is a price of monarchy. His executions we cannot judge, not knowing th ir provocation; burdened with the problems of rule, he may have allowed fear and jealousy to dethrone his reason for a while;\u00b7and there are signs that remorse weighed heavily upon his declining years. His Christianity, beginning as policy, appears to have graduated into sincere conviction. He became the most persistent preacher in his realm, persecuted heretics faithfully, and took God into partnership at every step. Wiser than Diocletian, he gave new life to an aging Empire byassociating it with a young religion, a vigorous organization, a fresh morality. By his aid Christianity became a state as well as a church, and the mold, for foorteen centuries, of European life and thought. Perhaps, if we except Augustus, the grateful Church was right in naming him the greatest of the emperors.\nEpilogue\nI. WHY  ROME FELL\n\"THE two greatest problems in history,\" says a brilliant scholar of our time, are \"how to account for the rise of Rome, and how to account\nfor her fall.\" 1 We may come nearer to understanding them if we remember that the fall of Rome, like her rise, had not one cause but many, and was not an event but a process spread over 300 years. Some nations have not lasted as long as Rome fell.\nA great civilization is not conquered from without until it has destroyed itself within. The essential causes of Rome's decline lay in her people, her morals, her class struggle, her failing trade, her bureaucratic despotism, her stifling taxes, her consuming wars. Christian writers were keenly appreciative of this decay. Tertullian, about 200, heralded with pleasure the ipsa clausula saeculi-literally the fin de siecle or end of an era-as probably a prelude to the destruction of the pagan world. Cyprian, towards 2 50, answering the charge that Christians were the source of the Empire's misfortunes, attributed these to natural causes:\nYou must know that the world has grown old, and does not remain in its former vigor. It bears witness to its own decline. The rainfall and the sun's warmth are both diminishing; the metals are nearly exhausted; the husbandman is failing in the fields.2"]
[9.552376747131348, -1.1682074069976807, "Of minor heresies there was no end. The Encratites abstained from meat, wine. and sex; the Abstinents practiced self-mortification and condemned marriage as a sin; the Docetists taught that Christ's body was merely a phantom, not hu\u00ad man flesh; the Theodotians considered him only a man; the Adoptionists and the followers of Paul of Samosata thought that he had been born a man, but had achieved divinity through moral perfection; the Modalists, Sabellians, and Mo\u00ad na chians recognized in the Father and the Son only one person, the Monoph\u00ad ys1tes only one nature, the Monothelites only one will. The Church overcame them by its superior organization, its doctrinal tenacity, and its better under\u00ad standing of the ways and needs of men.\nIn the third century a new danger rose in the East. At the coronation of Shapur I (242) a young Persian mystic, Mani of Ctesiphon, proclaimed himself a Messiah sent upon earth by the True God to reform the religious and moral\n606\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. xxvm\nlife of mankind. Borrowing from Zoroastrianism, Mithraism, Judaism, and Gnosticism, Mani divided the world into rival realms of Darkness and Light; the earth belonged to the kingdom of Darkness, and Satan had created man. Nevertheless, the angels of the God of Light had surreptitiously introduced some elements of light into humanity-mind, intelligence, reason. Even woman, said Mani, has in her some sparks of light; but woman is Satan's masterpiece, his chief agent in tempting man to sin. If a man will refrain from sex, idolatry, and sorcery, and lead an ascetic life of vegetarianism and fasting, the elements of light in him can 1,1vercome his Satanic impulses, and lead him, like a kindly light, to salvation. After thirty years of successful preaching Mani was crucified at the suggestion of the Magian clergy, and his skin, stuffed with straw, was hung from one of Susa's gates. Martyrdoms enflamed the faith to wild enthusiasm; Manicheism spread into western Asia and north Africa, won Augustine for ten years, survived the persecutions of Diocletian and the conquests of Islam, and maintained a declining life for a thousand years till the coming of Genghis Khan.\nThe old religions still claimed a majority of the Empire's population. Judaism gathered its impoverished exiles into scattered synagogues, and poured its piety into its Talmuds. The Syrians continued to worship their Baals under Hellenistic names, and the Egyptian priests tended faithfully their zoological pantheon. Cybele, Isis, and Mithras retained their addicts till the close of the fourth century; under Aurelian a modified Mithraism captured the Roman state. Votive offerings to the classical divinities still came to the temples, initiates and candidates journeyed to Eleusis, and throughout the Empire aspiring citizens performed the motions of the im\u00ad perial cult. But life had gone out of the classic creeds. .They no longer\naroused, except here and there, the warm devotion that makes a religion live. It was not that the Greeks and the Romans abandoned these faiths, once so lovely or austere; they abandoned rather the will to live, and by exces\u00ad sive family limitation, or physiological exhaustion, or devastating wars, so\nreduced their own number that the temples lost their cultivators step by step with the farms.\nAbout the year 178, while Aurelius fought the Marcomanni on the Danube, paganism made a lusty attempt to defend itself against Christianity. We know of it only through Origen's book Against Celsus, and the quota\u00ad tions recklessly made there from Celsus' True Word. This second Celsus in our story was a gentleman of the world rather than a speculative philosopher; he felt that the civilization which he enjoyed was bound up with the old Roman faith; and he resolved to defend that faith by attacking the Chris\u00ad tianity that was now its most challenging enemy. He made so intimate a study of the new religion that the learned Origen was astounded by his erudition. Celsus assailed the credibility of the Scriptures, the character\nCHAP.xxvm)  THE  GROWTH OF THE  CHURCH\t607\nof Yahveh, the importance of Christ's miracles, the incompatibility of Christ's death with his omnipotent divinity. He ridiculed the Christian belief in a final conflagration, the Last Judgment, and the resurrection of the body:\nIt is silly to suppose that when God, like a cook, brings the fire, the rest of mankind will be roasted, and only the Christians will re\u00ad main-not merely the living ones, but those who died long ago, rising from the earth with the identical flesh they had before. Really, it is the hope of worms! . . . It is only the simpletons, the ignoble, the senseless-slaves and women and children-whom Christians can per\u00ad suade-wool-dressers, and cobblers and fullers, the most uneducated and common men, whoever is a sinner ...  or a godforsaken fool.42\nCelsus was alarmed by the spread of Christianity, by its scornful hostility to paganism, military service, and the state; how was the Empire to protect itself from the barbarians prowling on every frontier if its inhabitants suc\u00ad cumbed to so pacifistic a philosophy? A good citizen, he thought, should conform to the religion of his country and his time without public criticism of its absurdities; these did not much matter; what counted was a unifying faith supporting moral character and civic loyalty. Then, forgetting the insults he had heaped upon them, he appealed to the Christians to come back to the old gods, to worship the guardian genius of the emperor, and to join in the defense of the imperiled state. No one paid much attention to him; pagan literature does not mention him; he would have been quite forgotten had not Origen undertaken to refute him. Constantine was wiser than Celsus, and knew that a dead faith could not salvage Rome.\nPLOTINUS\nMoreover, Celsus was out of step with his time; he asked men to behave like gentlemen skeptics when they were withdrawing from a society that enslaved so many of them into a mystic world that made every man a god. That consciousness of supersensible powers which is the foundation of religion was prevailing universally over the materialism and determinism of a prouder age. Philosophy was abandoning the interpretation of that sense experience which is the realm of science, and was devoting itself to astudy of the unseen world. Neo-Pythagoreans and Neoplatonists developed Pythagoras' theory of transmigration, and Plato's contemplation of the Divine Ideas, into an asceticism that sought to sharpen spiritual perception by starving the physical senses, and to reclimb by self-purification the steps by which the soul had been degraded from heaven into man.\n608\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVIII\nPlotinus was the culmination of this mystic theosophy. Born at Lycopolis in 203, he was a Coptic Egyptian with a Roman name and a Greek educa\u00ad tion. In his twenty-eighth year he discovered philosophy, passed unsatisfied from teacher to teacher, and found at last, in Alexandria, the man he sought. Ammonius Saccas, a Christian converted to paganism, was attempting to reconcile Christianity and Platonism, as his pupil Origen would do. After studying under Ammonius for ten years, Plotinus joined a Persia-bound army in the hope of learning the wisdom of the Magi and the Brahmans at first hand. He reached Mesopotamia, turned back to Antioch, went to Rome (244), and remained there till his death. His school of philosophy became so fashionable that the Emperor Gallienus made him a court favorite, and agreed to help him establish in Campania an ideal Platonopolis, to be gov\u00ad erned on the principles of the Republic. Gallienus later withdrew his con\u00ad sent, perhaps to spare Plotinus an ignominious failure.\nPlotinus restored the repute of philosophy by living like a saint amid the luxuries of Rome. He had no care for his body; indeed, says Porphyry, \"he was ashamed that his soul had a body.\" 43 He refused to sit for his portrait, on the ground that his body was the least important part of him-a hint to art to seek the soul. He ate no meat and little bread, was simple in his habits, kindly in his ways. He avoided all sexual relations, but did not con\u00ad demn them. His modesty befitted a man who saw the part in the perspective of the whole. When Origen attended his class, Plotinus blushed and wished to end his lecture, saying, \"The zest dies down when the speaker feels that his hearers have nothing to learn from him.\" 44 He was not an eloquent speaker, but his devotion to his subject, and his absorbed sincerity, were good substitutes for oratory. Reluctantly, and only late in life, he put his doctrines into writing. He never revised his first draft, and despite Por\u00ad phyry's editing, the Enneads remain among the most disorderly and difficult works in the history of philosophy.*\nPlotinus was an idealist who graciously recognized the existence of mat\u00ad ter. But matter by itself, he argued, is only the formless possibility of form. Every form that matter takes is given it by its inward energy or soul (psyche). Nature is the total of energy or soul, producing the totality of forms in the world. The lower reality does not produce the higher; the higher being, soul, produces the lower-embodied form. The growth of the individual man from his beginnings in the womb, through the slow formation of organ after organ to full maturity is the work of the psyche\n.  \u2022  Porphyry' arranged _the _fifty-four treatises into roul?s ?f nine (ennea) on the ground that m Pythagoras theory rune 1s the perfect number, smce It 1s the square of three which is the trinity of complete harmony.45\t'\nCHAP.XXVIII)   THE  GROWTH OF THE  CHURCH\nor vital principle within him; the body is gradually molded by the longings and directives of the soul. Everything has soul-an inward energy creating outward form. Matter is evil only insofar as it has not received mature form; it is an arrested development; and evil is the possibility of good.\nWe know matter only through idea-through sensation, perception, thought; what we call matter is (as Hume would say) only a bundle of ideas; at most it is an elusive hypothetical something pressing against our nerve ends (Mill's \"permanent possibility of sensation\"). Ideas are not material; the notion of extension in space is obviously inapplicable to them. The capacity to have and use ideas is reason (nous); this is the peak of the human triad of body, soul, and mind. Reason is determined insofar as it depends upon sensation; it is free insofar as it is the highest form of the creative, molding soul.\nThe body is both the organ and the prison of the soul. The soul knows that it is a higher kind of reality than the body; it feels its kinship with some vaster soul, some cosmic creative life and power; and in the perfection of thought it aspires to join again that supreme spiritual reality from which it appears to have fallen in some primeval catastrophe and disgrace. Plotinus here surrenders discursively to the Gnosticism that he professes to reject, and describes the descent of the soul through various levels from heaven to corporeal man; generally he prefers the Hindu notion that the soul trans\u00ad migrates from lower to higher, or from higher to lower, forms of life accord\u00ad ing to its virtues and vices in each incarnation. Sometimes he is playfully Pythagorean: those who have loved music too much will become song\u00ad birds in their next avatar, and overspeculative philosophers will be trans\u00ad formed into eagles.46 The more developed the soul is the more persistently it seeks its divine source, like a child strayed from its parent, or a wanderer longing for home. If it is capable of virtue, or true love, or devotion to the Muses, or patient philosophy, it will find the ladder down which it came, and will climb it to its God. Let the soul, then, purify itself, let it desire the unseen essence passionately, let it lose the world in meditation; suddenly, perhaps in some moment when all the noise of the senses is stilled, and matter ceases to pound on the gates of mind, the soul will feel itself absorbed in the ocean of being, the spiritual and final reality. (\"Sometimes,\" wrote Thoreau, idly drifting on Walden Pond, \"I ceased to live, and began to be.\") \"When this takes place,\" says Plotinus,\nThe soul will see divinity as far as it is lawful.    And she will see\nherself illuminated, full of intellectual light; or, rather, she will per\u00ad ceive herself to be a pure light, unburdened, agile, and becoming god.47"]
[-0.37294837832450867, 15.693577766418457, "During the fifth century the Doric order consolidated its conquest of Greece. Among all the Greek temples built in this prosperous age only a few Ionic shrines survive, chiefly the Erechtheum and the temple of Nike Apteros on the Acropolis. Attica remained faithful to Doric, yielding to the Ionic order only so far as to use it for the inner columns of the Propylaea, and to place a frieze around the Theseum and the Parthenon; perhaps a tendency to make the Doric column longer and slenderer reveals a further influence of the Ionic style. In Asia Minor the Greeks imbibed the Oriental love of delicate ornament, and expressed it in the complex elaboration of the Ionic entablature, and the creation of a new and more ornate order, the Corinthian. About 430 (as Vitruvius tells the tale) an Ionian sculptor, Callimachus, was struck by the sight of a basket of votive offerings, covered with a tile, which a nurse had left upon the tomb of her mistress; a wild acanthus had grown around the basket and the tile; and the sculptor, pleased with the natural form so suggested, modified the Ionic capitals of a temple that he was building at Corinth, by mingling acanthus leaves with the volutes.\" Probably the story is a myth, and the nurse's basket had less influence than the palm and papyrus capitals of Egypt in generating the Corinthian style. The new order made little headway in classic Greece; lctinus used it for one isolated column in the court of an Ionic temple at Phigalea, and towards the end of the fourth century it was used for the choragic monument of Lysicrates. Only under the elegant Romans of the Empire did this delicate style reach its full development.\nAll the Greek world was building temples in this period. Cities almost bank\u00ad rupted themselves in rivalry to have the fairest statuary and the largest shrines. To her massive sixth-century edifices at Samos and Ephesus Ionia added new Ionic temples at Magnesia, Teos, and Priene. At Assus in the Troad Greek colonists raised an almost archaic Doric fane to Athena. At the other end of Hellas Crotona built, about 480, a vast Doric home for Hera; it survived till 1600, when a bishop thought he could make better use of its stones.\"' To the fifth century belong the greatest of the temples at Poseidonia (Paestum), Segesta, Selinus, and Acragas, and the temple of Asclepius at Epidaurus. At Syracuse the columns still stand of a temple raised to Athena by Gelon I, and partly preserved by its transformation into a Christian church, At Bassae, near\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIV\nPhigalea in the Peloponnesus, lctinus designed a temple of Apollo strangely different from his other masterpiece, the Parthenon; here the Doric periptery enclosed a space occupied by a small naos and a large open court surrounded by an Ionic colonnade; and around the interior of this court, along the inner face of the Ionic columns, ran a frieze almost as graceful as the Parthenon's, and having the added virtue of being visible.\u2022\nAt Olympia the Elian architect Libon, a generation before the Parthenon, raised a rival to it in a Doric shrine to Zeus. Six columns stood at each end, thirteen on either side; perhaps too stout for beauty, and unfortunate in their material-a coarse limestone coated with stucco; the roof, however, was of Pentelic tiles. Paeonius and Alcamenes, Pausanias tells us,'\" carved for the pediments powerful figurest portraying on the eastern gable the chariot race between Pelops and Oenomaus, and on the western gable the struggle of Lapiths and centaurs. The Lapiths, in Greek legend, were a mountain tribe of Thes\u00ad saly. When Pirithous, their king, married Hippodameia, daughter of King Oenomaus of Pisa in Elis, he invited the centaurs to the wedding feast. The centaurs dwelt in the mountains about Pelion; Greek art represented them as half man and half horse, possibly to suggest their untamed woodland nature, or because the centaurs were such excellent horsemen that each man and his mount seemed to be one animal. At the feast these horsemen got drunk, and tried to carry off the Lapith women. The Lapiths fought bravely for their ladies, and won. (Greek art never tired of this story, and perhaps used it to symbolize the clearing of the wilderness from wild beasts, and the struggle between the human and the bestial in man.) The figures on the east pediment are archaically stiff and still; those on the west seem hardly of the same period, for though some of them are crude, and the hair is stylized in ancient fashion, they are alive with action, and show a mature grasp of sculptural grouping. Startlingly beau\u00ad tiful is the bride, a woman of no fragile slenderness, but of a full-bodied love\u00ad liness that quite explains the war. A bearded centaur has one arm around her waist, one hand upon her breast; she is about to be snatched from her nuptials, and yet the artist portrays her features in such calm repose that one suspects him of having read Lessing or Winckelmann; or perhaps, like any woman, she is not insensitive to the compliment of desire. Less ambitious and massive, but more delicately finished, are the extant metopes of the temple, recounting cer\u00ad tain labors of Heracles; one, wherein Heracles holds up the world for Atlas, stands out as a work of complete mastery. Heracles here is no abnormal giant, rock-ribbed with musculature, but simply a man of full and harmonious devel\u00ad opment. Before him is Atlas, whose head would adorn the shoulders of Plato. At the left is one of Atlas' daughters, perfect in the natural beauty of healthy\nThirty-eight of the columns remain, the walls of the naos, and parts of the inner colon\u00ad nade. Fra$ffients of the frieze are in the British Museum.\nt Now m the Olympia Musewn.\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\nwomanhood; perhaps the artist had some symbolism in mind when he showed her gently helping the strong man to bear the weight of the world. The spe\u00ad cialist finds some faults of execution and detail in these half-ruined metopes; but to an amateur observer the bride, and Heracles, and the daughter of Atlas, are as near to perfection as anything in the history of sculptural relief.\n2. The Reconstruction of Athens\nAttica leads all Greece in the abundance and excellence of its fifth-cen\u00ad tury building. Here the Doric style, which tends elsewhere to a bulging corpulence, takes on Ionian grace and elegance; color is added to line, orna\u00ad ment to symmetry. On a dangerous headland at Sunium those who risked the sea raised to Poseidon a shrine of which eleven columns stand. At Eleusis lctinus designed a spacious temple to Demeter, and under Pericles' persua\u00ad sion Athens contributed funds to make this edifice worthy of the Eleusinian festival. At Athens the proximity of good marble on Mt. Pentelicus and in Paros encouraged the artist with the finest of building materials. Seldom, until our periods of economic breakdown, has a democracy been able or willing to spend so lavishly on public construction. The Parthenon cost seven hundred talents ($4,200,000); the Athene Ptrrthenos (which, how\u00ad ever, was a gold reserve as well as a statue) cost $6,000,000; the unfinished Propylaea, $2,400,000; minor Periclean structures at Athens and the Piraeus,\n$18,000,000; sculpture and other decoration, $16,200,000; altogether, in the sixteen years from 447 to 4 31, the city of Athens voted $57,600,000 for public buildings, statuary, and painting.\" The spread of this sum among artisans and artists, executives and slaves, had much to do with the pros\u00ad perity of Athens under Pericles.\nImagination can picture vaguely the background of this courageous ad\u00ad venture in art. The Athenians, on their return from Salamis, found their city almost wholly devastated by the Persian occupation; every edifice of any value had been burned to the ground. Such a calamity when it does not destroy the citizens as well as the city, m:ikes them stronger; the \"act of God\" clears away many eyesores and unfit habitations; chance accomplishes what human obstinacy would never allow; and if food can be found through the crisis, the labor and genius of men create a finer city than be\u00ad fore. The Athenians, even after the war with Persia, were rich in both labor and genius, and the spirit of victory doubled their will for great enterprise. In a generation Athens was rebuilt; a new council chamber rose, a new\n33\u00b0\tTHE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\nprytaneum, new homes, new porticoes, new walls of defense, new wharves and warehouses at a new port. About 446 Hippodamus of Miletus, chief town-planner of antiquity, laid out a new Piraeus, and set a new style, by replacing the old chaos of haphazard and winding alleys with broad, straight streets crossing at right angles. On an elevation a mile northwest of the Acropolis unknown artists raised that smaller Parthenon known as the Theseum, or temple of Theseus.\u2022 Sculptors filled the pediments with statuary and the metopes with reliefs, and ran a frieze above the inner columns at both ends. Painters colored the moldings, the triglyphs, metopes, and frieze, and made bright murals for an interior dimly lit by light shining\nthrough marble tiles.t\nThe finest work of Pericles' builders was reserved for the Acropolis, the ancient seat of the city's government and faith. Themistocles began its re\u00ad construction, and planned a temple one hundred feet long, known there\u00ad fore as the Hecatompedon. After his fall the work was abandoned; the oligarchic party opposed it on the ground that any dwelling for Athena, if it was not to bring bad luck to Athens, must be built upon the site of the old temple of Athene Polias (i.e., Athena of the City), which the Persians had destroyed. Pericles, caring nothing about superstitions, adopted the site of the Hecatompedon for the Parthenon, and, though the priests pro\u00ad tested to the end, went on with his plans. On the southwestern slope of the Acropolis his artists erected an Odeum, or Music Hall, unique in Athens for its cone-shaped dome. It offered a handle to conservative satirists, who thenceforth referred to Pericles' conical head as his odeion, or hall of song. The Odeum was built for the most part of wood, and soon succumbed to time. In this auditorium musical performances were presented, and the Dionysian dramas were rehearsed; and there, annually, were held the con\u00ad tests instituted by Pericles in vocal and instrumental music. The versatile statesman himself often acted as a judge in these competitions.\nThe road to the summit, in classical days, was devious and gradual, and was flanked with statues and votive offerings. Near the top was a majes\u00ad tically broad flight of marble steps, buttressed with bastions on either side.\nThe name is a mistake, since this temple, erected in 425, could not have been the Theseum to which, in 469, Cimon brought the supposed bones of Theseus; but time sanc\u00ad tifies error as well as theft, and \u00b7the traditional name is commonly retained for lack of a certain designation.\nt The Theseum is the best preserved of all ancient Greek buildings; even so it lacks its\nmarble tiles, its murals, its interior statuary, its pedimental sculptures, and nearly all of its external coloring. The metopes are so badly damaged that their reliefs are almost undis\u00ad tinguishable.\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE  ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t331\nOn the south bastion Callicrates raised a miniature Ionic temple to Athena as Nike Apteros, or the Wingless Victory.\u2022 Elegant reliefs (partly pre\u00ad served in the Athens Museum) adorned the external balustrade with figures of winged Victories bringing to Athens their far-gathered spoils. These Nikai are in the noblest style of Pheidias, less vigorous than the massive god\u00ad desses of the Parthenon, but even more graceful in motion, and more deli\u00ad cate and natural in their protrayal of drapery. The Victory tying her sandals deserves her name, for she is one of the triumphs of Greek art.\nAt the top of the Acropolis steps Mnesicles built, in elaboration of Mycenaean pylons, an entrance with five openings, before each of which stood a Doric portico; these colonnades in time gave to the whole edifice their name of Propylaea, or Before the Gates. Each portico carried a frieze of triglyphs and metopes, and was crowned with a pediment. Within the passageway was an Ionic colonnade, boldly inserted within a Doric form. The interior of the northern wing was decorated with paintings by Polygnotus and others, and contained votive tablets (pinakes) of terracotta or marble; hence its name of Pinakotheka, or Hall of Tablets. A small south wing remained unfinished; war, or the reaction against Pericles, put a stop to the work, and left an ungainly mass of beautiful parts as a gateway to the Parthenon.\nWithin these gates, on the left, was the strangely Oriental Erechtheum. This, too, was overtaken by war: not more than half of it was finished when the disaster of Aegospotami reduced Athens to chaos and poverty. It was begun after Pericles' death, under the prodding of conservatives who feared that the ancient heroes Erechtheus and Cecrops, as well as the Athena of the older shrine, and the sacred snakes that haunted the spot, would punish Athens for building the Parthenon on another site. The varied purposes of the structure determined its design, and destroyed its unity. One wing was dedicated to Athene Polias, and housed her ancient image; another was devoted to Erechtheus and Poseidon. The naos or cella, instead of being enclosed by a unifying peristyle, was here buttressed with three separate porticoes. The northern and eastern porches were upheld by slender Ionic"]
[-5.625425815582275, 14.324185371398926, "Iphig. Is this the babe I knew,\nThe little babe, light-lifted like a bird? ...\n0 Argos land,0 hearth and holy .flame That old Cyclopes lit,\nI bless ye that he lives, that he is grown,\nA light and strength, my brother and mine own; I bless your name for it.05\nThey offer to rescue her, and in tum she helps them to capture the image of Artemis. By her subtle ruse they reach their ship safely, and carry the statue to Brauron; there Iphigenia becomes a priestess, and there, after her death, she is worshiped as a deity. Orestes is released from the Furies, and knows some years of peace. The thirst of the gods is sated, and the drama of The Children of Ttmtalus is complete.\nThe Dramatist\nWe must agree with Aristotle that these plays, from the viewpoint of dramatic technique, fall short of the standards set by Aeschylus and Sophocles... The Medea, the Hippolytus, and The Bacchae are well planned, but even they cannot compare with the structural integrity of the Oresteia, or the complex unity of Oedipus the King. Instead of plunging at once into the action, and explaining its antecedents gradually and naturally in the course of the story, Euripides employs the artificial expedient of a pedagogical prologue, and, worse still, puts it sometimes into the mouth of a god.  Instead of showing us the action directly, which is the function\nof drama, he too often introduces a messenger to describe the action, even\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nwhen no violence is involved. Instead of making the chorus a part of the action he transforms it into a philosophical aside, or uses it to interrupt the development with lyrics always beautiful, but often irrelevant. In\u00ad stead of presenting ideas through action, he sometimes displaces action with ideas, and turns the stage into a school for speculation, rhetoric, and argu\u00ad ment. Too often his plots depend upon coincidences and \"recognition\"- though these are well arranged and dramatically presented. Most of the plays (like a few by his predecessors) end with intervention by the deus ex machina, the .god from the crane-a device that can be forgiven only on the assumption that for Euripides the real play ended before this theophany, and the god was let down to provide the orthodox with a virtuous conclusion to what would otherwise have been a scandalous per\u00ad formance.07 With such prologues and epilogues the great humanist won the privilege of presenting his heresies on the stage.\nThe material, like the form, is a medley of genius and artifice. Euripides is above all sensitive, as every poet must be; he feels the problems of man\u00ad kind intensely, and expresses them with passion; he is the most tragic and the most human of all dramatists. But his feeling is too frequently senti\u00ad mentality; his \"droppings of warm tears\"08 are too easily released; he loses no chance to show a mother parting from her children, and wrings all possible pathos out of every situation. These scenes are always moving, and sometimes are described with a power unequaled in tragedy before or since; but they descend occasionally to melodrama, and a surfeit of vio\u00ad lence and horror, as at the close of the Medea. Euripides is the Byron and Shelley and Hugo of Greece, a Romantic Movement in himself.\nHe easily surpasses his rivals in the delineation of character. Psychologi\u00ad cal analysis replaces with him, even more than with Sophocles, the opera\u00ad tion of destiny; he is never weary of investigating the morals and motives of human conduct. He studies a great variety of men, from Electra's peasant husband to the kings of Greece and Troy; no other dramatist has drawn so many types of women, or drawn them with such sympathy; every shade of vice and virtue interests him, and is realistically portrayed. Aeschylus and Sophocles were too absorbed in the universal and eternal to see the temporal and the particular clearly; they created profound types, but Euripides creates living individuals; neither of the older men, for example, realized Electra so vividly. In these plays the drama of the conflict with fate yields more and more to the drama of situation and character, and the way is prepared by which, in the following centuries, the Greek stage will be captured by the comedy of manners under Philemon and Menander.\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t413\nThe Philosopher\nBut it would be foolish to judge Euripides chiefly as a playwright; his ruling interest is not dramatic technique but philosophical inquiry and political reform. He is the son of the Sophists, the poet of the Enlighten\u00ad ment, the representative of the radical younger generation that laughed at the old myths, flirted with socialism, and called for a new social order in which there should be less exploitation of man by man, of women by men, and of all by the state. It is for these rebel souls that Euripides writes; for them he adds his skeptical innuendoes, and inserts a thousand heresies between the lines of supposedly religious plays. He covers his tracks with pious passages and patriotic odes; he presents a sacred myth so literally that its absurdity is manifest and yet his orthodoxy cannot be impeached; he gives the body of his plays over t-0 doubt, but surrenders the first and last words to the gods. His subtlety and brilliance, like those of the French Encyclopedists, is due in some part to the compulsion laid upon him to speak his mind while saving his skin.\nHis theme is that of Lucretius-\nTtmtum religio potuit suadere malorum\n-so great are the evils to which religion has led men: oracles that breed violence upon violence, myths that exalt immorality with divine example, and shed supernatural sanctions upon dishonesty, adultery, theft, human sacrifice, and war. He describes a soothsayer as \"a man who speaks few truths but many lies\";\" he calls it \"sheer folly\" to chart the future from the entrails of birds;\",. he denounces the whole apparatus of oracles and divination.101 Above all he resents the immoral implications of the legends:\nMen shall know there is no God, no light\nIn heaven, if wrong to the end shall conquer right.... Say not there be adulterers in heaven,\nNor prisoner gods and gaolers: long ago\nMy heart hath named it vile, and shall not alter.... These tales be false, false as those feastings wild\nOf Tantalus, and gods that tare a child. This land of murderers to its gods hath given\nIts own lust. Evil dwelleth not in heaven...."]
[10.0779447555542, 13.356226921081543, "While all around shall bloom the purple rose. There let the vine with rich full clusters hang,\nIts fair young tendrils flung around the stone; Due meed for that sweet wisdom which he sang,\nBy Muses and by Graces called their own.\nEURIPIDES\nThe Plays\nAs Giotto rough-hewed the early path of Italian painting, and Raphael subdued the art with a quiet spirit into technical perfection, and Michel\u00ad angelo completed the development in works of tortured genius; as Bach with incredible energy forced open a broad road to modern music, and\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t4()1\nMozart perfected its form in melodious simplicity, and Beethoven com\u00ad pleted the development in works of unbalanced grandeur; so Aeschylus cleared the way and set the forms for Greek drama with his harsh verse and stern philosophy, Sophocles fashioned the art with measured music and placid wisdom, and Euripides completed the development in works of passionate feeling and turbulent doubt. Aeschylus was a preacher of almost Hebraic intensity; Sophocles was a \"classic\" artist clinging to a broken faith; Euripides was a romantic poet who could never write a perfect play because he was distracted by philosophy. They were the Isaiah, Job, and Ecclesiastes of Greece.\nEuripides was born in the year-some say on the day-of Salamis, prob\u00ad ably on the island itself, to which, we are told, his parents had fled for refuge from the invading Medes... His father was a man of some property and prominence in the Attic town of Phyla; his mother was of noble fam\u00ad ily,81 though the hostile Aristophanes insists that she kept a grocer's shop and hawked fruit and flowers on the street. In later life he lived on Salamis, loving the solitude of its hills, and its varied prospects of blue sea. Plato wished to be a dramatist and became a philosopher; Euripides wished to be a philosopher and became a dramatist. He \"took the entire course of Anaxagoras,\" says Strabo;\"\" he studied for a while with Prodicus, and was so intimate with Socrates that some suspected the philosopher of having a hand in the poet's plays.\"\" The whole Sophistic movement entered into his education, and through him captured the Dionysian stage. He became the Voltaire of the Greek Enlightenment, worshiping reason with destruc\u00ad tive innuendo in the midst of dramas staged to celebrate a god.\nThe records of the Dionysian Theater credit him with seventy-five plays, from The Daughters of Pelias in 455 to The Bacchae in 406; eighteen sur\u00ad vive, and a medley of fragments from the rest.\u2022 Their subject matter tells again the legends of the early Greeks, but with a note of skeptical pro\u00ad test sounding timidly and then boldly between the lines. The Ion presents the reputed founder of the Ionian tribes in a delicate dilemma: the oracle of Apollo declares Xuthus to be his father, but Ion discovers that he is the son of Apollo, who seduced his mother and then palmed her off on Xuthus; can it be, Ion asks, that the noble god is a liar? In Heracles and Alcestis the mighty son of Zeus and Alcmena is described as a good-natured drunk\u00ad ard, with the appetite of Gargantua and the brains of Louis XVI. The\nThe major plays appeared in approximately the following order: Alcestis, 438; Medea, 431; Hippolytus, 418; Andromache, 417; Hecuba, ca. 41s; Electra, ca. 416; The Trojtm Women, 41s; Iphigenia in Tauris, ca. 413; Orestes, 408; lpbigenia in Aulis, 4oli; The Bat>\u00b7 chae,4'llt\n402\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nAlcestis recounts the unprepossessing story of how the gods, as a condition of allowing further life to Admetus (king of Thessalian Pherae), required that some other should consent to die in his stead. His wife offers herself as a sacrifice, and bids him a hundred-line farewell, which he hears with magnanimous patience. Alcestis is carried out for dead; but Heracles, be\u00ad tween solitary drinking bouts and banquets, goes forth, argues and brow\u00ad beats Death into relinquishing Alcestis, and brings her back alive. The play can be understood only as a subtle attempt to make the legend ridicu\u00ad lous.\u2022\nThe Hippolytus applies with more finesse and grace the same method of reduction to the absurd. The handsome hero is a youthful huntsman who vows to Artemis, virgin goddess of the chase, that he will always be faithful to her; will ever shun women, and will find his greatest pleasure in the woods. Aphrodite, incensed by this insulting celibacy, pours into the heart of Phaedra, Theseus' wife, a mad passion for Hippolytus, Theseus' son by the Amazon Antiope. Here is the first love tragedy in extant literature, and here at the outset are all the symptoms of love at the crisis of its fever: Phaedra, rejected by Hippolytus, languishes and fades to the point of death. Her nurse, suddenly become a philosopher, muses with Hamlet\u00ad like skepticism about a life beyond the grave:\nYet all man's life is but ailing and dim,\nAnd rest upon the earth comes never. But if any far-off state there be, Dearer than life to mortality,\nThe hand of the Dark hath hold thereof, And mist is under and mist above.\nAnd some are sick for life, and cling\nOn earth to this nameless and shining thing; For other life is a fountain sealed,\nAnd the deeps below us are unrevealed, And we drift on legends forever.\"'\nThe nurse bears a message to Hippolytus that Phaedra's bed will welcome him; he, knowing that she is his father's wife, is horrified, and bursts into one of those passages that earned Euripides a reputation for misogyny:\nOh God, why hast thou made this gleaming snare, Woman, to dog us on the happy earth?\nIt was presented in 438 as the fourth play in a group by Euripides; perhaps it was intended as a half-serious satyr play rather than as a half-com1c tragedy. In Balaustion's A.d'Uenture Browning, with generous simplicity, has taken the play at its face value.\nCHAP. XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE  GOLD EN  AGE\t403\nWas it thy will to make man, why his birth Through love and woman?\u2022"]
[1.1594276428222656, 7.777042388916016, "202\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.Vlll\nfervor or insight into the Olympian creed, and Pheidias ennobled the gods with beauty and majesty; Pythagoras and Plato associated philosophy with religion, and supported the doctrine of immortality as a stimulus to morals. But Protagoras doubted, Socrates ignored, Democritus denied, Euripides ridiculed the gods; and in the end Greek philosophy, hardly willing it, destroyed the religion that had molded the moral life of Greece.\nCHAPTER  IX\nTheCommon Culture of Early Greece\nTHE INDIVIDUALISM OF THE STATE\nHE two rival zeniths of European culture-ancient Bellas and Renais\u00ad sance Italy-rested upon no larger political organization than the city\u00ad state. Geographical conditions presumably contributed to this result in Greece. Everywhere mountains or water intervened; bridges were rare and roads were poor; and though the sea was an open highway, it bound the city with its commercial associates rather than with its geographical neighbors. But geography does not altogether explain the city-state. There was as much separatism between Thebes and Plataea, on the same Boeotian plain, as between Thebes and Sparta; more between Sybaris and Crotona on the same Italian shore than between Sybaris and Syracuse. Diversity of economic and political interest kept the cities apart; they fought one an\u00ad other for distant markets or grain, ,or formed rival alliances for control of the sea. Distinctions of origin helped to divide them; the Greeks consid\u00ad ered themselves to be all of one race,' but their tribal divisions-Aeolian, Ionian, Achaean, Dorian-were keenly felt, and Athens and Sparta disliked each other with an ethnological virulence worthy of our own age. Differ\u00ad ences of religion strengthened, as they were strengthened by, political divi\u00ad sions. Out of the unique cults of locality and clan came distinct festivals and calendars, distinct customs and laws, distinct tribunals, even distinct frontiers; for the boundary stones limited the realm of the god as well as of the community; cujus regio, ejus religio. These and many other factors\nunited to produce the Greek city-state.\nIt was not a new administrative form: we have seen that there were city\u00ad states in Sumeria, Babylonia, Phoenicia, and Crete hundreds or thousands of years before Horner or Pericles. Historically the city-state was the vil\u00ad lage community in a higher stage of fusion or development-a common market, meeting ground, and judgment seat for men tilling the same hin\u00ad terland, belonging to the same stock, and worshiping the same god. Po\u00ad litically it was to the Greek the best available compromise between those two hostile and fluctuating components of human society-order and lib-\n203\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nerty; a smaller community would have been insecure, a larger one tyran\u00ad nical. Ideally-in the aspirations of philosophers-Greece was to consist of sovereign city-states co-operating in a Pythagorean harmony. Aristotle conceived the state as an association of freemen acknowledging one gov\u00ad ernment and capable of meeting in one assembly; a state with more than ten thousand citizens, he thought, would be impracticable. In the Gttek language one word-polis-sufficed for both city and state.\nAll the world knows that this political atomism brought to Hellas many a tragedy of fraternal strife. Because Ionia was unable to unite for defense it fell subject to Persia; because Greece, despite confederacies and leagues, was unable to stand together, the freedom which it idolized was in the end destroyed. And yet Greece would have been impossible without the city-state. Only through this sense of civic individuality, this exuberant assertion of independence, this diversity of institutions, customs, arts, and gods, was Greece stimulated, by competition and emulation, to live human life with a zest and fullness and creative originality that no other society had ever known. Even in our own times, with all our vitality and variety, our mechanisms and powers, is there any community of like population or extent that pours into the stream of civilization such a profusion of gifts as flowed from the chaotic liberty of the Greeks?\nLETTERS\nNevertheless there were common factors in the life of these watchfully separatist states. As far back as the thirteenth century B.c. we find one lan\u00ad guage throughout the Greek peninsula. It belonged to the \"lndo-European\" group, like Persian and Sanskrit, Slavonic and Latin, German and English; thousands of words denoting the primary relations or objects of life have com\u00ad mon roots in these tongues, and suggest not only the predispersion antiquity of the things denoted, but the kinship or association of the peoples who used them in the dawn of history.\u2022 It is true that the Greek language was diversi\u00ad fied into dialects-Aeolic, Doric, Ionic, Attic; but these were mutually intelli\u00ad gible, and yielded, in the fifth and fourth centuries, to a koine dialektos, or common dialect, which emanated principally from Athens, and was spoken by nearly all the educated classes of the Hellenic world. Attic Greek was a noble tongue, vigorous, supple, melodious; as irregular as any vital speech, but lending itself readily to expressive combinations, delicate gradations and dis-\nCf. in addition to numerals and family terms, such words as Sanskrit d11m(as) (house), Greek domos. Latin domus, English tim-ber; dvaras, tbyra, fores, door; venas, (f)oinos, tmmm, wine; naus, 'IIIIUS, navis, nave; aksbas, a:con, a:&is, ale; iug11m, zygon, iugum, yoke, etc.\nCHAP.IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE\t20S\ntinctions of meaning, subtle philosophical conceptions, and every variety of literary excellence from the \"many-billowed surge\" of Homer's verse to the placid flow of Plato's prose.\u2022\nGreek tradition attributed the introduction of writing into Greece to Phoe\u00ad nicians in the fourteenth century B.c., and we know nothing to the contrary. The oldest Greek inscriptions, dating from the eighth and seventh centuries, show a close resemblance to the Semitic characters on the ninth-century Moabite stone.\u2022 These inscriptions were written, in Semitic fashion, from right to left; sixth-century inscriptions (e.g., at Gortyna) were made alternately from right to left and from left to right; later inscriptions are from left to right through\u00ad\nout, and certain letters are turned around accordingly, as a: and a to Band E.\nThe Semitic names for the letters were adopted with minor moclifications;t\nbut the Greeks made several basic changes. Above all, they added vowels, which the Semites had omitted; certain Semitic characters denoting consonants\nor breathings were used to represent a, e, i, o, and u. Later the Ionians added\nthe long vowels eta (long e) and o-mega (long or double o). Ten different Greek alphabets struggled for ascendancy as part of the war of the city-states; in Greece the Ionian form prevailed, and was transmitted to eastern Europe, where it survives today; in Rome the Chalcidian form was adopted from Cumae to become the Latin alphabet, and ours. The Chalcidic alphabet lacked the long e and o, but, unlike the Ionian, retained the Phoenician vau as a con\u00ad sonant (a v with approximately the sound of w); hence the Athenians called wine oinos, the Chalcidians called it voinos, the Romans called it vinum, we call it wine. Chalcis kept the Semitic koppa or q, and passed it on to Rome and ourselves; Ionia abandoned it, content with k. Ionia represented L as A, Chalcis as L; Rome straightened up the latter form and gave it to Europe. The Ionians used P for R, but in Greek Italy the P sprouted a tail, and became R/\nThe earliest uses of writing in Greece were probably commercial or religious; apparently priestly charms and chants are the mother of poetry, and bills of lading are the father of prose. Writing split into two varieties: the formal for literary or epigraphic purposes, the cursive for ordinary use. There were no accents, no spaces between words, no punctuation points;\u2022 but a change of topic was marked off by a horizontal dividing stroke called the paragraphos\u00ad i.e., a sign \"written on the side.\" The materials used to receive writing were various: at first, if we may believe Pliny, leaves or the bark of trees;\" for inscrip-\n\u2022Wedo not know how ancient Greek was pronounced.\" The accents that trouble us so much were seldom used by the classical Greeks, but were insened into ancient texts by Aristophanes of Byzantium in the third century B.c. These accents should be ignored in reading Greek poetry."]
[-5.475690841674805, 16.924747467041016, "The word mousike among the Greeks meant originally any devotion to any Muse. Plato's Academy was called a Museion or Museum-i.e., a place dedicated to the Muses and the many cultural pursuits which they patron\u00ad ized; the Museum at Alexandria was a university of literary and scientific activity, not a collection of museum pieces. In the narrower and modem sense music was at least as popular among the Greeks as it is among our\u00ad selves today. In Arcadia all freemen studied music to the age of thirty; everyone knew some instrument; and to be unable to sing was accounted a disgrace.\"\" Lyric poetry was so named because, in Greece, it was com\u00ad\nposed to be sung to the accompaniment of the lyre, the harp, or the flute. The poet usually wrote the music as well as the words, and sang his own songs; to be a lyric poet in ancient Greece was far more difficult than to compose, as poets do today, verses for silent and solitary reading. Before the sixth century there was hardly any Greek literature divorced from music. Education and letters, as well as religion and war, were bound up with music: martial airs played an important part in military training, and nearly all instruction of the memory was through verse. By the eighth\nCHAP.IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    227\ncentury Greek music was already old, with hundreds of varieties and forms. The instruments were simple, and were based, like our vaster armory of sound, upon percussion, wind, or strings. The first class were not popu\u00ad lar. The flute was favored at Athens until Alcibiades, laughing at his music master's inflated cheeks, refused to play so ridiculous an instrm:;nent, and set a fashion against it among Athenian youth. (Besides, said the Athenians, the Boeotians surpassed them with the flute, which branded the art as a vulgar one.08)  The simple flute, or aulos, was a tube of cane or bored wood with a detachable mouthpiece and from two to seven finger holes into which movable stopples might be inserted to modify the pitch. Some play\u00ad ers used the double flute-a \"masculine\" or bass flute in the right hand and a \"feminine\" or treble flute in the left, both held to the mouth by a strap around the cheeks, and played in simple harmony. By attaching the flute to a distensible bag the Greeks made a bagpipe; by uniting several gradu\u00ad\nated flutes they made a syrinx, or Pipe of Pan; by extending and opening the end, and closing the finger holes, they made a salpinx, or trumpet.'\" Flute music, says Pausanias,.. was usually gloomy, and was always used in dirges or elegies; but the auletridai-the flute-playing geisha girls of Greece-do not seem to have purveyed gloom. String music was confined to plucking the strings with finger or plectrum; bowing was unknown... The lyre, phorminx, or kithara were essentially alike-four or more strings of sheep gut stretched over a bridge across a resonant body of metal or tor\u00ad toise shell. The kithara was a small harp, used for accompanying narrative poetry; the lyre was like a guitar, and was chosen to accompany lyric poetry and songs.\nThe Greeks told many strange tales of how the gods-Hennes, Apollo, Athena-had invented these instruments; how Apollo had pitted his lyre against the pipes and flutes of Marsyas (a priest of the Phrygian goddess Cybele), had won-unfairly, as Marsyas thought-by adding his voice to the instrument, and had topped the performance by having poor Marsyas flayed alive: so legend personified the conquest of the flute by the lyre. Prettier stories were told of ancient musicians who had established or devel\u00ad oped the musical art: of Olympus, Marsyas' pupil, who, towards 730, in\u00ad vented the enharmonic scale;* of Linus, Heracles' teacher, who invented Greek musical notation and established some of the \"modes\";'\u00b0 of Orpheus, Thracian priest of Dionysus; and of his pupil Musaeus, who said that \"song\nA scale employing quarter tones; e.g., E E' F A B B' C E-where the accent indicates a\nquarter tone above the preceding note.\n228\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nis a sweet thing to monals.\"11 These tales reflect the probable fact that Greek music derived its forms from Lydia, Phrygia, and Thrace.\u2022'lll\nSong entered into almost every phase of Greek life. There were dithyrambs for Dionysus, paeans for Apollo, hymns for any god; there were enkomia, or songs of praise, for rich men, and epinikia, or songs of victory, for athletes; there were symposiaka, skolia, erotika, hymenaioi, elegiai, and threnoi for din\u00ad ing, drinking, loving, marrying, mourning, and burying; herdsmen had their bukolika, reapers their lityerses, vinedressers their epilenia, spinners their iouloi, weavers their elinoi.\"' And then as now, presumably, the man in the market or the club, the lady in the home and the woman of the streets, sang songs not quite as learned as S onides'; vulgar music and polite music have come down dis\u00ad tantly together through the centuries.\nThe highest form of music, in the belief and practice of the Greeks, was choral singing; to this they gave the philosophical depth, the structural com\u00ad plexity, the emotional range, which in modern music tend to find place in the concerto or the symphony. Any festival-a harvest, a victory, a marriage, a holy\u00ad day-might be celebrated with a chorus; and now and then cities and groups would organize great contests in choral song. The performance was in most cases prepared far in advance: a composer was appointed to write the words and music, a rich man was persuaded to pay the expense, professional singers\nThe music of Hellas was played in a variety of scales far more numerous and complex than ours. Our diatonic scale makes no smaller division than the half tone, and twelve balf tones constitute our octave; the Greeks used quarter tones, and had forty-five scales of Qigh\u00ad teen notes apiece.'lll These scales were in three groups: the diatonic scales, based upon the tetrachord E D C B; the chromatic, upon E 01 C B; and the enharmonic, upon E C Cb B. From the Greek scales, by simplification, came those of medieval church music, and, through these, our own.\nWithin the diatonic tetrachord seven modes (harmoniai) were produced liy tuning the strings to alter the position of the semitones in the octave. The most imponant modes were the Dorian (E F G AB C D E), martial and grave though in a minor key; the Lydian (CD EFG ABC), tender and plaintive though in a major key; and the Phrygian (DEF GAB CD), minor in key, and orgiastically passionate and wild!' It is amusmg to read of the violent controversies concerning the musical, ethical, and medical effects, restorative or disastrous, which the Greeks-chiefly the philosophers-ascribed to these half-tone variations. Dorian music, we are told, made men brave and dignified, the Lydian made them sentimental and weak, the Phrygian made them excited and headstrong. Plato saw effeminate luxury and gross immorality as the offspring of most music, and wished to banish all instrumental per\u00ad formances from his ideal state. Aristotle would have had all youths trained in the Dorian mode.'111 Theophrastus had a good word to say even for the Phrygian mode; serious diseases, he tells us, can be made painless by playing a Phrygian air near the affected part....\nGreek musical notation used not ovals and stems on a staff of lines, but the letters of the alphabet, varied by inversion or transversion, augmented by dots and dashes to make sixty\u00ad four signs, and placed above the words of the song. A few scraps of such notation have come down to console us for the loss of the rest; they indicate melodies akin rather to Oriental than to European strains, and would be more bearable to the Hindus, the Chinese, or the Japanese than to our dull Occidental ears, uotrained to quarter tones.\nCHAP.IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    229\nwere engaged, and the chorus was carefully trained. All the singers sang the same note, as in the music of the Greek Church today; there was no \"part song\" except that in later centuries the accompaniment was played a :fifth above or below the voice, or ran counter to it; this is as near as the Greeks seem to have come to harmony and counterpoint.18\nThe dance in its highest development was woven into one art with choral singing, just as many forms and terms of modern music were once associated with the dance;\u2022 and dancing rivaled music in age and popularity among the Greeks. Lucian, unable to trace its earthly beginnings, sought the origins of the dance in the regular motions of the stars,80 Homer tells us not only of the dancing :floor made by Daedalus for Ariadne, but of an expert dancer among the Greek warriors at Troy, Meriones, who, dancing while he fought, could never be found by any lance.81 Plato described orchesis, or dancing, as \"the instinctive desire to explain words by gestures of the entire body\"-which is rather a description of certain modern languages; Aristotle better defined the dance as \"an imitation of actions, characters, and passions by means of postures and rhythmical movements.\"'1 Socrates himself danced, and praised the art as giving health to every part of the body;\u2022 he meant, of course, Greek dancing.\nFor the Greek dance was quite different from ours. Though in some of its forms it may have served as a sexual stimulant, it rarely brought men into physical contact with women. It was an artistic exercise rather than a walking embrace, and, like the Oriental dance, it used arms and hands as much as legs and feet.\"' Its forms were as varied as the types of poetry and song; ancient authorities listed two hundred.811 There were religious dances, as among the Dionysiac devotees; there were athletic dances, like Sparta's Gymnopedia, or Festival of Naked Youth; there were martial dances, like the Pyrrhic, taught to children as part of military drill; there was the stately hyporchema, a choral hymn or play performed by two choirs of which one alternately sang or danced while the other danced or sang; there were folk dances for every major event of life and every season or festival of the year. And as for everything else, there were dance contests, usually involving choral song.\nAll these arts-lyric poetry, song, instrumental music, and the dance\u00ad were closely allied in early Greece, and formed in many ways one att. As time went on, and already in the seventh century, specialization and professionalism set in. The rhapsodes abandoned song for recitation, and separated narrative verse from music  Archilochus sang his lyrics without\naccompaniment,8T and began that long degeneration which at last reduced\nThe word foot, as meaning part of a verse, owes its origin to the dance that accompanied the song;'III orchestra, to the Greek. meant a dancing platform, usually in front of the stage.\n2 30\tT H E  L I F E  O F  GR E EC E\t( CHAP. IX\npoetry to a fallen angel silent and confined. The choral dance broke up into singing without dancing, and dancing without singing; for, as Lucian put it, \"The violent exercise caused shortness of breath, and the song suf\u00ad fered for it.\".. In like manner there appeared musicians who played without singing, and won the applause of devotees by their precise and rapid execution of quarter tones... Some famous musicians, then as now,\n:ngrossed the receipts; Amoebeus, harpist and singer, received a talent ($6000) each time that he performed.00 The common player, doubtless, lived from hand to mouth, for the musician, like other artists, belongs to a profession that has had the honor of starving in every generation."]
[0.6858888268470764, 13.333220481872559, "elements of fear and superstition, in the worship of Apollo, and in his great festivals at Delphi and Delos, the dominant note was the rejoicing of a brilliant people in a god of health and wisdom, reason and song.\nHappy, too, was his sister Artemis (Diana), maiden goddess of the chase, so absorbed in the ways of animals and the pleasures of the woods that she had no time for the love of men. She was the goddess of wild nature, of meadows, forests, hills, and the sacred bough. As Apollo was the ideal of Greek youth, so Artemis was the model of Greek girlhood-strong, athletic, graceful, chaste; and yet again she was the patroness of women in childbirth, who prayed to her to ease their pains. At Ephesus she kept her Asiatic character as a goddess of motherhood and fertility. In this way the ideas of virgin and mother became confused in her worship; and the Chris\u00ad tian Church found it wise, in the fifth century of our era, to attach the rem\u00ad nants of this cult to Mary, and to transform the mid-August harvest festival of Artemis into the feast of the Assumption.\"' In such ways the old is pre\u00ad served in the new, and everything changes except the essence. History, like life, must be continuous or die; character and institutions may be altered, but slowly; a serious interruption of their development throws them into national amnesia and insanity.\nA thoroughly human figure in this pantheon was the mastel' craftsman of\nOlympus, that lame Hephaestus whom the Romans knew as Vulcan. At first he seems a pitiful and ridiculous figure, this insulted and injured Quasi\u00ad modo of the skies; but in the end our sympathies are with him rather than with the clever and unscrupulous gods who maltreat him. Perhaps in early days, before he became so human, he had been the leaping spirit of the fire and the forge. In the Homeric theogony he is the son of Zeus and Hera; but other myths assure us that Hera, jealous of Zeus's unaided delivery of Athena, gave birth to Hephaestus without the aid of any male. Seeing him to be ugly and weak, she cast him down from Olympus. He found his way back, and built for the gods the many mansions in which they dwelt. Though his mother had dealt so cruelly with him, he showed her all kind\u00ad ness and respect, and defended her so zealously in one of her quarrels with Zeus that the great Olympian seized him by the lt:g and hurled him down to the earth. A whole day Hephaestus fell; at last he landed on the island of Lemnos, and hurt his ankle; certainly thereafter (before that, says Homer) he was painfully lame. Again he found his way back to Olympus. In his resounding workshops he built a mighty anvil with twenty huge bellows, made the shield and armor of Achilles, statues that moved of their own accord, and other very wonderful things. The Greeks worshiped him as\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VIII\nthe god of all metal trades, then of all handicrafts, and pictured the vol\u00ad canoes as the chimneys of his subterranean forges. It was his misfortune that he married Aphrodite, for it is difficult for beauty to be virtuous. Learning of her affair with Ares, Hephaestus fashioned a trap that fell upon the lovers as they loved; and then the limping deity had his lame revenge by bringing his fellow gods to look in laughter upon the bound divinities of love and war. But to Hermes, Homer tells us, Apollo said:\n\"Hermes, son of Zeus ... wouldst thou in sooth be willing, even though ensnared with strong bonds, to lie on a couch by the side of golden Aphrodite?\" Then the messenger answered him: \"Would that this might befall, Lord Apollo, that thrice as many bonds inextricable might clasp me about, and that ye gods-aye, and all the goddesses, too-might be looking on, but that I might sleep by the side of golden Aphrodite.\"80\nAres (Mars) was never distinguished for intelligence or subtlety; his business was war, and even the charms of Aphrodite could not give him the thrill that came to him from lusty and natural killing. Homer calls him \"the curse of men,\" and tells with pleasure how Athena laid him low with a stone; \"he covered, as he lay, seven acres of the field.\"31 Hermes (Mercury) is more interesting. In origin he is a stone, and from the cult of sacred stones his worship is derived; the stages of his evolution are still visible. Then he is the tall stone placed upon graves, or he is the daimon, or spirit, in this stone. Then he is the boundary stone or its god, marking and guard\u00ad ing a field; and because his function there is also to promote fenility, the phallus becomes one of his symbols. Then he is the herm or pillar-with carved head, uncarved body, and prominent male member-which was placed before all respectable houses in Athens;'\"' we shall see how the mutila\u00ad tion of these hermae on the eve of the expedition against Syracuse provided the proximate cause for the ruin of Alcibiades and Athens. Again he is the god of wayfarers and the protector of heralds; their characteristic staff, or caduceus, is one of his favorite insignia. As god of travelers he becomes a god of luck, trade, cunning, and gain, therefore an inventor and guarantor of measures and scales, a patron saint of perjurers, embezzlers, and thieves... He is himself a herald, bearing the billets and decrees of Olympus from god to god or man, and he moves on winged sandals with the speed of an angry wind. His running-about gives him a lithe and graceful form, and prepares him for Praxiteles. As a swift and vigorous youth he is the patron saint of athletes, and his shamelessly virile image has a place in every palaestra.\"' As\nCHAP. vm)\tTHE  GODS  OF  GREECE\nherald he is the god of eloquence; as celestial interpreter he is the first of a long hermeneutical line. One of the \"Homeric\" Hymns tells how, in his youth, he stretched strings across a tortoise shell, and so invented the lyre. Finally it comes his turn to appease Aphrodite; and their offspring, we are told,86 is a delicate hermaphrodite, sharing their charms and named from their names.\nIt was characteristic of Greece that in addition to deities of chastity, vir\u00ad\nginity, and motherhood it should have a goddess of beauty and love. Doubt\u00ad less in her Near-Eastern origins, and in Cyprus her half-Oriental home, Aphrodite was first of all a mother goddess; to the end of her tenure she remained associated with reproduction and fertility in the whole realm of plant, animal, and human life. But as civilization developed, and increasing security obviated the need for a high birth rate, the esthetic sense was left free to see other values in woman than those of multiplication, and to make Aphrodite not only the embodiment of the ideal of beauty, but the deity of all heterosexual pleasure. The Greeks worshiped her in many forms: as Aphrodite Urania, the Heavenly, the goddess of chaste or sacred love; as Aphrodite Pandemos, the Popular, the goddess of profane love in all its modes; and even as Aphrodite Kallipygos, the Venus of the Lovely Nates.\u2022 At Athens and Corinth the courtesans built temples to her as their patron saint. At the beginning of April various cities in Greece celebrated her great festival, the Aphrodisia; and on that occasion, for those who cared to take part, sexual freedom was the order of the day.21 She was the love goddess of the sensual and passionate south, ancient rival of Artemis, the love goddess of the cold and hunting north. Mythology, almost as ironic as history, made her the wife of the crippled Hephaestus, but she consoled herself with Ares, Hermes, Poseidon, Dionysus, and many a mortal like Anchises and Adonis.\u2022 To her, in competition with Hera and Athena, Paris awarded the golden apple as the prize of beauty. But perhaps she was never really beautiful until Praxiteles reconceived her, and gave her the loveliness for which Greece could forgive all her sins.\nThe myth of Adonis is one more variation on the vegetation theme-the annual death and resurrection of the soil. This handsome youth was desired by both Aphrodite and Persephone, the goddesses of love and of death. Ares, jealous of Adonis' success with Aphrodite, disguised himself as a wild boar and killed him. The anemone was born of Adonis' blood, and rivers of poetry from Aphrodite's grief. Zeus persuaded the goddesses to divide Adonis' time and attentions by leaving him for half a year with Persephone in Hades, and restoring him for half a year to eanhly life and love. In Phoenicia, Cyprus, and Athens the death of the boy was commemorated in the festival of the Adonia; women carried images of the Lord (for such was the meaning of his name), loudly bewailed his death, and triwnphantly celebrated his resurrection.88\n186\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VDI\nTo the legitimate or illegitimate children of Zeus we must add, as major Olympians, his sister Hestia, goddess of the hearth, and his unruly brother Poseidon. This Greek Neptune, secure in his watery realms, considered himself fully the equal of Zeus. Even landlocked nations worshiped him, for he commanded not only the sea but the rivers and the springs; it was he who guided the mysterious subterranean streams, and made earthquakes with tidal waves.\"' To him Greek mariners prayed, and raised appeasing temples on perilous promontories.\nSubordinate deities were numerous even on Olympus, for there was no end to personifications. There was Hestia (the Roman Vesta), goddess of the hearth and its sacred fire. There was Iris, the rainbow, sometimes messenger for Zeus; Hebe, goddess of youth; Eileithyia, who helped women in childbirth; Dike or Justice; Tyche, Chance; and Eros, Love, whom Hesiod made the creator of the world, whom Sappho called \"a limb-dis\u00ad solving, bitter-sweet, impracticable wild beast.\"'\u00b0 There was Hymeneus, the Marriage Song; Hypnos, Sleep; Oneiros, Dream; Geras, Old Age; Lethe, Oblivion; Thanatos, Death, and others beyond naming. There were nine Muses to inspire artists and poets: Clio for history, Euterpe for lyric poetry accompanied by the flute, Thalia for comic drama and idyllic poetry, Melpomene for tragedy, Terpsichore for choral dance and song, Erato for love verse and mimicry; Polymnia for hymns, Urania for astronomy, Cal\u00ad liope for epic poetry. There were three Graces, and their twelve attendants, the Hours. There was Nemesis, who meted out good and evil to men, and visited with disaster all who were guilty of by bris-insolence in prosperity, There were the terrible Erinnyes, the Furies who left no wrong un\u00ad revenged; the Greeks with deprecating euphemism called them Well\u00ad Wishers, Eumenides. And finally: there were the Moirai, the Fates or Allotters who regulated inevitably the affairs of life, and ruled, some said, both gods and men. In that conception Greek religion found its limit, and flowed over into science and law.\nWe have left for the last the most troublesom , the most popular, the most difficult to classify, of all the Greek gods. Only late in his career was Dionysus received into Olympus. In Thrace, which gave him as a Greek gift to Greece, he was the god of liquor brewed from barley, and was known as Sabazius; in Greece he became a god of wine, the nourisher and guardian of the vine; he began as a goddess of fertility, became a god of intoxication, and ended as ason of god dying to save mankind. Many figures and legends were mingled to make his myth. The Greeks thought of him as\nCHAP.VDI)\tTHE  GODS OF GREECE.\nZagreus, \"the homed child\" borne to Zeus by his daughter Persephone. He was the best beloved of his father, and was seated beside him on the throne of heaven. When the jealous Hera incited the Titans to kill him, Zeus, to disguise him, changed him into a goat, then a bull; in this form, nevenheless, the Titans captured him, cut his body into pieces, and boiled them in a caldron. Athena, like another Trelawney, saved the hean, and carried it to Zeus; Zeus gave it to Semele, who, impregnated with it, gave to the god a second birth under the name of Dionysus.\u2022\nMourning for Dionysus' death, and joyful ce)ebration of his resurrection, formed the basiulLa_ritual extremely widespread among the Greeks. In springtime, when the vine was bursting into blossom, Greek women went up into the hills to meet the reborn god. For two days they drank without restraint, and like our less religious bacchanalians, considered him witless who would not lose his wits. They marched in wild procession, led by Maenads, or mad women, devoted to Dionysus; they listened tensely to the story they knew so well, of the suffering, death, and resurrection of their god; and as they drank and danced they fell into a frenzy in which all bonds were loosed. The height and center of their ceremony was to seize upon a goat, a bull, sometimes a man (seeing in them incarnations of the god); to tear the live victim to pieces in commemoration of Dionysus' dismember\u00ad ment; then to drink the blood and eat the flesh in a sacred communion whereby, as they thought, the god would enter them and possess their souls. In that divine enthusiasmt they were convinced that they and the god be\u00ad came one in a mys.tic and triumphant union; they took his name, called themselves, after one of his titles, Bacchoi, and knew that now they would never die. Or they termed their state an ecstasis, a going out of their souls to meet and be one with Dionysus; thus they felt freed from the burden of the flesh, they acquired divine insight, they were able to prophesy, they were gods. Such was the passionate cult that came down from Thrace into Greece like a medieval epidemic _of religion, dragging one region after another from the cold and clear Olympians of the state worship into a faith and ritual that satisfied the craving for excitement and release, the longing for enthusiasm and possession, mysticism and mystery. The priests of\nDiodorus Siculus, as early as 50 B.c., interpreted the tale as a vegetation myth. Zagreus, the vine, is a child of Demeter, the earth, fertilized by Zeus, the rain. The vine, like the god, is cut (pruned) to give it new life; and the juice of the grape is boiled to make wine. Each year, under nourishing rains, the vine is reborn.a Herodotus found so many resemblances between the myths of Dionysus and Osiris that he ideI)tified the two gods in one of the first essays in compal\"ative religion...\nt From entheos, \"a god within\"; \"enthusiasm\" originally meant possession by a god.\n188\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VIII\nDelphi and the rulers of Athens tried to keep the cult at a distance, but\n. failed; all they could do was to adopt Dionysus into Olympus, Hellenize and humanize him, give him an official festival, and turn the revelry of his worshipers from the mad ecstasy of wine among the hills into the stately processions, the robust songs, and the noble drama of the Great Dionysia. For a while they won Dionysus over to Apollo, but in the end Apollo yielded to Dionysus' heir and conqueror, Christ."]
[4.002514362335205, 5.762738227844238, "CHAP. XII)\tWORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\t285\nwith the fairest professions, on the one side with the cry of the political equality of the people, on the other of a moderate aris\u00ad tocracy, sought prizes for themselves in those public interests which they pretended to cherish; and, recoiling from no means in their struggle for ascendancy, engaged in the direst excesses   Reli\u00ad\ngion was in honor with neither party, but the use of fair phrases to arrive at guilty ends was in high reputation   The ancient sim\u00ad\nplicity into which honor so largely entered was laughed down, and disappeared; and society became divided into camps in which no man trusted his fellow. . . . Meanwhile the moderate part of the citizens perished between the two, either for not joining in the quarrel, or because envy would not suffer them to escape  The\nwhole Hellenic world was convulsed.\"'\nAthens survives this turbulence because every Athenian is at heart an individualist, and loves private property; and because the Athenian govern\u00ad ment finds a practicable medium between socialism and individualism in a moderate regulation of business and wealth. The state is not afraid to regu\u00ad late: it sets a limit upon the size of dowries, the cost of funerals, and the dress of women;\"\" it taxes and supervises trade, enforces fair weights and me sures and honest quality so far as the ingenuity of human rascality per\u00ad mits;\"\" it limits the export of food, and enacts sharp laws to govern and chasten the practices of merchants and tradesmen. It watches the grain trade carefully, and legislates severely against corners-even to the death penalty-by forbidding the purchase of more than seventy-five bushels of wheat at a time; it interdicts loans on outgoing cargoes unless the return shipment is to bring grain to the Piraeus; it requires that all com loaded by vessels owned in Athens shall be brought to the Piraeus; and it prohibits the export of more than a third of any corn cargo that reaches that port.07 By keeping a reserve of grain in state-owned storehouses, and pouring this upon the market when prices rise too rapidly, Athens sees to it that the price of bread shall never be exorbitant, that millionaires shall not be cre\u00ad ated out of the hunger of the people, and that no Athenian shall starve The\nstate regulates wealth through taxation and liturgies, and persuades or com\u00ad pels rich men to supply funds for the fleet, the drama, and the theoric pay\u00ad ments that enable the poor to attend the plays and the games. For the rest Athens protects freedom of trade, private property, and the opportunity to profit, deeming them the necessary implements of human liberty, and the most powerful stimuli to industry, commerce, and prosperity.\nUnder this system of economic individualism tempered with socialistic\n286\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XII\nregulation, wealth accumulates in Athens, and spreads sufficiently to pre\u00ad vent a radical revolution; to the end of ancient Athens private property remains secure. The number of citizens with a comfortable income doubles between 480 and 431;6\" the public revenue grows, public expenditures rise, and yet the treasury is full beyond any precedent in Greek history. The economic basis of Athenian freedom, enterprise, art, and thought is firmly laid, and will bear without strain every extravagance of the Golden Age except the war by which all Greece will be ruined.\nCHAPTER XIII\nTheMorals and Manners of the Athenians\nCHILDHOOD\nVERY Athenian citizen is expected to have children, and all the forces of religion, property, and the state unite to discountenance childlessness. Where no offspring comes, adoption is the rule, and high prices are paid for prepossessing orphans. At the same time law and public opinion accept infanti\u00ad cide as a legitimate safeguard against excess population and a pauperizing frag\u00ad mentation of the land; any father may expose a newborn child to death either as doubtfully his, or as weak or deformed. The children of slaves are seldom allowed to live. Girls are more subject to exposure than boys, for every daughter has to be provided with a dowry, and at marriage she passes from the home and service of those who have reared her into the service of those who have not. Exposure is effected by leaving the infant in a large earthenware vessel within the precincts of a temple or in some other place where it can soon be rescued if any wish to adopt it. The parental right to expose permits a rough eugenics, and co-operates with a rigorous natural selection by hardship and competition to make the Greeks a strong and healthy people. The philoso\u00ad phers almost unanimously approve of family limitation: Plato will call for the exposure of all feeble children, and of those born of base or elderly parents;1 and Aristotle will defend abortion as preferable to infanticide.\u2022 The Hippo\u00ad cratic code of medical ethics will not allow the physician to effect abortion, but the Greek midwife is an experienced hand in this field, and no law impedes\nher.\u2022\u2022\nOn or before the tenth day after birth the child is formally accepted into the family with a religious ritual around the hearth, and receives presents and a name. Usually a Greek has but one name, like Socrates or Archimedes; but since it is customary to call the eldest son after the paternal grandfather, repe\u00ad tition is frequent, and Greek history is confounded with a multiplicity of Xeno\u00ad phons, Aeschineses, Thucydideses, Diogeneses, and Zenos. To avoid ambiguity the father's name or the place of birth may be added, as with Kimon Miltiadou\nWe have no evidence of contraceptive devices among the Greeks.'\n;287\n288\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\n-Cimon son of Miltiades-or Diodorus Siculus-Diodorus of Sicily; or the prob\u00ad lem may be solved by some jolly nickname, like Callimedon-The Crab.\"\nOnce the child is so accepted into the family it cannot lawfully be exposed, and is reared with all the affection that parents lavish upon their children in every age. Themistocles describes his son as the real ruler of Athens; for he, Themistocles, the most influential man in the city, is ruled by his wife, who is ruled by their child.\" Many an epigram in The Greek Anthology reveals a ten\u00ad der parental love:\nI wept at the death of my Theonoe, but the hopes centered in our child lightened my sorrows. And now envious Fate has be\u00ad reaved me of the boy as well. Alas! I am cheated of thee, my child, all that was left to me. Persephone, hear this cry of a father's grief, and lay the child upon his dead mother's breast.'\nThe tragedies of adolescence are eased with many games, some of which will survive the memory of Greece. On a white perfume vase made for a child's grave a little boy is seen taking his toy cart with him down to Hades.\" Babies have terra-cotta rattles containing pebbles; girls keep house with their dolls, boys fight great campaigns with clay soldiers and generals, nurses push children on swings or balance them on seesaws, boys and girls roll hoops, fly kites, spin tops, play hide-and-seek or blindman's buff or tug of war, and wage a hundred merry contests with pebbles, nuts, coins, and balls. The marbles of the Golden Age are dried beans shot from the fingers, or smooth stones shot or tossed into a circle to dislodge enemy stones and come to rest as near as possible to the center. As children approach the \"age of reason\"-seven or eight-they take up the game of dice by throwing square knucklebones (astragali), the highest throw, six, being counted the best.\u2022 The games of the young are as old as the sins of their fathers.\nEDUCATION\nAthens provides public gymnasiums and palaestras, and exercises some loose supervision over teachers; but the city has no public schools or state universi\u00ad ties, and education remains in private hands. Plato advocates state schools,20 but Athens seems to believe that even in education competition will produce the best results. Professional schoolmasters set up their own schools, to which freeborn boys are sent at the age of six. The name paidagogos is given not to the teacher but to the slave who conducts the boy daily to and from school; we hear of no boarding schools. Attendance at school continues till fourteen or sixteen, or till a later age among the well to do.11 The schools have no desks but only benches; the pupil holds on his knee the roll from which he reads or"]
[-7.751737117767334, 10.8245210647583, "Oedi'[J'Us Tyrannus is the most famous of Greek dramas. Its opening scene is impressive: a motley throng of men, women, boys, girls, and in\u00ad fants sit before the royal palace in Thebes, carrying boughs of l,nirel and olive as symbols of supplication. A plague has fallen upon the city, and the people have gathered to beg King Oedipus to offer some appeasing sacrifice to the gods. An oracle announces that the plague will leave Thebes with the unknown assassin of Laius, the former king. Oedipus lays a bitter curse upon the murderer, whoever he may be, whose crime has brought such misery to Thebes. This is a perfect instance of that method\nwhich Horace advised, of plunging m medias res, and letting explanations\nenter afterward. But the audience, of course, knew the story, for the tale\nof Laius, Oedipus, and the Sphinx was part of the folklore of the Greeks. Tradition said that a curse had been laid upon Laius and his children be\u00ad cause he had introduced an unnatural vice into Hellas;\"' the consequences of this sin, ruining generation after generation, formed a typical theme for Greek tragedy. Laius and his queen Jocasta, said an oracle, woula have a son who would slay his father and marry his mother. For once in the world's history two parents wanted a girl for their first child. But a son came; and to avoid fulfillment of the oracle he was exposed on the hills. A shepherd found him, called him Oedipus from his swollen feet, and gave him to the king and queen of Corinth, who reared him as their son. Grown to manhood, Oedipus learned, again from the oracle, that he was destined to kill his father and marry his mother. Believing the king and queen of Corinth to be his parents, he fled from that city and took the road to Thebes. On the way he met an old man, quarreled with him, and slew him, not knowing that the old man was his father. Nearing Thebes he encountered the Sphinx, a creature with the face of a woman, the tail of a lion, and the wings of a bird. To Oedipus the Sphinx pre-; sented its renowned riddle: \"What is that which is four-footed, three\u00ad footed, and two-footed?\" All who failed to answer correctly were de\u00ad stroyed by the Sphinx; and the terrified Thebans, longing to clear the highway of this monster, had vowed to have as their next ki g whoever should solve the riddle, for the Sphinx had agreed to commit suicide if any\u00ad one answered it. Oedipus replied: \"Man; for as a child he crawls on four feet, as an adult he walks on two, and as an old man he adds a cane.\" It was\n394\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVII\na lame answer, but the Sphinx accepted it, and loyally plunged to its death. The Thebans hailed Oedipus as their savior, and when Laius failed to return they made the newcomer king. Obeying the custom of the land, Oedipus married the queen, and had by her four children: Antigone, Polynices, Eteocles, and Ismene. In the second scene in Sophocles' play-the most powerful scene in Greek drama-an old high priest, commanded by Oedi\u00ad pus to reveal, if he can, the identity of Laius' murderer, names Oedipus himself. Nothing could be more tragic than the King's reluctant and ter\u00ad rified realization that he is the slayer of his father and the mate of his mother. Jocasta refuses to believe it, and explains it away as a Freudian dream: \"It has been the lot of many men in dreams,\" she reassures Oedi\u00ad pus, \"to think themselves partners of their mother's bed; but he passes through life most easily to whom these things become trifles.\".. When the identification is complete she hangs herself; and Oedipus, mad with remorse, gouges out his own eyes, and leaves Thebes as an exile, with only Antigone to help him.\nIp Oedipus at Colonus, the second play of an unintentional trilogy,* the former king is a white-haired outcast leaning upon his daughter's arm and begging his bread from town to town. He comes in his wandering to shady Colonus, and Sophocles takes the opportunity to sing to his native village, and its faithful olive groves, an untranslatable song which ranks high in Greek poetry:\nStranger, where thy feet now rest In this land of horse and rider, Here is earth all earth excelling, White Colonus here doth shine. Oftenest here, and homing best\nWhere the close green coverts hide her, Warbling her sweet mournful tale, Sings the melodious nightingale ...\nFresh with heavenly dews, and crowned With earliest white in shining cluster, Each new mom the young narcissus Blooms....\nAnd a marvelous herb of the soil grows here, Whose match I never had heard it sung\nIn the Dorian Isle of Pelops near Or in Asia far hath sprung.\nOedipus the King, Oedipus at Coloma, and Antigone were produced separately.\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE  GOLDEN  AGE\t395\n'Tis a plant that flourishes unsubdued, Self-engendering, self-renewed,\nTo her armed foes' dismay:\nThat never so fair but in this land bloomed,\u00ad With the grey-blue silvery leaf soft-plumed,\nHer nurturing Olive-Spray.\nNo force, no ravaging hand shall raze it, In youth so rash or in age so wise,\nFor the orb of Zeus in heaven surveys it, And blue-grey light of Athena's eyes.\u2022\nAn oracle has foretold that Oedipus will die in the precincts of the Eu\u00ad menides; and when he learns that he is now in their sacred grove at Colonus the old man, having found no loveliness in life, thinks that here it would be sweet to die. To Theseus, King of Athens, he speaks lines that sum up with clairvoyant insight the forces that were weakening Greece-the decay of the soil, of faith, of morals, and of men:\nOnly to gods in heaven Comes no old age, nor death of anything; All else is turmoiled by our master Time.\nThe earth's strength fades, and manhood's glory fades, Faith dies, and unfaith blossoms like a flower.\nAnd who shall find in the open streets of men, Or secret places of his own heart's love,\nOne wind blow true forever?.."]
[4.273387432098389, 9.638211250305176, "During the wars of old we bore with you.   But we observed\nyou carefully; and oftentimes, when we were at home, we used to hear that you had decided some matter badly. When we inquired about it, the men would answer, \"What's that to you? Be silent.\" And we asked, \"How is it, husband, that you men manage these affairs so foolishly?\"\nThe leader of the men answers that women must keep out of public matten' because they cannot manage the treasury. (As they debate, some of thl women steal away to their husbands, muttering Aristophanic excuses.)\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nLysistrata replies, \"Why not? The wives have long had the management of their husbands' purses, to the great advantage of both.\" She argues so well that the men are finally persuaded to call a conference of the warring states. When the delegates are gathered, Lysistrata arranges that they shall have all the wine they can drink. Soon they are in a happy mood, and the long-delayed treaty is signed. The chorus ends the play with a paean to peace.\nAristophanes and the Radicals\nBehind the disintegration of Athenian public life, in the view of Aris\u00ad tophanes, lay two basic evils: democracy and irreligion. 'He agreed with Socrates that the sovereignty of the people had become a sovereignty of politicians; but he was convinced that the skepticism of Socrates, Anaxag\u00ad oras, and the Sophists had helped to loosen those moral bonds which had once made for social order and personal integrity. In The Clouds he made uproarious fun of the new philosophy. An old-fashioned gentleman by the name of Strepsiades, who is looking for an argument that may jus\u00ad tify him in repudiating his debts, is delighted to hear that Socrates operates a Thinking Shop where one may learn to prove anything, even if it is false. He finds his way to the \"School of Very Hard Thinkers.\" In the middle of the classroom he sees Socrates suspended from the ceiling in a basket, engrossed in thought, while some of the students are bent down with noses to the ground.\nStrep. What are those people doing, stooping so oddly?\nStudent. They are probing the secrets that lie deep as Tartarus.\nStrep. But why-excuse me, but-their hind quarters-why are they stuck up so strangely in the air?\nStud. Their oth_er ends are studying astronomy.\n(Strepsiades asks Socrates for lessons.)\nSocr. By what gods do you swear? For the gods are not a cur\u00ad rent coin with us. (Points to the chorus of clouds.) These are the real gods.\nStrep. But come, is there no Zeus?\nSocr. There is no Zeus.\nStrep. But who makes it rain, then?\nSocr. These clouds. For have you ever seen rain without clouds? But if it were Zeus he ought to rain in fine weather as well as when clouds appear....\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t425\nStrep. But tell me, who is it that thunders? This makes me trem- ble.\nSocr. These clouds, as they roll, thunder.\nStrep. How?\nSocr. When they are full of water, and are driven along, they fall heavily upon each other, and burst with a clap.\nStrep. But who drives them? Is it not Zeus?\nSocr. Not at all; the ethereal Vortex drives them on.\nStrep. So the greatest of gods is Vortex. But what makes the clap of thunder?"]
[-7.6590166091918945, -11.306503295898438, "Of his eighteen years as emperor Septimius gave twelve to war. He de\u00ad stroyed his rivals in swift and savage campaigns; he razed Byzantium after a fo.ur years' siege, thereby lowering a barrier to the spreading Goths; he invaded Parthia, took Ctesiphon, annexed Mesopotamia, and hastened the fall of the Arsacid kings. In his old age, suffering from gout but fretful lest his army deteriorate through five years of peace, he led an expedition into Caledonia. After expensive victories against the Scots he withdrew into Britain, and retired to York to die (zu). \"I have been everything,\" he said, \"and it is worth nothing.\" 4 Caracalla, says Herodian, \"was much vexed that his father's decease was so lingering . . . and solicited the physicians to dispatch the old man by any means that might come to hand.\" 5 Septimius had blamed Aurelius for yielding the Empire to Commodus; now he be\u00ad queathed it to Caracalla and Geta, with cynical advice: \"Make your soldiers rich, and do not bother about anything else.\" 6 He was the last emperor, for eighty years, who died in bed.\nCaracalla,* like Commodus, seemed made to prove that a man's quota of energy seldom allows him to be great in both his life and his seed. Attrac\u00ad tive and obedient in boyhood, he became in manhood a barbarian infatuated with hunting and war. He captured wild boars, fought a lion singlehanded, kept lions always near him in his palace, and had one as occasional table companion and bedfellow.7 He particularly enjoyed the company of gladi\u00ad ators and soldiers, and would keep senators cooling their heels in his ante\u00ad chambers while he prepared food and drink for his companions. Unwilling to share the imperial power with his brother, he had Geta assassinated in\n21 z; the youth was slaughtered in his mother's arms, and covered her gar\u00ad ments with his blood. We are told that Caracalla condemned to execution 20,000 of Geta's following, many citizens, and four Vestal Virgins whom he accused of adultery.8 \\Vhen the army murmured at the killing of Geta, he silenced it with a donative equal to all the sums that Septimius had gathered into all the treasuries. He favored the soldiers and the poor against the busi\u00ad ness classes and the aristocracy; possibly the stories we read about him in Dio Cassius are a senator's revenge. Anxious to raise more revenue, he doubled the inheritance tax to ten per cent; and noting that the tax applied only to Roman citizens, he extended the Roman franchise to all free male\nHe called himself so from the long Gallic tunic that he \u00b7wore; his real name was Bassianius; as emperor he styled himself Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Caracalla.\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE  OF THE  EMPIRE\nadults in the Empire (2 12); they achieved citizenship precisely when it brought a maximum of obligations and a minimum of power. He added to the adornment of Rome an arch to Septimius Severus, which still stands, and public baths whose gigantic ruins attest their ancient grandeur. But for the most part he left the civil government to his mother, and absorbed him\u00ad self in campaigns.\nHe had made Julia Domna secretary both a libellis and ab epistulis-of\npetitions and correspondence. She joined or replaced him in greeting high members of the state or foreign dignitaries. Gossip whispered that she con\u00ad trolled him by incestuous means; the wits of Alexandria maddened him by referring to her and him as Jocasta and Oedipus. Partly in revenge against these insults, partly because he feared that Egypt might revolt while he was fighting Parthia, he visited the city and superintended (we are assured) the massacre of all Alexandrians capable of bearing arms.9\nNevertheless, the founder of Alexandria was his model and envy. He organized I 6,000 troops into what he called \"Alexander's phalanx,\" equipped them with ancient Macedonian arms, and dreamed of subduing Parthia as Alexander had conquered Persia. He tried hard to be a good soldier, sharing the food and toil and marches of his army, helping it to dig ditches and build bridges, bearing himself bravely in action, and often challenging the enemy to single combat. But his men were not as eager for the Parthian campaign as he was; they loved spoils more ardently than battle; and at Carrhae, where Crassus had been defeated, they stabbed him to death ( 2 17). Macrinus, prefect of the Guard, acclaimed himself emperor, and ordered the reluctant Senate to make Caracalla a god. Julia Domna, banished to Antioch, and bereft, within six years, of empire, husband, and sons, refused food until she died.10\nShe had a sister, Julia Maesa, as capable as herself. Returning to Emesa, this second Julia found there two promising grandsons. One, by her daughter Julia Soaemias, was a young priest of Baal; his name was Varius Avitus, and would be Elagabalus-\"the creative god.\"* The other, by Maesa's daughter Julia Mamaea, was a boy of ten called Alexianus, and would be Alexander Severus. Though Varius was the son of Varius Marcellus, .Maesa spread the rumor that he was the natural son of Caracalla, and gave him the name Bassianus; the Empire was worth her daughter's reputation, and Marcellus was dead. The Roman soldiers in Syria were already half won to Syrian cults, and felt a pious respect for the fourteen-year-old priest; moreover, Maesa suggested that if they would make Elagabalus emperor she would distribute a substantial donative among them. The soldiers were convinced,\nWrongly transformed by Latin writers into Heliogabalus-\"the sun-god.\"\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nand complied. Maesa's gold brought over to her cause the army that Macrinus sent against them. v\\1hen Macrinus himself appeared with a substantial force, the Syrian mercenaries wavered; but Maesa and Soaemias sprang from their chariots, and led the softened army to victory. The men of Syria were women, and the women were men.\nIn the spring of 219 Elagabalus entered Rome dressed in robes of purple silk embroidered with gold, his cheeks stained with vermilion, his eyes arti\u00ad ficially brightened, costly bracelets on his arms, a string of pearls around his neck, a jeweled crown on his pretty head. Beside him his grandmother and his mother rode in state. On his first appearance in the Senate he de\u00ad manded that his mother should be allowed to sit beside him and attend the deliberations. Soaemias had the sense to withdraw, and contented herself with presiding over that Senaculum, or little Senate, of women, which Hadrian's Sabina had founded, and which dealt with questions of feminine dress, jewelry, precedence, and etiquette. Grandmother Maesa was left to govern the state.\nThe young emperor had some elements of charm. He made no reprisals against the supporters of Macrinus. He loved music, sang well, played the pipes, the organ, and the horn. Being too young to rule the Empire, he only asked permission to enjoy it. Pleasure, not Baal, was his god, and he was resolved to worship it in all its genders and forms. He invited every class of the free population to visit his palace; at times he would eat and drink and make merry with them; often he would distribute among them lottery prizes ranging from a furnished home to a handful of flies. He loved to play jokes upon his guests: to seat them on inflated cushions that would suddenly burst; to stupefy them with wine and let them wake up amid harmless\n_leopards, bears, and lions. Lampridius assures us that Elagabalus never spent less than 100,000 sesterces ($10,000)-and sometimes 3 ,000,000-on a ban\u00ad quet to his friends. He would mix gold pieces with peas, onyx with lentils, pearls with rice, amber with beans; he would present horses, or chariots, or eunuchs, as favors; often he bade each guest take home the silver plate and goblets in which the dinner had been served. As for himself, he would have nothing but the best. The water in his swimming pools was perfumed with essence of roses; the fixtures in his bathrooms were of onyx or gold; his food had to be of costly rarities; his dress was studded with jewelry from crown to shoes; and gossip said that he never wore the same rings twice. v\\i'hen he traveled, 600 chariots were needed to carry his baggage and his bawds. Told by a soothsayer that he would die a violent death, he prepared worthy means of suicide if occasion required: cords of purple silk, swords of gold, poisons enclosed in sapphires or emeralds.11 He was slain in a latrine. Probably his enemies of the Senatorial class invented or exaggerated some\n.f\t..i\u00b7\u00b7:\t;\n-\tI  ,\t;\nl\ti  i\nt-.-r : ,, -\u00b7_\n\\: ...  \\\t, ,Lf;,_\t:.. . -(\n;  ,_I  !11r!\n.z\nJ. H-\\ ..JJf\t:.:_\u00b7.\u00b7,'\n_i.,.,,...,\t,,:"]
[0.6945115923881531, -9.199380874633789, "CAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nwell to do concealed their riches, local aristocrats had themselves reclassified as humiliores to escape election to municipal office, artisans deserted their trades, peasant proprietors left their overtaxed holdings to become hired men, many villages and some towns (e.g., Tiberias in Palestine) were aban\u00ad doned because of high assessments; 58 at last, in the fourth century, thousands of citizens fled over the border to seek refuge among the barbarians.59\nIt was probably to check this costly mobility, to ensure a proper flow of food to armies and cities, and of taxes to the state, that Diocletian resorted\nto measures that in effect established serf <lorn in fields, factories, and guilds. Having made the landowner responsible, through tax quotas in kind, for the productivity of his tenants, the government ruled that a tenant must remain on his land till his arrears of debt or tithes should be paid. We do not know the date of this historic decree; but in 332 a law of Constantine assumed and confirmed it, and made the tenant adscriptitius, \"bound in writing\" to the soil he tilled; he could not leave it without the consent of the owner; and when it was sold, he and his household were sold with it.60 He made no protest that has come down to us; perhaps the law was presented to him as a guarantee of security, as in Germany today. In this and other ways agriculture passed in the third century from slavery through freedom to serf <lorn, and entered the Middle Ages.\nSimilar means of compelling stability were used in industry. Labor was \"frozen\" to its job, forbidden to pass from one shop to another without governmental consent. Each collegium or guild was bound to its trade and its assigned task, and no man might leave the guild in which he had been enrolled.61 Membership in one guild or another was made compulsory on all persons engaged in commerce and industry; and the son was required to follow the trade of his father.62 \\\\'hen any man wished to leave his place or occupation for another, the state reminded him that Italy was in a state of siege by the barbarians, and that every man must stay at his post.\nIn the year 305, in impressive ceremonies at Nicomedia and Milan, Dio\u00ad cletian and Maximian abdicated their power, and Galerius and Constantius Chlorus became Augusti, emperors respectively of the East and the West. Diocletian, still but fifty-five years of age, lost himself in his immense palace at Spalato, spent there the remaining eight years of his life, and saw without interference the breakdown of his tetrarchy in civil war. When Maximian urged him to return to power and end the strife, he replied that if Maximian could see the excellent cabbages he was growing in his garden he would not ask him to sacrifice such content for the pursuit and cares of power.63\nHe deserved his ca bages and his rest. He had ended a half century of anarchy, had re-es abhshed government and law, had restored stability to industry and security to trade, had tamed Persia and stilled the barbarians,\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE\nand, despite a few murders, had been, all in all, a sincere legislator and a just judge. It is true that he had established an expensive bureaucracy, had ended local autonomy, had punished opposition harshly, had persecuted the church that might have been a helpful ally in his healing work, and had turned the population of the Empire into a caste society with an unlettered peasantry at one end and an absolute monarch at the other. But the conditions that Rome faced would not permit liberal policies; Marcus Aurelius and Alexan\u00ad der Severus had tried these and failed. Confronted by enemies on every side, the Roman state did what all nations must do in crucial wars; it accepted the dictatorship of a strong leader, taxed itself beyond tolerance, and put individual liberty aside until collective liberty was secured. Diocletian had, with more cost but under harder circumstances, repeated the achievement of Augustus. His contemporaries and his posterity, mindful of what they had escaped, called him the \"Father of the Golden Age.\" Constantine entered the house that Diocletian built.\nCHAPTER  XXX\nTheTriumph  of Christianity\nA.D.  3 06-3 2 5\nTHE\tWAR  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE\nN pre-Christian days the Roman government had for the most part allowed to the rivals of orthodox paganism a tolerance which they in turn had shown to the official and imperial cults; nothing was demanded from the adherents of new faiths except an occasional gesture of adoration to the gods and head of the state. The emperors were piqued to find that of all the heretics under their rule only the Christians and the Jews refused to join in honoring their genius. The burning of incense before a statue of the emperor had become a sign and affirmation of loyalty to the Empire, like the oath of allegiance required for citizenship today. On its side the Church resented the Roman idea that religion was subordinate to the state; it saw in emperor-worship an act of polytheism and idolatry, and instructed its followers to refuse it at any cost. The Roman government concluded that Christianity was a radical-perhaps a communist-movement, subtly\ndesigned to overthrow the established order.\nBefore Nero the two forces had found it possible to live together without blows. The law had exempted the Jews from emperor-worship, and the Christians, at first confused with the Jews, were granted the same privilege. But the execution of Peter and Paul, and the burning of Christians to light up Nero's games, turned this mutual and contemptuous tolerance into un\u00ad ceasing hrstility and intermittent war. vVe cannot wonder that after such provocation the Christians turned their full armory against Rome-de\u00ad nounced its immorality and idolatry, ridiculed its gods, rejoiced in its calami\u00ad ties,1 and predicted its early fall. In the ardor of a faith made intolerant by intolerance, Christians declared that all who had had a chance to accept Christ and had refused would be condemned to eternal torments; many of them foretold the same fate for all the pre-Christian or non-Christian world; some excepted Socrates. In reply, pagans called the Christians \"dregs\n646\nCHAP. xxx)   THE   TRIUMPH  OF CHRISTIANITY\nof the people\" and \"insolent barbarians,\" accused them of \"hatred of the human race,\" and ascribed the misfortunes of the Empire to the anger of pagan deities whose Christian revilers had been allowed to live.2 A thousand slanderous legends arose on either side. Christians were charged with de\u00ad monic magic, secret immorality, drinking human blood at the Paschal feast,3 and worshiping an ass.\nBut the conflict was profounder than mere pugnacity. Pagan civilization was founded upon the state, Christian civilization upon religion. To a Roman his religion was part of the structure and ceremony of government, and his morality culminated in patriotism; to a Christian his religion was something apart from and superior to political society; his highest allegiance belonged not to Caesar but to Christ. T ertullian laid down the revolutionary principle that no man need obey a law that he deemed unjust.4 The Christian revered his bishop, even his priest, far above the Roman magistrate; he submitted his legal troubles with fellow Christians to his church authorities rather than to the officials of the state.5 The detachment of the Christian from earthly affairs seemed to the pagan a flight from civic duty, a weakening of the national fiber and will. Terrullian advised Christians to refuse military serv\u00ad ice; and that a substantial number of them followed his counsel is indicated by Celsus' appeal to end this refusal, and Origen's reply that though Chris\u00ad tians will not fight for the Empire they will pray for it.6 Christians were exhorted by their leaders to avoid non-Christians, to shun their festival games as barbarous, and their theaters as stews of obscenity.7 Marriage with a non\u00ad Christian was forbidden. Christian slaves were accused of introducing dis\u00ad cord into the family by converting their masters' children or wives; Chris\u00ad tianity was charged with breaking up the home.8\nThe opposition to the new religion came rather from the people than from the state. The magistrates were often men of culture and tolerance; but the mass of the pagan population resented the aloofness, superiority, and certainty of the Christians, and called upon the authorities to punish these \"atheists\" for insulting the gods. T errullian notes \"the general hatred felt for us.\" 9 From the time of Nero Roman law seems to have branded the profession of Christianity as a capital offense; 10 but under most of the emperors this ordinance was enforced with deliberate negligence.11 If ac\u00ad cused, a Christian could usually free himself by offering incense to a statue of the emperor; thereafter he was apparently allowed to resume the quiet prac\u00ad tice of his faith.12 Christians who refused this obeisance might be imprisoned, or flogged, or exiled, or condemned to the mines, or, rarely, put to death. Domitian seems to have banished some Christians from Rome; but \"being in some degree human,\" says T ertullian, \"he soon stopped what he had\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXX\nbegun, and restored the exiles.\" 13 Pliny enforced the law with the officious\u00ad ness of an amateur ( 111 ), if we may judge from his letter to Trajan:\nThe method I have observed toward those who have been de\u00ad nounced to me as Christians is this: I interrogated them whether they were Christians; if they confessed it I repeated the question twice again, adding the threat of capital punishment; if they still persevered, I ordered them to be executed. . .. The temples, which had been almost deserted, begin now to be frequented . . . and there is a gen\u00ad eral demand for sacrificial animals, which for some time past have met with but few purchasers.\nTo which Trajan replied:"]
[9.060394287109375, -5.940982341766357, "CAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIII\nthe emperor, and a host of private lecturers and tutors. Instruction was given in literature, philology, rhetoric, philosophy, mathematics, astronomy, medi\u00ad cine, and law-usually in gymnasia or theaters, sometimes in temples or homes. Except in oratory or law the curriculum had no thought of equipping the student to earn a living; it sought rather to sharpen his mind, deepen his understanding, and provide him with a moral code. It produced many bril\u00ad liant intellects, but also it generated thousands of cobweb-spinners who would turn both philosophy and religion into a maze of controversial theories.\nAs Athens depended for a considerable part of its income on the students, it put up patiently with their hilarious ways. \"Freshmen\" were hazed with practical jokes that sometimes injured citizens; the students of rival profes\u00ad sors became ardent partisans and attacked one another in occasional riots like the \"cane rushes\" of our youth. Some students felt that they could learn more from the courtesans and gamblers of the town than from all teachers of philosophy; and we gather from Alciphron that the ladies in question looked upon the professors as dull and incompetent competitors.17 But there was often a pleasant bond of friendship between learners and teachers; many of these invited students to dinner, guided their reading, visited them in illness, and kept their parents misinformed about their progress. Most of the lec\u00ad turers lived on fees paid by each disciple; a small number of professors drew a salary from the state; and the heads of the four schools of philosophy re\u00ad ceived rn,ooo drachmas ($6000) a year from the imperial Treasury.\nUnder these stimuli the period of the \"Second Sophistic\" developed-a revival of the orator-philosopher passing from city to city as honorariums might beckon, delivering addresses, teaching pupils, pleading cases in the courts, living in rich homes as spiritual counselors, and sometimes acting as honored emissaries of their city-states. The movement flourished throughout the Empire, but especially in the Greek world, in the first three centuries of our era; philosophers were then, says Dio, as numerous as cobblers.18 The new sophists, like the old, had no common doctrine, phrased their teaching eloquently, drew large audiences, and attained in many cases high social\nstatus, imperial fav r, ?r gre t _wealth. They differed from the earlier Soph\u00ad\nists in seldom quesnomng religion or morality; they were more interested in form and style, in oratorical technique and skill, than in the great questions that had shaken the beliefs and morals of the world; indeed, the new sophists were warm defenders of the ancient faith. Philostratus has preserved for us the lives of the leading sophists of this age; let one example suffice. Adrian of Tyre studied rhetoric at Athens and rose to the state chair of rhetoric there; he opened his inaugura! d?,ress with the proud wo ds, \"Once again letters have come from Phoemc1a. He rode to his lectures m a carriage. with silver\nCHAP. XXm)\tROMAN  GREECE\t489\nl\nharness, in rich attire, and gleaming with gems. 1:Vhen Marcus Aurelius visited Athens he tested Adrian by asking him to improvise an oration on a difficult theme; Adrian carried the matter off so well that Marcus loaded him with honors, silver and gold, houses and slaves. Promoted to the chair of rhetoric at Rome, Adrian's lectures, though in Greek, proved so alluring that senators adjourned their sessions, and the populace deserted the panto\u00ad mimes, to go and hear him.19 Such a career almost announces the death of philosophy; it had been swallowed up in an ocean of rhetoric, and had ceased to think when it learned to speak.\nAt the other extreme were the Cynics. We have described them else\u00ad where-their tattered cloak, their unkempt hair and beard, their wallet and staff, their reduction of life to simplicities, sometimes obscenities. They lived like mendicant friars, had a hierarchical organization with novices and su\u00ad periors,20 avoided marriage and work, scorned the conventions and arti\u00ad ficialities of civilization, denounced all governments as thieves and super\u00ad fluities, laughed at all oracles, \"mysteries,\" and gods. Everyone satirized them, Lucian most savagely; yet even Lucian admired Demonax, a cultured Cynic who had abandoned his wealth to live in philosophical poverty. He gave his century of life (A.D. 50-150) tohelping others, reconciling hostile individuals and cities; and Athens, which ridiculed everything, respected him. Indicted before an Athenian court for refusing to offer sacrifice to the gods, he won acquittal by saying simply that the gods had no need of offer\u00ad ings, and that religion consisted in kindness to all. When the Athenian as\u00ad sembly was engaged in a quarrel of factions, his mere appearance sufficed to quiet the dispute; whereupon he left without having uttered a word. It was his custom, in old age, to enter any house uninvited and eat and sleep there; and every home in Athens sought the honor.21 Lucian speaks with less sympathy of Peregrinus, who tried Christianity, abandoned it for the Cynic regimen, denounced Rome, called all Greece to revolt, and astonished an assemblage at Olympia by making and lighting his own funeral pyre, leap\u00ad ing into it, and allowing himself to be consumed in the flames (A.D. 16 5).22 In such scorn of wealth and life the Cynics were paving a way for the monks of the Christian Church.\nWhen Vespasian, Hadrian, and Marcus Aurelius established chairs of philosophy at Athens they ignored the Cynics and the Skeptics, and recog\u00ad nized only four schools of thought: the Platonic Academy, the Aristotelian Lyceum, the Stoics, and the Epicureans. The Academy had diluted Plato's proud faith in reason into the universal doubt of Cameades; but after the latter's death the school reacted toward orthodoxy, and Antiochus of As\u00ad calon, who taught Cicero at the Academy (79 B.c.), returned to Plato's con\u00ad ceptions of reason, immortality, and God. The Lyceum was now devoting\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIII\nitself to natural science in the tradition of Theophrastus, or to pious com\u00ad mentaries on Aristotle's works. The school of Epicurus was declining in this religious age; few men dared profess its doctrines without diplomatic reserva\u00ad tions. In most of Greek Asia the words Epicurean, atheist, and Christian were synonyms expressive of horror and desecration.23\nThe dominant philosophy had long since been Stoicism. The rigorous perfectionism of its early forms had been softened by Panaetius and Posei\u00ad donius, both citizens of Rhodes. Returning to Athens after Scipio's death (129 B.c.), Panaetius, now head of the Stoa, defined God as a material spirit or breath (pneu111a) permeating all things, appearing in plants as the power of growth, in animals as soul (psyche), in man as reason (logos). His suc\u00ad cessors developed this vague pantheism into a more definitely religious phi\u00ad losophy. The Stoic theory of moral discipline moved closer to Cynic as\u00ad ceticism; and in the second century A.D. Cynicism, as one observer put it, differed from Stoicism only by a torn cloak. In Epictetus, as in Marcus Aurelius, we see both movements advancing toward Christianity.\nEPICTETUS\nEpictetus was born at Hierapolis in Phrygia about A.D. 50, a slave woman's son, and therefore himself a slave. He had little chance of education, for he was passed from one owner and city to another, until he found himself the property of Epaphroditus, a powerful freedman in Nero's court. He was of feeble health and lame, apparently through the brutality of one of his mas\u00ad ters, but he lived the normal threescore years and ten. Epap\u00b5roditus allowed him to attend the lectures of Musoni s Rufus and later freed him. Epictetus must himself have set up as a teacher m Rome, for ,vhen Domitian banished the philosophers Epictetus was among those who fled. He settled in Nicop\u00ad olis and drew to his lectures there students from many parts. One was Arrian of Nicomedia, later governor of Cappadocia; Arrian took down the words of Epictetus, probably in shorthand, and published them as Diatribai-\"rub\u00ad bings\" or copies-now on all lists of the world's best books as the Discourses.\u2022 It is no dull formal treatise, but a classic of simple speech and bluff humor, intimately expressing a modest and kindly, yet sharp and vigorous character. E ictetus applie? his lusty sarcasms to himself and others impartially, and ga.1ly mocked 1s rough-and-tumble style. He made no complaint when De _onax, hean?g that the, old bachelor counse ed marriage, sarcastically petmoned for his daughters hand; he excused himself on the ground that teaching wisdom is as great a service as begetting \"two or thre: pug-nosed\n\" Arrian later issued an Encbeiridion, or synoptic \"Handbock\" of Epictetus.\nCHAP. XXIII)\tROMAN  GREECE\t491\nchildren.\" 24 In later years he took a wife to help him care for an infant that he had rescued from exposure. In those years his fame compassed the Empire, and Hadrian counted him among his friends.\nEpictetus, resembling Socrates in this as in so many other ways, cared too little about physics or metaphysics to construct a system of thought; his one subject and passion was the good life. \"What do I care,\" he asks, \"whether all existing things are composed of atoms . . . or of fire and earth? Is it not enough to learn the true namre of good and evil?\" 25 Philosophy does not mean reading books about wisdom, it means training oneself in the practice of wisdom. The essence of the matter is that a man should so mold his life and conduct that his happiness shall depend as little as possible upon external things. This does not require a hermit's solimde; on the contrary, \"Epicure\u00ad ans and blackguards\" are to be condemned for detaching men from public service; the good man wilJ take his part in civic affairs. But he wiJl accept with equanimity all vicissitudes of formne-poverty, bereavement, humilia\u00ad tion, p2in, slavery, imprisonment, or death; he will know how to \"endure and renounce.\"\nNever say about anything, \"I have lost it,\" but only \"I have given it back.\" Is your child dead? It has been given back. Is your ,vife dead? She has been returned. \"I have had my farm taken away.\" Very well; this, too, has been given back. So long as God gives it to you take care of it as something not your own. . . . \"Alas, that I should be lame in one leg!\" Slave! do you then, because of one paltry leg, blame the universe? Will you not make a free gift of it to the whole?\n. . . I must go into exile: does anyone keep me from going with a smile, serene? ...  \"I will throw you into prison.\" It is only my body you imprison. I must die; must I then die complaining? ...\nThese are the lessons that philosophy ought to rehearse, and write down daily, and practice.    A platform or a prison are places, one\nhigh, the other low; but your moral purpose can be kept the same in either place.27\nThe slave cm be spirimaHy free, like Diogenes; the prisoner can be free, like Socrates; the emperor can be a slave, like Nero.23 Even death is a minor incident in the good man's life; he may advance its coming if he finds that evil too heavily outweighs good;29 in any case he will receive it calmly as part of the secret wisdom of Nature."]
[4.646867752075195, -1.5672696828842163, "Sing me your song, pale Xantho, sing.... Too soon the music ends. Again,\nAgain repeat the sad, sweet strain,\nWith perfumed fingers touch the string;\n0 Love's delight, pale Xantho, sing.48\nTHE SYRIANS\nNorthward along the coast lay the ancient cities of Phoenicia, part, with Palestine, of the province of Syria. Their industrious workers skilled in handicrafts, their favored position as traditional ports of trade, their rich and subtle merchants sending ships and agents everywhere, had kept them alive through all the vicissitudes of a thousand years. Tyre (Sur) had taller dwellings than Rome's 49 and worse slums; it stank with the smell of its dye\u00ad ing establishments, but it consoled itself with the thought that the whole world bought its richly colored textiles, above all its purple silks. Sidon had probably discovered the_ art of blo':i g g ass and now specialized in glass and bronze. Berytus (Beirut) was disnngwshed for its schools of medicine, rhetoric, and law; very likely from this university the great jurists Ulpian and Papinian went to Rome.\nNo province_ of th Empire surpasse Syria _in industry and prosperity. Where now 3,000,000 mhab1tants find a precanous exIStence, 10,ooo,ooo lived in Trajan's\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\ntime.50 Half a hundred cities here enjoyed the pure water, the public baths, the underground drainage system, the clean markets, the gymnasia and palaestras, the lectures and music, the schools and temples and basilicas, the porticoes and arches, the public statuary and picture galleries, characte.1;istic of the Hellenistic cities in the first century after Christ.51 The oldest of them was Damascus, over the Lebanons from Sidon, fortified by the surrounding desert, and turned almost into a garden by the spreading arms and tributaries of a stream gratefully called \"the river of gold.\" Many caravan routes converged here, and poured into the bazaars the products of three continents.\nReturning over the Anti-Lebanon hills and moving north over dusty roads, the modern traveler is astonished to find, in the tiny village of Baalbek, the ruins of two majestic temples and a propylaeum, once the pride of Heliopolis, the Greco-Roman-Syrian City of the Sun. Augustus planted a small colony there, and the town grew as the sacred seat of Baal the Sun-God and as the meeting point of roads to Damascus, Sidon, and Beirut. Under Antoninus Pius and his successors Roman, Greek, and Syrian architects and engineers raised, on the site of an old Phoenician temple to Baal, an imposing shrine to Iuppiter Heliopoli\u00ad tanus. It was built of huge monoliths from a quarry a mile away; one block measures sixty-two by fourteen by eleven feet, and contains enough stone for a commodious house. Fifty-one marble steps 150 feet wide lead up to the propylaeum, a Corinthian portico. Beyond a colonnaded forecourt and court rose the main temple, of which fifty-eight columns still tower sixty-two feet into the air. Near it are the remains of a smaller temple, variously attributed to Venus, Bacchus, and Demeter; nineteen cf its columns survive, and a handsome portal delicately c rved. Resplendent in their solitary grandeur under the unclouded sun, the columns of these temples are among the fairest extant works of man. Seeing them we feel, better than in Italy, the grandeur that was Rome, the wealth and courage, skill and taste that could build, in so many scattered cities, temples greater and more majestic than the crowded capital ever knew.\nA similar sight meets the traveler who strikes eastward across the desert from Homs, the ancient Emesa, to T admor, which the Greeks translated into Palmyra, City of a Myriad Palms. Its fortunate position and fertile soil around two gushing springs on the roads from Emesa and Damascus to the Euphrates made it grow in affluence until it was one of the major cities of the East; and its distance from other settlements enabled it to maintain practical independence despite nominal allegiance to Seleucid kings or Roman emperors. Its wide central thoroughfare was flanked by shady porticoes containing 454 columns; and at the four main crossings were stately arches, of which one remains to let us judge the rest. The glory of the city was the Temple of the.Sun, dedicated (A.D. 30) to the supreme trinity of Bel (Baal), Yarhibol {the sun), and Aglibol ( the moon). Its size continued Assyrian traditions of immensity. Its court, the largest in the Empire, had an unrivaled colonnade 4000 feet long, much of it composed of Corinthian columns running four abreast. Within the court and the temple were\n512\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\npaintings and sculptures whose extant examples reveal the approach of Palmyra to Parthia in art as in geography.\nA main route eastward from Palmyra reached the Euphrates at Dura-Europus. There (A.D. 100) the merchants shared their gains with the Palmyrene trinity by rearing a temple half Greek and half Indian; and an eastern painter adorned the walls with frescoes that vividly illustrate the Oriental origin of Byzantine and early Christian art.52 Farther north on the great river were other important crossing towns at Thapsacus and Zeugma. Turning westward from Thapsacus the traveler passed through Beroea (Aleppo) and Apamea to the Mediterranean at Laodicea-still keeping its ancient name as Latakia, and still an active port. Between it and Apamea the river Orontes flowed north, between shores largely pre-empted by rich estates, to Antioch (Antakia), capital of Syria. The river, and a great network of roads, brought the goods of the East to Antioch, while its Mediterranean port, Seleucia Pieria, fourteen miles down the stream, brought in the products of the West. Most of the city rose on a mountain slope and had the Orontes at its feet; it was a picturesque location, that helped Antioch rival Rhodes as the most beautiful city of the Hellenic East. lt had a system of street lighting that made it safe and brilliant at night. The main avenue, four and a half miles long, was paved with granite and had a covered colonnade on either side, so that people could walk from one end of the town to the other immune to rain and sun. Pure water was supplied in abundance to every home. The complex population of 600,000 Greeks, Syrians, and Jews was notoriously gay, pursuing pleasure relentlessly, laughing at the pompous Romans who came to govern them, oscillating between the circus and the amphitheater, the brothels and the baths, and taking full advantage of Daphne, their famous suburban park. Festivals were numerous, and Aphrodite had a share in all of them. During the feast of Brumalia, lasting through most of December, the whole citv, says a contemporary, resembled a tavern, and the streets rang all night with \u00b7song. and revelry.53 There were schools of rhetoric, philosophy, and medicine, but Antioch was not a center of learning. Its populace lived intensely for the day; and when it needed religion it flocked to astrologers, magicians, miracle- orkers, and charlatans.\nThe general picture of Syria under Roman rule is one of prosperity more continuous than in any other province. i\\1ost of the workers were freemen, except in domestic service. The upper classes were Hellenized, the lower re\u00ad mained Oriental; in the same town Greek philosophers rubbed elbows with temple prostitutes and emasculated priests; and even till Hadrian children were now and then offered as sacrifices to the gods.54 Sculpture and painting took on a semi-Oriental, h f-me ieval face nd form. The Greek language prevailed in government and literature, but native tongues-chiefly Aramaic-remained the speech of the people. Scholars were plenty and made the world ring with their moment's fame. Nicolaus of Damascus, besides mentoring Antony, Cleopatra, and Herod, undertook the weary task of writing a universal history-a labor, he\n \t\n........\nw.ilii\n-'ft\n111\n..\n'.,\nFIG. 34-Tenzple of luppiter Heliopolitanus at Baalbek\nFrn.\n35-Temple of V\t.,.,, '--.-.. ..,.. ."]
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[6.05400276184082, -12.48566722869873, "Industry was in the hands of independent craftsmen, working in their separate shops. Most such men were freemen, but an increasing proportion were freedmen or slaves. Labor was highly differentiated, and produced for the market rather than for the individual customer. Competition by slaves depressed the wages of free workers, and reduced the proletariat to a bitter life in slums. Strikes among these men were impracticable and rare,63 but slave uprisings were frequent; the \"First Servile vVar\" (139 B.c.) was not the :first. When public discontent became acute, some cause could be found for a war that would provide universal employment, spread depreciated money, and turn the wrath of the people against a foreign foe whose lands would feed the Roman people victorious, or receive them defeated and dead.64 The free workers had unions or guilds (collegia), but these seldom concerned themselves with wages, hours, or conditions of labor. Tradition credited Numa with having established or legalized them; in any case, the seventh century B.C. had organizations of flute players, goldsmiths, copper\u00ad smiths, fullers, shoemakers, potters, dyers, and carpenters.65 The \"Dionysian Artists\"-actors and musicians-were among the most widespread associa\u00ad tions in the ancient world. By the second century B.c. we :find guilds of cooks, tanners, builders, bronzeworkers, ironworkers, ropemakers, weav\u00ad ers; but these were probably as old as the others. The chief aim of such unions was the simple pleasure of social intercourse; many of them were also mutual-benefit societies to defray the cost of funerals.\nThe state regulated not only the guilds, but mar:; aspects of Rome's eco\u00ad nomic life. It supervised the operation of mines and other governmental concessions or contracts. It quieted agitation among the plebs by importing food and distributing it at nominal prices to the poor or to all applicants. It levied :fines upon monopolists, and it nationalized the salt industry to end a monopoly that had raised the price of salt beyond the reach of the work\u00ad ing class. Its commercial policy was liberal: after overcoming Carthage it opened the western Mediterranean to all trade; and it protected Utica and, later, Delos on condition that they remain free ports, permitting the entry and exit of goods without fee. At various times, however, it forbade the export of arms, iron, wine, oil, or cereals; it laid a customs duty, usually of\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t81\ntwo and a half per cent, upon the entry of most products into Rome, and afterward extended this modest tariff to other cities. Vntil 147 B.C. it required a tributum, or property tax, throughout Italy. All in all, its revenues were modest; and like other civilized states it used them chiefly for war.66\nTHE CITY\nThrough taxes, spoils, indemnities, and inflowing population Rome was now (202 B.c.) one of the major cities of the Mediterranean ensemble. The census of 2 34 listed 270,713 citizens-i.e., free adult males; the figure fell sharply during the great war, but rose to 258,318 in 189, and 322,000 in\n147. We may calculate a population of approximately 1, 100,000 souls in\nthe city-state in 189 B.c., of whom perhaps 275,000 lived within the walls of Rome. Italy south of the Rubicon had some 5,000,000 inhabitants.67 Immi\u00ad gration, the abs9rption of conquered peoples, the influx, emancipation, and enfranchisement of slaves, were already beginning the ethnic changes that by Nero's time would make Rome the New York of antiquity, half native and half everything.\nTwo main cross streets divided the city into quarters, each with its adminis\u00ad trative officials and tutelary deities. Chapels ,vere raised at important intersec\u00ad tions, and statues at lesser ones, to the /ares compitales, or gods of the crossings\n-a pretty custom still found in Italy. Most streets ,vere plain earth; some were paved with small smooth stones from river beds, as in many Mediterranean cities today; about 174 the censor began to surface the major thoroughfares with lava blocks. In 312 Appius Claudius the Blind built the first aqueduct, bringing fresh water to a city that had till then depended upon springs and wells and the muddy Tiber. Piping water from aqueduct-fed reservoirs, the aristocracy began to bathe more than once a week; and soon after Hannibal's defeat Rome opened its first municipal baths. At an unknown date Roman or Etruscan engineers built the Cloaca Maxima, whose massive stone arches were so wide that a wagon loaded with hay could pass under them.68 Smaller sewers were added to drain the marshes that surrounded and invaded Rome. The city's refuse and rain water passed through openings in the streets into these drains and thence into the Tiber, whose pollution was a lasting problem of Roman life. The embellishment of the city was almost confined to its temples. Houses adhered to the plain Etruscan style already described, except that the exterior was more often of brick or stucco, and (as a sign of growing literacy) was often defaced with graffiti-\"scratchings\" of strictly fugitive verse or prose. Temples were mostly of wood, with terra-cotta revetments and decorations, and followed Etruscan plans. A temple to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva stood on the Capitoline hill; another to Diana on the Aventine; and others rose (be-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nfore 201 B.c.) to Juno, Mars, Janus, Venus, Victory, Fortune, Hope, etc. In 303 Caius Fabius added to his leguminous clan name the cognomen of Pictor, painter, by executing frescoes in the Temple of Health on the Capitoline. Greek sculptors in Rome made statues of Roman gods and heroes in terra cotta, marble, or bronze. In 293 they erected on the Capitol a bronze Jupiter of such Olym\u00ad pian proportions that it could be seen from the Alban hills twenty miles away. About 296 the aediles set up a bronze she-wolf, to which later artists added the figures of Romulus and Remus. \\Ve do not know if this is the group described by Cicero, or if either of these is identical with the existing Wolf of the Capital; in any case, we have in this a masterpiece of the highest order, dead metal alive in every muscle and nerve.\nWhile through painting and statuary the aristocracy commemorated its victories and recommended its lineage, the people consoled themselves with music md the dance, comedies and games. The roads and homes of Italy resounded with individual or choral song; men sang at banquets, boys and girls chorused hymns in religious processions, bride and groom were escorted with hymeneal chants, and every corpse was buried with song. The flute was the most popular instrument, but the lyre too had its devotees, and became the favorite accompaniment of lyric verse. ,vhen great holidays came, the Romans crowded to amphitheater or stadium, and pullulated under the sun while hirelings, captives, criminals, or slaves ran and jumped, or, better, fought and died. Two great amphitheaters-the Circus Maximus (attributed to the first Tarquin) and the Circus Flaminius (221 B.c.)\u00ad admitted without charge all free men and women who came in time to find seats. The expense was met at first by the state, then by the aediles out of their own purse, often, in the later Republic, by candidates for the con\u00ad sulate; the cost increased generation by generation, until in effect it barred the poor from seeking office.\nPerhaps we should class with these spectacles the official \"triumph\" of a returning general. Only those were eligible for it who had won a campaign in which 5000 of the enemy had been slain; the unfortunate commander who had won with less slaughter received merely an ovation-for him no ox was sacrificed, but only a sheep (ovis). The procession formed outside the city, at whose borders the general and his troops were required to lay down their arms; thence it entered through a triumphal arch that set a fashion for a thousand monuments. Trumpeters led the march; after them came towers or floats representing the captured cities, and pictures showing the exploits of the victors; then wagons rumbled by, heavy with gold, silver, works of art, and other spoils. Marcellus' triumph was memorable for the\nstolen statuary of Syracuse (2 12); Scipio Africanus in 207 displayed 14,000\nand, in 202, 123,000 pounds of silver taken from Spain and Carthage. Seventy\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t83\nwhite oxen followed, walking philosophically to their death; then the cap\u00ad tured chiefs of the enemy; then lictors, harpers, pipers, and incense-bearers; then, in a flamboyant chariot, the general himself, wearing a purple toga and a crown of gold, and bearing an ivory scepter and a laurel branch as emblems of victory and the insignia of Jove. In the chariot with him might be his children; beside it rode his relatives; behind them his secretaries and aides. Last came the soldiers, some carrying the prizes awarded them, every\u00ad one wearing a crown; some praising their leaders, others deriding them; for it was an inviolable tradition that on these brief occasions the speech of the army should be free and unpunished, to remind the proud victors of their fallible mortality. The general mounted the Capitol to the Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, laid his loot at the feet of the gods, presented an animal in sacrifice, and usually ordered the captive chieftains to be slain as an additional thank-offering. It was a ceremony well designed to stir mili\u00ad tary ambition and reward military effort; for man's vanity yields only to hunger and love.\nPOST MORTEM\nWar was the most dramatic feature of a Roman's life, but it did not play so absorbing a role as in the pages of Rome's historians. Perhaps even more than with us his existence centered about his family and his home. News reached him when it was old, so that his passions co ld not be stirred every day by the gathered turmoil of the world. The great events of his career were not politics and war, but anxious births, festal marriages, and somber\u00b7 deaths.\nOld age was not then the abandoned desolation that so often darkens it in an individualistic age. The young never questicned their duty to care for the old; the old remained to the end the first consideration and the last authority; and after their death their graves were honored as long :!S a male descendant survived. Funerals were as elaborate as weddings. The proces\u00ad sion was led by a hired band of wailing women, whose organized hysteria was cramped by a law of the Twelve Tables71 forbidding them to tear out their hair. Then came the flute players, limited by a like Solonic law to ten; then some dancers, one of whom impersonated the dead. Then followed in strange parade actors wearing the death masks, or waxen images, of those ancestors of the corpse who h::!d held some magistracy. The deceased came next, in splendor rivaling a triumph, clothed in the full regalia of the highest office he had held, comfortable in a bier overspread with purple and gold\u00ad embroidered coverlets, and surrounded by the weapons and armor of the enemies he had slain. Behind him came t!1e dead man's sons, dressed and\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nveiled in black, his daughters unveiled, his relatives, clansmen, friends, clients, and freedmen. In the Forum the procession stopped, and a son or kinsman pronounced a eulogy. Life was worth living, if only for such a funeral.\nIn the early centuries Rome's dead had been cremated; now, usually, they were buried, though some obstinate conservatives pref erred combustion. In either case, the remains were placed in a tomb that became an altar of wor\u00ad ship upon which pious descendants periodically placed some flowers and a little food. Here, as in Greece and the Far East, the stability of morals and society was secured by the worship of ancestors and by the belief that some\u00ad where their spirits survived and watched. If they were very great and good, the dead, in Hellenized Roman mythology, passed to the Elysian Fields, or the Islands of the Blessed; nearly all, however, descended into the earth, to the shadowy realm of Orcus and Pluto. Pluto, the Roman form of the Greek god Hades, was armed with a mallet to stun the dead; Orcus (our ogre) was the monster who then devou{ed the corpse. Because Pluto was the most exalted of the underground deities, and because the earth was the ultimate source of wealth and often the repository of accumulated food and goods, he was worshiped also as the god of riches and plutocrats; and his wife Proserpina-the strayed daughter of Ceres-became the goddess of the germinating corn. Sometimes the Roman Hell was conceived as a place of punishment; 72 in most cases it was pictured as the abode of half\u00ad formless shades that had been men, not distinguished from one another by reward or punishment, but all equally suffering eternal darkness and final anonymity. There at last, said Lucian, one would find democracy.78\nCHAPTER  V"]
[-0.9531112909317017, -14.378421783447266, "PATRICIANS AND PLEBS\nHO were the patricians? Livy 1 thought that Romulus had chosen a hundred clan heads of his tribe to help him establish Rome and be\nhis council or senate. These men were later called patres-\"fathers\"-and their descendants patricii-\"derived from the fathers.\" Modem theory, which lives by nibbling at tradition, likes to explain the patricians as alien con\u00ad querors, perhaps Sabines, who invaded Latium and thereafter ruled the Latin plebs, or populace, as a lower caste. \\Ve may believe that they were composed of clans that through economic or military superiority had ac\u00ad quired the best lands, and had transformed their agricultural leadership into political mastery. These victorious clans-the .Manlii, Valerii, Aemilii, Cor\u00ad nelii, Fabii, Horatii, Claudii, Julii, etc.-continued for five centuries to give Rome generals, consuls, and laws. When the three original tribes united, their clan heads made a senate of some three hundred members. They were not such lords of comfort and luxury as their descendants; often they put their own hands to the ax or the plow, lived vigorously on simple fare, and wore clothing spun in their homes. The plebs admired them even when it fought them, and applied to almost anything appertaining to them the term classicus, \"classical\"-i.e., of the highest rank or class.2\nClose to them in wealth, but far below them in political power, were the\nequites, or businessmen. Some were rich enough to win their way into the\n.Senate, and formed there the second part of its constituent patres (et) con\u00ad scripti-i.e., \"patricians and coinscribed men.\" These two classes were called the \"orders,\" and were termed boni, \"the good\"; for early civilizations thought of virtue in terms of rank, ability, and power; virtus to the Roman meant manliness, the qualities that make a man ('vir). Populus, \"people,\" took in only these upper classes; and originally it was in this sense that those famous initials were used-SP QR (Senatus Populusque Romanus)-which were to mark so proudly a hundred thousand monuments.3 Gradually, as democracy fought its way, the word populus came to include the plebs.\nThis was the main body of Roman citizens. Some were artisans or trades-\n21\n22\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.II\nmen, some were freedmen, many were peasants; perhaps, in the beginning, they were the conquered natives of the city's hills. Some were attached as clientes, or dependents, to an upper-class patronus; in return for land and protection they helped him in peace, served under him in war, and voted in the assemblies as he told them.\nLowest of all were the slaves. Under the kings they had been costly and few, and therefore had been treated with consideration as valuable members of the family. In the sixth century B.C., when Rome began her career of con\u00ad quest, war captives were sold in rising number to the aristocracy, the busi\u00ad ness classes, and even to plebeians; and the status of the slave sank. Legally he could be dealt with as any other piece of property; in theory, and accord\u00ad ing to the custom of the ancients, his life had been forfeited by defeat, and his enslavement was a merciful commutation of his death. Sometimes he man\u00ad aged his master's property, business, or funds; sometimes he became a teacher, writer, actor, craftsman, laborer, tradesman, or artist, and paid his master part of his earnings. In this or other ways he might earn enough to buy his freedom and become a member of the plebs.\nContentment is as rare among men as it is natural among animals, and no form of government has ever satisfied its subjects. In this system the business\u00ad men were piqued by their exclusion from the Senate, the richer plebeians by their exclusion from the equites; and the poorer plebeians resented their poverty, their political disabilities, and their liability to enslavement for debt. The law of the early Republic allowed a creditor to imprison a per\u00ad sistently defaulting debtor in a private dungeon, to sell him into slavery, even to kill him. Joint creditors might, said the law, cut up the corpse of the defaulting debtor and divide it among them-a provision apparently never enforced.4 The plebs demanded that these laws should be repealed and the burden of accrued debt reduced; that the lands won in war and owned by the state should be distributed among the poor instead of being given, or sold at nominal prices, to the rich; that plebeians should be eligible to the magis\u00ad tracies and the priesthoods, be permitted to intermarry with the \"orders,\" and have a representative of their class among the highest officials of the gov\u00ad ernment. The Senate sought to frustrate the agitation by fomenting ,vars, but it was shocked to find its calls to the colors ignored. In 494 B.C. large masses of the plebs \"seceded\" to the Sacred l\\,lount on the river Anio, three miles from the city, and declared that they would neither fight nor work for Rome until their demands had been met. The Senate used every diplomatic or religious device to lure the rebels back; then, fearing that invasion from without might soon be added to revolt within, it agreed to a cancellation or reduction of debts, and the establishment of two tribunes and three aediles as the elected defenders of the plebs. The plebs returned, but only after tak-\nCHAP.II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR DEMOCRACY\ning a solemn oath to kill any man who should ever lay violent hands upon their representatives in the government.5\nThis was the opening battle in a class war that ended only with the Re\u00ad public that it destroyed. In 486 the consul Spurius Cassius proposed an allot\u00ad ment of captured lands among the poor; the patricians accused him of currying popular favor with a view to making himself king, and had him killed; this was probably not the first in a long line of agrarian proposals and Senatorial assassinations, culminating in the Gracchi and Caesar. In 439 Spurius Maelius, who during a famine had distributed wheat to the poor at a low price or free, was slain in his home by an emissary of the Senate, again on the charge of plotting to be king.6 In 384 Marcus Manlius, who had heroically defended Rome against the Gauls, was put to death on the same charge after he had spent his fortune relieving insolvent debtors.\nThe next step in the climb of the plebs was a demand for definite, written, and secular laws. Heretofore the patrician priests had been the recorders and interpreters of the statutes, had kept their records secret, and had used their monopoly, and the ritual requirements of the law, as weapons against social change. After a long resistance to the new demands, the Senate (454) sent a commission of three patricians to Greece to study and report on the legisla\u00ad tion of Solon and other lawmakers. When they returned, the Assembly\n(451) chose ten men-decemviri-to formulate a new code, and gave them supreme governmental power in Rome for two years. This commission, under the presidency of a resolute reactionary, Appius Claudius, trans\u00ad formed the old customary law of Rome into the famous Twelve Tables, submitted them to the Assembly (which passed them with some changes), and displayed them in the Forum for all who would-and could-to read. This seemingly trivial event was epochal in Roman history and in the history of mankind; it was the first written form of that legal structure which was to be Rome's most signal achievement and her greatest contribution to civilization.\n\\Vhen the second year of the commission's tenure ended, it refused to restore the government to the consuls and tribunes, and continued to exercise supreme\n-and ever more irresponsible-authority. Appius Claudius, says a story suspi\u00ad ciously like Lucretia's, was stirred with a passion for the beautiful plebeian Virginia, and, to secure her for his pleasure, had her declared a slave. Her father, Lucius Virginius, protested; and when Claudius refused to hear him he slew his daughter, rushed out to his legion, and asked its aid in overthrowing the new despot. The enraged plebs once more \"seceded\" to the Sacred Mount, \"imitating,\" says Livy, \"the moderation of their fathers by abstaining from all injury.\" 7 Leaming that the army was supporting the plebs, the patricians gathered in the senate house, deposed the Decemvirs, banished Claudius, restored\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. II\nthe consulate, enlarged the tribunate, recognized the inviolability of the people's tribunes, and confirmed to the plebs the right of appealing to the Assembly of the Centuries from the decision of any magistrate.8 Four years later (445) the tribune Caius Canuleius moved that the plebs should have the right of inter\u00ad marriage with patricians, and that plebeians should be eligible to the cons_ulate. The Senate, again faced by threats of war from vengeful neighbors, yielded the first point, and averted the second by agreeing that thereafter six of the tribunes chosen by the Centuria! Assembly should have the authority of consuls. The plebs responded handsomely by choosing all these tribuni militum consu/ari potestate from the patrician class.\nThe long war with Veii (405-396), and the assault of the Gauls upon Rome, unified the nation for a time, and stilled internal strife. But victory and disaster alike left the plebeians destitute. While they fought for their country their lands were neglected or ravaged, and the interest on their debts mounted beyond possible repayment. The lenders took no excuse, but demanded principal and interest, or the imprisonment and enslavement of the borrowers. In 376 the tribunes Licinius and Sextius proposed that interest already paid should be deducted from the principal, the balance to be met in three years; that no man should be allowed to own more than five hundred iugera (about three hundred acres) of land, or to use on them more than a certain proportion of slaves to free laborers; and that one of the two consuls should regularly be chosen from the plebs. For a decade the patricians resisted these proposals; meanwhile, says Dio Cassius, \"they stirred up war after war, that the people might be too occupied to agitate about the land.\" 9 At last, threatened with a third secession, the Senate accepted the \"Licinian laws,\" and Camillus, leader of the conservatives, celebrated the reconciliation of the classes by building a stately Temple of Concord in the Forum.\nIt was a major step in the growth of Rome's limited democracy. From that\nmoment the plebs progressed rapidly towards a formal equality with the \"orders\" in politics and law. In 356 a plebeian was made dictator for a year; in 351 the censorship, in 337 the praetorship, and in 300 the priesthoods were opened to the plebs. Finally (287) the Senate agreed that the decisions of the Tribal Assembly should also have the force of law, even when contrary to the resolu\u00ad tions of the Senate. Since in this Assembly the patricians could easily be out\u00ad voted by the plebs, this lex Hortensia was the capstone and triumph of Roman democracy.\nNevertheless, the power of the Senate soon recovered after these defeats. The demand for land was quieted by sending Romans as colonists to conquered soil. The cost of winning and holding office-which was unpaid-automatically dis\u00ad qualified the poor. The richer plebeians, having secured political equality and opportunity, now co-operated with the patricians in checking radical legisla\u00ad tion; the poorer plebeians, shorn of financial means, ceased for two centuries to play a significant role in the affairs of Rome. Businessmen fell in with patrician policy because it gave them contracts for public ,rnrks, openings for colonial"]
[3.936486005783081, -20.750144958496094, "Medicine, till the third century, was largely a matter of family herbs, magic, and prayer; the gods alone could heal; and to make cure certain a special god was invoked for each disease 45-as one now invokes a spe\u00ad cialist. Against the mosquitoes of the R9man campagna appeal was made to the goddesses Febris and Mephitis, as, until our cenrury, the Romans petitioned La Afado1111a della Febbre, Our Lady of the Fever.46 Healing shrines and sacred waters were as common as today. The temple of Aescu\u00ad lapius was a busy center of religious healing, where diet and hydrotherapy, peaceful surroundings and a quiet routine, prayer and the soothing rirual of worship, the aid of practical physicians and the cheerfulness of skilled attend:mts, conspired to restore confidence and to effect apparently miracu\u00ad lous cures.47 Nevertheless, there were slave doctors and quacks in Rome five centuries before Christ; and some of these practiced dentistry, for the Twelve Tables forbade the burial of gold with the dead except where gold had been used to wire teeth.48 In 219 we hear of the first freeman physician in Rome-Archagathus the Peloponnesian. His surgical opera-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\ntions so delighted the patricians that the Senate voted him an official resi\u00ad dence and the freedom of the city; later his \"mania for cutting and burning\" won him the name of Carnifex, butcher.49 From that time onward Greek physicians flocked to Rome, and made the practice of medicine there a Greek monopoly.\nTHE  GROWTH OF THE  SOIL\nThe Roman of those centuries had little need of medicine, for his active life in farming or soldiering kept him healthy and strong. He took to the land as the Greek to the sea; he based his life on the soil, built his towns as meeting places for farmers and their products, organized his armies and his state on his readiness to defend and extend his holdings, and conceived his gods as spirits of the living earth and the nourishing sky.\nAs far back as we can reach into Rome's past we find private property.50 Part of the land, however, was ager publicus-public acreage usually acquired by conquest and owned by the state. The peasant family of the early Republic owned two or three acres, tilled them with all hands and occasionally a slave, and lived abstemiously on the product. They slept on stra\\v,51 rose early, stripped to the waist,52 and plowed and harrowed behind leisurely oxen whose droppings served as fertilizer, and their flesh as a religious offering and a festival food. Human offal was also used to enrich the soil, but chemical fertilizers were rare in Italy before the Empire. .!Vlanuals of scientific agriculture were imported from Carthage and Greece. Crops were rotated between grains and legumes, and lands were turned periodically to pasturage to prevent their exhaustion. Veg\u00ad etables and fruits were grown in abundance, and formed, next to grains, the chief articles of food. Garlic was already a favorite seasoning. Some aristocratic families derived their names in part from the vegetables traditionally favored in their plantings: Lentuli, Caepiones, Fabii, from lentils, onions, beans. Culture of the fig, olive, and grape gradually encroached upon cereal and vegetable crops. Olive oil took the place of butter in the diet and of soap in the bath; it served as fuel in torches and lamps and was the chief ingredient in the unguents made necessary for hair and skin by the dry winds and fiery sun of the i\\'ledi\u00ad terranean summer. Sheep were the favorite herd, for the Italians preferred cloth\u00ad ing of wool. Swine and poultry were raised in the farmyard, and almost every family nursed a garden of flowers.54\nWar transformed this picture of rural toil. Many of the farmers who changed plowshares for swords were overcome by the enemy or the town and never ret:ur?ed to their fields; many others found their holdings so damaged by armies or neglect that they had not the courage to begin anew; others were broken by accumulated debt. Such men sold their lands at\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t77\ndepression prices to aristocrats or agricultural capitalists who merged the little homesteads into latifundia (literally, broad farms), turned these vast areas from cereals to flocks and herds, orchards and vines, and manned them with war-captured slaves under an overseer who was often himself a slave. The owners rode in now and then to look at their property; they no longer put their hands to the work, but lived as absentee landlords in their sub\u00ad urban villas or in Rome. This process, already under way in the fourth century B.c., had by the end of the third produced a debt-ridden tenant class in the countryside, and in the capital a propertyless, rootless proletariat whose sullen discontent would destroy the Republic that peasant toil had made.\nINDUSTRY\nThe soil was poor in minerals-a fact that would write much economic and political history in Italy. There was no gold and little silver; there was a fair supply of iron, some copper, lead, tin, and zinc, but too scarce to support an industrial development. The state owned all mines in the empire, but leased them to private operators, who worked them profitably by using up the lives of thousands of slaves. Metallurgy and technology made few advances. Bronze was still employed more frequently than iron, and only the best and latest mines were equipped with the winches, windlasses, and chain buckets that Archimedes and others had set up in Sicily and Egypt. The chief fuel was wood; trees were cut also for houses and ships and furniture; mile by mile, decade by decade, the forest retreated up the mountainside to meet the timber line. The most pros\u00ad perous industry was the manufacture of weapons and tools in Campania. There was no factory system, except for armament and pottery. Potters made not only dishes but bricks and tiles, conduits and pipes; at Arretium and elsewhere the potters were copying Greek models and learning to make artistic wares. As early as the sixth century the textile industry, in the design, preparation, and dyeing of linen and wool, had grown beyond the domestic stage despite the busy spinning of daughters, wives, and slaves; free and unfree weavers were brought together in small factories, which produced not only for the local mar\u00ad ket but also for export trade.\nIndustrial production for nonlocal consumption was arrested by difficulties of transport. Roads ,vere poor, bridges unsafe, oxcarts slow, inns rare, robbers plentiful. Hence traffic moved by choice along canals and rivers, while coastal towns imported by sea rather than from their hinterland. By 202, however, the Romans had built three of their great \"consular roads\"-so called because usually named after the consuls or censors who began them. Soon these high\u00ad ways would far surpass in durability and extent the Persian and Carthaginian roads that had served them as models. The oldest of them was the via Latina which, about 370 B.c., brought Romans out to the Alban hills. In 312 Appius\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nClaudius the Blind, with the labor of thousands of criminals,55 started the via Appia, or Appian Way, between Rome and Capua; later it reached out to Beneventum, Venusia, Brundisium, and Tarentum; its 333 English miles bound the two coasts, eased trade with Greece and the East, and collaborated with the other roads to make Italy one nation. In 241 the censor Aurelius Cotta began the Aurelian Way from Rome through Pisa and Genoa to Antibes. Caius Flarninius in 2 20 opened the Flarninian Way to Arirninum; and about the same time the Valerian \\Vay connected Tibur with Corfinium. Slowly the majestic network grew: the Aemilian Way climbed north from Ariminum through Bononia and Mutina to Placentia (187); the Posturnian Way linked Genoa with Verona ( 148); and the via Popilia led from Ariminum through Ravenna to Padua\n(132). In the following century roads would dart out from Italy to York, Vienna, Thessalonica, and Damascus, and would line the north African coast. They defended, unified, and vitalized the Empire by quickening the movement of troops, intelligence, customs, and ideas; they became great channels of com\u00ad merce, and played no minor role in the peopling and enrichment of Italy and Europe.\nDespite these highways, trade never flourished in Italy as in the eastern Medi\u00ad terranean. The upper classes looked with contempt upon buying cheap and selling dear, and left trade to Greek and Oriental freedmen; while the country\u00ad side contented itself with occasional fairs, and \"ninth-day\" markets in the towns. Foreign commerce was similarly moderate. Sea transport was risky; ships were small, made only six miles an hour sailing or rowing, hugged the coast, and for the most part kept timidly in port from November to March. Carthage controlled the western Mediterranean, the Hellenistic monarchies controlled the east, and pirates periodically swept out of their lairs upon merchants rela\u00ad tively more honest than themselves. The Tiber was perpetually silting its mouth and blocking Rome's port at Ostia; two hundred vessels foundered there in one gale; besides, the current was so strong that the voyage upstream to Rome hardly repaid the labor and the cost. About 200 B.C. vessels began to put in at Puteoli, 1 50 miles south of Rome, and ship their goods overland to the capital.\nTo facilitate this external and internal trade it became necessary to establish a state-guaranteed system of coinage, measures, and weights.* Till the fourth century B.c. cattle were still accepted as a medium of exchange, since they were universally valuable and easily moved. As trade grew, rude chunks of copper (aes) were used as money (ca. 330 B.c.); estimate was originally aes timare, to value copper. The unit of value was the as (one)-i.e., one pound of copper by weight; ex-pend meant weighed out. When, about 338 B.c., a copper coinage was issued by the state, it often bore the image of an ox, a sheep, or a hog, and was accordingly called pecunia (peezts, cattle). In the First Punic War, says Pliny, \"the Republic, not having means to meet its needs, reduced the as to\nSome Roman measures: a 111odius was approximately a peck; a foot was II 5/8 English inches; 5 Roman feet made a pace (passus); 1000 paces made a mile (111ilia passuu111) of 1619 English yards; a iugentm was about 2/3 of an acre. Twelve ounces (unciae) made a pound.\nCHAP, IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t79\ntwo ounces of copper; by this contrivance a saving of five sixths was effected, and the public debt was liquidated.\" 56 By 202 the as had fallen to an ounce; and in 87 n.c. it was reduced to half an ounce to help finance the Social War. In 269 two silver coins were minted: the denarius, equal to ten asses, and cor\u00ad responding to the Athenian drachma in the latter's depreciated Hellenistic\u2022form; and the sestertius, representing two and a half asses, or a quarter of a denarius. In 2 I 7 appeared the first Roman gold coins-the aurei-with values of twenty, forty, and sixty sesterces. In metallic equivalence the as would equal two, the sesterce five, the denarius twenty, cents in the currency of the United States; but as precious metals were much less plentiful than now, and therefore had a purchasing power several times greater than today,57 we shall, ignoring price fluctuations before Nero, roughly equate the as, sesterce, denarius, and talent ( 6000 denarii) of the Roman Republic with six, fifteen, and sixty\u2022 cents, and\n$3600 respectively, in terms of United States currency in 1942.*\nThe issuance of this guaranteed currency promoted the profession and operations of .finance. The older Romans used temples as their banks, as we use banks as our temples; and the state continued to the end to use its strongly built shrines as repositories for public funds, perhaps on the theory that religious scruples would help discourage robbery. Moneylending was an old business, for the Twelve Tables had forbidden interest above eight and one third per cent per annum.60 The legal rate was lowered to five per cent in 347, and to zero in 342, but this Aristotelian prohibition was so easily evaded that the actual minimum rate averaged twelve per cent. Usury (above twelve per cent) was widespread, and debtors had periodi\u00ad cally to be rescued from their accumulating obligations by bankruptcy or legislation. In 352 B.C. the government used a very modern method of relief: it took over such mortgages as offered a fair chance of repayment, and persuaded mortgagees to accept a lower interest rate on the others.61 One of the streets adjoining the Forum became a banker's row, crowded with the shops of the moneylenders (argentarii) and money-changers (trapezitae). Money could be borrowed on land, crops, securities, or gov\u00ad ernment contracts, and for .financing commercial enterprises or voyages. Co-operative lending took the place of industrial jnsurance; instead of one banker completely underwriting a venture, several joined in providing the funds. Joint-stock companies existed chiefly for the performance of govern\u00ad ment contracts let out on bids by the censor; they raised their capital by selling their stocks or bonds to the public in the form of pcrrtes or pcrrticulae\n* In northern Italy, about 250 B.c., a bushel of wheat cost half a denarius (thirty cents); bed and board at an inn cost half an as (three cents) a day; 58 in Delos, in the second century B.c., a house of medium type rented for four denarii ($2-40) a month; in Rome, A.O. 50, a cup and saucer cost half an as (three cents).511\n80\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\n-\"little parts,\" shares. These companies of \"publicans\"-i.e., men engaged on public or state undertakings-played an active role in supplying and transporting materials for the army and navy in the Second Punic War\u00ad not without the usual attempts to cheat the government.62 Businessmen (equites) directed the larger of these enterprises, freedmen the smaller. Non\u00ad governmental business was carried on by negotiatores, who usually provided their own funds."]
[7.3429155349731445, -0.5051476955413818, "Galen's teleology and monotheism won him favor with Christians, as later with Moslems. Nearly all his writings were lost to Europe in the chaos of the barbarian invasions, but in the East they were preserved by Arab scholars, and were translated from Arabic into Latin from the eleventh cen\u2022 tury onward. Galen became then an uncriticized authority, an Aristotle for medieval medicine.\nThe last creative age of Greek science ended with Ptolemy and Galen. Experiment ceased, dogma ruled; mathematics relapsed into restatements of geometry, biology into Aristotle, natural science into Pliny; and medicine marked time until the Arab and Jewish physicians of the Middle Ages re\u00ad newed the noblest of the sciences.\nPOETS IN  THE  DESERT\nAcross the Red Sea from Egypt lay Arabia. Neither the Pharaohs nor the Achaemenids nor the Seleucids nor the Ptolemies nor the Romans had been able\nCf. the emphasis of current medicine on glandular secretions.\n508\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nto conquer the mysterious peninsula. Arabia Desena knew only Arab nomads, but in the southwest a mountain range and its streams gaYe milder temperatures and fruitful vegetation to Arabia Felix, the Yemen of today. In those recesses the little kingdom of Saba hid, the Sheba of the Bible, so rich in frankincense and myrrh, cassia and cinnamon, aloes and nard, senna and gum and precious stones that the Sabateans could build at Mariaba and elsewhere cities proud with temples, palaces, and colonnades.40 Arab merchants not only sold Arab products at high prices, but carried on a caravan trade with northwestern Asia and an active commerce by sea with Egypt, Parthia, and India. In 25 B.C. Augustus sent Ae!ius Gallus to absorb the kingdom into the Empire; the legions failed to take Mariaba and returned to Egypt decimated by disease and heat. Augustus contented himself with destroying the Arab port at Adana (Aden) and thereby secured control of the trade between Egypt and India.\nThe main commercial route running north from Mariaba went through the northwest corner of the peninsula, known to the ancients as Arabia Petraea from its capital at Petra, some forty miles south of Jerusalem. The city had been named from the circle of steep crags within which it was strategically placed. There, in the second century B.c., the Nabatean Arabs established a kingdom that slowly grew rich on passing caravans, until its rule extended from Leuce Come on the Red Sea along the eastern border of Palestine through Gerasa and Bostra to Damascus. Under King Aretas IV (9 B.C.-A.D. 40) the country reached its zenith; Petra became a Hellenistic city, Aramaic in speech, Greek in art, Alexandrian in the splendor of its streets. To this time belong the finest of the giant tombs that were carved into the rocks outside the city-crude but powerful fafades of double-tiered Greek colonnades, sometimes a hundred feet in height. After Trajan annexed Arabia Petraea into the Empire (106), Bostra became the capital of the province of Arabia, and raised in its tum the architectural symbols of wealth and power. Petra decayed as Bostra and Palmyra became the crossroads of the desert caravans, and the great tombs lapsed into \"the nighrstalls of nomad flocks.\" 41\n. !he most stri ng !eature of the great Empire w it numerous and populous c1nes. Never again till our own century _h s u:baruzat10n been so pronounced. Lucullus, Pompey, C_aesar, He o_d, Hellemsnc 1 gs and Roman emperors prided themselves on founding new c1t1es and embell1shmg old ones. So, movina north\u00ad ward along the eis em Me_diterrane coast, one could hardly go twenry- miles without_ encount rmg a c1ty-Raph1a (Rafa ,.G za, Ascalon, Joppa (Jaffa) Apolloma, Samana-Sebaste, and Caesarea (Ka1sana). These cities, thouo-h in Palestine, we_re alf_Greek in population a pre ominantly Greek in Jan age, culture, and mst1tut10ns; they were Hellemst1c bridgeheads in the pagan invasion of Jud a. Herod spent large_ sum_s m king Caesarea worthy of Augustus, for whom it :was name,?; he provided 1t with a fine harbor, a lofty temple, a theater, an amphitheater, sumptuous palaces, and many edifices of white stone.\" 42 Farther inland were other Greek Palestinian cities-Livias, Philadelphia, Gerasa\nCHAP.A'XlV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\t509\n(Djerasch), and Gadara (Katra). At Gerasa stand a hundred columns of the colonnade that lined the main street; and the ruins of temples, theater, baths, and aqueduct proclaim the affluence of the town in the second century A.D.\nGadara, where the remains of two theaters echo with memories of Greek plays, was famous for its schools, professors, and authors. Here, in the third century B.c., had lived Menippus, the Cynic philosopher and humorist whose satires taught that everything is vain except an upright life, and gave a model to Lucilius, Varro, and Horace. Here in his \"Syrian Athens,\" some hundred years before Christ, Meleager, the Anacreon of the age, polished epigrams to fair ladies and handsome boys and wore out his pen with love.\nBrightly the goblet smiles since rested here Zenophila's sweet mouth, to Love so dear.\nHow blest \"\\\\-'.Ould she to mine her rose-lips place, And drink my soul out in a long embrace.43\nOne of these flames, too soon snuffed out, burned with especial brightness in his memory-Heliodora, whom he loved in Tyre.\nI'll twine white violets, and the myrtle green; Narcissus will I twine, and lilies sheen;\nI'll twine sweet crocus, and the hyacinth blue; And last I'll twine the rose, love's token true: That all may form a wreath of beauty, meet To deck my Heliodora's tresses sweet.44\nNow \"Hades has snatched her, and the dust has tarnished her flower in bloom.\n0 Mother Earth, I pray thee, clasp her gently to thy breast.\" 45\nMeleager immortalized himself by gathering into a \"garland\" (stephanos) the elegiac verse of Greece from Sappho to Meleager; out of this and like collections grew, by merger, the Greek Anthology.* Here is the Greek epigram at its best and worst, polished like a jewel or empty as a pose; it was unwise to pluck these 4000 \"flowers\" from their branches to make this fading wreath. Some of the verses commemorate forgotten great men, or famous statues, or dead relatives; some, so to speak, are autotaphs, as when a woman who died of triplets says pithily, \"After this let women pray for children.\" 46 Some are barbs aimed at physicians, shrews, undenakers, pedagogues, cuckolds; or the miser who, fainting, is revived by the smell of a penny; or the grammarian whose grandchild displayed successively all three gen\u00ad ders; 47 or the pugilist who retires, marries, and gets more blows than he ever\nl\\Ieleager's Stepbanos was combined in our sixth century with the A1usa Paidike, a homo\u00ad sexual anthology compiled by Strabo of Sardis (50 B.c.). Subsequent additions were made, chiefly of Christian verse; and the Anthology was given its present form at Constantinople about A.O. 920.\n510\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nreceived in the ring; or the dwarf who, carried off by a mosquito, thinks he is suffering the rape of Ganymede. A single epigram celebrates \"that famous woman who slept with only one man.\" Others dedicate offerings to the gods: Lais hangs up her mirror as useless now that it does not show her as she was; Nicias, after fifty years of serving men, surrenders her complaisant girdle to Venus. Some stanzas glorify the arterial dilation of wine as wiser than wisdom. One honors the unceasing monogamy of the adulterer who was buried by a wreck in the arms of his mistress. Some are pagan dirges on the brevity of life; some are Christian assurances of a happy resurrection. Most of them, of course, to.1st the beauty of women and boys and sing the painful ecstasy of love: everything that later literature has said about amorous itching is here said in brief and in full, with more than Elizabethan conceits. Meleager makes a mosquito his pander by charging it with a message to his lady of the hour. And his townsman Philodemus, philosophic mentor of Cicero, tunes a melancholy note to his Xantho:\nWhite waxen cheeks, soft scented breast, Deep eyes wherein the Muses nest,\nSweet lips that perfect pleasure bring-"]
[12.597152709960938, 2.4335148334503174, "comparative rehg10n by his treatises on Roman and Egyptian cults.6 All deities, he argued, are aspects of one sur.reme being, timeless, indescribable, so far removed from earthly and temporal affairs that intermediary spirits (daimones) must create and regulate the world. There are also evil spirits, marshaled by some master demon who is the source and soul of all the chaf>s,\nCHAP. XXIII)\tROMAN  GREECE\nirrationality, and viciousness in nature and man. It is good, Plutarch thought, to believe in personal immortality-a rewarding Heaven, a cleansing Purga\u00ad tory, a punishing Hell; he was comforted by the possibility that a stay in Purgatory might purify even Nero, and that only a few would suffer eternal damnation.7 He denounced the terrors of supersrition as worse than atheism, 1 but he accepted divination, oracles, necromancy, and the prophetic power of dreams. He did not pretend to be an original philosopher; like Apuleius and so many others of that age, he described himself as an adapter of Plato. He condemned the Epicureans for replacing the fear of Hell with the gloom of annihilation, and criticized the \"repugnances\" of Stoicism; but he held, like\na Stoic, that \"to follow God and to obey reason are the same thing.\" 8\nHis lectures and essays have properly been collected under the title Moralia, for most of them are simple and genial preachments on the wisdom of life. They discuss everything, from the advisability of keeping old men in public office to the priority of the chicken or the egg. Plutarch is fond of his library, but confesses that good health is more precious than good books:\nSome men, led by gluttony, rush off to join in drinking bouts, as if they were laying in provisions for a siege. . . . The less expensive foods are always more helpful.... When, in a precipitate retreat, Artaxerxes Memnon had nothing to eat but barley-bread and figs, he exclaimed, \"What a pleasure is this, which has never been mine be\u00ad fore!\" ...  Wine is the most beneficial of beverages, provided there is a happy combination of it with the occasion as well as with water.\n. . . Especially to be feared are indigestions arising from meats, for they are depressing at the outset, and a pernicious residue from them remains behind. It is best to accustom the body not to require meat in addition to other food. For the earth yields in abundance many things not only for nourishment but for comfort and enjoyment. But since custom has become a sort of unnatural second nature, our use of meat should be ...  as a prop and support of our diet; we should use other foods ...  more in accord with nature, and less dulling to the reasoning faculty, which, as it were, is kindled from plain and light substances.9\nHe follows Plato in advocating equal opportunity for women, and gives many examples of cultured ladies in antiquity (there were some in his own circle); but he views adultery by the man with all the lenience of a pagan male:\nIf a man in private life, who is incontinent and dissolute in regard to his pleasures, commit some peccadillo with a paramour or maid\u00ad servant, his wedded wife ought not to be indignant or angry, but she should reason that it is respect for her that leads him to share his licentiousness with another woman.10\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. xxm\nNevertheless, we rise from these charming essays warmed by the fellow\u00ad ship of a man humane, essentially wholesome, and complete. We are not offended by the commonness of his ideas; his moderation is a welcome anti\u00ad dote to the ideological hysteria of our time; his good sense, his kindly humor, and his engaging illustrations carry us on unresisting, even over the shoals of his platitudes. It is refreshing to find a philosopher who is wise enough to be happy. Let us be thankful, he counsels us, for the common boons and graces of life, and feel them none the less gladly for their permanence:\nWe must not forget those blessings and comforts which we share with many more, bur must ...  joy in this, that we live, that we have our health, that we behold the light of the sun. . . . WiJJ not the good man consider every day a festival? ... For the world is the most august of temples, and most worthy of its Lord. Into this temple man is introduced at his birth, into the presence not of statues made with hands and motionless, but such as the Divine Mind has mani\u00ad fested to our senses . . . even the sun, moon, and stars, and the rivers ever pouring forth fresh water, and the earth producing food.... As this life is the most perfect of initiations into the most exalted of mysteries, we should ever be .filled with good cheer and rejoicing.u\nDIAN  SUMMER\nPlutarch exemplifies two mm\u00b7er.ien s cf his time: the return to religion and the passing renaissance of Greek literature and philosophy. The former was universal, the latter was confined to Athens and the Greek East. Six cities of the Pelopcnnesus prospered, but contributed little to Greek thought.\n\\Vestem commerce and a busy textile industry kept Patrae alive through Roman and mecieval hi::tory e\\\u00b7en to our day. Olympia throve on the leavings of tourists coming to see Pheidias' Zeus or the Olympic games. It is one of the pleasantest aspects of Greek history that these quadrennial contests continued from 776 B.C. to A.D. 394, w en Theodosius ended them. As in the days of Prodicus and Herodotus, philosophers and historians came to haramme the\nro d asse?1blin3\" fo t_he f:;5tival. D o C ysostom describes authors eading their stupid composit10ns  to transient listeners, poets reciting their verses,\nrhetoricians thumping the air, and \"sophists in great number, like o-oraeous\npeacocks,,' com\u2022mg to blow th _e\u2022ir w\u2022m.d over the multitude;12 he pbrovbed no\nmore silent than the rest. Epictetus pictures the spectators cramped and s eltering in th unshaded _sta ds, burned by the sun or drenched by the ram, but forgettmg everythmg m the tumult and the shouting th t marked the final moments of each bout or race.13 The old Nemean, Isthmian, Pyth-\nCHAP.xxm)\tROMAN  GREECE\nian, and Panathenaic games continued; new ones were added like the Pan\u00ad hellenia of Hadrian; and many of them included competitions in poetry, oratory, or music. \"Can you not hear classical music at the great festivals?\" asks a character in Lucian.14 Ghdiatorial combats were introduced to Greece by the Roman colony at Corinth; thence they spread to other cities until even the Theater of Dionysus was befouled with butchery. Many Greeks-Dio Chrysostom, Lucian, Plutarch-protested against the desecra\u00ad tion; Demonax, the Cynic philosopher, begged the Athenians not to allow the innovation until they had thrown down the altar of Pity at Athens;15\nbut the Roman games continued in Greece till predominantly Christian times.\t\u2022\nSparta and Argos were still moderately alive, and Epidaurus grew rich on the visits of sick bodies and souls to the shrine of Asclepius. Corinth, control\u00ad ling the trade across the isthmus, became, within half a century of i s re\u00ad establishment by Caesar, the wealthiest city in Greece. Its heterogeneous population of Romans, Greeks, Syrians, Jews, and Egyptians, most of them uprooted from their native lands and morals, was notorious for commercial\u00ad ism, epicureanism, and immorality. The old Temple of Aphrodite Pandemos carried on an undiminished trade as the shrine and center of Corinthian pros\u00ad titutes. Apuleius describes a gorgeous ballet that he saw in Corinth, represent\u00ad ing the judgment of Paris. \"Venus appeared all naked, save that her fine and comely middle was lightly covered with a thin silken smock; and this the wanton wind blew hither and thither.\" 16 Corinth had not mended her ways since Aspasia.\nPassing through Megara into Attica, the rural scene was one of great poverty. Deforestation, erosion, and mineral depletion had been added to war, emigration, taxation, and race suicide to make a desert of the Roman peace. Two cities alone in Attica were prosperous: Eleusis, whose sacra\u00ad mental Mysteries drew lucrative crowds to her every year; and Athens, the educational and intellectual center of the classic world. Its ancient institu\u00ad tions-council, assembly, and archons-still functioned, and Rome had re\u00ad stored the Areopagus to its primeval authority as the seat of judgment and the citadel of property rights. Rulers like Antiochus IV, Herod the Great, Augustus, and Hadrian rivaled millionaires like Herodes Atticus in benefac\u00ad tions to the city. Herodes rebuilt the stadium in marble, almost exhausting Pentelicus, and raised an odeon, or music hall, at the foot of'the Acropolis. Hadrian provided funds to complete the Olympieum, and Zeus, who now had one foot in the grave, rec ived a home worthy of hiscCasanova prime.\nMeanwhile the unrivaled fame of Athens in letters, philosophy, and educa\u00ad tion brought a stream of rich youths and needy scholars to her schools. The University of Athens co isted of ten professorships endowed by the city or"]
[10.271917343139648, -12.208881378173828, "The method you have pursued, my dear Pliny, in sifting the cases of those denounced to you as Christians is eminently proper.   No\nsearch should be made for these people; when they are denounced and found guilty they must be punished; but where the accused party denies that he is a Christian, and gives proof . . . by adoring our gods, he shall be pardoned.... Information without the accuser's name subscribed must not be admitted in evidence against anyone.14\nThe passage here italicized suggests that Trajan only reluctantly carried out a pre-existing statute. Nevertheless, we hear of two prominent martyrs in his principate: Simeon, head of the church of Jerusalem, and Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch; presumably there were others of less fame.\nHadrian, a skeptic open to all ideas, instructed his appointees to give the Christians the benefit of every doubt.15 Being more religious, Antoninus allowed more persecution. At Smyrna the populace demanded of the \"Asiarch\" Philip that he enforce the law; he complied by having eleven Christians executed in the amphitheater ( 1 55). The bloodthirst of the crowd was aroused rather than assuaged; it clamored for the death of Bishop Poly\u00ad carp, a saintly patriarch of eighty-six years, who was said in his youth to have known Saint John. Roman soldiers found the old man in a suburban retreat, and brought him unresisting before the Asiarch at the games. Philip pressed him: \"Take the oath, revile Christ, and I will let you go.\" Polycarp, says the most ancient of the Acts of the Martyrs, replied: \"For eighty-six years have I been his servant, and he has done me no wrong; how then can I blaspheme my King who saved me?\" The crowd cried out that he should be burned alive. The flames, says the pious document, refused to bum him, \"but he was within them as bread that is being baked; and we perceived such a fragrant smell as might come from incense or other costly spices. At length the lawless men commanded an executioner to stab him. When he\nCHAP. XXX)   THE  TRIUMPH  OF CHRISTIANITY\ndid this there came out a dove, and so much blood that the fire was quenched, and all the crowd marveled.\" 16\nThe persecutions were renewed under the saintly Aurelius. When famine, flood, pestilence, and war overwhelmed a once happy reign, the conviction spread that these evils were due to neglect and denial of the Roman gods. Aurelius shared the public terror, or yielded to it. In 177 he issued a rescript ordering the punishment of sects that caused disturbances by \"exciting the ill-balanced minds of men\" with new winds of doctrine. In that same year, at Vienne and Lyons, the pagan populace arose in fury against the Christians, and stoned them whenever they dared to stir from their homes. The im\u00ad perial legate ordered the arrest of the leading Christians of Lyons. Bishop Pothinus, ninety years old, died in jail from the effects of torture. A mes\u00ad senger was sent to Rome to ask the advice of the Emperor as to the treatment of the remaining prisoners. Marcus replied that those who denied Chris\u00ad tianity should be freed, but those who professed it should be put to death according to the law.\nThe annual festival of the Augustalia was now to be celebrated in Lyons, and delegates from all Gaul crowded the provincial capital. At the height of the games the accused Christians were brought to the amphitheater and were questioned. Those who recanted were dismissed; forty-seven who persisted were put to death with a variety and barbarity of tortures equaled only by the Inquisition. Attalus, second to Pothinus in the Christian com\u00ad munity, was forced to sit on a chair of red-hot iron and roast to death.17 Blandina, a slave girl, was tortured all day, then bound up in a bag, and thrown into the arena to be gored to death by a bull. Her silent fortitude led many Christians to believe that Christ made his martyrs insensitive to pain; the same result might have come from ecstasy and fear. \"The Chris\u00ad tian,\" said Tertullian, \"even when condemned to die, gives thanks.\" 18 *\nUnder Commodus the persecutions waned. Septimius Severus renewed them, even to the point of making baptism a crime. In 203 many Christians suffered martyrdom in Carthage. One of them, a young mother named Perpetua, left a touching account of her days in prison, and her father's prostrate pleas that she should renounce Christianity. She and another young mother were tossed and gored by a bull; we have an indication of the anesthetic effect of fear and trance in her later query, \"\\Vhen are we to be tossed?\" Story tells how she guided to her throat the dagger of the reluctant gladiator who had to kill her.19 The Syrian empresses who followed Sep\u00ad timius had little concern for the Roman gods, and gave Christianity a careless\nOur knowledge of the Lyons persecutions comes from a lener of \"the sen,ants of Christ at Lugdunum and Vienna in Gaul, to the brethren in Asia and Phrygia,\" preserved in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, v, 1. Some exaggeration may have crept into the report,\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXX\ntoleration. Under Alexander Severus peace seemed established among all\nthe rival faiths.\nThe renewal of the barbarian attacks ended this truce. To understand the persecution under Decius (or Aurelius) we must imagine a nation in the full excitement of war, frightened by serious defeats, and expecting hostile invasion. In 249 a wave of religious emotion swept the Empire; men and women flocked to the temples and besieged the gods with prayers. Amid this fever of patriotism and fear the Christians stood apart, still resenting and discouraging military service,20 scorning the gods, and interpreting the collapse of the Empire as the prophesied prelude to the destruction of \"Babylon\" and the return of Christ. Using the mood of the people as an opportunity to strengthen national enthusiasm and unity, Decius issued an edict requiring every inhabitant of the realm to offer a propitiatory act of homage to the gods of Rome. Apparently Christians were not asked to abjure their own faith, but were commanded to join in the universal supplicatio to the deities who, the populace believed, had so often saved imperiled Rome. Most Christians complied; in Alexandria, according to its Bishop Dionysius, \"the apostasy was universal\"; 21 it was likewise in Carthage and Smyrna; probably these Christians considered the supplicatio a patriotic formality. But the bishops of Jerusalem and Antioch died in jail, and the bishops of Rome and Toulouse were put to death ( 250). Hundreds of Roman Christians were crowded into dungeons; some were beheaded, some were burned at the stake, a few were giYen to the beasts in holiday festival. After a year the persecution abated; and by Easter of 25 1 it was practically at an end.\nSix years later Valerian, in another crisis of invasion and terror, ordered that \"all persons must conform to the Roman ceremonials,\" and forbade any Christian assemblage. Pope Sixtus II resisted, and was put to death with four of his deacons. Bishop Cyprian of Carthage was beheaded, the bishop of Tarragona was burned alive. In 261, after the Persians had removed Valeria'n from the scene, Gallienus published the first edict of toleration, recognizing Christianity as a permitted religion, and ordering that property taken from Christians should be restored to them. Minor persecutions occurred in the next forty years, bur for the most part these were for Christianity decades of unprecedented calm and rapid growth. In the chaos and terror of the third century men fled from the weakened state to the consolations of religion, and found them more abundantly in Christianity than in its rivals. The Church made rich converts now, built costly cathedrals, and allowed its adherents to share in the joys of this world. The odium theologicum sub\u00ad sided among the people; Christians intermingled more freely with pagans,\nCHAP. XXX)   THE  TRIUMPH  OF CHRISTIANITY\neven married them. The Oriental monarchy of Diocletian seemed destined to consolidate religious as well as political security and peace.\nGalerius, however, saw in Christianity the last obstacle to absolute rule, and urged his chief to complete the Roman restoration by restoring the Roman gods. Diocletian hesitated; he was averse to needless risks, and esti\u00ad mated more truly than Galerius the magnitude of the task. But one day, at an imperial sacrifice, the Christians made the sign of the cross to ward off evil demons. When the augurs failed to find on the livers of the s_acrifi.ced animals the marks that they had hoped to interpret, they blamed the presence of profane and unbelieving persons. Diocletian ordered that all in attendance should offer sacrifice to the gods or be flogged, and that all soldiers in the army should similarly conform or be dismissed (302). Strange to say, Christian writers agreed with the pagan priests: the prayers of the Chris\u00ad tian, said Lactantius,22 kept the Roman gods at a distance; and Bishop Dio\u00ad nysius had written to the same effect a generation before. Galerius at every\u2022 opportunity argued the need of religious unity as a suppon to the new monarchy; and at last Diocletian yielded. In February, 303, the four rulers decreed the destruction of all Christian churches, the burning of Christian books, the dissolution of Christian congregations, the confiscation of their propeny, the exclusion of Christians from public office, and the punishment of death for Christians detected in religious assembly. A band of soldiers inaugurated the persecution by burning to the ground the cathedral at Nico\u00ad media.\nThe Christians were now numerous enough to retaliate. A revolutionary movement broke out in Syria, and in Nicomedia incendiaries twice set fire to Diocletian's palace. Galerius accused the Christians of the arson; they accused him; hundreds of Christians were arrested and tortured, but the guilt was never fixed. In September Diocletian ordered that imprisoned Christians who would worship the Roman gods should be freed, but that those who refused should be subjected to every torture known to Rome. Infuriated by scornful resistance, he directed all provincial magistrates to seek out every Christian, and use any method to compel him to appease the gods. Then, probably glad to leave this miserable enterprise to his suc\u00ad cessors, he resigned.\nMaximian carried out the edict with military thoroughness in Italy. Galerius, become Augustus, gave every encouragement to the persecution in the East. The roll of martyrs was increased in every part of the Empire except Gaul and Britain, where Constantius contented himself with burning a few churches. Eusebius assures us, presumably with the hyperbole of indignation, that men were flogged till the flesh hung from their bones, or their flesh was scraped to the bone with shells; salt or vinegar was poured\n652\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXX\nupon the wounds; the flesh was cut off bit by bit and fed to waiting animals; or bound to crosses, men were eaten piecemeal by starved beasts. Some victims had their fingers pierced with sharp reeds under the nails; some had their eyes gouged out; some were suspended by a hand or a foot; some had molten lead poured down their throats; some were beheaded, or crucified, or beaten to death with clubs; some were tom apart by being tied to the momentarily bent branches of trees.23 We have no pagan narrative of these events.\nThe persecution continued for eight years, and brought death to ap\u00ad\n.proximately 1 500 Christians, orthodox or heretic, and diverse sufferings to countless more. Thousands of Christians recanted; tradition said that even Marcellinus, Bishop of Rome, denied his faith under duress of terror and pain. But most of the persecuted stood firm; and the sight or report of heroic fidelity under torture strengthened the faith of the wavering and won new members for the hunted congregations. As the.brutalities multi\u00ad plied, the sympathy of the pagan population was stirred; the opinion of go9d citizens found courage to express itself against the most ferocious oppres\u00ad sion in Roman history. Once the people had urged the state to destroy Christianity; now the people stood aloof from the government, and many pagans risked death to hide or protect Christians until the storm should pass.24 In 3 1 1 Galerius, suffering from a mortal illness, convinced of failure, and implored by his wife to make his peace with the undefeated God of the Christians, promulgated an edi t of toleration, recognizing Christianity as a lawful religion and asking the prayers of the Christians in return for \"our most gentle clemency.\" 2;;\nThe Diocletian persecution was the greatest test and triumph of the Church. It weakened Christianity for a time through the natural defection of adherents who had joined it, or grown up, during a half century of unmolested prosperity. But soon the defaulters were doing penance and pleading for readmission to the fold. Accounts of the loyalty of martyrs who had died, or of \"confessors\" ,vho had suffered, for the faith were circulated from community to community; and these Acta Martyru111, intense with exaggeration and fascinating \u00b7with legend, played a historic role in awaken\u00ad ing or confirming Christian belief. \"The blood of martyrs,\" said T ertullian, \"is seed.\" 26 There is no greater drama in human record than the sight of a few Christians, scorned or oppressed by a succession of emperors, bearing all trials with a fierce tenacity, multiplying quietly, building order while their enemies generated chaos, fighting the sword with .the word, brutality with hope, and_at last defe_ating the strongest state that history has known. Caesar and Chnst had met m the arena, and Christ had won."]
[-3.4814584255218506, -6.548206329345703, "J\t,d.....\"\u2022 ,\t'!\nFIG. 37-Reco11struction of Interior of Baths of Caracalla\n..\n-- --L\n\\'\n,l\t\\-\t:\n'\u00b7 ',\\ \u00b7.\nI\nJI\nFIG. 39-Sarcopbagus of the Empress Helena\nYatican, Rome\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE\t625\nof these tales; certainly the stories of his sexual depravity are beyond belief. In any case he perfumed his lust with piety, and schemed to spread among the Romans some worship of his Syrian Baal. He had himself circumcized, and thought of emasculating himself in honor of his god. He brought from Emesa the conical black stone which he worshiped as the emblem of Elagabal; he raised an ornate temple to house it; the stone, encrusted with gems, was carried to it on a chariot drawn by six white horses, while the young emperor walked backward before it in dumb adoration. He was willing to recognize all other religions; he patronized Judaism, and proposed to legalize Chris\u00ad tianity. He merely insisted, with admirable loyalty, that his stone was the greatest of gods.12\nHis mother, absorbed in amours, looked with indulgence upon this Priapic farce; but Julia Maesa, failing to control it, resolved to forestall a debacle that would end this remarkable dynasty of Syrian women. She persuaded Elagabalus to adopt his cousin Alexander as successor and Caesar. She and Mamaea trained the boy in the duties of his office, and by every art drew the Senate and the people to look upon him as a desirable alternative to the priestly satyr who had offended Rome not by his extravagance or obscenity, but by his subordination of Jupiter to a Syrian Baal. Soaemias discovered the plot, and stirred up the Praetorians against her sister and nephew; Maesa and Mamaea offered richer arguments; and the Guard slew Elagabalus and his mother, dragged his corpse through the streets and around the Circus, and :flung it into the Tiber. The Guard proclaimed, the Senate accepted, Alexander as emperor ( 22 2).\nMarcus Aurelius Severus Alexander, like his predecessor, mounted the throne at the age of fourteen. His mother had given herself with singular consecration to the training of his body, mind, and character. He strength\u00ad ened his frame with labor and exercise, swam in a cold pool for an hour every day, drank a pint of water before each meal, ate sparingly and of the simplest foods. He grew into a handsome youth, tall and strong, skilled in every sport and in the\u00b7arts of war. He studied Greek and Latin literature, and only moderated his love for them on the insistence of Mamaea, who quoted to him those verses of Virgil that called upon Romans to yield the graces of culture to others, and form themselves to organize a world state and rule it in peace. He painted and sang \"with distinction,\" and played the organ and the lyre, but never allowed any but his own household to witness these performances. He dressed and behaved with modest simplicity, \"was temperate in the enjoyment of love, and would have nothing to do with catamites.\" 13 He showed high respect for the Senate, treated its members as his equals, entertained them in his palace, and often joined them in their homes. Kindly and affable, he visited the sick ,vithout distinction of class,\n626\tCAESAR  AND  CH.R,,IST\t(CHAP. XXIX\ngave ready audience to any citizen of decent repute, quickly forgave op\u00ad ponents, and shed no civilian blood in the fourteen years of his reign.14 His mother reproved his amiability, saying, \"You have made your rule too gentle, and the authority of the Empire less respected\"; to which he an\u00ad swered, \"Yes, but I have made it more lasting and secure.\" 15 He was a man of gold, without the alloy required to withstand the rough usage of this world.\nHe recognized the absurdity of his cousin's effort to replace Jove with Elagabal, and he co-operated with his mother in restoring the Roman tem\u00ad ples and ritual. But to his philosophic mind it seemed that all religions were diverse prayers to one supreme power; he wished to honor all honest faiths; and in his private chapel, where he worshiped every morning, he had icons of Jupiter, Orpheus, Apollonius of Tyana, Abraham, and Christ. He quoted frequently the Judaeo-Christian counsel: \"\\Vhat you do not wish a man to do to you, do not do to him\"; he had it engraved on the walls of his palace and on many a public building. He recommended the morals of the Jews and the Christians to the Roman people. The unimpressed wits of Antioch and Alexandria referred to him as \"Head of the Synagogue.\" His mother favored the Christians, protected Origen, and summoned him to explain to her his flexible theology.\nJulia Maesa having died soon after Alexander's accession, Mamaea, with his tutor Ulpian, determined the policies, and conceived the reforms, of Alexander's administration. She ruled with wisdom and restraint, caring more for the success of the dynasty than for the pageantry of power; she yielded to the great lawyer and the young emperor the credit for the achieve\u00ad ments of his reign. She and Ulpian chose sixteen outstanding senators to serve as an imperial council, without whose approval no major measures were carried out. She could control everything except her love for her son. When he married and showed an affectionate partiality for his wife, Mamaea had her banished, and Alexander, forced to choose, surrendered to his mother. As he grew older he took a more active part in administration. \"He would give his attention to public business even before dawn,\" says his ancient biographer, \"and would continue at it to an advanced hour, never growing weary or irritated, but always cheerful and serene.\" 16\nHis basic policy was to weaken the disruptive dominance of the army by\nrestoring the prestige of the Senate and the aristocracy; rule by birth seemed to him the only actual alternative to rule by money, myth, or the sword. With the co-operation of the Senate he effected a hundred economies in administration, dismissed the supernumeraries in his palace, in governmental offices, and in provincial rule. He sold most of the imperial jewelry, and deposited the proceeds in the treasury. Perhaps with less Senatorial approval\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE  OF THE  EMPIRE\t627\nhe legalized, encouraged, and reorganized the workers' and tradesmen's associations, and \"allowed them to have advocates chosen from their own numbers.\" 17 Assuming a severe censorship over public morals, he ordered the arrest of prostitutes and the deportation of homosexuals. While reduc\u00ad ing taxes, he restored the Colosseum and the Baths of Caracalla, built a public library, a founeen-mile aqueduct, and new municipal baths, and financed the construction of baths, aqueducts, bridges, and roads throughout the Empire. To force down interest rates that were harassing debtors, he lent public money at four per cent, and advanced funds to the poor, with\u00ad out any interest charge, for the purchase of agricultural land. All the Em\u00ad pire prospered and applauded; the godly Aurelius, it seemed, had returned to earth and to power.\nBut as the Persians and the Germans had taken advantage of the philoso\u00ad pher king, so now they took advantage of the emperor saint. In 2 30 Ardashir, founder of the Sassanid dynasty in Persia, invaded Mesopotamia and threat\u00ad ened Syria. Alexander sent him a philosophical epistle reproving his violence, and arguing that \"everyone ought to rest content with his own domain.\" 18\n.A.rdashir judged him a weakling, and replied by demanding all Syria and Asia Minor. Accompanied by his mother, the young emperor took the field, and waged with more courage than subtlety an indecisive campaign. His\u00ad tory is obscure as to his victories and defeats; in any case Ardashir withdrew from Mesopotamia, perhaps to meet attacks on his eastern front; and the Roman coins of 2 33 pictured Alexander crowned by Victory and having the Tigris and Euphrates at his feet."]
[8.862396240234375, 1.3171372413635254, "Socr. I will teach you from your own case. Were you ever, after being stuffed with broth at a festival, later disturbed in your stomach, and did a tumult suddenly rumble through you?\nIn another scene Pheidippides, son of Strepsiades, meets in personifica\u00ad tion Just Argument and Unjust Argument. The first tells him that he must imitate the stoic virtues' of the men of Marathon, but the other preaches to him the new morality. What good, asks Unjust Argument, have men ever gained by justice, or virtue, or moderation? For one hon\u00ad est successful and respected man there can always be found ten dishonest successful and respected men. Consider the gods themselves: they lied, stole, murdered, and committed adultery; and they are worshiped by all the Greeks. When Just Argument doubts that most successful men have been dishonest, Unjust Argument asks him:\nCome now, from what class do our lawyers spring?\n]. A. Well-from the blackguards.\nU. A. Surely. Tell me, again, what are our tragic poets?\n]. A. Blackguards.\nU. A. And our public orators?\n]. A. Blackguards all.\nU. A. Now look about you. (Turning and pointing to the audi\u00ad ence.) Which class among our friends here seems the most numer- ous?\t(J. A. gravely ex(llrlines the audience.)\n]. A. The blackguards have it by a large majority.\nPheidippides is so apt a pupil of Unjust Argument that he beats his father, on the ground that he is strong enough to do it and enjoys it; and besides, he asks, \"Did you not beat me when I was a boy?\" Strepsiades begs for mercy in the name of Zeus, but Pheidippides informs him that Zeus no longer exists, having been replaced by Vortex. The enraged father runs out into the streets, and calls upon all good citizens to destroy this new\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVIl\nphilosophy. They attack and burn down the Thinking Shop, and Socrates barely escapes with his life.\nWe do not know what part this comedy played in the tragedy of Socrates. It was brought out in 42 3, twenty-four years before the famous trial. Its good-humored satire does not seem to have offended the philoso\u00ad pher; we are told that he stood throughout the performance,\"\"' to give his enemies a better shot. Plato pictures Socrates and Aristophanes as friends after the performance; Plato himself recommended the play to Dionysius I of Syracuse as a jolly extravaganza, and maintained his own friendship with Aristophanes even after his master's death.ll!O Of the three accusers of Socrates in 399 one, Meletus, was a child when the comedy was pre\u00ad sented, and another Anytus, was on friendly terms with Socrates after the play.\"\u00b0 Probably the later circulation of the play as literature did the sage more harm than its original performance; Socrates himself, in Plato's re\u00ad port of his defense, referred to the play as one of the major sources of that bad reputation which was prejudicing his case with the jurors.\nThere was another target in Athens at which Aristophanes aimed his satire; and in this case the mood was one of implacable hostility. He dis\u00ad trusted the skepticisms of the Sophists, the moral, economic, and political individualism that was undermining the state, the sentimental feminism that was agitating the women, and the socialism that was arousing the slaves. All these evils he saw at their clearest in Euripides; and he resolved to destroy with laughter the influence of the great dramatist upon the mind of Greece.\nHe began in 411 with a play which he called The Thesmophoriazusae, from the women who celebrated in sexual exclusiveness the feast of Deme\u00ad ter and Persephone. The assembled devotees discuss the latest quips of Euripides against their sex, and plan revenge. Euripides gets wind of the proceedings, and persuades his father-in-law Mnesilochus to dress as a woman and enter the meeting to defend him. The first complainant alleges that the tragic dramatist has deprived her of a living: fo\u00b7rmerly she made wreaths for the temples, but since Euripides has shown that there are no gods, the temple business has been ruined. Mnesilochus defends Euripides on the ground that his worst sayings about women are visibly and audibly true, and are mild compared with what women themselves know to be their faults. The ladies suspect that this traducer of the sex cannot be a woman; they tear off Mnesilochus' disguise, and he saves himself from dismemberment only by snatching a babe from a woman's arms and\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE  GOLDEN  AGE\t427\nthreatening to kill it if they touch him. As they nevertheless attack him, he unwraps the child, and finds that it is a wineskin disguised to escape the collector of internal revenue. He proposes to cut its throat just the same, much to the distress of its owner. \"Spare my darling!\" she cries; \"or at least bring a bowl, and if it must die, let us catch its blood.\" Mnesilochus solves the problem by drinking the wine, and meanwhile sending an appeal to Euripides for rescue. Euripides appears in various parts from his plays\n-now as Menelaus, now as Perseus, now as Echo-and finally arranges Mnesilochus' escape.\nThe Frogs (405) returns to the assault despite Euripides' death. Diony\u2022 sus, god of the drama, is dissatisfied with the surviving playwrights of\nAthens, and descends to Hades to bring back Euripides. As he is ferried over to the lower world a choir of frogs greets him with a croaking chorus that must have provided a month's catchword for young Athenians. Aris\u00ad tophanes pokes much fun at Dionysus in passing, and boldly parodies the Mysteries of Eleusis. When the god arrives in Hades he finds Euripides attempting to unseat Aeschylus as king of all dramatists. Aeschylus accuses Euripides of spreading skepticism and a dangerous casuistry, and of cor\u00ad rupting the morals of Athenian women and youth; ladies of refinement, he says, have been known to kill themselves through shame at having heard Euripides' obscenities. A pair of scales is brought in, and each poet throws into it lines from his plays; one mighty phrase of Aeschylus (here the satire strikes the older poet too) tips the scale against a dozen of Euripides. At last Aeschylus proposes that the younger dramatist shall leap into one scale with wife, children, and baggage, while he will guarantee to find a couplet that will outweigh them all. In the end the great skeptic loses the contest, and Aeschylus is brought back to Athens as victor.\u2022 This oldest known essay in literary criticism received the first prize from the judges, and so pleased the audience that another performance of it was given a few days afterward.\nIn a middling play called The Ecclesiazusae (393)-i.e., The Assembly\u00ad women-Aristophanes turned his laughter upon the radical movement in\ngeneral. The ladies of Athens disguise themselves as men, pack the Assem\u00ad bly, outvote their husbands, brothers, and sons, and elect themselves rulers of the state. Their leader is a fiery suffragette, Praxagora, who berates her sex as fools for letting themselves be ruled by such dolts as men, and pro\u00ad poses that all wealth shall be divided equally among the citizens, leaving the slaves uncontaminated with gold. The attack upon Utopia takes a\nPossibly a reference to the repetition of Aeschylus' plays.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII"]
[-7.181240081787109, 11.366307258605957, "Then, seeming to hear the call of a god, Oedipus bids a tender farewell to Antigone and Ismene, and walks into the dark grove, Theseus alone ac\u00ad companying him.\nGoing on A little space we turned. And lo, we saw\nThe man no more; but he, the King,\u2022 was there, Holding a hand to shade his eyes, as one\nTo whom there comes a vision drear and dread He may not bear to look upon....\nWhat form of death He died, knows no man but our Theseus only.... But either some one whom the gods had sent\nTo guide his steps, or else the abyss of earth In friendly mood had opened wide its jaws\n\u2022Theseus.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\nWithout one pang. And so the man was led\nWith naught to mourn for-did not leave the world As worn with pain and sickness; but his end,\nIf any ever was, was wonderful.\u2022\n(CHAP. XVII\nThe last play in the sequence, but apparently the first of the three to be composed, carries the faithful Antigone to her grave. Hearing that her brothers Polynices and Eteocles are warring for the kingdom, she hurries back to Thebes in the hope of bringing peace. But she is ignored, and the brothers fight to their death. Creon, ally of Eteocles, seizes the throne, and, as punishment for Polynices' rebellion, forbids his burial. Antigone,\nsharing the Greek belief that the spirit of t e dead is tortured so long as the corpse is not interred, violates the edict and buries Polynices. Mean\u00ad while the chorus sings one of the most renowned of Sophocles' odes:\nMany wonders there be, but naught more wondrous than man. Over the surging sea, with a whitening south wind wan, Through the foam of the firth man makes his perilous way; And the eldest of deities, Earth that knows not toil or decay, Ever he furrows and scores, as his team, year in year out,\nWith breed of the yoked horse the ploughshare turneth about.\nThe light-witted birds of the air, the beasts of the weald and the wood,\nHe traps with his woven snare, and the brood of the briny flood. Master of cunning he: the savage bull, and the hart\nWho roams the mountain free, are tamed by his infinite art; And the shaggy rough-maned steed is broken to bear the bit.\nSpeech, and the wind-swift speed of counsel and civic wit,\nHe hath learned for himself all these; and the arrowy rain to fly, And the nipping airs that freeze, 'neath the open winter sky.\nHe hath provision for all; fell plague he hath learned to endure; Safe whate'er may befall: yet for death he hath found no cure.\u2022\nAntigone is condemned by Creon to be buried alive. Creon's son Haemon protests against the awful sentence, and, being repulsed swears to his father \"thou shalt never more set eyes upon my face.\" Here for a moment love plays a part in a Sophoclean tragedy and the poet intones to Eros a hymn long remembered in antiquity:\nLove resistless in fight, all yield at a glance of thine eye; Love who pillowed all night on a maiden's cheek doth lie;\nCHAP. XVII)  TH E  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t397"]
[7.453457832336426, 9.00500202178955, "CHAP. xm)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS   289\nthe material upon which he writes. Some schools, anticipating much later fash\u00ad ions, are adorned with statues of Greek heroes and gods; a few are elegantly furnished. The teacher teaches all subjects, and attends to character as well as intellect, using a sandal.\u2022\"'\nThe curriculum has three divisions-writing, music, and gymnastics; eager modernists will add, in Aristotle's day, drawing and painting.\" Writing includes reading and arithmetic, which uses letters for numbers. Everyone learns to play the lyre, and much of the material of instruction is put into poetical and musical form.u No time is spent in acquiring any foreign language, much less a dead one, but great care is taken in learning the correct usage of the mother tongue. Gymnastics are taught chiefly in the gymnasium and the palaestra, and no one is considered educated who has not learned to wrestle, swim, and use the bow and the sling.\nThe education of girls is carried on at home, and is largely confined to \"domestic science.\" Outside of Sparta girls take no part in public gymnastics. They are taught by their mothers or nurses to read and write and reckon, to spin and weave and embroider, to dance and sing and play some instrument. A few Greek women are well educated, but these are mostly hetairai; for respect\u00ad able ladies there is no secondary education, until Aspasia lures a few of them into rhetoric and philosophy. Higher education for men is provided by pro\u00ad fessional rhetors and sophists, who offer instruction in oratory, science, philoso\u00ad phy, and history. These independent teachers engage lecture halls near the gymnasium or palaestra, and constitute together a scattered university for pre\u00ad Platonic Athens. Only the prosperous can study under them, for they charge high fees; but ambitious youths work by night in mill or field in order to be able to attend by day the classes of these nomadic professors.\nWhen boys reach the age of sixteen they are expected to pay special atten\u00ad tion to physical exercises, as fitting them in some measure for the tasks of war. Even their sports give them indirectly a military preparation: they run, leap, wrestle, hunt, drive chariots, and hurl the javelin. At eighteen they enter upon the second of the four stages of Athenian life (pais, ephebos, aner, geron-child, youth, man, elder), and are enrolled into the ranks of Athens' soldier youth, the epheboi.t Under moderators chosen by the leaders of their tribes they are trained for two years in the duties of citizenship and war. They live and eat together, wear an impressive uniform, and submit to moral supervision night and day. They organize themselves democratically on the model of the city, meet in assembly, pass resolutions, and erect laws for their own governance;\nIn one of the pictures at Pompeii, probably copied from the Greek, we see a pupil sup\u00ad poned upon the shoulders of another, and held at his heels by a third, while the teacher Bogs him.ia\nt This institution, however, cannot yet be traced back beyond 336 B.c.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\nthey have archon:., strategoi, and judges.11 For the first year they are schooled with strenuous drill, and hear lectures on literature, music, geometry, and rhet\u00ad oric.11 At nineteen they are assigned to garrison the frontier, and are entrusted for two years with the protection of the city against attack from without and disorder within. Solemnly, in the presence of the Council of Five Hundred, with hands stretched over the altar in the temple of Agraulos, they take the oath of the young men of Athens:\nI will not disgrace the sacred arms, nor will I abandon the man next to me, whoever he may be. I will bring aid to the ritual of the state, and to the holy duties, both alone and in company with many. I will transmit my native commonwealth not lessened, but larger and better than I have received it. I will obey those who from time to time are judges; I will obey the established statutes, and what\u00ad ever other regulations the people shall enact. If anyone shall attempt to destroy the statutes I will not permit it, but will repel him both alone and with all. I will honor the ancestral faith.18\nThe epheboi are assigned a special place at the theater, and play a prominent role in the religious processions of the city; perhaps it is such young men that we see riding so handsomely on the Parthenon frieze. Periodically they exhibit their accomplishments in public contests, above all in the relay torch race from the Piraeus to Athens. All the city comes out for this picturesque event, and lines the four-and-a-half-mile road; the race is run at night, and the way is not illuminated; all that can be seen of the runners is the leaping light of the torches that they carry forward and pass on. When, at the age of twenty\u00ad one, the training of the epheboi is completed, they are freed from parental authority, and formally admitted into the full citizenship of the city.\nSuch is the education-eked out by lessons learned in the home and in the street-that produces the Athenian citizen. It is an excellent combination of physical and mental, moral and esthetic, training, of supervision in youth with freedom in maturity; and in its heyday it turns out young men as fine as any in history. After Pericles theory grows and beclouds practice; philosophers debate the goals and methods of education-whether the teacher should aim chiefly at intellectual development or at moral character, chiefly at practical ability or the promotion of abstract science. But all agree in attaching the highest importance to education. When Aristippus is asked in what way the educated are superior to the untutored he answers, \"as broken horses are to the unbroken\"; and Aristotle to the same question replies, \"as the living are to the dead.\" At least, adds Aristippus, \"If the pupil derives no other good, he will not, when he attends the theater, be one stone upon another.',,.\nCHAP. xm) THE MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS\t291\nEXTERNALS\nThe citizens of Athens, in the fifth century, are men of medium height, vigorous, bearded, and not all as handsome as Pheidias' horsemen. The ladies of the vases are graceful, and those of the stelae have a dignified loveliness, and those molded by the sculptors are supremely beautiful; but the actual ladies of Athens, limited in their mental development by an almost Oriental seclusion, are at best as pretty as their Near Eastern sisters, but no more. The Greeks admire beauty even beyond other nations, but they do not always embody it. Greek women, like others, find their figures a little short of perfection. They lengthen them with high cork soles on their shoes, pad out deficiencies with wadding, compress abundances with lacing, and support the breasts with a cloth brassiere.\u2022\"'\nThe hair of the Greeks is usually dark; blondes are exceptional, and much admired; many women, and some men, dye their hair to make it blonde, or to conceal the grayness of age.\" Both sexes use oils to help the growth of the hair and to protect it against the sun; the women, and again some men, add perfumes to the oil.\"\" Both sexes, in the sixth century, wear the hair long, usually bound in braids around or behind the head. In the fifth century the women vary their coiffure by knotting the hair low on the nape of the neck, or letting it fall over the shoulders, or around the neck and upon the breast. The ladies like to bind their hair with gay ribbons, and to adorn these with a jewel on the forehead.\" After Marathon the men begin to cut their hair; after Alexander they will shave their mustaches and beards with sickle-shaped razors of iron. No Greek ever wears a mustache without a beard. The beard is neatly trimmed, usually to a point. The barber not only cuts the hair and shaves or trims the beard, but he manicures his customer and otherwise polishes him up for presentation; when he has finished he offers him a mirror in the most modern style.\u2022 The barber has his shop, which is a center for the \"wineless symposia\" (as Theophrastus calls them) of the local gossips and gadflies; but he often works outside it under the sky. He is garrulous by profession; and when one of his kind asks King Archelaus of Macedon how he would like to have his hair cut the king answers, \"In silence.\"\"\" The women also shave here and there, using razors or depilatories of arsenic and lime.\nPerfumes-made from flowers, with a base of oil-are numbered in the\nPlutarch tells a pretty story of how an epidemic of suicide among the women of Milerus was suddenly and completely ended by an ordinance decreeing that self-slain women should be carried naked through the marketplace to their burial.11\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\nhundreds; Socrates complains that men make so much use of them.\"\" Every lady of class has an armory of mirrors, pins, hairpins, safety pins, tweezers, combs, scent bottles, and pots for rouge and creams. Cheeks and lips are painted with sticks of minium or alkanet root; eyebrows are penciled with lampblack or pulverized antimony; eyelids are shaded with antimony or kohl; eyelashes are darkened, and then set with a mixture of egg white and gum ammoniac. Creams and washes are used for removing wrinkles, freckles, and spots; disagreeable applications are kept on the face for hours in the patient lust to seem, if one cannot be, beautiful. Oil of mastic is em\u00ad ployed to prevent perspiration, and specific perfumed unguents are ap\u00ad plied to various parts of the body; a proper lady uses palm oil on the face and breast, marjoram on the eyebrows and hair, essence of thyme on the throat and knees, mint on the arms, myrrh on the legs and feet.\u2022 Against this seductive armament men protest to as much effect as in other ages. A character in Athenian comedy reproves a lady in cosmetic detail: \"If you go out in summer, two streaks of black run from your eyes; perspiration makes a red furrow from your cheeks to your neck; and when your hair touches your face it is blanched by the white lead.',. Women remain the same, because men do.\nWater is limited, and cleanliness seeks substitutes. The well to do bathe once or twice daily, using a soap made of olive oil mixed with an alkali into a paste; then they are anointed with fragrant essences. Comfortable homes have a paved bathroom in which stands a large marble basin, usually filled by hand; sometimes water is brought by pipes and channels into the house and through the wall of the bathroom, where it spouts from a metal nozzle in the shape of an animal's head, and falls upon the floor of a small shower-bath enclosure, whence it runs out into the garden.80 Most people, unable to spare water for a bath, rub themselves with oil, and then scrape it off with a crescent-shaped strigil, as in Lysippus' Apoxyomenos. The Greek is not fastidiously clean; his hygiene is not so much a matter of indoor toilette as of abstemious diet and an active outdoor life. He seldom sits in closed homes, theaters, churches, or halls, rarely works in closed factories or shops; his drama, his worship, even his government, proceed under the sun; and his simple clothing, which lets the air reach every pan of his body, can be thrown aside with one swing of the arm for a bout of wrestling or a bath of sunshine.\nGreek dress consists essentially of two squares of cloth, loosely draped about the body, and seldom tailored to fit the individual; it varies in minor detail from city to city, but remains constant for generations. The chief\nCHAP, XIII)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE  ATHENIANS    293\ngarment at Athens is for men the chiton, or tunic, for women the peplos, or robe, both made of wool. If the weather requires it these may be cov\u00ad ered with a mantle (himation) or cloak (chlamys), suspended like them from the shoulders, and falling freely in those natural folds that so please us in Greek statuary. In the fifth century clothing is usually white; women, rich men, and gay youths, however, go in for color, even for purple and dark red, and colored stripes and embroidered hems; and the women may bind a colored girdle about the waist. Hats are unpopular on the ground that they keep moisture from the hair and so make it prematurely gray;\"' the head is covered only in traveling, in battle, and at work under the hot sun; women may wear colored kerchiefs or bandeaux; workers sometimes wear a cap and nothing else.\"\" Shoes are sandals, high shoes, or boots; usu\u00ad ally of leather, black for men, colored for women. The ladies of Thebes, says Dicaearchus, \"wear low purple shoes laced so as to show the bare feet.\"'\" Most children and workingmen dispense with shoes altogether; and no one bothers with stockings.\"\nBoth sexes announce or disguise their incomes with jewelry. Men wear at least one ring; Aristotle wears several.\"\" The walking sticks of the men may have knobs of silver or gold. Women wear bracelets, necklaces, dia\u00ad dems, earrings, brooches and chains, jeweled clasps and buckles, and some\u00ad times jeweled bands about the ankles or the upper arms. Here, as in most mercantile cultures, luxury runs into excess among those to whom wealth is a novelty. Sparta regulates the headdress of its ladies, and Athens for\u00ad bids women to take more than three dresses on a journey  Women smile"]
[-1.1853612661361694, 12.76990032196045, "180\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VIII\neye, to all whom she visited. The less learned Greeks sacrificed puppies to keep her away.m\nBefore the classical age the dead were regarded as spirits capable of good and evil to men, and were appeased with offerings and prayer. They were not quite gods, but the primitive Greek family, like the Chinese, honored its dead beyond any deity.\"\" In classical Greece these vague ghosts were more dreaded than loved, and were propitiated with aversion rituals, as in the festival of Anthesteria. The worship of heroes was an extension of the cult of the dead. Great, noble, or beautiful men or women could be raised by the gods to im\u00ad mortal life and become minor deities. So the people of Olympia offered annual sacrifice to Hippodameia; Cassandra was worshiped at Laconian Leuctra, Helen at Sparta, Oedipus at Colonus. Or a god might descend into the body of a mortal, and transform him with divinity; or the god might cohabit with a mortal and beget a hero-god, as Zeus with Alcmena begot Heracles. Many cities, groups, even professions, traced their origin to some god-born hero; so the physicians of Greece looked back to Asclepius. The god was once a dead man, ancestor, or hero; the temple was originally a tomb; the church is still in most lands a shelter for relics of the sacred dead. In general the Greeks made less distinction between men and gods than we do; many of their gods were as human, except in birth, as our saints, and as close to their worshipers; and though they were called Immortals, some of them, like Dionysus, could die.\nThe Olympians\nAll these were the less famous, though not necessarily the less honored, gods of Greece. How is it that we hear so little of them in Homer, and so much of the Olympians? Probably because the gods of Olympus entered with the Achaeans and Dorians, overlaid the Mycenaean and chthonian deities, and conquered them as their worshipers were conquered. We see the change in action at Dodona and Delphi, where the older god of the earth, Gaea, was displaced in the one case by Zeus, in the other by Apollo. The defeated gods were not wiped out; they remained, so to speak, as sub\u00ad ject deities, hiding bitterly underground, but still revered by the common people, while the victorious Olympians received on their mountaintop the worship of the aristocracy; hence Homer, who composed for the elite, says almost nothing of the nether gods. Homer, Hesiod, and the sculptors helped the political ascendancy of the conquerors to spread the cult of the Olympians. Sometimes the Ininor gods were combined or absorbed into the greater figures, or became their attendants or satellites, very much as minor states were now and then attached or subjected to greater ones; so the satyrs\nCHAP.VIII)\tTHE  GODS OF GREECE\nand sileni were given to Dionysus, the sea nymphs to Poseidon, the moun tain and forest sprites to Artemis. The more savage rites and myths faded out; the chaos of a demon-haunted earth yielded to a semiorderly divine government that reflected the growing political stability of the Greek world.\nAt the head of this new regime was the majestic and patriarchal Zeus. He was not first in time; Uranus and Cronus, as we have seen, preceded him; but they and the Titans, like Lucifer's hosts, were overthrown.\u2022 Zeus and his brothers cast lots to divide the world amongst them; Zeus won the sky, Poseidon the sea, Hades the bowels of the earth. There is no creation in this mythology: the world existed before the gods, and the gods do not make man out of the slime but beget him by union among themselves, or with their mortal offspring; God is literally the Father in the theology of the Greeks. Nor are the Olympians omnipotent or omniscient; each limits the other, or even opposes the other; any one of them, especially Zeus, can be deceived. Nevertheless they acknowledge his suzerainty, and crowd his court like the retainers of a feudal lord; and though he consults them on occasion, and now and then yields his preference to theirs,\"\" he frequently\nputs them in their place.\" He begins as a sky-and-mountain-god, provider of the indispensable rain.t Like Yahweh he is, among his earlier forms, a god of war; he debates with himself whether to end the siege of Troy or\n\"make the war more bloody,\" and decides for the latter course.\"\" Gradually he becomes the calm and mighty ruler of gods and men, bestriding Olympus in bearded dignity. He is the head and source of the moral order of the world; he punishes .filial neglect, guards family property, sanctions oaths, pursues perjurers, and protects boundaries, hearths, suppliants, and guests. At last he is the serene dispenser of judgment whom Pheidias carves for Olympia.\nHis one failing is the youthful readiness with which he falls in love. Not\nhaving created women, he admires them as wonderful beings, bearing even to the gods the inestimable gifts of beauty and tenderness; and he finds it beyond him to resist them. Hesiod draws up a long list of the divine amours and their glorious offspring... His first mate is Dione, but he leaves her in\nThis struggle between Zeus and his aides against the Titans became for the Greeks a symbol of the conquest of barbarism and brute strength by civilization and reason, and offered a frequent subject for art.\nt The name Zeus is probably akin to the Latin dies, our day, and may come from an lndo\u00ad\nEuropean root di, meaning to shine. Jupiter is Zeu-pater, Zeus the father; hence the geni\u00ad tive Dior. Today the haunts and peaks once sacred to Zeus are named, or dedicated to, St. Elias, the rain-giving saint of the Greek Church.\u2022\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. VIII\nEpirus when he moves to Thessalian Olympus. There his first wife is\nMetis, goddess of measure, mind, wisdom. Gossip says that her children\n\twill dethrone him; therefore he swallows her, absorbs her qualities, and be\u00ad comes himself the god of wisdom. Metis is delivered of Athena within him, and his head has to be cut open that Athena may be born. Lonely for loveli\u00ad ness, he takes Themis for his mate, and begets by her the twelve Hours; then he takes Eurynome, and begets the three Graces; then Mnemosyne, and engenders the nine Muses; then Leto, and fathers Apollo and Artemis; then his sister Demeter, and has Persephone; finally, having sown his wild oats, he weds his sister Hera, makes her Queen of Olympus, and receives from her Hebe, Ares, Hephaestus, and Eileithyia. But he does not get along well with Hera. She is as old a god as he, and more honored in many states; she is the patron deity of matrimony and motherhood, protectress of the mar\u00ad riage tie; she is prim and grave arid virtuous, and frowns upon his escapades; moreover, she is an excellent shrew. He thinks of beating her,.. but finds it easier to console himself with new amours. His first mortal mate is Niobe; his last is Alcmena, who is descended from Niobe in the sixteenth genera\u00ad tion.* He loves also, with Greek impartiality, the handsome Ganymede, and snatches him up to be his cupbearer on Olympus.\nIt was natural that so fertile a father should have some distinguished chil\u00ad\ndren. When Athena was, born in full development and armament from the head of Zeus she provided the literature of the world with one of its most hackneyed similes. She was an appropriate goddess for Athens, consoling its maids with her proud virginity, inspiring its men with martial ardor, and symbolizing for Pericles the wisdom that belonged to her as the daughter of Metis and Zeus. When Pallas the Titan tried to make love to her she slew him, and added his name to hers as a warning to other suitors. To her Athens dedicated its loveliest temple and its most splendid festival.\nMore widely worshiped than Athena was her comely brother Apollo, bright deity of the sun, patron of music, poetry, and art, founder of cities, maker of laws, god of healing and father of Asclepius, \"far-darting\" archer and god of war, successor to Gaea and Phoebet at Delphi as the holiest oracle of Greece. As god of the growing crops he received tithe offerings at harvest time, and in return he radiated his golden warmth and light from Delos and Delphi to enrich the soil. Everywhere he was associated with order, measure, and beauty; and whereas in other cults there were strange\nIt should be added, in justice to the dead, that these adventures were probably invented by the poets, or by tribes anxious to trace their lineage to the greatest of the gods.\nt From Phoebe he took the name Phoebus, \"inspired.\"\nCHAP. VIII)\tTHE  GODS OF GREECE\t183"]
[-8.718727111816406, -0.6997191309928894, "In the spring of 480 the great host reached the Hellespont, where Egyptian and Phoenician engineers had built a bridge that was among the most admired mechanical achievements of antiquity. If again we may fol\u00ad low Herodotus, 674 ships of trireme or penteconter size were distributed in two rows athwart the strait, each vessel facing the current, and moored\nCHAP. X)\tTHE   STRUGGLE  FOR  FREE DOM\t239\nwith a heavy anchor. Then the builders stretched cables of flax or papyrus over each row of ships from bank to bank, bound the cables to every ship, and made them taut with capstans on the shore. Trees were cut and sawn into planks, and these, laid across the cables, were fastened to them and to one another. The planks were covered with brushwood, and this with earth, and the whole was trodden down to resemble a road. A bulwark was erected on each side of the causeway high enough to keep animals from taking fright at sight of the sea.18 Nevenheless many of the beasts, and some of the soldiers, had to be driven by the lash to trust themselves to the bridge. It stood the burden well, and in seven days an<) nights the entire host had passed over it successfully. A native of the region, seeing the spectacle, concluded that Xerxes was Zeus, and asked why the master of gods and men had taken so much trouble to conquer little Greece when he might have destroyed the presumptuous nation with one thunderbolt.1' The army marched overland through Thrace and down into Macedonia and Thessaly, while the Persian fleet, hugging the coasts, avoided the storms of the Aegean by passing southward through a canal dug by forced\nlabor across the isthmus at Mt. Athos to the length of a mile and a quarter. Wherever the army ate two meals, we are told, the city tnat fed it was utterly ruined; Thasos spent four hundred silver talents-approximately a\nmillion dollars-in playing host to Xerxes for a day.20 The northern Greeks. even to the Attic frontier, surrendered to fear or bribery, and allowed their troops to be added to Xerxes' millions. Only Plataea and Thespiae, in the nonh, prepared to fight.\nIV. SALAMIS\nHow can we imagine, today, the terror and desperation of the south, em Greeks at the approach of this polyglot avalanche? Resistance seemed insane; the loyal states could not muster one tenth of Xerxes' force. For once Athens and Sparta worked together with single mind and heart. Delegates were sped to every city in the Peloponnesus to beg for troops or supplies; most of the states co-operated; Argos refused, and never lived down her disgrace. Athens fitted out a fleet that sailed nonh to meet the Persian armada, and Sparta dispatched a small force under King Leonidas to halt Xerxes for a while at Thermopylae. The two navies met at Ane\u00ad misium, off the nonhern coast of Euboea. When the Greek admirals saw the overwhelming number of the enemy's vessels they were of a mind to withdraw. The Euboeans, fearing a descent of the Persians upon their\nTHE  LIFE OF GREECE\t(CHAP.X\nshores, sent to Themistocles, commander of the Athenian contingent, a bribe of thirty talents ($180,000) on condition that he persuade the Greek leaders to fight; he succeeded by sharing the bribe.n With characteristic subtlety Themistocles had sailors inscribe upon the rocks messages to the Greeks in the Persian fleet begging them to desert, or in any case not to fight against their motherland; he hoped that if the lonians saw these words they would be moved by them, and that if Xerxes saw and understood them, the King would not dare to use Hellenes in the battle. All day the rival fleets fought, until night put an end to the engagement before either side could win; the Greeks then retired to Artemisium, the Persians to Aphetae. Considering the inequality of numbers, the Greeks justifiably looked upon the battle as a victory. When news came of the disaster at Thermopylae the surviving Greek fleet sailed south to Salamis, to provide a refuge for Athens.\nMeanwhile Leonidas, despite the most heroic resistance in history, had been overwhelmed at the \"Hot Gates,\" not so much by the bravery of the Persians as by the treachery of Hellenes. Certain Greeks from Trachis not only betrayed to Xerxes the secret of the indirect route over the moun\u00ad tains, but led the Persian force by that approach to attack the Spartans in the rear. Leonidas and his three hundred elders (for he had chosen only fathers of sons to go with him, lest any Spartan family should be extin\u00ad guished) died almost to the last man. Of the two Spartan survivors one fell at Plataea, the other hanged himself for shame/\" The Greek historians assure us that the Persians lost 20,000, the Greeks 300.\"\" Over the tomb of the latter heroes was placed the most famous of Greek epitaphs: \"Go, stranger, and tell the Lacedaemonians that we lie here in obedience to their laws.'\"'\nWhen the Athenians learned that no barrier now remained between Athens and the Persians, proclamation was made that every Athenian should save his family as best he could. Some fled to Aegina, some to Salamis, some to Troezen; some of the men were enlisted to fill up the crews of the fleet that was returning from Artemisium. Plutarch paints\"\" a touching picture of how the tame animals of the city followed their masters to the shore, and howled when the overladen vessels drew off without them; one dog, be\u00ad longing to Pericles' father, Xanthippus, leaped into the sea and swam alongside his ship to Salamis, where it died of exhaustion.\"\" We may judge of the excitement and passion of those days when we learn that an Athenian who in the Assembly, advised surrender, was killed there and then, and\nCHAP. x)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR FREEDOM\nthat a crowd of women went to his house and stoned his wife and children to death... When Xerxes arrived he found the city almost desened, and gave it over to pillage and fire.\nSoon afterward the Persian fleet, twelve hundred strong, entered the Bay of Salamis. Against it were ranged three hundred Greek triremes, still under divided command. The majority of the admirals were op\u00ad posed to risking an engagement. Resolved to force action upon the Greeks, Themistocles resoned to a stratagem that would have cost him his life had the Persians won. He sent a trusted slave to Xerxes to tell him that the Greeks were intending to sail away during the night, and that the Per\u00ad sians could prevent this only by surrounding the Greek fleet. Xerxes ac\u00ad cepted the advice, and on the next morning, with every escape blocked, the Greeks were compelled to give fight. Xerxes, seated in state at the foot of Mt. Aegaleus, on the Attic shore across from Salamis, watched the action, and noted the names of those of his men who fought with especial bravery. The superior tactics and seamanship of the Hellenes, and the confusion of tongues, minds, and superfluous ships among the Orientals, finally decided the issue in favor of Greece. According to Diodorus the invaders lost two hundred vessels, the defenders fony; but we do not have the Persian side of the story. Few of the Greeks, even from the lost ships, died; for being all excellent swimmers, they swam to land when their boats foundered.\"\" The remnant of the Persian fleet fled to the Hellespont, and the subtle Themistocles sent his slave again to Xerxes to say that he had dissuaded the Greeks from pursuit. Xerxes left 300,000 men under command of Mar\u00ad donius, and with the rest of his troops marched back in humiliation to Sardis, a large pan of his force dying of pestilence and dysentery on the way.\nIn the same year as Salamis-possibly, as the Greeks would have it, on the same day (September 23, 480 B.c.)-the Greeks of Sicily fought the Car\u00ad thaginians at Himera. We do not know that the Phoenicians of Africa were acting in concert with those who supponed Xerxes and so largely manned his fleet; perhaps it was only a coincidence that Greece found itself as\u00ad saulted in east and west at once.\u2022 In the traditional account Hamilcar, the Canhaginian admiral, arrived at Panormus with 3000 ships and 300,000 troops; he proceeded thence to lay siege to Himera, where he was met by Gelon of Syracuse with 55,ooo men. After the fashion of Punic generals, Hamilcar stood aside from the battle, and burned sacrificial victims to his gods as the contest raged; when his defeat became evident he threw him-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(cHAP.X\nself into the fire. A tomb was erected to him on the site; and there his grandson Himilcon, seventy years afterwards, slaughtered 3000 Greek cap\u00ad tives in revenge.80\nA year later (August, 479) the liberation of Greece was completed by almost simultaneous engagements on land and sea. Mardonius' army, liv\u00ad ing leisurely on the country, had pitched its camp near Plataea on the Boeotian plain. There, after two weeks of waiting for propitious omens, a Greek force of 110,000 men, led by the Spartan king Pausanias, joined issue with them in the greatest land battle of the war. The non-Persians in the invading force had no heart for the conflict, and took to flight as soon as the Persian contingent, which bore the point of the attack, began to waver. The Greeks won so overwhelming a victory that (according to their his\u00ad torians) they lost but 159 men, while of the Persian force 260,000 were slain.* On the same day, the Greeks aver, a Greek squadron met a Persian flotilla off the coast of Mycale, the central meeting place of all Ionia. The Persian fleet was destroyed, the Ionian cities were freed from Persian rule, and control of the Hellespont and the Bosporus was won by the Greeks as they had won it from Troy seven hundred years before.\nThe Greco-Persian War was the most momentous conflict in European history, for it made Europe possible. It won for Western civilization the opportunity to develop its own economic life-unburdened with alien trib\u00ad ute or taxation-and its own political institutions, free from the dictation of Oriental kings. It won for Greece a clear road for the first great experi\u00ad ment in liberty; it preserved the Greek mind for three centuries from the enervating mysticism of the East, and secured for Greek enterprise full freedom of the sea. The Athenian fleet that remained after Salamis now opened every port in the Mediterranean to Greek ttade, and the commer\u00ad cial expansion that ensued provided the wealth that financed the leisure and culture of Periclean Athens. The victory of little Hellas against such odds stimulated the pride and lifted up the spirit of its people; out of very gratitude they felt called upon to do unprecedented things. After cen\u00ad turies of preparation and sacrifice Greece entered upon its Golden Age.\nThese figures from Herodotus\"1 are presumably an outburst of patriotic imagination. Plutarch, trying to be impartial, raises the Greek loss to 136o, and Diodorus Siculus, though always generous with numbers, lowers the Persian loss to 100,000;81 but even Plutarch and Diodorus were Greeks.\nBOOK ID\nTHE\tGOLDEN  AGE\n0-399 B.C.\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE FOR BOOK III\nNom: Where no city is named for a person, \"of Athens\" is uodemood."]
[-4.933592319488525, 3.364847421646118, "Or perhaps a generation later; cf. note to p. 16o above.\nCRAP. VII)\tTHE\tGREEKS  IN  THE  WEST\nIf we wish to visualize the difficulties of life in colonies carved out by violent conquest we need only contemplate the curious communism of the Lipari\u00ad i.e., the Glorious-Islands, which lie to the north of eastern Sicily. Here, about 580, some adventurers from Cnidus organized a pirate's paradise. Preying upon the commerce about the Straits, they brought the booty to their island lairs and shared it with exemplary equality. The land was owned by the com\u00ad munity, a part of the population was assigned to till it, and the products were distributed in like shares to all the citizens. In time, however, individualism reasserted itself: the land was divided into plots individually owned, and life resumed the uneven tenor of its competitive way.\nOn the northern coast of Sicily lay Himera, destined to be the Plataea of the West. There Stesichorus, \"Maker of Choruses,\" at a time when the Greeks were tiring of epics, recast into the form of choral lyrics the legends of the race, and gave even to Helen and Achilles the passing novelty of \"modern dress.\" As if to bridge the gap between the dying epic and the future novel, Stesichorus composed love stories in verse; in one of these a pure and timid lass dies of unrequited love, in the style of Provem;al madrigals or Victorian fiction. At the same time he opened a pathway for Theocritus by writing a pastoral poem on the death of the shepherd Daphnis, whose love for Chloe was to be the main business of the Greek novel in the Roman age. Stesichorus had his own romance, and with no less a lady than Helen herself. Having lost his sight, he attributed this calamity to his having handed down the tale of Helen's infidelity; to atone to her (for she was now a goddess) he composed a \"pal\u00ad inode,\" or second song, assuring the world that Helen had been kidnaped by force, had never yielded to Paris, had never gone to Troy, but had waited intact in Egypt until Menelaus came to rescue her. In his old age the poet warned Himera against giving dictatorial power to Phalaris of Acragas.\u2022 Being unheeded, he moved to Catana, where his monumental tomb was one of the sights of Roman Sicily.\nWest of Himera lay Segesta, of which nothing remains but a peristyle of unfinished Doric columns weirdly rising amid surrounding weeds. To find Sicilian architecture at its best we must cross the island southward to the once great cities of Selinus and Acragas. During its tragic tenure of life from its establishment in 651 to its destruction by Carthaginians in 409, Selinus raised to the silent gods seven Doric temples, immense in size but of imperfect work\u00ad manship, covered with painted plaster and decorated with crude reliefs. The demon of earthquake destroyed these temples at a date unknown, and little survives of them but broken columns and capitals sprawling on the ground.\nHe cast his warning into the form of a fable. A horse, annoyed by the invasion of a stag into its pasturage, asked a man to help it punish the poacher. The man promised to do this if the horse would allow him to bestride 1t javelin in hand. The horse agreed, the stag was frightened away, and the horse found that he was now a slave to the man.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, VII\nAcragas, the Roman Agrigentum, was in the sixth century the largest and richest city in Sicily. We picture it rising from its busy wharves through a noisy market place to the homes on the slope of the hill, and the stately acrop\u00ad olis whose shrines almost lifted their worshipers to the sky. Here, as in most of the Greek colonies, the landowning aristocracy yielded power to a dictator\u00ad ship representing chiefly the middle class. In 570 Phalaris seized the government, and secured immortality by roasting his enemies in a brazen bull; he was par\u00ad ticularly pleased by a contrivance that made the agonized cries of his victims sound through a mechanism of pipes like the bellowing of the animal.\u2022 Never\u00ad theless it was to him and a later dictator, Theron, that the city owed the politi\u00ad cal order and stability that permitted its economic development. The mer\u00ad chants of Acragas, like those of Selinus, Crotona, and Sybaris, became the American millionaires of their time, upon whom the lesser plutocrats of older Greece looked with secret envy and compensatory scorn; the new world, said the old, was interested in size and show, but had no taste or artistry. The temple of Zeus at Acragas unquestionably sought size, for Polybius describes it as \"second to none in Greece in dimensions and design\";.. we cannot directly . judge its beauty, for wars and earthquakes destroyed it. A generation later, in the age of Pericles, Acragas raised more modest structures. One of them, the temple of Concord, survives almost completely, and of the temple of Hera there remains an impressive colonnade; enough in either case to show that Greek taste was not confined to Athens, and that even the commercial west had learned that \"size is not development.\"-In Acragas the great Empedocles would be born; and perhaps it was there, and not in Etna's crater, that he would die.\nSyracuse began as it is today-a village huddled on the promontory of Ortygia. As far back as the eighth century Corinth had sent colonists, armed with righteousness and superior weapons, to seize the little peninsula, which was then perhaps an island. They built or widened the connection with the mainland of Sicily, and drove most of the Sicels into the interior. They multiplied with all the rapidity of a vigorous people on a resource-full soil; in time their city became the largest in Greece, with a circumference of fourteen miles and a population of half a million souls. An aristocracy of landholders was overthrown about 495 by a revolt of the unfranchised plebs in alliance with the enslaved Sicels. The new democracy, if we may believe Aristotle,\"' proved incapable of establishing an orderly society, and in 485 Gelon of Gela, by a program of enlightened treachery, set up a dictatorship. Like many of his kind he was as able as he was unscrupulous. Scorning all moral codes and political restraints, he transformed Ortygia into an im\u00ad pregnable fortress for his government, conquered Naxos, Leontini, and\nCHAP.VII)\tTHE  GREEKS  IN  THE  WEST\nMessana, and taxed all eastern Sicily to make Syracuse the most beautiful of Greek capitals. \"In this way,\" says Herodotus, sadly, \"Gelon became a great king.\"*\"\"\nHe redeemed himself, and became the idolized Napoleon of Sicily when, as Xerxes' fleet moved upon Athens, the Carthaginians sent an armada only less numerous than the Persian to wrest the island paradise from the Greeks. The fate of Sicily was joined with that of Greece when in the same month\u00ad tradition said on the same day-Gelon faced Hamilcar at Himera, and Themistocles confronted Xerxes at Salamis.\nVI. THE GREEKS IN AFRICA\nThe Carthaginians had reason to be disturbed, for even on the north coast of Africa the Greeks had established cities and were capturing trade. As early as 630 the Dorians of Thera had sent a numerous colony to Cyrene, midway between Carthage and Egypt. There, on the desert's edge, they found good soil, with rain so abundant that the natives spoke of the site as the place where there was a hole in the sky. The Greeks used part of the land for pas\u00ad turage, and exported wool and hides; they grew from the silphium plant a spice that all Greece was eager to buy; they sold Greek products to Africa, and developed tqeir own handicrafts to such a point that Cyrenaic vases ranked among the best. The city used its wealth intelligently, and adorned itself with great gardens, temples, statuary, and gymnasiums. Here the first famous epi\u00ad curean philosopher, Aristippus, was born, and here, after much wandering, he returned to found the Cyrenaic School.\nWithin Egypt itself, normally hostile to any foreign settlement, the Greeks gained a foothold, at last an empire. About 650 the Milesians opened a \"factory,\" or trading post, at Naucratis on the Canopic branch of the Nile. Pharaoh Psam\u00ad tik I tolerated them because they made good mercenaries, while their commerce provided rich prey for his collectors of customs revenues.\"' Ahmose II gave them a large measure of self-government. Naucratis became almost an indus\u00ad trial city, with manufactures of pottery, terra cotta, and faience; still more it became an emporium of trade, bringing in Greek oil and wine, and sending out Egyptian wheat, linen, and wool, African ivory, frankincense, and gold. Gradually, amid tliese exchanges, Egyptian lore and techniques in religion,\n\"Gelon of Syracuse,\" says Lucian, \"had disagreeable breath, but did not find it out him\u00ad self for a long time, no one venturing to mention such a circumstance to a tyrant. At last a foreign woman who had a connection with him dared to tell him; whereupon he went to his wife and scolded her for never having, with all her opportunities of knowing, warned him of it; she put: in the defense that as she had never been familiar or at close quarters with any other man, she had supposed all men were like that.\"88 He was disarmed.\n174\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. VD\narchitecture, sculpture, and science flowed into Greece, while in return Greek words and ways entered Egypt, and paved the way for Greek domination in the Alexandrian age.\nIf in imagination we take a merchant vessel from Naucratis to Athens, our tour of the Greek world will be complete. It was necessary that we should make this long circuit in order that we might see and feel the extent and variety of Hellenic civilization. Aristotle described the constitutional history of 158 Greek city-states, but there were a thousand more. Each con\u00ad tributed in commerce, industry, and thought to what we mean by Greece. In the colonies, rather than on the mainland, were born Greek poetry and prose, mathematics and metaphysics, oratory and history. Without them, and the thousand absorbing tentacles which they stretched out into the old world, Greek civilization, the most precious product in history, might never have been. Through them the cultures of Egypt and the Orient passed into Greece, and Greek culture spread slowly into Asia, Africa, and Europe.\nCHAPTER VIII\nTheGods of Greece\nI. THE SOURCES OF POLYTHEISM\nHEN we look for unifying elements in the civilization of these scat\u00ad tered cities we find essentially five: a common language, with local dialects; a common intellectual life, in which only major figures in literature, philosophy, and science are known far beyond their political frontiers; a common passion for athletics, .finding outlet in municipal and interstate games; a love of beauty locally expressed in forms of art common to all the\nGreek communities; and a partly common religious ritual and belief.\nReligion divided the cities as much as it united them. Under the polite and general worship of the remote Olympians lay the intenser cults of local deities and powers who served no vassalage to Zeus. Tribal and po1rtical separatism nourished polytheism, and made monotheism impossible. In the early days every family had its own god; to him the divine .fire burned un\u00ad extinguished at the hearth, and to him offerings of food and wine were made before every meal. This holy communion, or sharing of food with the god, was the basic and primary act of religion in the home. Birth, marriage, and death were sanctified into sacraments by ancient ritual before the sacred fire; and in this wa.y religion suffused a mystic poetry and a stabilizing solemnity over the elemental events of human life. In like manner the gene, the phratry, the tribe, and the city had each its special god. Athens wor\u00ad shiped Athena, Eleusis Demeter, Samos Hera, Ephesus Artemis, Poseidonia Poseidon. The center and summit of the city was the shrine of the city god; participation in the worship of the god was the sign, the privilege, and the requisite of citizenship. When the city marched out to war it carried the form and emblem of its god in the forefront of the troops, and no im\u00ad portant step was taken without consulting him through divination. In re\u00ad turn he fought for the city, and sometimes seemed to appear at the head or above the spears of the soldiers; victory was the conquest not only of a city by a city but of a god by a god. The city, like the family or the tribe, kept always burning, at a public altar in the prytaneum or town hall, a sacred fire symbolizing the mystically potent and persistent life of the city's founders"]
[-3.713487386703491, 14.828554153442383, "The highest repute went to those who, like Terpander, Arion, Aleman, or Stesichorus, were skilled in all forms, and wove choral song, instrumental music, and the dance into a complex and harmonious whole probably more profoundly beautiful and satisfying than the operas and orchestras of today. The most famous of these masters was Arion. About him the Greeks told\n:he tale how, on a voyage from Taras to Corinth, the sailors stole his money, and then gave him a choice between being stabbed to death or drowned. Having sung a final song, he dived into the sea, and was carried on the back of a dolphin (perhaps his harp) to the shore. It was he who, chiefly at Corinth and towards the close of the seventh century, transformed the inebriated singers of impromptu Dionysiac dithyrambs into a sober and trained \"cycle\" chorus of fifty voices, singing in strophe and antis\u00ad trophe, with arias and recitatives as in our oratorios. The theme was usu\u00ad ally the suffering and death of Dionysus; and in honor of the god's tradi\u00ad tional attendants the chorus was dressed in goatlike satyr guise. Out of this, in fact and name, came the tragic theater of the Greeks.\nThe Beginnings of the Drama\nThe sixth century, already distinguished in so many fields and lands, crowned its accomplishments by laying the foundations of the drama. It was one of the creative moments in history; never before, so far as we know, had men passed from pantomime or ritual to the spoken and secular play.\nComedy, says Aristotle,91 developed \"out of those who led the phallic\nprocession.\" A company of people carrying sacred phalli, and singing dithyrambs to Dionysus, or hymns to some other vegetation god, consti\u00ad tuted, in Greek terminology, a komos, or revel. Sex was essential, for the culmination of the ritual was a symbolic marriage aimed at the magic stim\u00ad ulation of the soil;\"\" hence in early Greek comedy, as in most modem com-\nCHAP. IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE\t23I\nedies and novels, marriage and presumptive procreation form the proper ending of the tale. The comic drama of Greece remained till Menander obscene because its origin was frankly phallic; it was in its beginnings a joyous celebration of reproductive powers, and sexual restraints were in some measure removed. It was a day's moratorium on morals; free speech (parrhasia) was then particularly free;\u00b0\"' and many of the paraders, dressed in Dionysian sat :r style, wore a goat's tail and a large artificial phallus of red leather as rart of their costume. This garb became traditional on the comic stage; i1 was a matter of sacred custom, religiously observed in Arist(lphanes; fr,deed, the phallus continued to be the inseparable emblem of the clown 1 :nt] the fifth century of our era in the West, and the last cer:ury of th'. Byzantine Empire in the East.\"' Along with the phallus, ir1 the Old Comedy, went the iicentious kordax dance.06\nSmmge to say, it was in Sicily that the rustic vegetation revel was first transformed into the comic drama. About 560 one Susarion of Megara Hyblaea, near Syracuse, developed the processional mirth into brief plays of rough satire and comedy... From Sicily the new art passed into the Peloponnesus and then into Attica; comedies were performed in the vil\u00ad lages by traveling players or local amateurs. A century passed before the authorities-to quote Aristotle's phrase\"'-treated the comic drama seriously enough to give it (465 B.c.) a chorus for representation at an official fies\u00ad tival.\nTragedy-trago dia, or the goat song-arose in like manner from the mimic representations, in dancing and singing, of satyrlike Dionysian rev\u00ad elers dressed in the costume of goats.08 These satyr plays remained till Euripides an essential part of the Dionysian drama; each composer of a tragic trilogy was expected to make a concession to ancient custom by offering, as the fourth part of his presentation, a satyr play in honor of Dionysus. \"Being a development of the satyr play,\" says Aristotle,09 \"it was quite late before tragedy rose from short plots and comic diction to its full dignity.\" Doubtless other seeds matured in the birth of tragedy; perhaps it took something from the ritual worship and appeasement of the dead.\"'\u00b0 But essentially its source lay in mimetic religious ceremonies like the representation, in Crete, of the birth of Zeus, or, in Argos and Samos, his symbolic marriage with Hera, or, in Eleusis and elsewhere, the sacred mysteries of Demeter and Persephone, or, above all, in the Peloponnesus and Attica, the mourning and rejoicing over the death and resurrection of Dionysus. Such representations were called dromena-things performed; drttma is a kindred word, and means, as it should, an action. At Sicyon tragic choruses, till the days of the dictator Cleisthenes, commemorated,\n232\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.IX\nwe are told, the \"sufferings of Adrastus,\" the ancient king. At lcaria, where Thespis grew up,. a goat was sacrificed to Dionysus; perhaps the \"goat song\" from which tragedy derived its name was a chant sung over the dismembered symbol or embodiment of the drunken god.\u2022 The Greek drama, like ours, grew out of religious ritual.\nHence the Athenian drama, tragic and comic, was performed as part of the festival of Dionysus, under the presidency of his priests, in a theater named after him, by players called \"the Dionysian artists.\" The statue of Dionysus was brought to the theater and so placed before the stage that he might enjoy the spectacle. The performance was preceded by the sac\u00ad rifice of an animal to the god. The theater was endowed with the sanctity\nof a temple, and offenses committed there were punished severely as sac\u00ad rileges rather than as merely crimes. Just as tragedy held the place of honor on the stage at the City Dionysia, so comedy held the foreground at the festival of the Lenaea; but this festival too was Dionysian. Perhaps originally the theme, as in the drama of the Mass, was the passion and death of the god; gradually the poets were allowed to substitute the suffer\u00ad ings and death of a hero in Greek myth. It may even be that in its early forms the drama was a magic ritual, designed to avert the tragedies it por\u00ad trayed, and to purge the audience of evils, in a more than Aristotelian sense, by representing these as borne and finished with by proxy.102 In part it was this religious basis that kept Greek tragedy on a higher plane than that of the Elizabethan stage.\nThe chorus as developed for mimetic action by Arion and others became the foundation of dramatic structure, and remained an essential part of Greek tragedy until the later plays of Euripides. The earlier dramatists were called dancers because they made their plays chiefly a matter of choral dancing, and were actually teachers of dancing.:ioa Only one thing was needed to turn these choral representations into dramas, and that was the opposition of an actor, in dialogue and action, to the chorus. This inspira\u00ad tion came to one of these dancing instructors and chorus trainers, Thespis of Icaria-a town close to the Peloponnesian Megara, where the rites of Dionysus were popular, and not far from Eleusis, where the ritual drama of Demeter, Persephone, and Dionysus Zagreus was annually performed. Helped no doubt by the egoism that propels the world, Thespis separated himself from the chorus, gave himself individual recitative lines, developed the notion of opposition and conflict, and offered the drama in its stricter sense to history. He played various roles with such verisimilitude that when his troupe performed at Athens, Solon was shocked at what seemed to him a kind of public deceit, and denounced this newfangled art as immoral1H-a\nCHAP. IX)  THE  COM  MON  CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE\t233\ncharge that it has heard in every century. Peisistratus was more imagina\u00ad tive, and encouraged the competitive performance of dramas at the Diony\u00ad sian festival. In 534 Thespis won the victory in such a contest. The new form developed so rapidly that Choerilus, only a generation later, produced\n160 plays. When, fifty years after Thespis, Aeschylus and Athens returned victorious from the battle of Salamis, the stage was set for the great age in the history of the Greek drama.\nRETROSPECT\nLooking back upon the multifarious civilization whose peaks have been sketched in the foregoing pages, we begin to understand what the Greeks were fighting for at Marathon. We picture the Aegean as a beehive of busy, quarrelsome, alert, inventive Greeks, establishing themselves obstinately in every port, developing their economy from tillage to industry and trade, and already creating great literature, philosophy, and art. It is amazing how quickly and widely this new culture matured, laying in the sixth cen\u00ad tury all the foundations for the achievements of the fifth. It was a civiliza\u00ad tion in certain respects finer than that of the Periclean period-superior in epic and lyric poetry, enlivened and adorned by the greater freedom and mental activity of women, and in some ways better governed than in the later and more democratic age. But even of democracy the bases had been prepared; by the end of the century the dictatorships had taught Greece enough order to make possible Greek liberty.\nThe realization of self-government was something new in the world; life without kings had not yet been dared by any great society. Out of this proud sense of independence, individual and collective, came a power\u00ad ful stimulus to every enterprise of the Greeks; it was their liberty that inspired them to incredible accomplishments in arts and letters, in science and philosophy It is true that a large part of the people, then as always, harbored and loved superstitions, mysteries, and myths; men must be con\u00ad soled. Despite this, Greek life had become unprecedentedly secular; poli\u00ad tics, law, literature, and speculation had one by one been separated and liberated from ecclesiastical power. Philosophy had begun to build a nat\u00ad uralistic interpretation of the world and man, of body and soul. Science, almost unknown before, had made its first bold formulations; the elements of Euclid were established; clarity and order and honesty of thought had become the ideal of a saving minority of men. A heroic effort of flesh and spirit rescued these achievements, and the promise they held, from the dead hand of alien despotism and the darkness of the Mysteries, and won for European civilization the trying privilege of freedom.\nCHAPTER   X\nThe Struggle for Freedom\nMARATHON\nf'I N the reigns of Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes,\" says Herodotus, \"Greece suffered more sorrows than in twenty generations before.m"]
[-4.476627826690674, 4.8846659660339355, "parent cities from their children.\nThere is nothing more vital in the history of the Greeks than their rapid spread throughout the Mediterranean.\u2022 They had been nomadic before Homer, and all the Balkan peninsula had seemed fluid with this movement, but the successive Greek waves that broke upon the Aegean isles and the western coasts of Asia were stirred up above all by the Dorian invasion. From every part of Hellas men went out in search of homes and liberty beyond the grasp of the enslaving conquerors. Political faction and family feud in the older states contributed to the migration; the defeated some\u00ad times chose exile, and the victors gave every encouragement to their exodus. Some of the Greek survivors of the Trojan War stayed in Asia; others, through shipwreck or adventure, settled in the islands of the Aegean; some, reaching home after a perilous journey, found their thrones or their wives occupied, and returned to their ships to build new homes and fortunes abroad.\" In mainland Greece, as in modem Europe, colonization proved a blessing in varied ways: it provided outlets for surplus population and\nCf. Pater: \"Perhaps the most brilliant and animating episode in the entire history cif\nGreece-its early colonization.'\"\n127\n128\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nadventurous spirits, and safety valves against agrarian discontent; it estab\u00ad lished foreign markets for domestic products, and strategic depots for the import of food and minerals. In the end it created a commercial empire whose thriving interchange of goods, arts, ways, and thoughts made pos\u00ad sible the complex culture of Greece.\nThe migration followed five main lines-Aeolian, Ionian, Dorian, Euxine, Italian. The earliest began in the northern states of the mainland, which were the first to feel the brunt of the invasions from the north and the west. From Thessaly, Phthiotis, Boeotia, and Aetolia, throughout the twelfth and eleventh centuries, a stream of immigrants moved slowly across the Aegean to the region about Troy, and founded there the twelve cities of the Aeolian League. The second line took its start in the Peloponnesus, whence thousands of Mycenaeans and Achaeans fled on the \"Return of the Heraclids.\" Some of theu settled in Attica, some in Euboea; many of them moved out into the Cyclades, ventured across the Aegean, and established in western Asia Minor the twelve cities of the Ionian Dodecapolis. The third line was followed by Dorians who overflowed the Peloponnesus into the Cyclades, conquered Crete and Cyrene, and set up a Dorian Hexapolis around the island of Rhodes. The fourth line, starting anywhere in Greece, settled the coast of Thrace, and built a hundred cities on the shores of the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Euxine Sea. The fifth line moved west\u00ad ward to what the Greeks called the Ionian Isles, thence across to Italy and Sicily, and finally to Gaul and Spain.\nOnly a sympathetic imagination or a keen recollection of our own colonial history can visualize the difficulties that were surmounted in this century-long migration. It was an adventure of high moment to leave the land consecrated by the graves of one's ancestors and guarded by one's hereditary deities, and go forth into strange regions unprotected, pre\u00ad sumably, by the gods of Greece. Therefore the colonists took with them a handful of earth from their native state to strew upon the alien soil, and solemnly carried fire from the public altar of their mother city to light the civic fire at the hea.rth of their new settlement. The chosen site was on or near a shore, where ships-the second home of half the Greeks-might serve as a refuge from attack by land; better still if it were a coastal plain pro\u00ad tected by mountains that provided a barrier in the rear, an acropolis for defense in the town, and a promontory-sheltered harbor in the sea; best nf all if such a haven could be found on some commercial route, or by a river mouth that received the products of the interior for export or ex\u00ad change; then prosperity was only a matter of time. Good sites were nearly\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t129\nalways occupied, and had to be conquered by stratagem or force; the Greeks, in such matters, recognized no morals loftier than our own. In some cases the conquerors reduced the prior inhabitants to slavery, with all the irony of pilgrims seeking freedom; more often they made friends of the natives by bringing them Greek gifts, charming them with a su\u00ad perior culture, courting their women, and adopting their gods; the colonial Greeks did not bother about purity of race,\" and could always find in their teeming pantheon some deity sufficiently like the local divinity to facilitate a religious entente. Above all, the colonists offered the products of the Greek handicrafts to the natives, secured grain, cattle, or minerals in return, and exported these throughout the Mediterranean-preferably to the me\u2022 tropolis, or mother city, from which the' settlers had come, and to which they retained for centuries a certain filial piety.\nOne by one these colonies took form, until Greece was no longer the narrow peninsula of Homeric days, but a strangely loose association of independent cities scattered from Africa to Thrace and from Gibraltar to the eastern end of the Black Sea. It was an epochal performance for the women of Greece; we shall not always find them so ready to have children. Through these busy centers of vitality and intelligence the Greeks spread into all of southern Europe the seeds of that subtle and precarious luxury called civilization, without which life would have no beauty, and history no mearung.\nII,  THE IONIAN CYCLADES\nSailing south from the Piraeus along the Attic coast, and beating east around Sunium's templed promontory, the traveler reaches the little isle of Ceos, where, if we may believe the incredible on the authority of Strabo and Plutarch, \"there was once a law that appears to have commanded those who were sixty years of age to drink hemlock, in order that the food might be sufficient for the rest,\" and \"there was no memory of a case of adultery or seduction over a period of seven hundred years.\"'\nPerhaps that is why her greatest poet exiled himself from Ceos after reaching middle age; he might have found it difficult to attain, at home, the eighty-seven years that Greek tradition gives him. All the Hellenic world knew Simonides at thirty, and when he died, in 469, he was by common consent the most brilliant writer of his time. His fame as poet and singer won him an invitation from Hipparchus, codictator of Athens,\n130\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nat whose court he found it possible to live in amity with another poet, Anacreon. He survived the war with Persia, and was chosen again and again to write epitaphs for memorials of the honored dead. In his old age he lived at the court of Hieron I, dictator of Syracuse; and his repute was then so high that in 475 he made peace in the field between Hieron and Theron, dictator of Acragas, as hostilities were about to begin.\" Plutarch, in his perennially pertinent essay on \"Should Old Men Govern?\" tells us that Simonides continued to win the prize for lyric poetry and choral song into very old age. When finally he consented to die he was buried at Acragas with the honors of a king.\nHe was a personality as well as a poet, and the Greeks denounced and loved him for hfs vices and eccentricities. He had a passion for money, and his muse was dumb in the absence of gold. He was the first to write poetry for pay, on the ground that poets had as much right to eat as anyone else; but the practice was new to Greece, and Aristophanes echoed the resentment of the public when he said that Simonides \"would go to sea on a hurdle to earn a groat.\"\" He prided himself on having invented a system of mnemonics, which Cicero adopted gratefully;' its essential principle lay in arranging the things to be remembered into some logical classification and sequence, so that each item would naturally lead to the next. He was a wit, and his sharp repartees passed like a mental currency among the cities of Greece; but in his old age he remarked that he had often repented of speaking, but never of holding his tongue.\"\nWe are surprised to find, in the extant fragments of a poet so widely acclaimed and so liberally rewarded, that indispersible gloom which broods over so much of Greek literature after Homer-in whose days men were too active to be pessimists, and too violent to be bored.\nFew and evil are the days of-our life; but everlasting will be our sleep beneath the earth. . . . Small is the strength of man, and in\u00ad vincible are his errors; grief treads upon the heels of grief through his short life; and death, whom no man escapes, hangs over him at last; to this come good and bad alike.... Nothing human is ever\u00ad lasting. Well said the bard of Chios that the life of man is even as that of a green leaf; yet few who hear this bear it in mind, for hope is strong in the breast of the young. When youth is in flower, and the heart of man is light, he nurses idle thought, hoping he will never grow old or die; nor does he think of sickness in good health. Fools are they who dream thus, nor know how short are the days of our youth and our life.\u2022\nCHAP.VI)\tTHE  GREAT MIGRATION\t131\nNo hope of Blessed Isles comforts Simonides, and the divinities of Olympus, like those of Christianity in some modern verse, have become instruments of poetry rather than consolations of the soul. When Hieron challenged him to define the nature and attributes of God he asked for a day's time to prepare his answer, and the next day begged for two days more, and on each occasion doubled the period that he required for thought. When at last Hieron demanded an explanation, Simonides replied that the longer he pondered the matter the more obscure it became.'\u00b0\nOut of Ceos came not only Simonides, but his nephew and lyric succes\u00ad sor Bacchylides, and, in Alexandrian days, the great anatomist Erasistratus. We cannot say so much for Seriphos, or Andros, or Tenos, or Myconos, or Sicinos, or los. On Syros lived Pherecydes (ca. 550), who was reputed to have taught Pythagoras, and to have been the first philosopher to write in prose. On Delos, said Greek story, Apollo himself had been born. So sacred was the island as his sanctuary that both death and birth were for\u00ad bidden within its borders; those about to give birth or to die were hurriedly conveyed from its shores; and all known graves were emptied that the island might be purified.11 There, after the repulse of the Persians, Athens and her Ionian allies would keep the treasure of the Delian Confederacy; there, every fourth year, the lonians met in pious but convivial assemblage to celebrate the festival of the handsome god. A seventh-century hymn describes the \"women with fine girdles,\"10 the eager merchants busy at their booths, the crowds lining the road to watch the sacred procession; the tense ritual and solemn sacrifice in the temple; the joyous dances and choral hymns of Delian and Athenian maidens chosen for their comeliness as well as their song; the athletic and musical contests, and the plays in the thea\u00ad ter under the open sky. Annually the Athenians sent an embassy to Delos to celebrate Apollo's birthday; and no criminal might be executed in Ath\u00ad ens until this embassy's return. Hence the long interval, so fortunate for literature and philosophy, between the conviction of Socrates and his exe\u00ad cution.\nNaxos is the largest, as Delos is almost the smallest, of the Cyclades. It was famous for its wine and its marble, and became rich enough, in the sixth century, to have its own navy and its own school of sculpture. South\u00ad east of Naxos lies Amorgos, home of the unamiable Semonides, whose ungallant satire on women has been carefully preserved by man-written history.\u2022 To the west lies Faros, almost composed of marble; its citizens\nSemonides compares women now to foxes, asses, pigs, and the changeful sea, and swears that no husband has ever passed through a day without some word of censure from his wife..."]
[-7.432272911071777, 3.4593520164489746, "Meanwhile a modest degree of progress was made in terrestrial science. Anaxagoras correctly explained the annual overflow of the Nile as due to the spring thaws and rains of Ethiopia... Greek geologists attributed the Straits of Gibraltar to a cleaving earthquake, and the Aegean isles to a subsiding sea.\"\" Xanthus of Lydia, about 496, surmised that the Mediterranean and the Red Sea were formerly connected at Suez; and Aeschylus noted the b.elief of his time that Sicily had been torn asunder from Italy by a convulsion of the earth.\"' Scylax of Caria ( 52 1-485) explored the whole coast of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. No Greek seems to have dared so adventurous a voyage of dis\u00ad covery as that which the Carthaginian Hanno, with a fleet of sixty ships, led through Gibraltar some 2600 miles down the west coast of Africa (ca. 490). Maps of the Mediterranean world were common in Athens at the end of the fifth century. Physics, so far as we know, remained undeveloped, though the curvatures of the Parthenon show considerable knowledge of optics. The\nCa. 434.80 Another account places the trial in 450.81\nt According to a rival story he was imprisoned at Athens, and was awaiting the fatal cup when Pericles arranged his escape.82\n:j: Herodotus remarks on the superior calendar of the Egyptians.,., From Egypt the Greeks took the gnomon, or sundial, and from Asia the clepsydra, or water clock, as their instru\u00ad ments for measuring time.\n342\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XV\nPythagoreans, towards 450, announced the most lasting of Greek scientific hypotheses-the atomic constitution of matter. Empedocles and others ex\u00ad pounded a theory of the evolution of man from lower forms of life, and de\u00ad scribed the slow advance of man from savagery to civilization...\nIn.  HIPPOCRATES\nThe epochal event in the history of Greek science during the Periclean age was the rise of rational medicine. Even in the fifth century Greek medicine was in large measure bound up with religion, and the treatment of disease was still practiced by the temple priests of Asclepius. This tem\u00ad ple therapy used a combination of empirical medicine with impressive ritual and charms that touched and released the imagination of the patient; pos\u00ad sibly hypnosis and some form of anesthesia were also employed  Secular\nmedicine competed with this ecclesiastical medicine. Though both groups ascribed their origin to Asclepius, the profane Asclepiads rejected religious aids, made no claim to miraculous cures, and gradually placed medicine upon a rational basis.\nSecular medicine, in fifth-century Greece, took form in four great schools: at Cos and Cnidus in Asia Minor, at Crotona in Italy, and in Sicily. At Acragas Empedocles, half philosopher and half miracle man, shared medical honors with the rational practitioner Acron.'\" As far back as 520 we read of the physician Democedes, who, born at Crotona, practiced medicine in Aegina, Athens, Samos, and Susa, cured Darius and Queen Atossa, and returned to spend his last days in the city of his birth.\" At Crotona, too, the Pythagorean\u00b7 school produced the most famous of Greek physicians before Hippocrates. Alcmaeon has been called the real father of Greek medicine,\u2022 but he is clearly a late name in a long line of secular medicos whose origin is lost beyond the horizons of history. Early in the fifth centurv he published a work On Nature (peri physeos)-the usual title, in Gre ce, for a general discussion of natural science. He, first of the Greeks, so far as we know, located the optic nerve and the Eustachian tubes, dissected animals, explained the physiology of sleep, recognized the brain as the central organ of thought, and defined health Pythagoreanly as a harmony of the parts of the body.\" At Cnidus the dominating figure was Euryphron, who composed a medical summary known as the Cnidian Sen\u00ad tences, explained pleurisy as a disease of the lungs, ascribed many illnesses to constipation, and became famous for his success as an obstetrician.\" An unmerry war .raged between the\u00b7 schools of Cos and Cnidus; for the\nCHAP.XV)\tTHE   ADVANCEMENT  OF LEARNING\t343\nCnidians, disliking Hippocrates' penchant for basing \"prognosis\" upon general pathology, insisted upon a careful classification of each ailment, and a treatment of it on specific lines. In the end, by a kind of philosophical justice, many of the Cnidian writings found their way into the Hippo\u00ad cratic Collection.\nAs we see Hippocrates in Suidas' thumbnail biography, he appears as the outstanding physician of his time. He was born in Cos in the same year as Democritus; despite their far-separated homes the two became great friends, and perhaps the \"laughing philosopher\" had some share in the secularization of medicine. Hippocrates was the son of a physician, and grew up and practiced among the thousands of invalids and tourists who came to \"take the waters\" in the hot springs of Cos. His teacher, Herodicus of Selymbria, formed his art by accustoming him to rely upon diet and exercise rather than upon drugs. Hippocrates won such repute that rulers like Perdiccas of Macedon and Artaxerxes I of Persia were among his patients; and in 430 Athens sent for him to try his hand at staying the great plague. His friend Democritus shamed him by completing a century, while the great physician died at the age of eighty-three.\nNothing in medical literature could be more heterogeneous than the collection of treatises anciently ascribed to Hippocrates. Here are text\u00ad books for physicians, counsels for laymen, lectures for students, reports of researches and observations, clinical records of interesting cases, and essays by Sophists interested in the scientific or philosophical aspects of medicine. The forty-two clinical records are the only examples of their kind for the next seventeen hundred years; and they set a high standard of honesty by confessing that in sixty per cent of the cases the disease, or the treatment, proved fatal.\" Of all these compositions only four are by general consent from the pen of Hippocrates-the \"Aphorisms,\" the \"Prognostic,\" the \"Regimen in Acute Diseases,\" and the monograph \"On Wounds in the Head\"; the remainder of the CorfYUs Hippocraticwm is by a variety of authors ranging from the fifth to the second century B.c.'\" There is a fair amount of nonsense in the assortment, but probably not more than the future will find in the treatises and histories of the present day. Much of the material is fragmentary, and takes a loose aphoristic form verging now and then upon Heracleitean obscurity. Among the \"Aphorisms\" is the famous remark that \"Art is long, but time is fleeting.\"'\"\nThe historical role of Hippocrates and his successors was the liberation of medicine from both religion and philosophy. Occasionally, as in the treatise on \"Regimen,\" prayer is advised as an aid; but the page-by-page\n344\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XV\ntone of the Collection is a resolute reliance upon rational therapy. The essay on \"The Sacred Disease\" directly attacks the theory that ailments are caused by the gods; all diseases, says the author, have natural causes. Epilepsy, which the people explained as possession by a demon, is not excepted: \"Men continue to believe in its divine origin because they are at a loss to understand it.... Charlatans and quacks, having no treatment that would help, concealed and sheltered themselves behind superstition, and called this illness sacred in order that their complete ignorance might not be revealed.\"151 The mind of Hippocrates was typical of the Periclean time spirit-imaginative but realistic, averse to mystery and weary of myth, recognizing the value of religion, but struggling to understand the world in rational terms. The influence of the Sophists can be felt in this move for the emancipation of medicine; and.indeed, philosophy so powerfully affected Greek therapy that the science had to fight against philosophical as well as theological impediments. Hippocrates insists that philosophical theories have no place in medicine, and that treatment must proceed by careful observation and accurate recording of specific cases and facts. He does not quite realize the value of experiment; but he is resolved to be guided by experience.11\nThe natal infection of Hippocratic medicine with philosophy appears in the once famous doctrine of \"humors.\" The body, says Hippocrates, is com\u00ad pounded of blood, phlegm, yellow bile, and black bile; that man enjoys the most perfect health in whom these elements are duly proportioned and min\u00ad gled; pain is the defect or excess of one \"humor,\" or its isolation from the rest.\u2022 This theory outlived all the other medical hypotheses of antiquity; it was abandoned only in the last century, and perhaps survives by transmigra\u00ad tion in the doctrine of hormones or glandular secretions today. Since the behavior of the \"humors\" was considered subject to climate and diet, and the most prevalent ailments in Greece were colds, pneumonia, and malaria, Hippocrates (?) wrote a brief treatise on \"Airs, Waters, Places\" in relation to health. \"One may expose oneself confidently to cold,\" we are told, \"except after eating or exercise. . . . It is not good for the body not to be exposed to the cold of winter.\"\"' The scientific physician, wherever he settles, will study the effects, upon the local population, of the winds and the seasons, the water supply and the nature of the soil.\nThe weakest point in Hippocratic medicine was diagnosis. There was, apparently, no taking of the pulse; fever was judged by simple touch, and auscultation was direct. Infection was understood in the case of scabies, ophthalmia, and phthisis.\u2022 The Cor,pus contains excellent clinical pictures\nCRAP.XV)\tTHE\tADVANCEMENT  OF LEARNING\t345\nof epilepsy, epidemic parotitis, puerperal septicemia, and quotidian, tertian, and quartan fevers. There is no mention in the Collection of smallpox, measles, diphtheria, scarlet fever, or syphilis; and no clear mention of ty\u00ad phoid fever.\u2022 The treatises on \"Regimen\" move towards preventive medi\u00ad cine by advocating \"prodiagnosis\"-an attempt to catch the first symptoms of a disease, and nip it in the bud.\"' Hippocrates was particularly fond of \"prognosis\": the good physician, he believed, will learn by experience to foresee the effects of various bodily conditions, and be able to predict from the first stages of a disease the course that it will follow. Most diseases reach a crisis in which either the illness or the patient comes to an end; the almost Pythagorean calculation of the day on which the crisis should appear was a characteristic element of Hippocratic theory. If in these crises the natural heat of the body can overcome the morbid matter and discharge it, the patient is cured. In any cure nature-i.e., the powers and constitution of the body-is the principal healer; all that the physician can do is to remove or reduce the impediments to this natural defense and recuperation. Hence Hippocratic treatment makes little use of drugs, but depends chiefly upon fresh air, emetics, suppositories, enemas, cupping, bloodletting, fomentations, ointments, massage, and hydrotherapy. The Greek pharmacopoeia was reassuringly small, and consisted largely of pur\u00ad gatives. Skin troubles were treated with sulphur baths, and by adminis\u00ad tering the oil of dolphin livers.\u2022 \"Live a healthy life,\" Hippocrates advises, \"and you are not likely to fall ill, except through epidemic or acci\u00ad dent. If you do fall ill, proper regimen will give you the best chance of recovery.\"119 Fasting was often prescribed, if the strength of the patient allowed; for \"the more we nourish unhealthy bodies the more we injure them.\"119 In general \"a man should have only one meal a day, unless he have a very dry belly.'m\nAnatomy and physiology made slow progress in Greece, and owed much of this to the examination of animal entrails in the practice of augury. A little brochure \"On the Heart,\" in the Hippocratic Collection, describes the ventricles, the great vessels, and their valves. Syennesis of Cyprus and Diogenes of Crete wrote descriptions of the vascular system, and Diogenes knew the significance of the pulse.\u2022 Empedocles recognized that the heart is the center of the vascular system, and described it as the organ by which the pneuma, or vital breath (oxygen?), is carried through the blood vessels to every part of the body.ea The Corpus, following Alcmaeon, makes the brain the seat of consciousness and thought; \"Through it we think, see, hear, and distinguish the ugly from the beautiful, the bad from the good.'\"'\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XV\nSurgery was still for the most part an unspecialized activity of advanced general practitioners, though the armies had surgeons on their staffs.\"\" The Hippocratic literature describes trephining operations, and its treatment for dislocations of shoulder or jaw are \"modem\" in everything except anes\u00ad thesia.00 A votive tablet from the temple of Asclepius at Athens shows a folding case containing scalpels of various forms.07 The little museum at Epidaurus has preserved for us ancient forceps, probes, scalpels, catheters, and specula essentially like those that are used today; and certain statues there are apparently models illustrating methods for reducing dislocations of the hip... The Hippocratic treatise \"On the Physician\" gives detailed directions for the preparation of the operating room, the arrangement of natural and artificial light, the cleanliness of the hands, the care and use of instruments, the position of the patient, the bandaging of wounds,. etc...\nIt is clear from these and other passages that Greek medicine in Hippoc\u00ad rates' days had made great advances, technically and socially. Heretofore Greek physicians had migrated from city to city as need called them, like the Sophists of their time or the preachers of our own. Now they settled down, opened iatreia-\"healing places,\" or offices-and treated patients there or at the patients' homes.'!1) Women physicians were numerous, and were usually employed for diseases of their sex; some of them wrote authoritative treatises on the care of the skin and the hair.\" The state exacted .no public examination of prospective practitioners, but required satisfactory evidence of an apprenticeship or tutelage to a recognized physician.\" City govern\u00ad ments reconciled socialized with private medicine by engaging doctors to attend to public health, and to give medical treatment to the poor; the best of'such state physicians, like Democedes, received two talents ($12,- 000) a year.18 There were, of course, many quacks and, as always. an in.;. exhaustible supply of omniscient amateurs. The profession, as in all gen\u00ad erations, suffered from its dishonest or incompetent minority;\" and like other peoples the Greeks revenged themselves upon the uncertainties of medicine by jokes almost as endless as those that wreak their vengeance upon marriage."]
[-1.2353839874267578, 6.490734577178955, "After his death he achieved popularity even in Athens. The ideas for which he had fought became the dominant conceptions of the following centuries, and the Hellenistic age looked back to him and to Socrates as the greatest intellectual stimuli that Greece had ever known. He had dealt with living problems rather than \"dead tales of minstrelsy,\" and it took the ancient world a long time to forget him. The plays of his prede\u00ad cessors slipped into oblivion while s own were repeated in every year, and wherever the Greek world had a stage. When, in the collapse of that expedition to Syracuse (415) whose failure had been forecast in The Trojan Women, the captive Athenians faced a living death as chained slaves in the quarries of Sicily, those were given their freedom (Plutarch tells us) who could recite passages from the plays of Euripides:= The New Comedy molded itself upon his dramas, and grew out of them; one of its leaders, Philemon, said, \"If I were sure that the dead have consciousness, I would hang myself to see Euripides.'\"2' The revival of skepticism, liberalism, and humanitarianism in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries made Euripides almost a contemporary figure, more modern than Shakespeare. All in all, only Shakespeare has equaled him; and Goethe did not think so. \"Have all the nations of the world since Euripides,\" asked Goethe of Eckermann, \"produced one dramatist worthy to hand him his slippers?\"= Not more than one.\n420\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVII\nARISTOPHANES\nAristophanes and the War\nGreek tragedy is more somber than the Elizabethan, because it seldom employs that principle of comic relief by which, through a humorous interruption of the tragical, the auditor's tolerance for tragedy is increased. The Greek playwright preferred to keep his tragic drama on a persistently high plane, and relegated comedy to a \"satyr\" play which carried no seri\u00ad ous import, but allowed the excited emotions of the audience to subside into humor and ease. In the course of time the comic drama declared its inde\u00ad pendence of tragedy, and a day was allotted to it, at the Dionysian festivals, when the entire program consisted of three or four comedies, written by different authors, played in succession, and competing for a separate prize. Comedy, like oratory, had its first Greek bloom in Sicily. About 484 there came to Syracuse from Cos a philosopher, physician, poet, and drama\u00ad tist, Epicharmus, who expounded Pythagoras, Heracleitus, and rationalism\nin thirty-five comedies,of which only occasional quotations remain. Twelve\nyears after Epicharmus' arrival in Sicily the Athenian archon allowed its\n:first chorus to comedy. The new art developed rapidly under the stimulus of democracy and freedom, and became the principal medium, in Athens, of moral and political satire. The wide license of speech permitted to comedy was a tradition of the Dionysian phallic procession. The abuse of this freedom led in 440 to a law against personal attacks in comedy; but this prohibition was repealed three years later, and full freedom of criticism and abuse continued even during the Peloponnesian War. The Greek comedy took the place, as political critic, of a free press in modern democ\u00ad racies.\nWe hear of many comic dramatists before Aristophanes, and the great Rabelais of antiquity even condescended to praise some of them when the smoke of his battles with them had cleared away. Cratinus was the mouthpiece of Cimon, and made rabid war against Pericles, whom he called \"the squill-headed God Almighty\";ua merciful time has spared us the necessity of reading him. Another forerunner was Pherecrates, who, about 420, satirized, in The Wild Men, those Athenians who professed to dislike civilization and to long for a \"return to nature\": so old are the brave innovations of our youth. The ablest competitor of Aristophanes was Eupolis; they at :first co-operated, then quarreled and parted, after which they satirized each other vigorously, but still agreed in attacking the demo-\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t421\ncratic party. If comedy throughout the fifth century was hostile to democ\u00ad racy, it was partly because poets like money and the aristocracy was rich, but chiefly because the function of Greek comedy was to amuse with criticism, and the democratic party was in power. Since the leader of the democracy, Pericles, was sympathetic to new ideas like the emancipation of woman and the development of a rationalist philosophy, the comic dramatists ranged themselves, with suspicious unanimity, against all forms of radicalism, and called for a return to the ways and reputed morals of the \"Men of Marathon.\" Aristophanes became the voice of this reaction, as Socrates and Euripides were the protagonists of the new ideas. The con\u00ad flict between religion and philosophy captured the comic stage.\nAristophanes had some excuse for liking aristocracy, since he came of a cultured and prosperous family, and appears to have owned land in Aegina. His very name was a patent of nobility, meaning \"the best made manifest.\" Born about 450, he was in the springtime of life when Athens and Sparta began that war which was to be a bitter theme of his plays. The Spartan invasion of Attica compelled him to abandon his country estate and come to live in Athens. He disliked city life, and resented the sudden demand upon him to hate Megarians, C rinthians, and Spar\u00ad tans; he denounced this conflict of Greek killing Greek, and called, in play after play, for peace.\nAfter the death of Pericles in 429 supreme power in Athens passed into the hands of the rich tanner, Cleon, who represented those commercial interests that wanted a \"knock-out blow\"-i.e., the utter destruction of Sparta as a competitor for the mastery of Greece. In a lost play, The Babylonians (426), Aristophanes subjected Cleon and his policies to such stinging ridicule that the burly strategos prosecuted him for treason, and had him fined. Two years later Aristophanes revenged himself by pre\u00ad senting The Knights. Its leading character was Demos (i.e., the People), whose major-domo was called the Tanner; everyone understood the trans\u00ad parent allegory, including Cleon, who saw the play. The satire was so sharp that no actor would play the part of the Tanner for fear of political misfortune, whereupon Aristophanes took the role himself. Nicias (the name of the superstitious leader of the oligarchic faction) announces that an oracle has told him that the next ruler of Demos' house will be a sausa.ge\u00ad seller. Such a huckster comes along, and the slaves hail him as \"Chief that shall be of our glorious Athens!\" \"Prithee,\" says the Sausage-Seller, \"let me go wash my tripes ... you make a fool of me.\" But one Demosthenes assures him that he has just the qualifications for ruling the people-is he\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVII\nnot a rascal, and free from all education? The Tanner, fearing that he is to be deposed, protests his services and his loyalty to Demos; no one ex\u00ad cept the harlots, he urges, has done so much for Demos as he. There is the usual Aristophanic burlesque: the Sausage-Seller belabors the Tanner with tripe, and primes himself for an oratorical contest in the Assembly by eating garlic. A contest in adulation ensues, to see which of the can\u00ad didates can praise Demos the more lavishly, and \"deserve better of Demos and his belly.\" The rivals bring a feast of good things and lay them before Demos like a platter of pre-election promises. The Sausage-Seller proposes that as a test of their honesty each candidate's locker shall be searched. In the Tanner's locker a heap of succulent dainties is found, in particular a massive cake, from which he has cut only a tiny slice for Demos (a refer\u00ad ence to a current charge that Cleon had embezzled state funds). The Tan\u00ad ner is dismissed, and the Sausage-Seller becomes the ruler of Demos' house. The Wasps (422) continues the satire on democracy in a milder and weaker vein; the chorus is composed of idle citizens-dressed as wasps\u00ad who seek to make an obol or two every day by serving as jurymen, in order that they may, by listening t:o \"sycophants\" and levying confiscatory fines, vote the money of the rich into the coffers of the state and the pockets of the poor. But Aristophanes' ruling interest in these early plays is to ridicule war and promote peace. The hero of The Acharnians (425) is Diceopolis (\"Honest Citizen\"), a farmer who complains that his land has been devastated by armies, so that he can no longer live by squeezing wine from his vineyards. He sees no reason for war, and is clear that he him\u00ad self has no quarrel with the Spartans. Tired of waiting for the generals or the politicians to make peace, he signs a personal treaty with the Lace\u00ad daemonians; and when a chorus of war-patriotic neighbors denounces him\nhe replies:\nWell, the very Spartans even, I've my doubts and scrQples whether They've been totally to blame, in every instance, altogether.\nChorus. Not to blame in every instance? Villain, vagabond, how dare ye,\nTalking treason to our faces, to suppose that we will spare ye?\nHe agrees to let them kill him if he cannot prove that Athens is as much to blame for the war as Sparta. His head is laid upon a chopping block, and he begins his argument. Presently an Athenian general enters, defeated, blustering, and profane; the Chorus is disgusted with him, and releases Diceopolis, who pleases all by selling a wine called Peace. It was a play\nCHAP. XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLD EN  AGE\t423\nof considerable audacity, possible only among a people trained to hear the other side. Taking advantage of the parabasis or digression in which the custom of comedy allowed the author to address the audience through the chorus or one of the characters, Aristophanes explained his function as a comic gadfly among the Athenians:\u00b7\nNever since our poet presented comedies has he praised himself upon the stage   But he maintains that he has done you much that\nis good. If you no longer allow yourselves to be too much hood\u00ad winked by strangers or seduced by flattery, if in politics you are no longer the ninnies you once were, it is thanks to him. Formerly, when delegates from other cities wanted to deceive you, they had but to style you \"the people crowned with violets\"; at the word \"violets\" you at once sat erect on the tips of your bums. Or if, to tickle your vanity, some one spoke of \"rich and sleek Athens,\" he would get all, because he spoke of you as he would have of anchovies in oil. In cautioning you against sucl,. wiles, the poet has done you great service.=\nIn The Peace (421) the poet was triumphant: Cleon was dead, and Nicias was about to sign for Athens a treaty pledging peace and friendship with Sparta for fifty years. But a few years later hostilities were resumed; and in 411 Aristophanes, abandoning hope in his fellow citizens, invited the women of Greece to end the bloodshed. As the Lysistrata opens, the ladies of Athens, while their men are still asleep, gather at dawn in council near the Acropolis. They agree to withhold the comforts of love from their spouses until these come to terms with the enemy; and they send an em\u00ad bassy to the women of Sparta to invite their co-operation in this novel campaign for peace. The men, awake at last, call to the women to come home; when these refuse, the men besiege them, but the attackers are repulsed with pails of hot water and torrents of speech. Lysistrata (\"Dis\u00ad solver of Armies\") reads the men a lesson:"]
[-7.082907199859619, 14.106221199035645, "and lays upon it a lock of his hair. Hearing the approach of the Libation Bearers, the young men withdraw, and listen in fascination as Electra, Orestes' brooding sister, comes with the women, stands over the grave, and calls upon Agamemnon's spirit to arouse Orestes to avenge him. Orestes reveals himself; and from her bitter heart she pours into his simple mind the thought that he must kill their mother. The youths, disguised as mer\u00ad chants, proceed to the royal palace; Clytaemnestra softens them with hos\u00ad pitality; but when Orestes tests her by saying that the boy she sent to Phocis is dead, he is shocked to see a secret joy hiding in her grief. She calls Aegisthus to share with him the news that the avenger whom they feared is no more. Orestes slays him, drives his mother into the palace, and comes out a moment later already half insane with the consciousness that he is a matricide.\nWhile I am still not mad I here declare To all who love me, and confess, that I Have slain my mother.\"\"\nIn the third play Orestes is pursued, in the poet's externalization of the boy's wild fancy, by the Erinnyes, or Furies, whose task it is to punish crime; and from their euphemistic, deprecatory title, the Eumenides, or Well-Wishers, the play derives its name. Orestes is an outcast, shunned by all men; wherever he goes the Furies hang over him as black ghosts crying out for his blood. He flings himself upon the altar of Apollo at Delphi, and Apollo comforts him; but the shade of Clytaemnestra rises from the earth to urge the Furies not to desist from torturing her son. Orestes goes to Athens, kneels before Athena's shrine, and cries out to her for de\u00ad liverance. Athena hears him, and calls him \"perfect by suffering.\" When the Erinnyes protest she summons them to try Orestes' case before the Council of the Areopagus; the concluding scene shows this strange trial, symbolical of the replacement of blood revenge with law. Athena, god\u00ad dess of the city, presides; the Furies state the case for vengeance against Orestes, and Apollo defends him. The court divides evenly; Athena casts the deciding ballot in favor of Orestes, and declares him free. She solemnly establishes the Council of the Areopagus as henceforth the su\u00ad preme court of Attica, whose swift condemnation of the murderer shall free the land from feuds, and whose wisdom will guide the state through the dangers that beset every people. The goddess by her fair speech ap\u00ad peases the disappointed Furies, and so wins them that their leader says, \"This day a new Order is born.\"\n390\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nAfter the Iliad and the Odyssey, the Oresteia is the highest achievement in Greek literature. Here is a breadth of conception, a unity of thought and execution, a power of dramatic development, an understanding of character, and a splendor of style which in their sum we shall not find again before Shakespeare. The trilogy is as closely knit as the three acts of a well-designed drama; each part foreshadows and requires the next with logical inevitability. As play succeeds play the terror of the theme grows until we begin dimly to realize how deeply this story must have moved the Greeks. It is true that there is too much talk, even for four murders; that the lyrics are often obscure, their metaphors exaggerated, their language sometimes heavy and rough and strained. Nevertheless these chorals are supreme in their kind, full of grandeur and tenderness, elo\u00ad quent with their plea for a new religion of forgiveness, and for the virtues of a political order that was passing away.\nFor the Oresteia is as conservative as the Prometheus is radical, though only two years seem to have separated them in time. In 462 Ephialtes de\u00ad prived the Areopagus of its powers; in 461 he was assassinated; in 458 Aeschylus offered in the Oresteia a defense of the Council of the Areopagus as the wisest body in the Athenian government. The poet was now full of years, and could understand the old more easily than the young; like Aristophanes he longed for the virtues of the men of Marathon. Athenaeus would have us believe that Aeschylus was a great drinker;\"' but in the Oresteia he is a Puritan preaching a sermon in buskins on sin and its pun\u00ad ishment, and the wisdom born of suffering. The law of bybris and nemesis is another doctrine of karma, or of original sin; every evil deed will be found out, and be avenged in one life or another. In this way Greek thought made its trial at reconciling evil with God: all suffering is due to sin, even if it is the sin of a generation that is dead. The author of Prome\u00ad theus was no naive pietist; his plays, even in the Oresteia, are studded with heresies; he was attacked for revealing ritual secrets, and was saved only by the intercession of his brother Ameinias, who bared before the Assem\u00ad bly the wounds he had received at Salamis... But Aeschylus was con\u00ad vinced that morality, to hold its own against unsocial impulse, required supernatural sanctions; he hoped that\nOne there is who heareth on high\u00ad Some Pan or Zeus, some seer Apollo-\nAnd sendeth down, for the law _\u00b5--ansgressed, The Wrath of the Feet that i<)llow.8'\n/\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t391\n-i.e., the Furies of conscience and retribution. Therefore he speaks with a solemn reverence for religion, and makes an effort to reach beyond poly\u00ad theism to the conception of one God.\nZeus, Zeus, whate'er He be,\nIf this name He love to hear, This He shall be called of me. Searching earth and sea and air Refuge nowhere can I find Save Him only, if my mind Will cast off, before it die,\nThe burden of this vanity.\"'\nHe identifies Zeus with the personified Nature of Things, the Law or Rea\u00ad son of the World; \"The Law that is Fate and the Father and All-compre\u00ad hending are here met together as one.\"06\nPerhaps these concluding lines of his masterpiece were his last words as a poet. Two years after the Oresteia we find him again in Sicily. Some believe that the audience, being more radical than the judges, did not like the trilogy; but this hardly accords with the fact that the Athenians, a few years later, and directly contrary to custom, decreed that his plays might be repeated in the Theater of Dionysus, and that a chorus should be granted to anyone who offered to produce them. Many did, and Aeschylus con\u00ad tinued to win prizes after his death. Meanwhile in Sicily, says an old story, an eagle had killed him by dropping a tortoise upon his bald head, mistak\u00ad ing it for a stone... There he was buried over his own epitaph, so strangely silent about his plays, so humanly proud of his scars:\nBeneath this stone lies Aeschylus;\nOf his noble prowess the grove of Marathon can speak, Or the long-haired Persian, who knows it well.\nSOPHOCLES\nThe first prize for tragedy was won from Aeschylus in 468 by a new\u00ad comer, aged twenty-seven, and bearing a name that meant the Wise and Honored One. Sophocles was the most fortunate of men, and almost the darkest of pessimists. He came from Colonus, a suburb of Athens, and was the son of a sword manufacturer, so that the Persian and Peloponnesian Wars, which impoverished nearly all Athenians, left the dramatist a com\u00ad fortable income.\" In addition to wealth he had genius, beauty, and good\n392\tTHE\tL IF E  OF\tGREECE\t( CHAP. XVII\nhealth. He won the double prize for wrestling and music-a combination that would have pleased Plato; his skill as a ballplayer and a harpist enabled him to give public performances in both fields; and after the battle of Salamis it was he who was chosen by the city to lead the nude youths of Athens in a dance and song of victory.118 Even in later years he was hand\u00ad some; the Lateran Museum statue shows him old and bearded and rounded, but still vigorous and tall. He grew up in the happiest age of Athens; he was the friend of Pericles, and held high offices under him; in 443 he was Imperial Treasurer; in 440 he was one of the generals who commanded the Athenian forces in Pericles' expedition against Samos-though it should be added that ericles preferred his poetry to his strategy. After the Athenian debacle in Syracuse he was appointed to the Committee of Public Safety;\"\" and in this capacity he voted for the oligarchical constitu\u00ad tion of 411. His character pleased the people more than his politics; he was genial, witty, unassuming, pleasure-loving, and endowed with a charm that atoned for all his errors. He had a fancy for moneyeo and boys,.. but in his old age he turned his favor to courtesans.0 He was very pious, and pccasionally filled the office of priest.\u2022\nHe wrote 113  plays; we have only seven, and do not know the order ln which they were produced. Eighteen times he won the first award at the Dionysian, twice at the Lenaean, festivals; he received his first prize at twenty-five, his last at eighty-five; for thirty years he ruled the Athenian stage more completely than Pericles contemporaneously ruled Athens. He increased the number of actors to three, and played a role himself until he lost his voice. He (and after him Euripides) abandoned the Aeschylean form of trilogy, preferring to compete with three independent plays. Aeschylus was interested in cosmic themes that overshadowed the persons of his drama; Sophocles was interested in character, and was almost mod\u00ad ern in his flair for psychology. The Trachinitm Women is on its surface a sensational melodrama: Deianeira, jealous of her husband and Heracles' love for Iola, sends him unwittingly a poisoned robe, and, when it con\u00ad sumes him, kills herself; what draws Sophocles here is not the punishment of Heracles, which would have seemed central to Aeschylus-nor even the passion of love, which would have attracted Euripides-but the psy\u00ad chology of jealousy. So in the Ajax no attention is paid to the mighty deeds of the hero; what lures the author is the study of a man going mad. In the Philoctetes there is almost no action, but a frank analysis of injured simplicity and diplomatic dishonesty. In the Electra the story is as slight as it is old; Aeschylus was fascinated by the moral issues involved; Sopho-\nCHAP. XVII) THE   LITERATURE  OF THE GOLD EN  AGE\t393\ndes ahnost ignores them in his eagerness to study with psychoanalytic ruth\u00ad lessness the young woman's hatred of her mother. The play has given its name to a neurosis once widely discussed, as Oedipus the King has pro\u00ad vided a name for another."]
[9.383218765258789, -1.2639284133911133, "-offices of state, made fonunes, lent money at usurious interest, and denied their faith at the first sign of danger.41 Eusebius mourned that priests quar\u00ad reled violently in their competition for ecclesiastical preferment.42 While Christianity converted the world, the world convened Christianity, and displayed the natural paganism of mankind. Christian monasticism arose as a protest against this mutual adjustment of the spirit and the flesh. A minority wished to avoid any indulgence of human appetite, and to continue the early Christian absorption in thoughts of eternal life. Following the custom of the Cynics, some of these ascetics renounced all possessions, donned the ragged robe of the philosopher, and subsisted on alms. A few, like Paul the Hermit, went to live as solitaries in the Egyptian desen. About 275 an Egyptian monk, Anthony, began a quaner century of isolated existence first in a tomb, then in an abandoned mountain castle, then in a rock-hewn desen cell. There he struggled nightly with frightful visions and pleasant dreams, and overcame them all; until at last his reputation for sanctity filled all Christendom, and peopled the desert with emulating eremites. In 32 5 Pachomius, feeling that solitude was selfishness, gathered anchorites into an abbey at Tabenne in Egypt, and founded that cenobitic, or community, monasticism which was to have its most influential development in the West. The Church opposed the monastic movement for a time, and then accepted it as a necessary balance to its increasing preoccupation with government.\nWithin a year after Constantine's conversion the Church was torn by a schism that might have ruined it in the very hour of victory. Donatus, Bishop of\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXX\nCanhage, supported by a priest of like name and temper, insisted that Christian bishops who had surrendered the Scriptures to the pagan police during the per\u00ad secutions had forfeited their office and powers; that baptisms or ordinations performed by such bishops were null and void; and that the validity of sacra\u00ad ments depended in part upon the spiritual state of the ministrant. When the Church refused to adopt this stringent creed, the Donatists set up rival bishops wherever the existing prelate failed to meet their tests. Constantine, who had thought of Christianity as a unifying force, was dismayed by the chaos and violence that ensued, and was presumably not unmoved by the occasional alliance of Donatists with radical movements among the African peasantry. He called a council of bishops at Aries (3 r4), confirmed its denunciation of the Donatists, ordered the schismatics to return to the Church, and decreed that recalcitrant congregations should lose their property and their civil rights (316). Five years later, in a momentary reminiscence of the Milan edict, he withdrew these measures, and gave the Donatists a scornful toleration. The schism continued till the Saracens overwhelmed orthodox and heretic alike in the conquest of Africa.\nIn those same years Alexandria saw the rise of the most challenging heresy in the history of the Church. About 318 a priest from the Egyptian town of Baucalis startled his bishop with strange opinions about the nature of Christ. A learned Catholic historian describes him generously:\nArius ...  was tall and thin, of melancholy look, and an aspect that showed traces of his austerities. He was known to be an ascetic, as could be seen from his costume-a short tunic without sleeves, under a scarf that served as a cloak. His manner of speaking was gentle; his addresses were persuasive. The consecrated virgins, who were nu\u00ad merous in Alexandria, held him in great esteem; and he counted many stanch supporters among the higher clergy.43\nChrist, said Arius, was not one with the Creator, he was rather the Logos, the first and highest of all created beings. Bishop Alexander protested, Arius persisted. If, he argued, the Son had been begotten of the Father, it must have been in time; the Son therefore could not be coeternal with the Father. Furthermore, if Christ was created, it must have been from nothing, not from the Father's substance; Christ was not \"consubstantial\" with the Father.44\nThe Holy Spirit was begotten by the Logos, and was still less God than the Logos. We see in these doctrines the continuity of ideas from Plato through the Stoics, Philo, Plotinus, and Origen to Arius; Platonism, which had so\ndeeply influenced Christian theology, was now in conflict with the Church. Bishop Alexander was shocked not only by these vie,vs but by their rapid spread even among the clergy. He called a council of Egyptian bishops at\nCHAP. XXX)   THE  TRIUMPH  OF CHRISTIANITY\nAlexandria, persuaded it to unfrock Arius and his followers, and sent an account of the proceedings to other bishops. Some of these objected; many priests sympathized with AriuS\u00bd throughout the Asiatic provinces clergy as well as laity divided on the issue, and made the cities ring with such \"tumult and disorder ... that the Christian religion,\" says Eusebius, \"afforded a subject of profane merriment to the pagans, even in their theaters.\" 45 Con\u00ad stantine, coming to Nicomedia after overthrowing Licinius, heard the story from its bishop. He sent both Alexander and Arius a personal appeal to imi\u00ad tate the calm of philosophers, to reconcile their differences peaceably, or at least to keep their debates from the public ear. The letter, preserved by Eusebius, clearly reveals Constantine's lack of theology, and the political purpose of his religious policy.\nI had proposed to lead back to a single form the ideas which all people conceive of the Deity; for I feel strongly that if I could induce men to unite on that subject, the conduct of public affairs would be considerably eased. But alas! I hear that there are more disputes among you than recently in Africa. The cause seems to be quite trifling, and unworthy of such fierce contests. You, Alexander, wished to know what your priests were thinking on a point of law, even on a portion only of a question in itself entirely devoid of importance; and you, Arius, if you had such thoughts, should have kept silence.   There\nwas no need to make these questions public\tsince they are prob\u00ad\nlems that idleness alone raises, and whose only use is to sharpen men's wits\tthese are silly actions worthy of inexperienced children, and\nnot of priests or reasonable man.46\nThe letter had no effect. To the Church the question of the \"consubstan\u00ad tiality\" (homoousia) as against the mere similarity (homoiousia) of the Son and the Father was vital both theologically and politically. If Christ was not God, the whole structure of Christian doctrine would begin to crack; and if division were permitted on this question, chaos of belief might destroy the unity and authority of the Church, and therefore its value as an aide to the state. As the controversy spread, setting the Greek East aflame, Con\u00ad stantine resolved to end it by calling the first ecumenical universal-council of the Church. He summoned all bishops to meet in3 2 5 at Bithynian Nicaea, near his capital Nicomedia, and provided funds for all their expenses. Not less than 318 bishops came, \"attended\" says one of them, \"by a vast con\u00ad course of the lower clergy\": 47 the statement reveals the immense growth of the Church. l\\1ost of the bishops were from the Eastern provinces; many\n\\Vestern dioceses ignored the controversy; and Pope Silvester I, detained by illness, was content to be represented by some priests.\n660\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXX\nThe Council met in the hall of an imperial palace. Constantine presided and opened the proceedings by a brief appeal to the bishops to restore the unity of the Church. He \"listened patiently to the debates,\" repons Eusebius, \"moderated the violence of the contending parties,\" 48 and himself joined in the argument. Arius reaffinned his view that Christ was a created being, not equal to the Father, but \"divine only by; participation.\" Clever ques\u00ad tioners forced him to admit that if Christ was a creature, and had had a beginning, he could change; and that if he could change he might pass from virtue to vice. The answers were logical, honest, and suicidal. Athanasius, the eloquent and pugnacious archdeacon whom Alexander had brought with him as a theological sword, made it clear that if Christ and the Holy Spirit were not of one substance with the Father, polytheism would triumph. He conceded the difficulty of picturing three distinct persons in one God, but argued that reason must bow to the mystery of the Trinity. All but seven\u00ad teen of the bishops agreed with him, and signed a statement expressing his view. The supporters of Arius agreed to sign if they might add one iota, changing homoousion to homoiousion. The Council refused, and issued with the Emperor's approval the following creed: \u2022\nWe believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things. visible or invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, be- gotten ...\tnot made, being of one essence (homoousion) with the Father ...\t who for us men and our salvation came down and was made flesh, was made man, suffered, rose again the third day, ascended into heaven, and comes to judge the quick and the dead\t\u202249\nOnly five bishops, finally only two, refused to sign this formula. These two, with the unrepentant Arius, were anathematized by the Council and exiled by the Emperor. An imperial edict ordered that all books by Arius should\nbe burned, and made the concealment of such a book punishable with death.t\nConstantine celebrated the conclusion of the Council with a royal dinner to all the assembled bishops, and then dismissed them with the request that they should not tear one another to pieces.51 He was mistaken in thinking that the controversy was ended, or that. he himself would not change his view of it, but he was right in believing that he had struck a great blow for the unity of the Church. The Council signalized the conviction of the eccle-\nThis di1fers from the \"Nicene Creed\" now in use, which is a revision made in 362.\nt Th Council also decree? that all churches_ should c lebrate Easter on the same day, to be named m each year hf the Bishop of Alexandna accordmg to an astronomical rule, and to be promulgated by the Bishop of Rome. On the question of clerical celibacy the Council inclined to require continence of married priests; but Paphnutius, Bishop of Upper Thebes, persuaded his peers to leave unchanged the prevailing custom, which forbade marriage after ordinarion, but permitted a priest to cohabit with a wife whom he had married before ordination.50"]
[-1.939476490020752, -8.253996849060059, "CAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nconsumed by war and government, the poverty of the poor did not de\u00ad crease.22 Wages were from six to eleven, prices some thirty-three, per cent of comparative wages and prices in the United States of the early twentieth century.23 The class struggle was becoming more violent, for the army, recruited from the provincial poor, often joined in the attack upon wealth, and felt that its services to the state justified confiscatory taxation for dona\u00ad tives, or more direct pillaging of the well to do.24 Industry suffered as commerce declined. The export trade of Italy fell as the provinces graduated from customers to competitors; barbarian raids and piracy made trade routes as unsafe as before Pompey; depreciated currencies and uncertain prices discouraged long-term enterprise. The extension of the frontier having ceased, Italy could no longer prosper by supplying or exploiting an expand\u00ad ing realm. Once Italy had collected the bullion of conquered lands and grown rich on the robbery; now money was migrating to the more indus\u00ad trialized Hellenistic provinces, and Italy grew poorer while the rising wealth of Asia Minor forced the replacement of Rome with an Eastern capital. Italian industry was thrown back upon its domestic market, and found the people too poor to buy the goods they could make.25 Internal commerce was hampered by brigands, rising taxes, and the deterioration of roads through lack of slaves. The villas became more self-sufficient in industry, and barter competed with money trade. Large-scale production\ngave way year by year to small shops supplying chiefly a local demand.\nFinancial difficulties entered. The precious metals were running low: the gold mines of Thrace and the silver mines of Spain had reduced their yield, and Dacia, with its gold, would soon be surrendered by Aurelian. Much gold and silver had been consumed in art and ornament. Faced with this dearth when war was almost continuous, the emperors from Septimius Severus onward repeatedly debased the currency to pay for state expenses and military supplies. Under Nero the alloy in the denarius was ten per cent, under Commodus thirty, under Septimius fifty. Caracalla replaced it with the antoni11iamts, containing fifty per cent silver; by 260 its silver content had sunk to five per cent.26 The government mints issued unprece\u00ad dented quantities of cheap coin; in many instances the state compelled the acceptance of these at their face value instead of their actual worth, while it insisted that taxes should be paid in goods or gold.27 Prices rose rapidly; in Palestine they increased one thousand per cent between the first and third centuries; 28 in Egypt inflation ran out of control, so that a measure of wheat that had cost eight drachmas in the first century cost 120,000 drachmas at the end of the third.29 Other provinces suffered much less; but in most of them inflation ruined a large part of the middle class, nullified trust funds and charitable foundations, rendered all business discouragingly precarious,\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE\nand destroyed a considerable portion of the trading and investment capital upon.which the economic life of the Empire depended.\nThe- emperors after Pertinax were not displeased by this attrition of the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie. They felt the hostility of the Senatorial class and the great merchants to their alien origin, their martial despotism, and their exactions; the war of Senate and emperor, interrupted from Nerva to Aurelius, was renewed; and by donatives, public works, and doles, the rulers deliberately based their powers upon the favor of the anny, the proletariat, and the peasantry.\nThe Empire suffered only less than Italy. Carthage and north Africa, farthest from the invaders, flourished; but Egypt decayed under destructive factionalism, Caracalla's massacre, Zenobia's conquest, high taxes, listless forced labor, and Rome's annual exaction of grain. Asia Minor and Syria had borne invasion and pillaging, but their ancient and patient industries had survived all tribulations. Greece, Macedonia, and Thrace had been devastated by the barbarians, and Byzantium had not recovered from Sep\u00ad timius' siege. As war brought Roman garrisons and supplies to the German frontier new cities rose along the rivers-Vienna, Karlsburg, Strasbourg, Mainz. Gaul had been disordered and discouraged by German attacks; sixty of her cities had been sacked; most of her towns and cities were shrinking within new walls, and were abandoning the broad straight streets of Roman design for the more easily defended irregular alleys of early antiquity and\nthe Middle Ages. In Britain, too, the cities were becoming smaller, the villas\nlarger; 30 class war and high taxation had destroyed wealth or driven it into rural concealment. The Empire had begun with urbanization and civiliza\u00ad tion; it was ending in reruralization and barbarism.\nTHE  TWILIGHT OF PAGANISM\nThe cultural graph of the third century follows loosely the curve of declining wealth and power. Nevertheless, in these tragic years we have the rise of notational algebra, the highest names in Roman jurisprudence, the finest example of ancient literary criticism, some of Rome's most majestic architecture, the oldest romantic novels, the greatest of mystic philosophers.\nThe Greek Anthology summarizes the life of Diophantus of Alexandria (A.D. 250) with algebraic humor: his boyhood lasted one sixth of his life, his beard grew after one twelfth more, he married after another seventh, his son was born five years later and lived to half his father's age, and the father died four years after his son-therefore at the age of eighty-four.31 Of his works the chief\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nsurvivor is the Arithmetica-a treatise on algebra. It solves determinate equations of the first degree, determinate quadratic equations, and indeterminate equa\u00ad tions up to the sixth degree. For the unknown quantity which we denote by x, and which he called arithmos (the number)-he used a Greek sigma; and for the other powers he used the letters of the Greek alphabet. An algebra without symbols had existed before him: Plato had recommended, for training and amus\u00ad ing the youthful mind, such problems as the distribution of apples in certain proportions among several persons; 32 Archimedes had propounded like puzzles in the third century B.c.; and both the Egyptians and the Greeks had solved geometrical problems by algebraic methods without algebraic notation. Prob\u00ad ably Diophantus systematized methods already familiar to his contemporaries; 33 the accident of time has preserved him; and to him, through the Arabs, we trace that bold and esoteric symbolism which aspires to formulate all the quantitative relations of the world.\nPapinian, Paulus, and Ulpian, the culminating trio of Roman law, all rose to power under Septimius Severus; all, as prefects of the Praetorian Guard, were the prime ministers of the realm; and all justified absolute monarchy on the ground that the people had delegated their sovereignty to the emperor. Papinian's Quaestiones and Responsa were so distinguished by clarity, humanity, and justice that Justinian's collections leaned heavily on these works. When Caracalla killed Geta, he bade Papinian \u00b7write a legal defense of the act; Papinian refused, saying that it was \"easier to commit fratricide than to justify it.\" Caracalla ordered him beheaded, and a soldier performed the deed with an ax in the presence of the Emperor. Domitius Ulpianus continued Papinian's labors as jurist and humani\u00ad tarian. His legal opinions defended slaves as by nature free, and women as endowed with the same rights as men.34 Like most landmarks in the history of law, his writings were essentially a co-ordination of his predecessors' work; but his judgments were so definitive that nearly a third of them survive in the Digest of Justinian. \"It was because Alexander Severus ruled chiefly in accord with Ulpian's advice,\" says Lampridius, \"that he ,vas so excellent an emperor.\" 35 However, Ulpian had had some of his opponents put to death; and in 228 his enemies in the Guard killed him in turn, with less legality and equal effect. Diocletian encouraged and financed schools of law, and commissioned the codifi\u00ad cation of post-Trajanic legislation in the Codex Gregorianus. Thereafter the science of jurisprudence hibernated till Justinian.\nThe third century continued the art of painting on Pompeian and Alex\u00ad andrian lines; its meager remains are Oriental and crude, and almost effaced by time. Sculpture flourished, for many emperors had to be carved; it stiffened into a primitive frontality, but no later age has surpassed this one in portraits of startling veracity. It is a credit to Caracalla, or a testimony to his dullness, that he allowed a sculptor to transmit him to us as the curlyheaded scowling brute of the Naples Museum. Two sculptural colossi date from this period: the Farnese Bull and the Ftrmese Hercules, both of them exaggerated and un\u00ad pleasantly tense, but showing undiminished technical mastery. That sculptors\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE  EMPIRE\ncould still work in the classic style appears from the chaste reliefs on the sar\u00ad cophagus of Alexander Severus, and on the Ludovisi Battle Sarcophagus. But the reliefs on the Arch of Septimius Severus at Rome frankly rejected Attic sim\u00ad plicity and grace for a coarse and picturesque virility that almost foreshadowed the rebarbarization of Italy.\nArchitecture at Rome now carried to completion the Roman flair for sub\u00ad limity through size. Septimius raised on the Palatine the last of its imperial palaces, with an eastern wing seven stories high-the \"Septizonium.\" Julia Domna pro\u00ad vided funds for the Atrium Vestae, and the pretty Temple of Vesta that still stands in the Forum. Caracalla built for Isis' consort Serapis an immense shrine of which some handsome fragments survive. The Baths of Caracalla, finished under Alexander Severus, are among the world's most impressive ruins. They added nothing to architectural science, following essentially the lines of Trajan's Baths; but their frowning mass well expressed the murderer of Geta and Papinian. The main block, of brick and concrete, covered 270,000 square feet-more than the Houses of Parliament and Westminster Hall combined. A winding stair\u00ad way led to the top of the walls; perched there Shelley wrote Prometheus Un\u00ad bound. The interior was garrisoned by a multitude of statues, and upheld by\n200 columns of granite, alabaster, and porphyry; the marble floors and walls were inlaid with mosaic scenes; water poureo from massive mouths of silver into pools and basins where 1600 persons could bathe at once. Gallienus and Decius raised similar baths; in the latter case the Roman engineers rested a circular dome upon a decagonal edifice, and supported it with buttresses in the angles of the decagon-an expedient with little past and much future. In 295 Maximian began the most enormous of the eleven imperial thermae, and named it with singular modesty the Baths of Diocletian. Here were bathing facilities for 3600 persons at one time, gymnasiums, concert and lecture halls; out of one room, the tepidarium, Michelangelo fashioned Santa Maria degli Angeli-with the exception of St. Peter's the largest church in Rome. Structures only less monu\u00ad mental rose in the provinces. Diocletian built extensively in Nicomedia, Alex\u00ad andria, and Antioch; 1\\1aximian adorned Milan, Galerius Sirmium, Constantius Treves.\nLiterature prospered less, for it could seldom tap the wealth that gathered in imperial hands. Libraries grew in number and size; a third-century physician had a collection of 62,000 volumes, and the Bibliotheca Ulpiana was renowned for its historical archives. Diocletian sent scholars to Alexandria to transcribe classi\u00ad cal texts there and bring copies to the libraries of Rome. Scholars were plentiful and popular; Philostratus memorialized them well in his Lives of the Sophists. Porphyry continued Plotinus, attacked Christianity, and called the world to vegetarianism. Iamblichus tried to harmonize Platonism and pagan theology, and succeeded sufficiently to inspire the Emperor Julian. Diogenes Laertius put to\u00ad gether the lives and opinions of the philosophers in fascinating excerpt and anecdote. Athenaeus of Naucratis, having consumed the libraries of Alexandria, poured his chyme into the Deipnosophists, or \"Sophists of the Dinner Table\"\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\n-a dreary dialogue on foods, sauces, courtesans, philosophers, and words, bright\u00ad ened here and there by some revelation of ancient custom or some reminiscence of great men. Longinus, perhaps of Palmyra, composed a polished essay Peri hypsus, \"On the Sublime\"; the peculiar pleasure given by literature (runs the argument) is due to the \"lifting up\" (ekstasis) of the reader by the eloquence that comes to a writer from strength of conviction and sincerity of character.* Dio Cassius Cocceianus of Bithynian Nicaea, after a life spent in the cursus bonorum, began at fifty-five to write his History of Rome ( 2 ro?); in his seventy\u00ad fourth year he completed it, having carried the story down from Romulus to himself. Of its eighty \"books\" less than half remain, but they fill eight substan\u00ad tial volumes. It is a work of noble scope rather than high quality. It has vivid narratives, revealing speeches, and philosophical asides that are not always plati\u00ad tudinous and conservative. But, like Livy, it is disfigured with \"portents\"; like Tacitus it is a long brief for the Senatorial opposition; and like all Roman his\u00ad tories it cleaves narrowly to the vicissitudes of politics and war-as if life for a thousand years had been nothing but taxes and death.\nMore significant than these honorable men for the historian of the mind is the appearance, in this century, of the romantic novel. It had had a long prepara\u00ad tion in the Cyropaideia of Xenophon, the love poems of Callimachus, the legends that had accumulated about Alexander, and the \"Milesian Tales\" told by Aristides and others in the second century B.c. and afterward. These stories of adventure and love pleased an Ionian populace so classic in tradition but so Oriental in mood, perhaps now Oriental in blood. Petronius in Rome, Apuleius in Africa, Lucian in Greece, Iamblichus in Syria, developed the picaresque romance in varied ways, with no special accent on love. In the first Christian centuries, pos\u00ad sibly responding to an increasing audience of women readers, the novel of ad\u00ad venrure merged with the romance of love."]
[-1.5857092142105103, -1.4517886638641357, "inhabitants of the Mediterranean states.\n,vomen were admitted to the congregations, and rose to some prominence\nin minor roles; but the Church required them to shame the heathen by lives of modest submission and retirement. They were bidden to come to worship veiled, for their hair was considered especially seductive, and even angels might be distracted by it during the service;2 Saint Jerome thought it should be entirely cut off .3 Christian women were also to avoid cosmetics and jewelry, and particularly false hair; for the blessing of the priest, falling upon dead hair from another head, would hardly know which head to bless.4 Paul had instructed his communities sternly:\nWomen should keep quiet in church. They must take a subordi\u00ad nate place. If they want to find out anything they should ask their husbands at home, for it is disgraceful for a woman to speak in church. . . . A man ought not to wear anything on his head in church, for he is the image of God and reflects God's glory, while woman is a reflection of man's glory. For man was not made from\n596\nCHAP. XXVIII)   THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CHURCH\t597\nwoman, but woman from man; and man was not created for woman, but woman for man. That is why she ought to wear upon her head something to symbolize her subjection.5\nThis was the Judaic and Greek view of woman, not the Roman; perhaps it represented a reaction against the license into which some women had debased their growing liberty. We may believe, from these very fulmina\u00ad tions, that despite the lack of jewels and scents, and with the help of veils, Christian women succeeded in being attractive, and exercised their ancient powers in their subtle ways. For unmarried or widowed women the Church found many useful tasks. They were organized as \"sisters,\" performed works of administration or charity, and created in time the divers orders of those nuns whose cheerful kindliness is the noblest embodiment of Christianity.\nLucian, about 160, described \"those imbeciles,\" the Christians, as \"dis\u00ad daining things terrestrial, and holding these as belonging to all in common.\" 6 A generation later Tertullian declared that \"we\" (Christians) \"have all things in common except our wives,\" and added, with his characteristic bite: \"at that point we dissolve our partnership, precisely where the rest of men make it effective.\" 7 We should not take these statements literally; as another passage in T errullian 8 suggests, this communism meant merely that each Christian would contribute according to his means to the congre\u00ad gation's common fund. The expectation of an early end to the existing order of things doubtless facilitated giving; the richer members may have been persuaded that they must not let the Last Judgment surprise them in the arms of Mammon. Some early Christians agreed with the Essenes that the prosperous man who does not share his surplus is a thief.9 James, \"brother of the Lord,\" attacked wealth with words of revolutionary bitterness:\nCome, now, you rich people, weep aloud and howl over the mis\u00ad eries that shall overtake you! Your wealth has rotted, your clothes are moth-eaten, your gold and silver are rusted    and their rust will\neat into your very flesh, for you have stored up fire for the last days. The wages you have withheld from the laborers who have reaped your harvests cry aloud, and their cries have reached the ears of the Lord of Hosts   Has not God chosen the world's poor to possess\nthe Kingdom? 10\nIn that Kingdom, he adds, the rich will wither like flowers under a scorching sun.11\nAn element of communism entered into the custom of the common meal. As the Greek and Roman associations had met on occasion to dine together, so the early Christians gathered frequently in the agape or love feast, usually\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVIII\non a Sabbath evening. The dinner began and ended with prayer and scrip\u00ad tural readings, and the bread and wine were blessed by the priest. The faith\u00ad ful appear to have believed that the bread and wine were, or represented, the body and blood of Christ; 12 the worshipers of Dionysus, Attis, and Mithras had entertained like beliefs at the banquets where they ate the magic embodi\u00ad ments or symbols of their gods.13 The final ritual of the agape was the \"kiss of love.\" In some congregations this was given only by men to men, and by women to women; in others this hard restriction was not enforced. Many participants discovered an untheological delight in the pleasant ceremony; and Tertullian and others denounced it as having led to sexual indulgences.14 The Church recommended that the lips should not be opened in kissing, and that the kiss should not be repeated if it gave pleasure.15 In the third century the agape gradually disappeared.\nDespite such episodes, and the diatribes of preachers calling their con\u00ad gregations to perfection, we may accept the old belief that the morals of the early Christians were a reproving example to the pagan world. After the weakening of the ancient faiths had removed their frail support from the moral life, and the attempt of Stoicism at an almost natural ethic had failed with all but the best of men, a new supernatural ethic accomplished, at whatever cost to the free and dissolvent intellect, the task of regulating the jungle instincts of man into a viable morality. The hope of the coming Kingdom carried with it belief in a Judge who saw every act, knew man's every thought, and could not be eluded or deceived. To this divine sur\u00ad veillance was added mutual scrutiny: in these little groups sin could with difficulty find a hiding place; and the community publicly reprimanded those members who had violated the new moral code with insufficient secrecy. Abortion and infanticide, which were decimating pagan society, were forbidden to Christians as the equivalents of murder; 16 in many instances Christians rescued exposed infants, baptized them, and brought them up with the aid of the community fund.17 The Church forbade with less success the attendance of Christians at the theater or the public games, and their participation in the festivities of pagan holidays.18 In general, Christianity continued and exaggerated the moral sternness of the embattled Jews. Celi\u00ad bacy and virginity were recommended as ideal; marriage was tolerated only as a check on promiscuity and as a ridiculous means of continuing the race, but husband and wife were encouraged to refrain from sexual relations.19 Divorce was allowed only when a pagan wished to annul a marriage with a convert. The remarriage of widows or widowers was discountenanced, and homosexual practices were condemned with an earnestness rare in antiquity. \"So far as sex is concerned,\" said T ertullian, \"the Christian is content with the woman.\" 20\nCHAP.:xxvm)   THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CHURCH\t599\nMuch of this difficult code was predicated on the early return of Christ. As that hope faded, the voice of the flesh rose again, and Christian morals were relaxed; an anonymous pamphlet. Tbe Sbepherd of Hermas (ca. 110), inveighed against the reappearance, among Christians, of avarice, dishonesty, rouge, dyed hair, painted eyelids, drunkenness, and adultery.21 Nevertheless, the general picture of Christian morals in this period is one of piety, mutual loyalty, marital fidelity, and a quiet happiness in the possession of a confident faith. The younger Pliny was compelled to report to Trajan that the Chris\u00ad tians led peaceful and_ exemplary lives.22 Galen described them as \"so far advanced in self-discipline and   intense desire to attain moral excellence\nthat they are in no way inferior to true philosophers.\" 23 The sense of sin took on a new intensity with the belief that all mankind had been tainted by Adam's fall, and that soon the world would end in a judgment of eternal punishment or reward. Many Christians were absorbed in the effort to come clean to that dread assize; they saw a lure of Satan in every pleasure of the senses, denounced the \"world and the flesh,\" and sought to subdue desire with fasts and varied chastisements. They looked with suspicion upon music, white bread, foreign wines, warm baths, or shaving the beard-which seemed to flout the evident will of God.24 Even for the ordinary Christian, life took on a more somber tint than paganism had ever given it except in the occa\u00ad sional \"apotropaic\" appeasement of subterranean deities. The serious temper of the Jewish Sabbath was transferred to the Christian Sunday that replaced it in the second century.\nOn that dies Donnni, or Lord's Day, the Christians assembled for their weekly ritual. Their clergy read from the Scriptures, led them in prayer, and preached sermons of doctrinal instruction, moral exhortation, and sec\u00ad tarian controversy. In the early days members of the congregation, especially women, were allowed to \"prophesy\"-i.e., to \"speak fonh,\" in trance or ecstasy, words to which meaning could be given only by pious interpreta\u00ad tion. When these performances conduced to ritual fever and theological chaos, the Church discouraged and finally suppressed them. At every step the clergy found itself obliged not to generate superstition, but to control it. By the close of the second century these weekly ceremonies had taken the form of the Christian Mass. Based partly on the Judaic Temple service, partly on Greek mystery rituals of purification, vicarious sacrifice, and participation, through communion, in the death-overcoming powers of the deity, the Mass grew slowly into a rich congeries of prayers, psalms, read\u00ad ings, sermon, antiphonal recitations, and, above all, that symbolic atoning sacrifice of the \"Lamb of God\" which replaced, in Christianity, the bloody offerings of older faiths. The bread and wine \u00b7which these cults had con\u00ad sidered as gifts placed upon the altar before the god were now conceived as\n'600\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVII]\nchanged by the priestly act of consecration into the body and blood of Christ, and were presented to God as a repetition of the self-immolation of Jesus on the cross. Then, in an intense and moving ceremony, the worshipers partook of the very life and substance of their Saviour. It was a conception long sanctified by time; the pagan mind needed no schooling to receive it; by embodying it in the \"mystery of the Mass,\" Christianity became the last and greatest of the mystery religions. It was a custom lowly in origin 25 and beautiful in development; its adoption was part of the profound wisdom with which the Church adjusted itself to the symbols of the age and the needs of her people; no other ceremony could have so heartened the essen\u00ad tially solitary soul, or so strengthened it to face a hostile world.*\nThe eucharist, or \"blessing\" of the bread and wine, was one of the seven Christian \"sacraments\"-sacred rituals believed to convey divine grace. Here, too, the Church used the poetry of symbols to console and dignify the life of man, to renew at each step in the human odyssey the fortifying touch of deity. In the first century we find only three ceremonies conceived of as sacraments-baptism, communion, and holy orders; but already, in the cus\u00ad toms of the congregations, the germs of the rest were present. It was appar\u00ad ently the practice of the early Christians to add to baptism an \"imposition of hands,\" whereby the apostle or priest introduced the Holy Spirit into the believer;28 in the course of time this action was separated from baptism and became the sacrament of confirmation.29 As the baptism of adults was gradually replaced by the baptism of infants, men felt the need of some later spiritual cleansing; public acknowledgment of sin passed into private con\u00a3ession to the priest, who claimed to have received from the apostles or their episcopal successors the right to \"bind and loose\"-to impose penances and pardon sins.30 The sacrament of penance was an institution capable of abuse through the ease of forgiveness; but it gave the sinner strength to reform, and spared anxious souls the neuroses of remorse. In these centuries marriage was still a civil ceremony; but by adding and requiring her sanction the Church lifted it from the level of a passing contract to the sanctity of an inviolable vow. By the year 200 the laying on of hands took the added form of \"holy orders,\" by which the bishops assumed the exclusive right to ordain priests capable of administering the sacraments validly. Finally the Church derived from the Epistle of James (v, 14) the sacrament of \"extreme unction,\" or last blessing, by which the priest anointed the sense organs and extremities of a dying Christian, cleansed him again of sin, and prepared him to meet his God. It would be the shallowest folly to judge\nIn the mysteries of Mithras the worshipers were offered consecrated bread and water.26 The conquistadores were shocked to find similar .rites among the Indians of Mexico and Peru.27"]
[-0.6706799864768982, -7.978370666503906, "Rome classed Egypt not as a province but as the property of the emperor, and ruled it through a prefect responsible only to him. Native Greek officials administered the three divisions-Lower, Middle, and Upper Egypt, and the thirty-six \"nomes\" or counties; and the official language remained Greek. No attempt was made to urbanize the population, for Egypt's imperial function was to be the granary of Rome. Large tracts of land were taken from the priests and turned over to Roman or Alexandrian capitalists to be worked as latifundia by fellaheen accustomed to merciless exploitation. The state capitalism of the Ptolemies was continued in reduced form. Every step in the agricultural process was planned and controlled by the state: proliferating bureaucrats determined what crops should be sown and in what quantities, annually allotted the requi\u00ad site seed, received the product into government warehouses ( thesauroi, treas\u00ad uries), exported Rome's quota, took out taxes in kind, and sold the rest to the market. Corn and flax were state monopolies from seed to sale; so, at least in the Fayum, was the production of bricks, perfumes, and sesame oil.2 Private enter\u00ad prise was permitted in other fields, but under ubiquitous regulation. All mineral resources were owned by the state, and the quarrying of marble and precious stones was a governmental privilege.\nDomestic industry, already old in Egypt, nmv expanded in the tmvns\u00ad Ptolemais, Memphis, Thebes, O:Yrhynchus: Sais, Bubastis, Naucratis, Heliopolis; in Alexandria it was half the fe_ of the vibrant capital. Apparently the paper industry had reached the capitalist stage, for Strabo tells how the owners of the papyrus plant:itions limited production to lift the price.3 Priests used the temple precincts as factories and turned out fine linens for their own use and\n498\nCHAP, XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\t499\nfor the market. Slaves outside of domestic service were few in Egypt, since \"free\" workers were paid only a notch above nudity and starvation. Sometimes the workers went on strike (anachoresis, secession )-they left their tasks and took sanctuary on temple grounds, whence they were coaxed by hunger or fair words. Occasionally wages were raised, prices went up, and all was as before. Guilds were permitted, but they were mostly of tradesmen and managers; the government used them as agents for the collection of taxes and for the organiza\u00ad tion of forced labor on dikes, canals, and other public works.\nInternal trade was active but slow. Roads were poor, and land transport moved on men, donkeys, or camels-which now replaced horses as draft animals in Africa. Much traffic went by inland waterways. A great canal, 150 feet wide, completed in Trajan's reign, bound the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean through the Nile and the Red Sea, from whose ports at Arsinoe, Myos Hormos, and Berenice ships left daily for Africa or India. The banking system that financed production and trade was under full governmental control. Each nome capital had a state bank, which acted as a receiver of taxes and repository of public funds. Loans were made to farmers, industry, and business by the gov\u00ad ernment, by priests from temple treasuries, and by private lending associations.4 Taxes were laid upon every product, process, sale, export, or import, even upon graves and burials; and additional assessments were levied from time to time, in kind from the poor, in liturgies from the rich. From Augustus to Trajan the country-or its masters-prospered; after that zenith it succumbed to the dis\u00ad couragement and exhaustion of endless tribute and taxation and the lethargy of a regimented economy.\nOutside of Alexandria and Naucratis Egypt remained sullenly, silently Egyptian; Romanization hardly touched it beyond the mouths of the Nile; and even Alexandria, which had been the greatest of Greek cities, was assum\u00ad ing in our second century the character, languages, and odor of an Oriental metropolis. Of Egypt's 8,500,000 population its capital had now some 800,- 000 5 (in1930, 573,000), second only to Rome; in industry and commerce it was first. Everyone in Alexandria is busy, says a letter questionably Hadrian's; everyone has a trade; even the lame and the blind find work to do.6 Here, among a thousand other articles, glass, paper, and linen were pro\u00ad duced on a large scale. Alexandria was the clothing and fashion center of the age, setting the styles and making the goods. Its great harbor had nine miles of wharves, from which its merchant fleet wove a web of commerce over many seas. It was also a tourist center, equipped with hotels, guides, and interpreters for visitors coming to see the Pyramids and the majestic temples of Thebes. The main avenue, sixty-seven feet wide, was lined for three miles with colonnades, arcades, and alluring shops displaying the fanci\u00ad est products of ancient crafts. At many intersections there were spacious squares or circles named plateai, \"broad\" (ways)-whence the Italian piazza\n500\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nand our plaza and place. lmposing structures adorned the central thorough\u00ad fares-a large theater, an Emporium or exchange, temples to Poseidon, Caesar, and Saturn, a celebrated Serapeum or Temple of Serapis, and a group of university buildings known over the world as the Museum, or Home of the Muses. Of the five sections into which the city was divided, one was almost wholly given to the palaces, gardens, and administrative buildings of the Ptolemies, now used by the Roman prefect. Here, in a pretty mausoleum, lay the city's founder, Alexander the Great, preserved in honey and encased in glass.\nGreeks, Egyptians, Jews, Italians, Arabs, Phoenicians, Persians, Ethiopi\u00ad ans, Syrians, Libyans, Cilicians, Scythians, Indians, Nubians-nearly every Mediterranean people had its quota in Alexandria. They made a volatile and in.flammable mixture, quarrelsome and disorderly, intellectually clever and irreverently witty, shameless in speech, skeptical and superstitious, loose in morals and gay in mood, fanatically fond of the theater, music, and public games. Dio Chrysostom describes life there as \"a continuous revel . . . of dancers, whistlers, and murderers.\" 8 The canals were alive with merry\u00ad makers in gondolas at night on their five-mile sail to the amusement suburb at Canopus. There were musical contests that rivaled the horse races in raising excitement and claques.\nIf we may believe Philo,9 forty per cent of the city's population was Jewish. Most Alexandrian Jews were employed in industry and trade, and lived in great poverty;10 many were merchants, a few were moneylenders, some were rich enough to win enviable places in the government. Originally confined to one fifth of the city, they had now over.flowed to occupy two fifths. They were governed by their own laws and elders, and Rome con\u00ad firmed the privileges that the Ptolemies had given them to ignore any ordi\u00ad nance that conflicted with their religion. They gloried in their magnificent central synagogue, a colonnaded basilica so vast that a system of signals had to be used to secure proper response at proper times from worshipers too distant from the sanctuary to hear the words of the priest.11 According to Josephus the moral life of the Alexandrian Jews was exemplary compared with the sexual looseness of the \"pagan\" population.12 They had an active intellectual culture and contributed substantially to philosophy, historioo\u00ad raphy, and science. Racial hostility agitated the city at various times; ;e\nfind in Josephus' tract Against.Apion (an anti-Semitic leader) all the causes arguments, and legends that_ disturb the relations of Jew and gentile today.\n!n A.D. 38 a mob of Greeks mv ded the synagogues and insisted on placing m each of them a statue of Caligula as a god. The Roman prefect, Avillius Flaccus, annulled the Alexandrian citizenship of the Jews and ordered those of them who lived outside the original Jewish section to return to it within\nCHAP.XXIV)\tTHE\tHELLENISTIC   REVIVAL\t501\na few days. When these had elapsed the Greek populace burned down 400 Jewish homes, and killed or clubbed Jews, outside the ghetto; and thirty\u00ad eight members of the Jewish gerousia or senate were arrested and publicly scourged in a theater. Thousands of Jews lost their homes, their businesses, or their savings. Flaccus' successor submitted the matter to the Emperor, and two separate delegations-five Greeks and five Jews-went to Rome (A.D. 40) to plead their causes before Caligula. He died before he could judge. Claudius restored the rights of the Jews in Alexandria, confirmed them in their municipal citizenship, and sternly bade both factions keep the peace.\nPHILO\nThe leader of the Jewish delegation to Caligula was the philosopher Philo, brother of the arabarch, or manager of the Jewish export trade in Alexandria. Eusebius describes him as belonging to an ancient priestly family.13 We know hardly anything else of his life; but his pious and gener\u00ad ous character stands out in the many works that he wrote to expound Judaism to the Greek world. Brought up in a sacerdotal atmosphere, in\u00ad tensely loyal to his people, and yet fascinated by Greek philosophy, he made it the aim of his life to reconcile the Scriptures and customs of the Jews with Greek ideas and above all with the philosophy of \"the most holy\" Plato. He adopted for his purpose the principle that all events, characters, doc\u00ad trines, and laws in the Old Testament have an allegorical as well as a literal meaning and symbolize certain moral or psychological truths; by this method he was able to prove anything. He wrote indifferently in He rew, but so well in Greek that his admirers said, \"Plato writes like Philo.\" 14  \u2022\nHe was a theologian rather than a philosopher, a mystic whose intense piety presaged Plotinus and the medieval mind. God, in Philo, is the essential being of the world, incorporeal, eternal, indescribable; reason can know his existence, but can ascribe no quality to him, since every quality is a limita\u00ad tion. To conceive him as having human form is a concession to the sensuous imagination of men. God is everywhere; \"what place can a man find where God is not?\" 15 But he is not everything: matter is also eternal and increate; however, it has no life, motion, or form until infused with the divine force. To create the world by giving form to matter, and to establish relations with man, God used a host of intermediary beings, called angels by the Jews, daimones by the Greeks, and Ideas by Plato. These, says Philo, may popu\u00ad larly be conceived as persons, though really they exist only in the Di\\<ine Mind, as the thoughts and powers of God.16 Together these powers con\u00ad stitute what the Stoics called the Logos, or Divine Reason creating and\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nguiding the world. Fluctuating between philosophy and theology, between ideas and personifications, Philo sometimes thinks of the Logos as a person; in a poetic moment he calls the Logos \"the first-begotten of God,\" 17 son of God by the virgin Wisdom,18 and says that through the Logos God has revealed himself to man. Since the soul is part of God, it can through reason rise to a mystic vision not quite of God, but of the Logos. Perhaps, if we could free ourselves from the taint of matter and sense, and by ascetic exer\u00ad cises and long contemplation become for a moment pure spirit, we might for an ecstatic moment see God himself.19\nPhilo's Logos was one of the most influential ideas in the history of thought. Its antecedents in Heracleitus, Plato, and the Stoics are obvious; presumably he knew the recent Jewish literature that had made a distinct person of the Wisdom of God as creator of the world; and he must have been impressed by those lines in Proverbs (vm, 22) where Wisdom says, \"The Lord possessed me in the beginning of his way, before his works of old. I was set up from everlasting ...  or ever the earth was.\" Philo was a contemporary of Christ; he apparently never heard of him; but he shared unknowingly in forming Christian theology. The rabbis frowned upon his allegorical interpretations as likely to be used as an excuse for neglecting literal obedience to the Law; they suspected the Logos doctrine as a retreat from monotheism; and they saw in Philo's passion for Greek philosophy a threat of cultural assimilation, racial dilution, and consequent disappearance, of the dispersed Jews. But the Fathers of the Church admired the Jew's con\u00ad templative devotion, made abundant use of his allegorical principles to answer the critics of the Hebrew Scriptures, and joined with Gnostics and Neo-Platonists in accepting the mystical vision of God as the crown of human enterprise. Philo had tried to mediate between Hellenism and Judaism. From the Judaic point of view he had failed; from the historical point of view he had succeeded; and the result was the first chapter of the Gospel of John.\t!\nTHE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE\nIn science Alexandria was the unchallenged head of the Hellenistic world. Claudius Ptolemy must be ranked among the most influential astronomers of antiquity, for _despite Coeernicus the w?rld is still Ptolemaic in its speech. Born at Ptolema1s on the Nile (whence his name), he lived most of his life at Alexandria, where he made observations from A.D. 127 to 151. The world remembers him chiefly for his_rejection of Aristarchus' theory that the earth revolves around the sun. This immortal error was enshrined in Ptolemy's Mathematike Syntaxis, or \" lathematical Arrangement\" of the stars. The\nCHAP. xxrv)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\nArabs referred to the work with a Greek superlative as Al-nzegiste, \"The Greatest\"; and the Middle Ages corrupted the phrase into Almagest, by which the book is known to history. It ruled the skies till Copernicus upset the world. And yet Ptolemy did not claim to do more than systematize the work and observation of previous astronomers, Hipparchus above all. He pictured the universe as spherical and as daily revolving around a spherical, motionless earth. Strange as this view seems to us (though there is no telling what some future Copernicus will do to our present Ptolemies), the geo\u00ad centric hypothesis made it possible to compute the position of the stars and planets more accurately than the heliocentric conception could do in the state of astronomic knowledge at the time.20 Ptolemy suggested further a theory of eccentrics to explain the orbits of the planets, and discovered the evection, or orbital aberration, of the moon. He measured the moon's dis\u00ad tance from the earth by the parallax method still in use, and calculated it as fifty-nine times the earth's radius. This is approximately our current reckon\u00ad ing; but Ptolemy followed Poseidonius in underestimating the diameter of the earth."]
[-8.116887092590332, -10.0839262008667, "schools, spreading the use of Latin, and encouraging cities and rich men to build temples, basilicas, and public baths. \"By degrees,\" says the caustic historian, \"the charms of vice gained admission to British hearts; baths, porticoes, and elegant banquets grew into vogue; and the new annei:5, which in reality only served to sweeten slavery, were by the unsuspecnng Britons called the arts of polished humanity.\" 47 In swift campaigns Agricola carried these arts, and Roman rule, to the Clyde and the Forth, defeated an army of 30,000 Scots, and wished to go farther when Domitian recalled him. Hadrian built a wall (1zz-27) seventy miles across the island from Solway Firth to the mouth of the Tyne as a defense against not-unsuspecting Scots; and twenty years later Lollius raised farther north the thirty-three-mile \\Vall of Antoninus between the firths of Clyde and Forth. For over two centuries these fortifications kept Britain safe for Rome.\nAs Rome's rule achieved stability it became more lenient. The cities were man\u00ad aged by native se_nates, sse\u00b0:blies, and magistrates, and the_ countryside was left, as in Gaul, to tnbal chieftains amenable to Roman sun\u00b7e1llance. It was not so urban a civilization as Italy's, nor so rich as Gaul's; but it was under Roman stimulus and protection that most British cities now took form. Four of them were Roman \"colonies,\" whose freemen enJoyed Roman citizenship: Camulo\u00ad dunum (Colchester), the first Roman capital of Britain, and the seat of the\nCHAP. xxu)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\t477\nprovincial council; Lindum, whose modem name Lincoln declares its ancient privilege; Eboracum (York), an important military post; and Glevum, whose name Gloucester merges Glevum with chester, the Anglo-Saxon word for tow\u00b7n.\"\" Chester, Winchester, Dorchester, Chichester, Leicester, Silchester, and Man\u00ad chester appear to have had their beginnings in the first two centuries of Roman rule. These were small towns, each with some 6000 souls; but they had paved and drained streets, forums, basilicas, temples, and houses with stone foundations and tiled roofs. Viroconium (Wroxeter) had a basilica accommodating 6000 persons, and public baths ,vhere hundreds could bathe at once. The hot springs of Aquae Salis (\"Salt Waters\"), now Bath, made it a fashionable resort in ancient davs, as its surviving thermae show. Londinium rose to economic and military importance because of its position on the Thames and its radiating roads. It grew to a popu\u00ad lation of 60,000 and soon replaced Camulodunum as Britain's capital.49\nl\\1ost of the homes in Roman London were of brick and stucco, in smaller towns, of wood. Climate determined their architecture: a gable roof to shed rain and snow, and many windows to let in whatever sun might shine; for even \"on clear days,\" said Strabo, \"the sun is to be seen only for three or four hours.\" 50 But interiors followed the Roman style-mosaic floors, large bathrooms, muraled walls, and (far more than in Italian homes) central heating by hot-air conduits in walls and floors. Coal-mined from surface veins-was used not only for warm\u00ad ing houses but for industrial processes like smelting lead. Apparently the mines of ancient Britain were owned by the state, but were leased to private entrepre\u00ad neurs.51 There was a factory (fabrica) at Bath for the manufacture of iron\n,veapons,52 and probably the making of pottery, bricks, and tiles had reached the factory stage; but most industries were carried on in homes, small shops, and villas. Five thousand miles of Roman roads, and innumerable waterways, were the arteries of a brisk internal trade. A modest foreign commerce, inverting the custom of Britain today, exported raw materials for manufactured goods.\nHow deeply did Roman civilization, in its four centuries of domination, penetr:1te the life and soul of Britain? Latin became the language of politics, law, literature, and the educated minority, but in the countryside and among many workers in the towns the Celtic tongue survived; even now, in ,Vales and the Isle of Man, it holds its own. Roman schools in Britain spread literacy and determined the Roman form of the English alphabet; and a stream of Latin words poured into English speech.Temples were built to Roman gods, but the common man cherished his Celtic deities and feasts. Even in the cities Rome sank no lasting roots. The people submitted apathetically to a rule that brought them a fructifying peace and such prosperity as the island would not experience again until the Industrial Revolution.\nSo Haverfield;48 the more widely accepted derivation is from the Latin castmm, fortress, or castra, camp. Most Roman-British towns were designed on the cheS5board plan of a Roman camp.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXII\nTHE  BARBARIANS\nThe decisions of Augustus and Tiberius not to attempt the conquest of Ger\u00ad many were among the pivotal events of European history. Had Germany been conquered and Romanized like Gaul, nearly all Europe west of Russia would have had one organization, one government, one classic culture, perhaps one tongue; and central Europe might have served as a buffer against those eastern hordes whose pressure upon the Germans caused the Germanic invasions of Italy. vVe call them Germans, but they themselves have never used this name, and no one knows when it came.\u2022 They were in classic days a medley of independent tribes occupying Europe between the Rhine and the Vistula, between the Danube and the North and Baltic Seas. Gradually, in the two centuries from Augustus to Aurelius, they passed from migratory hunting and herding to agriculture and village life; but they were still so far nomadic that they rapidly exhausted the land they tilled and then moved on to conquer new acres by the sword. If we may\nbelieve Tacitus, war was the German's meat and drink:\nTo cultivate the earth, and wait the regular produce of the seasons, is not the maxim of a German; you will more readily persuade him to attack the enemy and provoke honorable wounds on the field of battle. To earn by the sweat of your brow what you might gain at the price of your blood is in the opinion of a German a sluggish prin\u00ad ciple, unworthy of a soldier.53\nThe Roman historian, lamenting the deterioration of his own people under luxury and peace, described with the exaggeration of a moralist the martial quali\u00ad ties of the Germans, and the ardor with which the women spurred them into battle, often fighti:-1g by their side. Flight from the enemy meant lifelong disgrace, in many cases suicide. Strabo described the Germans as \"wilder and taller than the Gauls,\" 54 and Seneca, as if he had read Tacitus, drew ominous conclusions: \"To those vigorous bodies, to those souls unwitting of pleasures, luxury, and wealth, add but a little more tactical skill and discipline-I say no more; vou [Romans] will only be able to hold your own against them by returning to- the\nvirtues of your sires.\" 55\nIn peace, Tacitus reports, these warriors were correspondingly indolent. The men spent their time (presumably after hunting or harvesting) in eating heavy meals of meat and drinking rivers of beer, while the women and children did the work of the home.56 The German bought his wife from her father by a o-ift of cattle or weapons; he had the power of life and death over her and their children, subject to the approval of the tribal assembly; nevertheless, women were held in\nRome used the adjective germanus (from germen, offspring) to mean born of the same parents; and in app yin it to the Germans they may have had in mind the kinship organiza\u00ad tion of the Teutomc tnbes.\nCHAP. XXII)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\t479\nhigh honor, were often asked to decide tribal disputes, and were as free to divorce their husbands as these were to divorce them.57 Some chieftains had several wives, but the usual German family was monogamous and maintained (we are assured) a lofty level of marital morality. Adultery was \"seldom heard of\" and was pun\u00ad ished in the woman by cutting off her hair and driving her naked through the streets to be flogged as she fled. The wife was allowed to practice abortion if she wished/8 but normally she bore many children. A man without children was so rare that wills were not made; it was assumed that the property of the family would go down from father to son, generation after generation.59\nFour classes composed the population: ( 1) bondsmen, some of them slaves, most of them serfs bound to the soil and obliged to pay the landowner in prod\u00ad uce; ( 2) freedmcn-unfranchised renters; ( 3) freemen-landowners and warriors; and (4) nobles-landowners who traced their pedigrees to the gods, but based their power upon substantial patrimonies and armed bodyguards (cmnites, com\u00ad panions, \"counts\"). The tribal assembly ,t,as composed of nobles, guards, and freemen; they came in arms, chose the chief or king, approved the proposals sub\u00ad mitted to them by clashing their spears, or rejected them by a majority of grunts. The second and third classes were partly engaged in handicrafts and the metal\u00ad lurgical industries, in which the Germans excelled; the fourth provided the lords and knights and chivalry of feudal Germany.\nVery little cultural superstructure was added to this simple social organiza\u00ad\ntion. Religion had at this time barely emerged from nature worship into the cult of anthropomorphic deities. Tacitus calls them Mars, Mercury, and Hercules\u00ad probably Tiu (Tyr), Wodin (Odin), and Donar (Tor); we still unwittingly commemorate them, and Freya, the goddess of love, on four days of every week. There was a virgin goddess Hertha (l\\fother Earth), impregnated by a sky-god; and every imagination and need was supplied by a varied population of fairies, elves, cobolds, nixes, giants, and dwarfs. Human sacrifice was offered to \\Vodin, perhaps tastier animals to other gods. Worship was conducted in the open air in forests and groves, for the Germans thought it absurd to confine a nature spirit in an abode built by human hands. There was no powerful sacerdotal class like the Druids of Gaul or Britain, but there were priests and priestesses who presided over religious ceremonies, sat as judges in criminal cases, and divined the future by studying the motions and neighings of white horses. As in Gaul, there were bards who sang in rude verse the legends and history of their tribes. A small minority could read and write, and adapted the Greek alphabet to form the runes from which the Gothic letters of modem Germany evolved. Art was primitive, but skillful work was done in gold.\n\\Vhen Rome withdrew ht;r legions from Germany she retained control of the Rhine from source to mouths and divided the majestic valley into two provinces\u00ad Upper and Lower Germany. The latter included Holland and the Rhineland south to Cologne. This once lovely city, known to the Romans as Colonia Agrip\u00ad pinensis, had been made a colony (A.D. 50) in honor of Nero's mother, who had been born there; half a century later it was the most opulent settlement on the\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXII\nRhine. The province of Upper Germany followed the Rhine southward through 1\\foguntiacum (Mayence), Aquae Aureliae (Baden-Baden), Argentoratum (Strasbourg), and Augusta Rauricorum (Augst) to Vindonissa (Windisch). Nearly all these towns had the usual array of temples, basilicas, theaters, baths, and public statuary. Many of the legionaries sent by Rome to guard the Rhine lived outside their camps, married German girls, and remained as citizens when their term of service was complete. The Rhineland was probably as thickly settled and affiuent in Roman days as at any time before the nineteenth century."]
[2.0456182956695557, -14.173495292663574, "CHAP.II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR  DE1\\1 0 CR ACY\t25\nand provincial exploitation, and commissions to collect taxes for the state. The Assembly of the Centuries, whose method of voti g gave the aristocracy full control, continued to choose the magistrates, and therefore the Senate. The tribunes, dependent upon the support of rich plebeians, used their office as a con\u00ad servative force. Every consul, even if chosen by the plebs, became by contagion a zealous conservative when, at the close of his year of office, he was received into the Senate for life. The Senate took the initiative in legislation, and custom sanctioned its authority far beyond the letter of the law. As foreign affairs became more important, the Senate's firm administration of them raised its prestige and power. When, in 264, Rome entered upon a century of war with Carthage for the mastery of the Mediterranean, it was the Senate that led the nation through every trial to victory; and an imperiled and desperate people yielded without protest to its leadership and domination.\nTHE  CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC\nThe Lawmakers\nLet us try to picture to ourselves this complex state, so formed after five centuries of development. By common consent it ,vas one of the ablest and most successful governments that the world has yet seen; Polybius, indeed, considered it an almost literal realization of Aristotle's ideal constitution. It provided the framework, sometimes the battleground, of Roman history. Who, among this people, were the citizens? Technically, those who had\nbeen born or adopted into one of the three original tribes of Rome. In prac\u00ad\ntice this meant all males above fifteen years of age who were neither slaves nor aliens, and all aliens who had received a grant of Roman citizenship. Never before or since has citizenship been so jealously guarded or so highly prized. It meant membership in the relatively small group that was soon to rule the whole Mediterranean area; it brought immunity from legal torture or duress, and the right of appeal from any official in the Empire to the Assembly-or, later, the emperor-at Rome.\nObligations went with these privileges. The citizen, unless quite poor, was liable to military service at call from his sixteenth to his sixtieth year; and he could not hold political office until he had served ten years in the anny. His political rights were so bound up with his military duties that his most important voting was done as a member of his regiment, or \"century.\"\nIn the da.ys of the kino.:-:,s he had voted also in the conziti,1 curiata; i.e., he and other heads of families had come together (cum-ire) in a gathering of the\nthirty curiae, or wards, into which the three tribes had been divided; and to the end of the Republic it was this Curial Assembly that conferred upon the\n26\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. II\nelected magistrates the imperium, or authority to govern. After the fall of the monarchy the Curial Assembly rapidly lost its other powers to the comitia centuriata-the soldiers assembled in \"centuries\" originally of one hundred men. It was this Centuria! Assembly that chose the magistrates, passed or rejected the measures proposed to it by officials or the Senate, heard appeals from the judgments of magistrates, tried all cases of capital crime charged to Roman citizens, and decided upon war or peace. It was the broad base of both the Roman army and the Roman government. Nevenheless, its powers were narrowly constrained. It could convene only at the call of a consul or a tribune. It could vote only upon such measures as were presented to it by the magistrates orthe Senate. It could not discuss or amend these pro\u00ad posals; it could only vote Yes or No.\nThe conservative character of its decisions was guaranteed by the class arrangement of its members. At the top were eighteen centuries of patricians and businessmen (equites). Then came the \"first class\"-men owning 100,000 asses' worth of property;* these had eighty centuries, or 8000 men, in the Assembly. The second class embraced citizens owning between 75,000 and 100,000 asses; the third, between 50,000 and 75,000 asses; the founh, between 25,000 and 50,000 asses; and each of these classes had twenty centuries. The fifth class included citizens owning between 11,000 and 25,000 asses, and had thirty centuries. All citizens possessing under 11,000 asses were formed into one century.10 Each century cast one vote, determined by a majority of its members; a small majority in one century could cancel a large majority in another, and give the victory to a numerical minority. Since each century voted in the order of its financial rank, and its vote ,vas announced as soon as taken, the agreement of the first two groups gave at once ninety-eight votes, a majority of the whole, so that the lower classes seldom voted at all. Voting was direct: citizens who could not come to Rome for the meeting had no representation in the Assembly. All this was no mere device to disfranchise the peasants and the plebs. The classification of centuries had been made by the census to distinguish men for taxation as well as for war; the Romans thought it just that the right to vote should be proportioned to taxes paid and military duties required. Citizens with less than 1 r,ooo asses of property had altogether only one centurial vote; but correspondingly they paid a negligible tax and were in normal times exempt from military service.11 Of the proletariat, till .Marius' day, nothing was asked except prolific parentage. Despite some later changes, the Centuria! Assembly remained a frankly conservative and aristocratic institution.\nDoubtless as ar{ offset to this, the plebs had from the beginning of the Re\u00ad\npublic held its own assemblies, the concilia plebis. Out of these councils, prob\u00ad ably, came the cornitia populi tributa which we find exercising legislative power\nAn as would now be equivalent in purchasing power to approximately six cents of United States currency in 1942. Cf. p. 78.\nCHAP. II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR DEMOCRACY\t27\nas early as 357 B.c. In this Tribal Assembly of the People the voters were ar\u00ad ranged according to tribe and residence, on the basis of the Servian census; each tribe had one vote, and the rich counted for no more than the poor. After the recognition of its legislative authority by the Senate in 287, the power of the Tribal Assembly grew until by 200 it had become the chief source of private law in Rome. It chose the tribunes (i.e., tribal representatives) of the people (tribuni plebis) as distinct from the tribuni militares elected by the centuries. Here, too, however, there was no discussion by the people; a magistrate pro\u00ad posed a law and defended it, another magistrate might speak against it; the Assembly listened, and voted Yes or No. Though by its constitution it was more progressive than the Centuria! Assembly, it was far from radical. Thirty-one of its thirty-five tribes were rural, and their members, mostly owners of land, were cautious men. The urban proletariat, confined to four tribes, was politically powerless before Marius, and after Caesar.\nThe Senate remained supreme. Its original membership of clan heads was recruited by the regular admission of ex-consuls and ex-censors, and the censors were authorized to keep its numbers up to 300 by nominating to it men of patrician or equestrian rank. Membership was for life, but the Senate or a censor could dismiss any member detected in crime or serious moral offense. The august body convened at the call of any major magistrate in the curia, or senate house, facing the Forum. By a pleasant custom the mem\u00ad bers brought their sons with them to attend in silence, and to learn statesman\u00ad ship and chicanery at first hand. Theoretically the Senate might discuss and decide only such issues as were presented to it by a magistrate, and its deci\u00ad sions were merely advice (senatus consulta), without the force of law. Actually its prestige was so great that the magistrates nearly always accepted its recommendations, and seldom submitted to the assemblies any measure not already sanctioned by the Senate. Its decisions were subject to veto by any tribune, and a defeated minority of the Senate might appeal to the assemblies; 12 but these procedures were rare except in revolution. The magistrates held power for a year only, while the senators were chosen for life; inevitably this deathless monarch dominated the bearers of a brief authority. The conduct of foreign relations, the making of alliances and treaties, the waging of war, the government of the colonies and provinces, the management and distribution of the public lands, the control of the treasury and its disbursements-all these were exclusive functions of the Senate, and gave it immense power. It was legislature, executive, and judici\u00ad ary in one. It acted as judge in crimes like treason, conspiracy, or assassina\u00ad tion, and appointed from its membership the judges in most major civil trials. When a crisis came it could issue its most formidable decree, the senatus\u00ad consultum ultinmm, \"that the consuls should see to it that no harm should\n28\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Il\ncome to the state\"-a decree that established martial law and gave the consuls absolute command of all persons and property.\nThe Senate of the Republic* often abused its authority, defended cor\u00ad\nrupt officials, waged war ruthlessly, exploited conquered provinces greedily, and suppressed the aspirations of the people for a larger share in the pros\u00ad perity of Rome. But never elsewhere, except from Trajan to Aurelius, have so much energy, wisdom, and skill been applied to statesmanship; and never elsewhere has the idea of service to the state so dominated a government or a people. These senators were not supermen; they made serious mistakes, sometimes vacillated in their policies, often lost the vision of empire in the lust for personal gain. But most of them had been magistrates, administrators, and commanders; some of them, as proconsuls, had ruled provinces as large as kingdoms; many of them came of families that had given statesmen or generals to Rome for hundreds of years; it was impossible that a body made up of such men should escape some measure of excellence. The Senate was at its worst in victory, at its best in defeat. It could carry forward policies that spanned generations and centuries; it could begin a war in 264 and end it in 146 B.c. \\\\1hen Cineas, the philosopher who had come to Rome as envoy of Pyrrhus (280), had heard the Senate's deliberations and observed its men, he reported to the new Alexander that here was no mere gathering of venal politicians, no haphazard council of mediocre minds, but in dignity and statesmanship veritably \"an assemblage of kings.\" 18\nThe  Alagistrates\nThe major officials were elected by the Centurial, the minor by the Tribal, Assembly. Each office was held by a collegiznn of two or more colleagues, equal in power. All offices except the censorship ran for only a year. The same office could be held by the same person only cnce in ten years; a year had to elapse between leaving one office and taking another; and in the interval the ex-official could be prosecuted for malfeasance. The aspirant to a political career, if he survived a decade in the army, might seek election as one of the quaestors who, under the Senate and the consuls, managed the expenditure of state funcs, and assisted the praetors in preventing and in\u00ad vestigating crime. If he ple:.sed his electors or his influential supporters, he might later be chosen one of the four aediles charged with the care of build\u00ad ings, aqueducts, streets, markets, theaters, brothels, saloons. police courts,"]
[-5.882903575897217, -12.172839164733887, "TheGreek  Conquest\n201-146  B.C.\nTHE  CONQUEST OF GREECE\nHEN Philip V of Macedon made an alliance ,vith Hannibal against Rome (214) he hoped that all Greece would unite behind him\nto slay the growing young giant of the west. But rumors were about that he was planning, if Carthage won, to conquer all Greece with Carthage's aid. As a result, the Aetolian League signed a pact to help Rome against Philip, and the clever Senate, before dispatching Scipio to Africa, used Philip's discouragement by persuading him to a separate peace (205). The victory of Zama had hardly been won when the Senate, which never for\u00ad gave an injury, began to plot revenge upon i\\'Iacedon. Rome, the Senate felt, could never be secure with so strong a power at her back across a narrow sea. When the Senate moved for war, the Assembly demurred, and a tribune accused the patricians of seeking to divert attention from domestic ills.1 The opponents of war were easily silenced by charges of cowardice and lack of patriotism; and in 200 B.c. T. Quinctius Flamininus sailed against Macedon.\nHe was a youth of thirty, one of that liberal Hellenizing circle which was gathering about the Scipios in Rome. After some careful maneuvering he met Philip at Cynoscephalae and overwhelmed him ( 197). Then he sur\u00ad prised all the Mediterranean nations, and perhaps Rome, by restoring the chastened Philip to a bankrupt and weakened throne, and offering freedom to all Greece. The imperialists in the Senate protested; but for a moment the liberals predominated, and in 196 the herald of Flamininus announced to a vast assemblage at the Isthmian games that Greece was to be free from Rome, from Macedon, from tribute, even from garrisons. So great a cheer rose from the multitude, says Plutarch, that crows flying over the stadium fell dead.2 When a cynical world questioned the sincerity of the Roman general he answered by withdrawing his army to Italy. It was a bright page in the history of war.\nBut one war always invites another. The Aetolian League resented Rome's emancipation of Greek cities formerly subject to the League, and appealed\n85\n86\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nto Antiochus III, the Seleucid king, to reliberate liberated Greece. Inflated with some easy Yictories in the East, Antiochus thought of extending his power over all western Asia. Pergamum, fearing him, called to Rome for help. The Senate sent Scipio Africanus and his brother Lucius with the first Roman army to touch Asiatic soil; the hostile forces met at Magnesia ( 1 89), and Rome's victory inaugurated her conquest of the Hellenistic East. The Romans marched north, drove back into Galatia (Anatolia) the Gauls who had threatened Pergamum, and earned the gratitude of all Ionian Greeks. The Greeks of Europe were not so pleased. Roman armies had spared Greek soil, but they now encompassed Greece on east and west. Rome had freed the Greeks, but on condition that both war and class war should end. Freedom without war was a novel and irksome life for the city-states that made up Hellas; the upper classes yearned to play power politics against neigh\u00ad boring cities, and the poor complained that Rome everywhere buttressed\nthe rich against the poor. In 171 Perseus, son and successor of Philip Vas\nKing of Macedon, having arranged an alliance with Seleucus IV and Rhodes, called upon Greece to rise with him against Rome. Three years later Lucius Aemilius Paulus, son of the consul who had fallen at Cannae, defeated Perseus at Pydna, razed seventy Macedonian towns, and led Perseus captive to grace a magnificent triumph at Rome.* Rhodes was punished by the emancipation of her tributary cities in Asia, and by the establishment of a competitive port at Delos. A thousand Greek leaders, including the historian Polybius, were taken as hostages to Italy, where, in sixteen years of exile, 700 of them died.\nDuring the ne;.t decade the relations between Greece and Rome moved even nearer to open enmity. The rival cities, factions, and classes of Hellas appealed to the Sen::te for support, and gave cause for interferences that made Greece actually subject though nominally free. The partisans of the Scipios in the Senate were overruled by realists who felt that there would be no lasting peace or order in Greece until it was completely under Roman rule. In 146 the cities of the Achaean League, while Rome was in conflict with Carth:1ge and Spain, announced a war of liberation. Leaders of the poor seized control of the movement, freed and armed the slaves, declared a moratorium on debts, promised a redistribution of land, and added revolu-\nIt was on leaving for this campaign that Paulus paid his classic compliments to amateur strategists: \"In all public places, and in pri\\\u00b7ate panies, there are men who know where the armies should be put in Macedonia, what strategical positions ought to be occupied.... They nor only lay down what should be done, but when anything is decided contrary co cheir judgment they arraign the consul as though he were being impeached\tThis\u00b7seriously\ninterferes with the successful prosecution of a war .... [Iafnyone l feels confidentth.::t he can give me good advice, let him go with me to i\\1acedonia\tIf he thinks this is too much\ntrouble, lee him not try to act as a pilot while he is oa hnd.\" 3\nCHAP.V)\tTHE  GREEK  CONQUEST\t87\ntion to war. When the Romans under Mummius entered Greece they found a divided people and easily overcame the undisciplined Greek troops. Mummius burned Corinth, slew its males, sold its women and children into bondage, and carried nearly all its movable wealth and art to Rome. Greece and Macedon were made into a Roman province under a Roman governor; only Athens and Sparta were allowed to remain under their own laws. Greece disappeared from political history for two thousand years.\nTHE\tTRANSFORMATION\" OF  ROME\nStep by step the Roman Empire grew, not so much through conscious design as through the compulsions of circumstance and the ever receding frontiers of security. In bloody battles at Cremona ( 200) and Mutina ( 193) the legions again subdued Cisalpine Gaul and pushed the boundaries of Italy to the Alps. Spain, rewon from Carthage, had to be kept under control lest Carthage should win it again; besides, it was rich in iron, silver, and gold. The Senate exacted from it a heavy annual tribute in the form of bullion and coin, and the Roman governors reimbursed themselves liberally for spending a year away from home; so Quintus Minucius, after a brief pro\u00ad consulate in Spain, brought to Rome 34,800 pounds of silver and 35,ooo silver denarii. Spaniards were conscripted into the Roman army; Scipio Aemilianus had 40,000 of them in the force with which he took Spanish Numantia. In 195 B.c. the tribes broke out in wild revolt, which Marcus Cato put down with a hard integrity that recalled the proud virtues of a vanishing Roman breed. Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus (179) adjusted his rule sympathetically to the character and civilization of the native popu\u00ad lation, made friends of the tribal chieftains, and distributed land among the poor. But one of his successors, Lucius Lucullus (151), vielated the treaties made by Gracchus, attacked without cause any tribe that could yield plunder, and slaughtered or enslaved thousands of Spaniards without bother\u00ad ing to invent a pretext. Sulpicius Galba ( 1 50) lured 7000 natives to his camp by a treaty promising them land; when they arrived he had them sur\u00ad rounded and enslaved or mass1cred. In 154 the tribes of Lusitania (Portugal) began a sixteen-year war against Rome. An able leader, Viriathus, appeared among them, heroic in stature, endurance, courage, and nobility; for eight years he defeated every army sent against him, until ::t last the Romans purchased his assassination. The rebellious Celti!:>erians cf central Spain bore a siege of fifteen months in Numantia, living on their dead; at last ( 133) Scipio Aemilianus starved them into surrender. In general the policy of the\n88\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.V\nRoman Republic in Spain was so brutal and dishonest that it cost more than it paid. \"Never,\" said Mommsen, \"had war been waged with so much perfidy, cruelty, and avarice.\"4\nThe plunder from the provinces provided the funds for that orgy of corrupt and selfish wealth which was to consume the Republic in revolu\u00ad tion. The indemnities paid by Carthage, Macedon, and Syria, the slaves that poured into Rome from every field of glory, the precious metals captured in the conquest of Cisalpine Gaul and Spain, the 400,000,000 sesterces ($60,000,000) taken from Antiochus and Perseus, the 4503 pounds of gold and 220,000 pounds of silver seized by Manlius Vulso in his Asiatic cam\u00ad paigns5-these and other windfalls turned the propertied classes in Rome in half a century (202-146 B.c.) from men of means into persons of such opulence as hitherto only monarchs had known. Soldiers returned from these gigantic raids with their pouches full of coins and spoils. As currency multiplied in Italy faster than building, the owners of realty in the capital tripled their fortunes without stirring a muscle or a nerve. Industry lagged while commerce flourished; Rome did not have to produce goods; it took the world's money and paid with that for the world's goods. Public works were expanded beyond precedent and enriched the \"publicans\" who lived on state contracts; any Roman who had a little money bought shares in their corporations.0 Bankers proliferated and prospered; they paid interest on deposits, cashed checks (praescriptiones), met bills for their clients, lent and borrowed money, made or man ged investments, and fattened on such relentless usury that cutthroat (sector) and moneylender became one word.7 Rome was becoming not the industrial or commercial, but the financial and political, center of the white man's world.\nEquipped with such means, the Roman patriciate and upper middle class passed with impressive speed from stoic simplicity to reckless luxury; the lifetime of Cato (234-149) saw the transformation almost completed. Houses became larger as families became smaller; furniture grew lavish in a race for conspicuous expense; great sums \u00b7were paid for Babylonian rugs, for couches inlaid with ivory, silver, or gold; precious stones and metals shone on tables and chairs, on the bodies of women, on the harness of horses. As physical exertion diminished and wealth expanded, the old simple diet gave way to long and heavy meals of meat, game, delicacies, and condi\u00ad ments. Exotic foods ,vcre indispensable to social position or pretense; one magnate paid a th::msand sesterces for the oysters sen,ed at a meal; another imported anchovies at 1600 sest.:rces a cask; another paid 1200 for a jar of caviar.8 Good chefs fetched enormous prices on the slave auction block. Drinking increased; goblets had to be lar3e and preferably of gold; wine\nCHAP. V)\tTHE   GREEK  CONQUEST"]
[0.8195380568504333, -1.5340746641159058, "was less diluted, sometimes not at all. Sumptuary laws were passed by the Senate limiting expenditure on banquets and clcthing, but as the senators ignored these regulations, no one bothered to observe them. \"The citizens,\" Cato mourned, \"no longer listen to good advice, for the belly has no ears.\"9 The individual became rebelliously conscious of himself as against the state, the son as against the father, the \u00b7woman as against the man.\nUsually the power of wom:m rises with the we lth of a society, for when the stomach is satisfied hun3er leaves the field to love. Prostitution flourished. Homosexualism was\u00b7 stimd:1!:ed by ccntact with Greece and Asia; many rich men paid a talent ($3600) for a m:::!e favorite; Cato complained that a\npretty boy cost more than a farm.10 But women did not yield the field to\nthese Greek and Syrian invaders. They took e:igerly to all th8se supports of beauty that wealth now put within their reach. Cosmetics became a neces\u00ad sity, and caustic soap imported from Gaul tinged graying hair into auburn locks.11 The rich bourgeois took pride in adorning his wife and daughter with costly clothing or jcwdq an<l ma<le them the town criers of his pros\u00ad perity. Even in government t 1c role of women grew. Cato cried out that \"all other men rule ever women; but we Romans, who rule all men, are ruled by ou,rvomen.\"'12 In 195 B.c. the free women of Rome swept into the Forum and demanded the repeal of the Oppian Law of 215, which had forbidden women to use gold ormments, varicolored dresses, or chariots. Cato predicted the ruin of Rome if the bw should be repealed. Livy puts into his mouth a speech that every generation has heard:\nIf we had, each of us, upheld the rights and authority of the hus\u00ad band in our own households, we should not today have this trouble with our women. As things are now, our liberty of action, which has been annulled by female despotism at home, is crushed and trampled on here in the orum\tCall to mind all the regulations respecting\nwomen by which our ancestors curbed their license and made them obedient to their husbands; and yet with all those restrictions you can scarcely hold them in. If now you permit them to remove these restraints . . . and to put themselves on an equality with their hus\u00ad bands, do you imagine that you will be able to bear them? From the moment that they become your equals they will be your masters.13\nThe women laughed him down, and stood their ground until the law w2s repealed. Cato revenged himself as censor by multiplying by ten the taxes on the articles that Oppius had forbidden. But the tide was in flow, and could not be turned. Other laws disadvantageous to women were repealed or modified or ignored. \\Vomen won the free administration of their dowries, divorced their husbands or occasionally poisoned them, and\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\ndoubted the wisdom of bearing children in an age of urban congestion and imperialistic wars.\nAlready by I 60 Cato and Polybius had noted a decline of population and\nthe inability of the state to raise such armies as had risen to meet Hannibal. The new generation, having inherited world mastery, had no time or inclina\u00ad tion to defend it; that readiness for war which had characterized the Roman landowner disappeared now that ownership was being concentrated in a few families and a proletariat without stake in the country filled the slums of Rome. Men became brave by proxy; they crowded the amphitheater to see bloody games, and hired gladiators to fight before them at their ban\u00ad quets. Finishing schools were opened for both sexes, where young men and women learned to sing, play the lyre, and move gracefully.H In the upper classes manners became more refined as morals were relaxed. In the lower classes manners continued to be coarse and vigorous, amusements often violent, language freely obscene; we get the odor of this lusty prof anum vulgus in Plautus, and understand why it wearied of Terence. When a band of flute players attempted a musical concert at a triumph in 167, the audience forced the musicians to change their performance into a boxing match.15 In the widening middle classes ccmmercialism ruled unhindered. Their wealth was based no lonier on realty but on mercantile investment or man\u00ad agement. The old morality and a few Catos could not keep this new regime of mobile capital from setting the tone of Roman life. Everyone longed for money, everyone judged or was judged in terms of money. Contractors cheated on such a scale that many government properties-e.g., the Mace\u00ad donian mines-had to be abandoned bec:!use the lessees exploited the work\u00ad ers and mulcted the state to a point where the enterprise brought in more tribulation than profit.16 Th:it aristocracy which (if we may believe the historians-and we must not) had once esteemed honor above life adopted the new morality and shared in the new wealth; it thought no longer of the nation, but of class and individual privileges and perquisites; it accepted presents and liberal bribes for bestowing its favor upon men or states, and found ready reasons for war with countries that had more wealth than power. Patricians stopped plebeians in the street and asked or paid for their votes. It became a common thing for magistrates to embezzle public funds and an uncommon thing to see them prosecuted; for who could punish rob\u00ad bery among his fellows when half the members of the Senate had joined in violating treaties, robbing allies, and despoiling provinces? \"He who steals from a citizen,\" said Cato, \"ends his days in fetters and chains; but he who\nsteals from the community ends them in purple and gold.\"17\nNevertheless, the prestige of the Senate was higher than ever before. It\n\\\nCHAP. v)\tTHE  GREEK  CONQUEST\t91\nhad brought Rome successfullj through two Punic vVars and three Mace\u00ad donian \\Vars; it had challenged and overcome all of Rome's rivals, had won the subservient friendship of Egypt, and had captured so much of the world's wealth that in 146 Italy was freed from direct taxation. In the crises of war and policy it had usurped many powers of the assemblies and the magis\u00ad trates, but victory sanctified its usurpations. The machinery of the comitia had been made ridiculous by empire; the turbulent peoples who now sub\u00ad mitted to rule by a Senate la.rgely composed of seasoned statesmen and tri\u00ad umphant generals would have protested passionately against having their affairs determined by the few thousand Italians who could attend the assem\u00ad blies in Rome. The principle of democracy is freedom, the principle of war is discipline; each requires the absence of the other. vVar demands superior intelligence and courage, quick decisions, united action, immediate obedi\u00ad ence; the frequency of war doomed democracy. By law the Centuria! As\u00ad sembly alone had the right to declare war or make peace; but by its power to conduct foreign relations the Senate could usually bring matters to a point where the Assembly had no lcnger any practical choice.18 The Senate controlled the Treasury and all outlays of public funds; and it controlled the judiciary by the rule that all important juries had to be taken from the Senatorial list. The formulation and interpretation of the laws were in the hands of the patrician class.\n\\Vithin this aristocracy there was an oligarchy of dominant families. Till Sulla, Roman history is a reccrd cf families rather than of individuals; no great statesman stands out, but gener:1tion after generation the same names occur in the higher offices of the state. Out of 200 consuls between 23 3 and 133 B.c., 159 belonged to twenty-six families, one hundred to ten. The most powerful family in this period was the Cornelii. From the Publius Cornelius Scipio who lost the battle cf the Trebia (218), through his son Scipio Africanus who defeated Hannibal, to the latter's adoptive grandson, Scipio Aemilianus, \u00b7who destroyed Canhage in 146, the history of Rcman politics and war is largely the story of this family; and the revolution that destroyed the aristocracy was begun by the Gracchi, grandsons of Aemilianus. The s1ving victory at Zama made Africanus so popular with all classes that for a time Rome was ready to give him any office he desired. But when he and his brother Lucius returned from the war in Asia ( 187), the party of Cato demanded that Lucius should gi,re an account of the money paid him by Antiochus as an indemnity to be transmitted to Rome. A: anus refused to let his brother answer; instead he tore the records to shreds before the Senate. Lucius was brought to trial before the Assembly and was con\u00ad victed of embezzlement; he was saved from punishment by the tribunician\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nveto of Africanus' son-in-law, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. Summoned to trial in his turn, Africanus disrupted the proceedings by inviting and lead\u00ad ing the Assembly to the Temple of Jupiter to celebrate the anniversary of Zama. Summoned 2gain, he refused to obey the call, retired to his estate at Liternum, and remained there unmolested till his death. The emergence of such individualism in politics corresponded with the growth of individu\u00ad alism in commerce and morals. The Roman Republic would soon be de\u00ad stroyed by the unfettered energy of its great men.\nThe redeeming feature of this aristocracy and this age was their awakened appreciation of the beautiful. Contact with Greek culture in Italy, Sicily, and Asia had acquainted the Romans not merely with the appurtenances of luxury but with the highest products of classic art. The conquerors brought back with them world-famous paintings and statues, cups and mirrors of chased metal, cost!y textiles and furniture. The older generation was sh-eked by Marcellus' adcrnment of Roman squares with the stolen sculptures of Syracuse; they com\u00ad plained not of the robbery, but of the \"idleness and vain talk\" amon once in\u00ad dustrious citizens who now stopped to \"examine and criticize trifles.\" 19 Fulvius carried off 101 5 statues from Pyrrhus' collection in Ambracia; Aemilius Paulus filled fifty chariots in his triumph with the art treasures he had taken from Greece as partial paymer.t for liberating her; Sulla Verres, Nero, and a thousand other Romans were to do likewise through two hundred years. Greece was denuded to clothe the Roman mind.\nOverwhelmed with this invasion, Italian art abandoned its native quality and styles and, with one exception, surrendered to Greek artists, themes, and forms. Greek sculptors, painters, and architects, following the line of greatest gold, migrated to Rome and slowly Hellenized the capital of their conquerors. Rich Romans began to build their mansions in the Greek manner around an open court, and to adorn them with Greek columns, statuary, paintings, and furni\u00ad ture. Temples changed more slowly, lest the gods take offense; for them the short cella and high podium of the Tuscan style remained the rule; but as more Olympians were domiciled in Rome it seemed appropr:ate to ces=gn their homes on the slenderer Hellenic scale. In one vital respect, however, Rcman art, while still taking hints from Greece, expressed with unique means and power the sturdy Italic scul. Fer triumphal ar.d decorative monuments, bas:licas and aque\u00ad ducts, the Roman architect replaced the architrave ,v:th the arc!1. In 1 84 Cato built in stone the Basilica Porc:a; five years later Aernilius Pat:lus gave its first form to that Basilica Aemilia ,vhich his d scePdants would rep ir a:-:.d beautify through many generatiolis.* The typical Ro:-:-!an basilica, designed for tI1e transaction cf bus:::css or law, was a lo:-ig rectangle div1ded into nave and aisles\n!he basilica (sc. stoa-i. ., royal ponico) was a Hellenistic application of the arch to the Persian palace and the [gypoan hypostyle hall; Delos and Syracuse had raised such structures in the third century B.c.\nCHAP. V)\tTHE  GREEK  CONQlIEST\t93\nby two internal rows of columns, and usually roofed with a coffered barrel\nvau!t-a dcvcl::pmer:t taken from Alexandr:a.=w Since the nave was hi6her than the aiJes, a clerestory of pierced stcne trellises could be can\u00b7ed above each"]
[2.845670461654663, -15.088589668273926, "The term respublica (the public property, or commonwealth) \u00b7was applied by the Romans to all three forms of their state-monarchy, \"democracy,\" and principate; histonans now agree in limiting it to the period between 508 and 49 n.c.\nCHAP.II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR DEMOCRACY\nnd public games. If again successful, he might be made one of the four praetors who in war led armies, and in peace acted as judges and interpreters of the law.*\nAt about this point in the cursus bonorum, or sequence of offices, the citizen who had made a name for integrity and judgment might become one of the two censors (\"valuators\") chosen every fifth year by the Centuria! Assembly. One of them would take the quinquennial census of the citizens, and assess their property for political and military status and for taxation. The censors were required to examine the character and record of every candidate for office; they watched over the honor of women, the education of children, the treatment of slaves, the collection or farming of taxes, the construction of public buildings, the letting of governmental property or contracts, and the proper cultivation of the land. They could lower the rank of any citizen, or remove any member of the Senate, whom they found guilty of immorality or crime; and in this function the power of either censor was immune to the veto of the other. They could try to check extravagance by raising tax:es on lu.\u00b7mries. They prepared and published a budget of state expenditures on a five-year plan. At the close of their eighteen-month tenn they would gather the citizens together in a solemn ceremony of national purification (/ustrzmz), as a means of maintaining cordial relations with the gods. Appius Claudius Caecus (the Blind), great-grandson of the Decemvir, was the first to make the censorship rival the consulate in dignity. During his term (312) he built the Appian Aqueduct and the Appian \\Vay, promoted rich plebeians to the Senate, reformed land laws and state finances, helped to break down the priestly and p_atrician monopoly and manipulation of the law, left his mark on Roman grammar, rhetoric, and poetry, and, by his deathbed speech against Pyrrhus, decided the Roman conquest of Italy.\nTheoretically one of the two consuls (\"consultants\") had to be a plebeian; actually very few plebeians were chosen, for even the plebs pref erred men of education and training for an office that would have to deal with every executive phase of peace and war throughout the Mediterrnean. On the eve of the election the magistrate in charge of it observed the stars to see if they favored the presentacio.n of the several candidates' names; presiding over the Centuria} Assembly on the morrow, he might offer to its choice only those names that the auspices had approved; 14 in this way the aris\u00ad tocracy discouraged \"upstarts\" and demagogues, and in most cases the Assembly, awed or intimidated. submitted to the pious fraud. The candidate appeared in person, dressed in a plain white (ca11didus) toga to emphasize\n\"Quaestor from quaerere, to inquire-hence a trial was a quaestio; aedile from aedes, build\u00ad ing; praetor from prae-ire, to go in advance, to lead-hence the cohon that watcheJ over him was called the Praetorian Guard.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. II\nthe simplicity of his life and morals, and perhaps the more easily to sh?w the scars he had won in the field. If elected, he entered office on the ensumg March 15. The \u00b7consul took on sanctity by leading the state in the most solemn religious rites. In peace he summoned and presided over the Senate and the Assembly, initiated legislation, administered justice, and in general executed the laws. In war he levied armies, raised funds, and shared with his fellow consul command of the legions. If both of them died or were captured during their year of office, the Senate declared an interregnum, and appointed an interrex (or interval-king) for five days, while a new elec\u00ad tion was being prepared. The word suggests that the consuls had inherited, for their brief term, the powers of the kings.\nThe consul was limited by the equal authority of his colleague, by the pressure of the Senate, and by the veto power of the tribune. After 367 B.c. fourteen military tribunes were chosen to lead the tribes in war, and ten \"tribunes of the plebs\" to represent them in peace. These ten were sacro\u00ad sancti: it was a sacrilege, as well as a capital crime, to lay violent hands upon them except under a legitimate dictatorship. Their function was to protect the people against the government, and tostop by one word-veto, 1'I forbid\"\n-the whole machinery of the state, whenever to any one of them this seemed desirable. As a silent observer the tribune could attend the meetings of the Senate, report its deliberations to the people, and, by his veto, deprive the Senate's decisions of all legal force. The door of his inviolable home remained open day and night to any citizen who sought his protection or his aid, and this right of sanctuary or asylum provided the equivalent of habeas corpus. Seated on his tribunal he could act as judge, and from his decision there was no appeal except to the Assembly of the Tribes. It was his duty to secure the accused a fair trial, and, when possible, to win some pardon for the condemned.\nHow did the aristocracy retain its ascendancy despite these obstructive powers? First, by limiting them to the city of Rome and to times of peace; in war the tribunes obeyed the consuls. Secondly, by persuading the Tribal Assembly to elect wealthy plebeians as tribunes; the prestige of wealth and the diffidence of poverty moved the people to choose the rich to defend the poor. Thirdly, by allowing the number of tribunes to be raised from four to ten; if only one of these ten would listen to reason or money, his veto could frustrate the rest.15 In the course of time the tribunes became so\n?epen?able _that they could b trusted to con_vene the Senate, take part in 1ts deliberations, and become life members of 1t after their terms.\nIf all these maneuvers failed, a last bulwark of social order remained\u00ad dictatorship. The Romans recognized that in times of national chaos or peril their liberties and privileges, and all the checks and balances that they\nCHAP.II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR  DEMOCRACY\t31\nhad created for their own protection, might impede the rapid and united action needed to save the state. In such cases the Senate could declare an emergency, and then either consul could name a dictator. In every instance but one the dictators came from the upper classes; but it must be said that the aristocracy rarely abused the possibilities of this office. The dictator received almost complete authority over all persons and property, but he could not use public funds without the-Senate's consent, and his term was limited to six months or a year. All dictators but two obeyed these restric\u00ad tions, honoring the story of how Cincinnatus, called from the plow to save the state (456 B.c.), returned to his farm as soon as the task was done. \\Vhen this precedent was violated by Sulla and Caesar, the Republic passed back into the monarchy out of which it had come.\nS. The Beginnings of Roman Law\nWithin this unique constitution the magistrates administered a system of law based upon the Twelve Tables of the Decemvirs. Before that epochal enactment Roman law had been a mixture of tribal customs, royal edicts, and priestly commands. 1Hos maiorttnz-the way of the ancients-remained to the end of pagan Rome the exemplar of morals and a source of law; and though imagination and edification idealized the ruthless burghers of the early Republic, the tales told of them helped educators to form a stoic character in Roman youth. For the st, early Roman law was a priestly rule, a branch of religion, surrounded with sacred sanctions and solemn rites. Law was both lex and ius-command and justice; it was a relation not only between man and man but between man and the gods. Crime was a disturbance of that relation, of the pax deorum or peace of the gods; law and punishment were in theory designed to maintain or restore that rela\u00ad tion and peace. The priests declared what was right and wrong (fas et nef as), on what days the courts might open and the assemblies meet. All questions regarding marriage or divorce, celibacy or incest, wills or transfers, or the rights of children, required the priest as now so many of them require the lawyer. Only the priests knew the formulas without which hardly any\u00ad thing could be legally done. They were in Rome the first iurisconsulti, consultants in the law, counselors; they were the first to give responsa, or legal opinions. The laws were recorded in their books, and these volumes were so securely guarded from the plebs that suspicion charged the priests with altering the texts, on occasion, to suit ecclesiastical or aristocratic ends. The Twelve Tables effected a double juristic revolution: the publication and secularization of Roman law. Like other codes of the sixth and fifth\n32\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. II\ncenturies-those of Charondas, Zaleucus, Lycurgus, Solon-they represented a change from uncertain unwritten custom to definite written law; they were a result of increasing literacy and democracy. The ius civile, or law of citizens, freed itself in these Tables from the ius divimmz, or divine law; Rome decided not to be a theocracy. The priestly monopoly was further deflated when the secretary of Appius Claudius the Blind published (304) a calendar of court days (dies fasti-\"days of utterance\"), and a \"fonnulary\" of proper legal procedures, which had till then been known to few but the priests. Secularization took another step when Coruncanius ( 2 So) began the first known public instruction in Roman law; from that time onward the lawyer replaced the priest and dominated the mind and life of Rome. Soon the Tables were m2de the basis of education; till Cicero's day all schoolboys had to learn them by heart; and doubtless they had a share in forming the stern and orderly, litigious and legalistic, Roman soul. Amended and sup\u00ad plemented again and again-by legislation, praetorial edicts, senatztsconsulta, and imperial,decrees-the Twelve Tab!es remained for nine hundred years the basic law of Rome.\nThe law of procedure was already complex in this code. Almost any magistrate might act as a judge; but the praetors were the usual court, and their revisions and interpretations of the statutes kept Roman law a living growth instead of a corpse of precedents. Every year the praetor -urbanus, or chief city magistrate, drew up a list or \"white tablet\" (album) of senators and equites eligible for jury serrice; the presiding judge i:1 an action chcse jurors from this list, subject to a limited number of rejections by plaintiff and defendant. Lawyers were per\u00ad mitted to advise clients and plead in court; and some senators gave legal advice in public sittings or at home. The law of Cincius (204 B.c.) forbade taking pay for legal services, but legal skill four.cl ways of circumventing this counsel of perfection. Slaves were often tortured to elicit evidence.\nThe Twelve Tables constituted one of the severest codes in history. They retained the old paternal omnipotence of a military-agricultural society; allowed the father to scourge, chain, imprison, sell, or kill any of his children-merely adding that a son thrice sold was therea:ter free from his father's rule.16 Class division was preserved by forbidding the marriage of a patrician with a plebeian. Creditors received every right against debtors.17 Owners could dispose freely of their property by w]l; property rights were held so sacred that a thief caught in the act was given as a slave to the man \u00b7whom he had robbed. Penalties rangc:d from simple fines to exile, ensla,\u00b7ement, or death. Several took the form of equivalent retaliation (lex talio11is); mar:y \u00b7were fines delicately adjusted to the rank of the victim. \"For breaking the bones of a freeman, 300 asses; of a slave, 150 asses.\" 18 Death was decreed for libel, bribery, perjury, harvest thiev\u00ad ing, nocturnal damage to a neighbor's crops, the defrauding of a \"client\" bv a patron, \"practicing enchantments,\" arson, murder, and \"seditious gatheri gs\nCHAP.II)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR  DEMOCRACY\t33\nin the city by night.\" 19 The parricide was tied in a sack, sometimes with a cock, a dog, a monkey, or a viper, and cast into the river.20 Within the capital, how\u00ad ever, appeal from any but a dictator's sentence of death could be taken by a citizen to the Assembly of the Centuries; and if the accused perceived that \u00b7the vote there was going against him he was free to commute his sentence into exile by leaving Rome.21 Consequently, despite the severity of the Twelve Tables, capital punishment of freemen was rare in republican Rome.\n4. The Army of the Republic\nThe Roman constitution rested finally on the most successful military organi\u00ad zation in history. The citizens and the army were one; the army assembled in its centuries was the chief lawmaking body in the state. The first eighteen cen\u00ad turies supplied the cavalry; the \"first class\" formed the heavy infantry, armed with two spears, a dagger, and a sword, and protected by bronze helmet, cuirass, greaves, and shield; the second class had all of these except the cuirass; the third and fourth had no armor; the fifth had only slings and stones."]
[-8.956782341003418, -7.676432132720947, "Between the Rhine and the Danube, as we have seen, Rome's military engineers built a fortified road (Limes), with a fortress every nine miles, and 300 miles of wall. It served Rome for a century, but availed little when the Roman birth rate fell too far below the German. Still weaker as a frontier was the Danube, which the ancients considered the longest river in the world. South of it lay the half\u00ad barbarous provinces of Raetia, Noricum, and Pannonia, approximately compos\u00ad ing what our youth knew as Austria-Hungary and Serbia. On the site of modem Augsburg (i.e., Augustus' town) the Romans established a colony, Augusta Vindelicorum, as a main station on the road from Italy over the Brenner Pass to the Danube. On the river they built two fortress cities-at Vindobona, now Vienna, and at Aquincum on the heights from which Buda looks down upon Pesch. In southeastern Pannonia, on the Save River west of the modem Belgrade, the city of Sirmium (Mitrovica) rose to be in Diocletian's time one of the four imperial capitals. South of Pannonia, in the province of Dalmatia, the commercial energy of Greeks, Romans, and natives had developed the Adriatic ports of Salona (Spalato), Apollonia (near Valona), and Dyrrhachium (Durazzo). From these provinces below the Danube came imperial Rome's sturdiest soldiers and, in the third century, the martial emperors who w'ould for 200 years hold back the bar\u00ad barian avalanche. East of Pannonia lay Dacia (Rumania), with its now vanished capital of Sarmizegetusa. South and east of this Moesia (parts of Yugoslavia, Ru\u00ad mania, and Bulgaria) boasted t\\vo cities on the Danube-Singidunum (Belgrade) and Troesmis (Iglitza); one near the lsker-Sardica (Sofia); and three major towns on the Black Sea-lstrus, Tomi (Constanta), and Odessus (Varna). In these harassed settlements Greek chTilization and Roman arms struggled in vain to maintain themselves against the Goths, Sarmatians, Huns, and other barbarian tribes breeding and v,,andering north of the great stream.\nIt was Rome's inability to civilize these provinces south of the Danube that led to her fall. The task was too great for a people suffering from old age; the vitality of the master race was ebbing in sterile comfort while the t ?es of the north_ were adYancing in re kless health. When Trajan sub\u00ad Sidized the Sarmauans to keep the peace it was the beginnincr of the end\u00b7 when Marcus _Aurelius brought thousands of_ Germans into the Empire a settlers, the dikes were down. German soldiers were welcomed into the Roman army and rose to positions of command; German families multiplied\nL\nCHAP. XXII)\tCIVILIZING  THE  WEST\nin Italy while Italian families died. In this process the movement of Roman\u00ad ization was reversed: the barbarians were barbarizing Rome.\nNevertheless, it was a magnificent and precious achievement that the vVest, if not the North, had been won for the classical heritage. There, at least, the arts of peace had emerged from the travail of war, and men could tum their swords into plowshares without decaying in urban ease and slums. Out of the earthy vigor of Spain and Gaul a new civilization would rise when the barbarian flood would fall; and the seed of despot centuries would come to fruit and pardon in the lands where the merciless legions had brought the law of Rome and the enkindling light of Greece.\nCHAPTER XXIII\nRoman Greece\nPLUTARCH\nOME tried hard to be generous to Greece and did not quite fail. No garrisons were placed in the new province of Achaea; less was exacted from it than its own taxgatherers had claimed before; the city-states were allowed to govern themselves by their old constitutions and laws; and many of them-Athens, Sparta, Plataea, Delphi, and others-were \"free cities\"\nexempt from all restrictions except the right to wage foreign or class war.\nNevertheless, hungry for its ancient liberties, and bled by Roman generals, moneylenders, and businessmen skilled in buying cheap and selling de:ir, Greece joined in Mithridates' revolt and paid the heaviest penalty. Athens suffered a devastating siege, and Delphi, Elis, and Epidaurus were pillaged of their sanctuary hoards. A generation later Caesar and Pompey, then An\u00ad tony and Brutus, fought their duels on Greek territory, conscripted Greek men, requisitioned Greek crops nd gold, levied twenty years' taxes in two, and left the cities destitute. Under Augustus Greek Asia recovered, but Greece herself remained poor, ruined not so much by the Roman conquest as by a stifling despotism in Sparta, a chaotic freedcm in Athens, a blighting sterility in soil and men. Her most enterprising sons deserted her for younger and richer lands. The rise of new powers in Egypt, Carthage, and Rome, and the development of industry in the Hellenistic E'.\".st, left the homeland of the classic spirit outmoded and forlorn. Rome loaded Greece with compliments and ravaged her art: Scaurus took 3000 statues for his theater, Caliaula or\u00ad dered the husband of his mistress to comb Greece for statuary, a;d Nero\n. alone took half the sculptures of Delphi. Not till Hadrian w\u00b7ould Athens smile again.\nEpirus bore the brunt of Rome's anger in the Macedonian Wars; the Senate delin:red it t the rapine of the soldiers, and 150,000 Epirots ,vere sold as slayes. Augustus built a new capital for Epirus at Nicopolis to celebrate his triumph at near-by Actium; ci,\u00b7ilization must have had some homage there, since the Citv of Victory ga,\u00b7e Epictetus an audience and a home. Macedonia fared better tha; its\n!o.val nei0o-hbor; it was rich in minerals and timber, and its commercial life was quickened by the Via Egnatia that spanned it and Thrace from Apollonia and Dyrrhachium to Byzantium. On tli:s great highway, still in part preserved, lay the\n482\nCHAP.. XXIII)\tROMAN  GREECE\nchief cities of the province-Edessa, Pella, and Thessalonica. This last-known to us as Salonika, but to modern Greeks by its ancient name (Victory of Thes\u00ad saly)-was the capital of the province, seat of the provincial council, and one of the great ports of trade between the Balkans and Asia. Thrace, farther east, de\u00ad voted itself to agriculture, herding, and mining; but it had considerable cities at Serdica (Sofia), Philippopolis its capital, Adrianople, Perinthus, and Byzantium (Istanbul). Here at the Golden Horn the merchants and fishmongers grew rich while the Greek settlers of the hinterland gave way to the encroaching bar\u00ad barians; all the grain of the interior came down to its docks; all the commerce of Scythia and the Black Sea paid toll as it passed by, and the fish almost leaped into the net as they poured through the narrow Bosporus. Soon Constantine would recognize this site as the key city of the classic world.\nThessaly, south of J\\Iacedonia, specialized in wheat and fine horses. Euboea, the great island named of old (like Boeotia) for its fine cattle, was described by Dio Chrysostom 1 as reverting to barbarism in our second century; here, above all, the discouragement of the poor by the concentration of land and wealth in the hands of a few families, the discouragement of the rich by ever-rising taxes and liturgies, and the discouragement of parentage by selfish wealth and desperate poverty had almost wiped out a once thriving agricultural population, and cattle grazed within the walls of Chalcis and Erctria. Boeotia had not recovered from the death and taxes laid upon it by Su1la's campaigns; \"Thebes,\" said Strabo, \"is only a village,\" huddled into what had once been merely its Cadmea or citadel. A century of peace, however, brought some prosperity to Plataea; and Chaeronea, on whose plains Philip and Sulla had won empires, retained enough charm to keep its most famous citizen; it had become so small, said Plutarch, that he would not make it smaller by leaving it.2 In his calm career and genial thought we find a fairer side of a somber scene, a decent middle class clingin3 to ancient virtues, capable of civic devotion, warm friendship, and parental love. There is no more pleasant character in our tale than Plutarch of Chaeronea.\nHe was born there about A.D. 46, and died there about 126. He was a student at Athens when Nero collected triumphs in Greece. He must have had a fair income, for he traveled in Egypt and Asia Minor and t\\vice in Italy; he lectured in Greek at Rome and seems to have served his country in some diplomatic role. He liked the great capital and the good manners and honorable life of its new aristocracy; he admired their stoic code, and agreed with Ennius that Rome had been made by morality rnd character. As he contemplated these living nobles and the noble dead, the thought came to him of comparing the heroes of Rome with those of Greece. He proposed not merely to write history or even biography, but to teach virtue and hero\u00ad ism by historic exemplars; even his\u00b7Parallel Lives were in his mind Moralia. He was dways a teacher and never lost a chance to tie a moral to a tale; but who has ever done it more gracefully? He warns us, in his \"Alexander,\" that\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIII\nhe is more interested in character than in history; he hopes that by pairing and comparing great Romans with great Greeks he will pass on some moral stimulus, some heroic impulse, to his readers. With disarming candor he confesses that he himself has become a better man through keeping company so long with distinguished men.3\nWe must not expect to find in him the conscience and accuracy of a proper historian; he is rich in errors of name and place and date and occasionally (if we may judge) misunderstands events; he even fails in two major tasks of the biographer-to show the derivation of his subject's character and work from heredity, environment, and circumstance, and the development of character through growth, responsibility, and crisis; in Plutarch, as in Heracleitus, a man's character is his fate. But no one who has read the Lives can feel their shortcomings; these are lost in the vivid narrative, the exciting episodes, the fascinating anecdotes, the wise comments, the noble style. In all these 1500 pages there is not a line of padding; every sentence counts. A hundred eminent men-generats, poets, and philosophers-have borne witness to the book; \"it is,\" said Mme Roland, \"the pasture of great souls.\" 4 \"I can hardly do without Plutarch,\" wrote Montaigne; \"it is my breviary.\" 5 Shakespeare takes many stories here, and his view of Brutus goes back through Plutarch to Roman aristocrats. Napoleon carried the Lives with him almost every\u00ad where; and Heine, reading them, could hardly restrain himself from leaping upon a horse and riding forth to conquer France. Greece has not left us a more precious book.\nHaving seen the Mediterranean world Plutarch returned to Chaeronea, raised four sons and a daughter, lectured and wrote, journeyed now and then to Athens, but for the most part shared to the end of his days the simple life of his native town. He thought it an obligation to combine public office with his scholarly pursuits. His fellow citizens elected him building inspector, then chief magistrate, then Boeotarch-member of the national council. He pre\u00ad sided over municipal ceremonies and festivals, and became in his spare mo\u00ad ments a priest of the revived oracle at Delphi. He thought it unwise to reject the old faith because of its !ntellectual incredibility; the vital thing was not the creed but the support 1t gave to man's weak morality, the reinforcing bond it wove among the members and generations of a family and a state. The thrill of religious emotion was in his judgment the most deepening ex\u00ad\nperience ?f life._ olerant swell s pious, he almost founded the study of"]
[13.903281211853027, 9.438614845275879, "Just as the Syntaxis gathered ancient astronomy into its final fonn, so Ptolemy's Geographical Outline summarized antiquity's knowledge of the earth's surface. Here, too, his industrious tables of latitude and longitude for the major cities of the globe were vitiated by accepting Poseidonius' modest estimate of the earth; but to this encouraging mistake, as transmitted by Ptolemy, Columbus owed his belief in the possibility of reaching the Indies in a practicable time by sailing west.21 Ptolemy was the first to use the tenns parallels and meridians in geography; and in his maps he successfully pro\u00ad jected a spherical upon a flat surface. But he was a mathematician rather than an astronomer or a geographer; his work consisted chiefly in mathematical\nformulations. In the Syntaxis he drew up an excellent table of chords. He\ndivided the radius of the earth into sixty partes nzinutae prinure (\"first small parts\"), which became our \"minutes,\" and subdivided each of these into sixty partes nzinutae secundae (\"second small parts\"), now our \"seconds.\"\nThough he made many mistakes, Ptolemy had the temper and patience of a true scientist. He tried to rest all conclusions upon observation-too seldom his own. In one field he carried out a long series of experiments: his Optica, a study of refraction, has been acclaimed as \"the most remarkable experi\u00ad mental research of antiquity.\" 22 lt is significant that this greatest astronomer, geographer, and mathematician of his age wrote also a Tetrabiblios, or \"Four Books,\" on the control of human life by the stars.\nMeanwhile a minor Archimedes was giving the classic world a second chance to stage an industrial revolution. A brilliant inventor or compiler, of\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nwhom we know only the one name, Hero, issued in this age* at Alexandria a long succession of treatises on mathematics and physics, of which several have been preserved through Arabic translations. He warned his readers frankly that the theorems and inventions which he presented were not neces\u00ad sarily his own, but were the accumulations of centuries. In the Dioptra he described an instrument like the theodolite, and formulated principles for measuring, by surveying, the distances to inaccessible points. In the Me\u00ad chanica he considered the uses and combinations of simple devices like the wheel, axle, lever, pulley, wedge, and screw. In the Pneznnatica he studied air pressure in seventy-eight experiments, most of them playful tricks; e.g., he showed how either wine or water could be made to .flow from the same small orifice in the bottom of a jug by closing one or the other of the air holes at the top of the divided container.\nFrom these amusements he was led on to make a force pump, a fire-engine pump with piston and valves, a hydraulic clock, a water organ, and a steam engine. In this contraption the steam from heated water was passed into a globe by a tube, and escaped through curved outlets at opposite sides, causing the globe to revolve in a direction contrary to that of the expelled steam. Hero's keen sense of humor kept him from developing this invention to industrial uses. He employed steam to support a ball in mid-air, to make a mechanical bird sing, to cause a statue to blow a horn. So in the Catoptrica he studied the reflection of light and showed how to construct mirrors that would enable a person to see his back, or appear with head downward, or with three eyes, two noses, etc. He told magicians how to perform tricks by concealed apparatus. He made water pour from a font when a coin was inserted in the slot. He constructed a hidden machine by which heated water overflowed into a bucket, whose increasing weight, by pulleys, opened temple doors. In these and a hundred other ways Hero succeeded in beino- a thaumaturgist, and failed to become a \\Vatt.\t::,\nAlexandria had long since been the chief center of medical education. There were famous schools of medicine at Marseilles, Lyons Sara<Tossa Athens, Antioch, Cos, Ephesus, Smyrna, and Pergamum; but medical stu- dents came to the Egyptian capital from every province. Even as late as the fourth century, when Egypt was in decline, Ammianus Marcellinus wrote tha_t \"it is enough t\t?:1;mend_ a _Phfsician's skill if e can say that he was tramed at Alexandna.-\t\tSpec1ahzat1on \u00b7was progressrng; \"no one can be a universal physician,\" said Philostratus (ca. A.D. z z 5); \"there must be special\u00ad ists for wounds, fevers, eyes, consumption.\" 25 Dissection of cadavers was practiced at Alexandria, and there seem to have been cases of human vivi-\nHis date is disputed. Pauly-\\Vissowa place him about 50 B.c.; Heiberg Diels and Heath about A.D. 225.23\t'\t,\nCHAP.XXIV)\tTHE   HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\t505\nsection.26 Surgery was probably as well developed there in the first century\nA.D. as anywhere in Europe before the nineteenth century. Women physi\u00ad cians were not rare; one of them, Metrodora,. wrote an extant treatise on diseases of the womb.27 Great names adorned the medical history of this age: Rufus of Ephesus, who described the anatomy of the eye, distinguished between motor and sensory nerves, and improved methods for stopping the\n.flow of blood in surgery; Marinos of Alexandria, famous for his operations on the skull; and Antyllus, the greatest ophthalmologist of the time. Dios\u00ad corides of Cilicia (A.D. 40-90) wrote a Materia Medica which scientifically described 600 medical plants so well that his book remained the chief author\u00ad ity on its subject until the Renai\u00a7ance. He recommended medicated pes\u00ad saries for contraception;28 and his recipe for wine of mandragora to produce surgical anesthesia was succe\u00a7fully applied in 1874.29\nSoranus of Ephesus, about A.D. r r6, published a treatise on the diseases of women and the birth and care of children; it ranks only below the Hippo\u00ad cratic collection and the works of Galen among the extant products of an\u00ad cient medicine. He describes a vaginal speculum and an obstetric chair, gives an excellent anatomy of the uterus, offers almost modern dietetic and opera\u00ad tive advice, such as bathing the eyes of the newborn child with oil,30 sug\u00ad gests half a hundred contraceptive devices, mostly by vaginal medication,31 and (unlike Hippocrates) allows abortion where delivery would endanger\nthe mother's life.32 Soranus was the greatest gynecologist of antiquity; no advance was made on his work till Pare, .fifteen centuries after him. If all his forty treatises were extant we should probably rank him with Galen.\nThe most famous physician of the period was the son of a Pergamese architect, who named him Galenus, i.e., quiet and peaceable, in the hope that he would not take after his mother.33 At fourteen the youth found his first love in philosophy, from whose dangerous lure he was never freed. At seventeen he turned to medicine, studied in Cilicia, Phoenicia, Palestine, Cyprus, Crete, Greece, and Alexandria (a mobility typical of ancient schol\u00ad ars), served as a surgeon in the gladiatorial school at Pergamum, and prac\u00ad ticed for a time in Rome (A.D. 164-68). There his successful cures brought him many rich patients, and his lectures drew distinguished audiences. His repute rose to such a point that people wrote to him from every province for medical advice; and he confidently prescribed by mail. His good father, for\u00ad getting the purpose of his name, had counseled him to join no sect or party and always to tell the truth. Galen obeyed, exposed the ignorance and venality of many physicians in Rome, and in a few years had to flee from his enemies. Marcus Aurelius called him back to care for young Commodus ( r69) and tried to take him on a Marcomannic campaign; but Galen was\n506\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIV\nclever enough to be soon back in Rome. Thereafter we know nothing of\nhim except his works.\nHe was almost as voluminous as Aristotle. Of 500 volumes ascribed to him some 118 have survived, covering in 20,000 pages all branches of medi\u00ad cine and several fields of philosophy. They are of little medical value today, but they abound in incidental information and in the vitality of a vigorous and controversial spirit. His fondness for philosophy had given him a bad habit of drawing large deductions from small inductions; his faith in his own knowledge and powers often betrayed him into a dogmatism impossible to a scientific mind; and his great authority prolonged for centuries the life of serious errors. Nevenheless, he was an accurate observer and the most experimental of ancient physicians. \"I confess the disease from which I have suffered all my life-to trust . . . no statements until, so far as possible, I have tested them for myself.\" 34 Forbidden by the Roman government to dissect the human body alive or dead, he dissected and vivisected animals, and sometimes too readily concluded to human anatomy from a study of apes, dogs, cows, and pigs.\nDespite his limitations Galen made more contributions to anatomy than any other observer in antiquity. He described accurately the bones of the cranium and the spinal column, the muscular system, the lacteal vessels, the ducts of the lingual and submaxillary glands, and the valves of the heart. He showed that an excised heart can continue to beat outside the body; he proved that the arteries contain blood, not air (as the Alexandrian school had taught for 400 years). He missed anticipating Harvey; he thought that most of the blood traveled forth as well as back in the veins, while the re\u00ad mainder, mixed with air from the lungs, moved to and fro in the arteries. He was the first to explain the mechanism of respiration, and brilliantly cou\u00ad jectured that the principal element in the air we breathe is also that which is active in combustion.35 He differentiated pleurisy and pneumonia, described aneurism, cancer, and tuberculosis, and recognized the infectious nature of the last. Above all, he founded experimental neurology. He made the first experimental sections of the spinal cord, determined the sensory and motor functions of each segm nt, unde tood the sympathetic system, recognized seven of the twelve pairs of crarual nerves, and caused aphasia at will by cutting the laryngeal nerve. He showed that injuries to one side of the brain produce derangements in the opposite side of the body. He cured the sophist Pausanias of numbness in the fo_urth and fifth fingers of the left hand by stimulating the brachia! plexus in which the ulnar nerve arises that controls those fingers.36 He was o killed in sy:11ptomatology that he preferred to diagnose without questiorung the pattent.37 He made much use of diet, exercise, and massage, but he was also an expert on drugs and traveled widely\nCHAP. XXIV)\tTHE  HELLENISTIC  REVIVAL\nto secure rare medicines. He condemned the prescription of offal and urine, still popular with some cf his contemporaries,38 recommended dried cicadas for colic, applied goat dung to a tumor, and gave a long list of illnesses that could be cured by theri c-a f:-m us drug made as an antidote for .Mith\u00ad ridates the Great, daily imbibed by Marcus Aurelius, and containing the flesh of snakes.39\nHe tarnished his record as an experimentalist by a torrent of precipitate theory. He ridiculed magic and spells, accepted divination by dreams, and thought that the phases of the moon affected the condition of patients. He took up Hippocrates' notion of the four humors (blood and phlegm, black and 'yellow bile),* added a dash of Pythagoras' doctrine of four elements (earth, ai:.-, fire, and water), and tried to reduce all diseases to derangement of these humors or these elements. He was a firm vitalist, convinced that a pnezmza, a vital breath or spirit, pervaded and activated every part of the body. Mechanistic interpretations of biology had been advanced by several physicians, as for example by Asclepiades, who held that physiology should be treated as a branch of physics; Galen objected that whereas a machine is merely the sum of its parts, an organism implies the purposive control of the parts by the whole. And just as purpose alone can explain the origin, structure, and function of organs, so the universe, Galen thought, can be understood only as the expression and instrument of some divine plan. God, however, operates solely through natural laws; there are no miracles, and the best revelation is Nature herself."]
[-4.525799751281738, -1.006215214729309, "CHAP.xxvm)  THE  GROWTH OF THE  CHURCH\t601\nthese ceremonies in terms of their literal claims; in terms of human encourage\u00ad ment and inspiration they were the wisest medicaments of the soul.\nChristian burial was the culminating honor of the Christian life. Since the new faith proclaimed the resurrection of the body as well as of the soul, every care was taken of the dead; a priest officiated at the interment, and each corpse received an individual tomb. About the year 1 oo the Christians of Rome, following Syrian and Etruscan traditions, began to bury their dead in catacombs-probably not for concealment but for the economy of space and expense. Workmen dug long subterranean passages at various levels, and the dead were laid in superimposed crypts along the sides of these galleries. Pagans and Jews practiced the same method, perhaps as a con\u00ad venience for burial societies. Some of the passages seem purposely devious, and suggest their use as hiding places in persecutions. After the triumph of Christianity the custom of catacomb burial died out; the crypts became objects of veneration and pilgrimage; by the ninth century they had been blocked up and forgotten, and only accident discovered them in 1578.\nWhat remains of early Christian art is for the most part preserved in the frescoes and reliefs of the catacombs. Here, about 180, appear the symbols that were to be so prominent in Christianity: the dove, representing the soul freed from the prison of this life; the phoenix, rising out of the ashes of death; the palm branch, announcing victory; the olive branch, offering peace; and the fish, chosen because the Greek word for it, i-ch-tb-u-s, formed the initials of the phrase lesous Christos theou uios soter-\"Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour.\" Here also is the famous theme of the Good Shepherd, frankly modeled on a Tanagra statue of Mercury carrying a goat. Occasionally these designs catch a certain Pompeian grace, as in the flowers, vines, and birds that decorated the ceiling of St. Domitilla's tomb; usually they are the undistinguished work of minor craftsmen corrupting with Oriental obscurity the clearness of classic line. Christianity was in these centuries so absorbed in the other world that it had little interest in adorning this one. It continued the Judaic aversion to statuary, confused imagery with idolatry, and condemned sculpture and painting as too often glorying in the nude; consequently, as Christianity grew, plastic art de\u00ad clined. Mosaic was more popular; the walls and floors of basilicas and baptistries were inlaid with tesselated foliage and flowers, the Paschal Lamb, and pictures from the Testaments. Similar scenes were carved in rough relief on sarcophagi. l\\Ieanwhile architects were adapting the Greco-Roman basilica to the needs of Christian worship. The small temples that had housed the pagan gods could offer no models for churches designed to enclose whole congregations; the spacious nave and aisles of the basilica lent themselves to this purpose, and its apse seemed naturally destined to become the sanctuary. In these new shrines Christian music inherited diffidently the Greek notation, modes, and scales. Many\n602\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVIIJ\ntheologians frowned upon the singing of women in church, or, indeed, in any public place; for a woman's voice might arouse some profane interest in the ever excitable male.31 Nevertheless, the congregations often expressed in hymns their hope, thanksgiving, and joy; and music began to be one of the fairest adorn\u00ad ments and subtlest servants of the Christian faith.\nAll in all, no more attractive religion has ever been presented to man\u00ad kind. It offered itself without restriction to all individuals, classes, and na\u00ad tions; it was not limited to one people, like Judaism, nor to the freemen of one state, like the official cults of Greece and Rome. By making all men heirs of Christ's victory over death, Christianity announced the basic equality of men, and made transiently trivial all differences of earthly degree. To the miserable, maimed, bereaved, disheartened, and humiliated it brought the new virtue of compassion, and an ennobling dignity; it gave them the inspiring figure, story, and ethic of Christ; it brightened their lives with the hope of the coming Kingdom, and of endless happiness beyond the grave. To even the greatest sinners it promised forgiveness, and their full acceptance into the community of the saved. To minds harassed with the insoluble problems of origin and destiny, evil and suffering, it brought a system of divinely revealed doctrine in which the simplest soul could find mental rest. To men and women imprisoned in the prose of poverty and toil it brought the poetry of the sacraments and the Mass, a ritual that made every major event of life a vital scene in the moving drama of God and man. Into the moral vacuum of a dying paganism, into the coldness of Stoicism and the corruption of Epicureanism, into a world sick of brutality, cruelty, oppres\u00ad sion, and sexual chaos, into a pacified empire that seemed no longer to need the masculine virtues or the gods of war, it brought a new morality of brotherhood, kindliness, decency, and peace.\nSo molded to men's wants, the new faith spread with fluid readiness. Nearly every convert, with the ardor of a revolutionary, made himself an office of propaganda. The roads, rivers, and coasts, the trade routes and facilities, of the Empire largely determined the lines of the Church's growth: eastward from Jerusalem to Damascus, Edessa, Dura, Seleucia, and Ctesiphon; southward through Bostra and Petra into Arabia; westward through Syria into Egypt; northward through Antioch into Asia Minor and Armenia; across the Aegean from Ephesus and T roas to Corinth and Thessalonica; over the Egnatian ,vay to Dyrrhachium; across the Adriatic to Brundisium, or through Scylla and Charybdis to Puteoli and Rome; through Sicily and Egypt to north Africa; over the Mediterranean or the Alps to Spain and Gaul, and thence to Britain: slowly the cross followed the fasces, and the Roman eagles made straight the way for Christ. Asia\nCHAP. XXVIII)  THE  GROWTH OF THE CHURCH\t603\nMinor was in these centuries the stronghold of Christianity; by 3oo the majority of the population in Ephesus and Smyrna were Christians.32 The new faith fared well in north Africa: Carthage and Hippo became leading centers of Christian learning and dispute; here rose the great Fathers of the Latin Church-Tertullian, Cyprian, Augustine; here the Latin text of the Mass, and the first Latin translation of the New Testament, took form. In Rome the Christian community numbered some 100,000 bythe end of the third century; it was able to send financial aid to other congregations; long since it had claimed for its bishop the supreme authority in the Church. Altogether we may count a fourth of the population in the East as Christian by 300, and a twentieth in the West. \"Men proclaim,\" said Tertullian (ca. 200), \"that the state is beset with us. Every age, condition, and rank is coming over to us. We are only of yesterday, but already we fill the world.\"33\nTHE  CONFLICT OF CREEDS\nIt would have been surprising if, in the multitude of relatively independ\u00ad ent centers of Christianity, subject to different traditions and environments, there had failed to develop a diversity of customs and creeds. Greek Chris\u00ad tianity in particular was destined to a flood of heresies by the metaphysical and argumentative habits of the Greek mind. Christianity can be understood only in the perspective of these heresies, for even in defeating them it took something of their color and form.\nOne faith united the scattered congregations: that Christ was the son of God, that he would return to establish his Kingdom on earth, and that all who believed in him would at the Last Judgment be rewarded with eternal bliss. But Christians differed as to the date of the second advent. When Nero died and Titus demolished the Temple, and again when Hadrian destroyed Jerusalem, many Christians hailed these calamities as signs of the second coming. When chaos threatened the Empire at the close of the second cen\u00ad tury, Tertullian and others thought that the end of the world was at hand; 34 a Syrian bishop led his flock into the desert to meet Christ halfway, and a bishop in Pontus disorganized the life of his community by announcing that Christ would return within a year.35 As all signs failed, and Christ did not come, wiser Christians sought to soften the disappointment by reinterpreting the date of his return. He would come in a thousand years, said an epistle\nascribed to Barnabas;36 he would come, said the most cautious, when the \"generation\" or race of the Jews was quite extinct, or when the Gospel had been preached to all gentiles; or, said the Gospel of John, he would send\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVIII\nin his stead the Holy Spirit or Paraclete. Finally the Kingdom was trans\u00ad ferred from earth to heaven, from the years of our life to a paradise beyond the grave. Even the belief in the millennium-in the return of Jesus after a thousand years-was discouraged by the Church, and was ultimately con\u00ad demned. The faith in the second advent had established Christianity; the hope of heaven preserved it.*\nAside from these basic tenets, the followers of Christ, in the first three cen\u00ad turies, divided into a hundred creeds. We should misjudge the function of his\u00ad tory-which is to illuminate the present through the past-were we to detail the varieties of religious belief that sought and failed to capture the growing Church, and which the Church had to brand, one after another, as disintegrating heresies. Gnosticism-the quest of godlike knowledge (gnosis) through mystic means\n-was not a heresy so much as a rival; it antedated Christianity, and had pro\u00ad claimed theories of a Soter, or Savior, before Christ was born.37 That same Simon Magus of Samaria, whom Peter rebuked for \"simony,\" was probably the author of a Great Exposition which gathered together a maze of Oriental notions about the complicated steps that could lead the human mind to a divine comprehension of all things. In Alexandria the Orphic, Neo-Pythagorean, and Neoplatonist traditions, fusing with the Logos philosophy of Philo, stirred Basilides ( 117), Valentinus (160), and others to form weird systems of divine emanations and personified \"aeons\" of the world. In Edessa Bardesanes ( 200) created literary Syriac by describing these aeons in prose and verse. In Gaul the Gnostic Marcus offered to reveal to women the secrets of their guardian angels; his revelations were flattering, and he accepted their persons as his reward.88\nThe greatest of the early heretics was not quite a Gnostic, but was influenced by their mythology. About 140 Marcion, a rich youth of Sinope, came to Rome vowing to complete Paul's work of divorcing Christianity from Judaism. The Christ of the Gospels, said J\\larcion, had described as his father a God of tender\u00ad ness, forgiveness, and love; but the Yahveh of the Old Testament was a harsh god of unrelenting justice, tyranny, and war; this Yahveh could not be the father of the gentle Christ. \\Vhat good god, asked Marcion, would have condemned all mankind to misery for eating an apple, or desiring knowledge, or loving woman? Yahveh exists, and is the creator of the world; but he made the flesh and bones of man from matter, and therefore left man's soul imprisoned in an evil frame. To release the soul of man a greater god sent his son to earth; Christ appeared,\ni::housands of Christi ns, including 1!1any who actually p actice Christianity, interpret the disturbances of our Orne as the predicted porrems of Chnst's earlv return. Millions of Chris ans, non-Ch?stians, an ath ists still belie \u00b7e n an innninent eanhly paradise where war and wickedness will ce'.'5e. Historically the belief m heaven and the belief in utopia are like cm_npensatory buckets ma v ll: '\\\":he one go s down the other comes up. When the classic religions decayed, commurnsac agitaoon rose m Athens (430 B.c.), and reYolution began in Ro e _( 1 3 B.c.); w en thes movements failed, rcs1:11\" ection.faiths succeeded, cuhninating in Chrisnarnty; when, m our eighteenth century, Christian belief weakened, communism reap\u00ad peared. In this perspectiYe the future of religion is secure.\nCHAP.xxvm)   THE  GROWTH  OF  THE  CHURCH\t605\nalready thirty years of age, in a phantasmal, unreal body, and by his death won for good men the privilege of a purely spiritual resurrection. The good, said Marcion, are those who, following Paul, renounce Yahveh and the Jewish Law, reject the Hebrew Scriptures, shun marriage and all sensual enjoyment, and overcome the flesh by a stern asceticism. To propagate these ideas .Marcion issued a New Testament composed of Luke's Gospel and the letters of Paul. The Church excommunicated him, and returned to him the substantial sum that he had pre\u00ad sented to it on coming to Rome.\nWhile the Gnostic and Marcionite sects were spreading rapidly in both East and West, a new heresiarch appeared in Mysia. About 156 Montanus denounced the increasing worldliness of Christians and the growing autocracy of bishops in the Church; he demanded a return to primitive Christian simplicity and austerity, and a restored right of prophecy, or inspired speech, to the members of the congregations. Two women, Priscilla and Maximilla, took him at his word and fell into religious trances; and their utterances became the living oracles of the sect. Montanus himself prophesied with such eloquent ecstasy that his Phrygian followers-with the same religious enthusiasm that had once begotten Dionysus-hailed him as the Paraclete promised by Christ. He announced that the Kingdom of Heaven was at hand, and that the New Jerusalem of the Apoca\u00ad lypse would soon descend from heaven upon a neighboring plain. To the pre\u00ad destined spot he led so large a host that some towns were depopulated. As in early Christian days, marriage and parentage were neglected, goods were com\u00ad munistically shared, and an absorbed asceticism anxiously prepared the soul for Christ.39 When, about 190, the Roman proconsul Antonius persecuted Chris\u00ad tianity in Asia Minor, hundreds of Montanists, eager for paradise, crowded before his tribunal and asked for martyrdom. He could not accommodate them\nall; some he executed; but most of them he dismissed with the words: \"Miserable creatures! If you wish to die are there not ropes and precipices?\" 40 The Church\nbanned Montanism as a heresy, and in the sixth century Justinian ordered the extinction of the sect. Some Montanists gathered in their churches, set fire to them, and let themselves be burned alive:11"]
[-4.246279239654541, -13.707083702087402, "Meanwhile the Alemanni and the Marcomanni, noting that the Rhine and Danube garrisons had been depleted to reinforce the legions in Syria, broke through the Roman limes and ravaged eastern Gaul. After celebrating his Persian triumph, Alexander, again with Mamaea at his side, rejoined his army, and led it to Mainz. On his mother's advice he negotiated with the enemy, offering them an annual sum to keep the peace. His troops con\u00ad demned his weakness, and mutinied; they had never forgiven his economy, his discipline, and his subordination of them to the Senate and a woman's rule. They acclaimed as emperor C. Juliu Maximinus, commander of the Pannonian legions. The soldiers of Maximinus forced their way into Alex\u00ad ander's tent, and slew him, his mother, and his friends (235).\nANARCHY\nIt was no whim of history that made the army supreme in the third cen\u00ad tury; internal causes had weakened the state and left it exposed on every\n'\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nfront. The cessation of expansion after Trajan, and again after Septimius Severus, was the signal for attack; and as Rome had conquered. nations by dividing them, so now the barbarians began to conquer her by uniting in simultaneous assaults. The necessity of defense exalted the power of arms and the prestige of soldiery; generals replaced philosophers on the throne, and the last reign of the aristocracy yielded to the revived rule of force.\nMaximinus was a good soldier and no more, the robust son of a Thracian peasant; history assures us that he was eight feet tall, and had a thumb of such circumference that he could wear his wife's bracelet on it as a ring. He had no education, scorned it, and envied it. In his three years as emperor he never visited Rome, but preferred the life of his camp on the Danube or the Rhine. To support his campaigns and appease his troops, he laid such taxes upon the well to do that an upper-class revolt soon formed against his rule. Gordianus, the wealthy and learned proconsul of Africa, accepted the nomination of his army as a rival emperor; being eighty years old, he asso\u00ad ciated his son with him in the lethal office; they failed to withstand the forces sent against them by Maximinus; the son was killed in battle, the father killed himself. Maximinus revenged himself by proscriptions and confiscations that almost destroyed the aristocracy. \"Every day,\" says Herodian, \"one could see the richest men of yesterday turned beggars today.\" 19 The Senate, which had been reconstituted and reinvigorated by Severus, fought back valiantly; it declared Maximimis an outlaw, and chose two of its members, Maximus and Balbinus, as emperors. Maximus led an improvised anny to meet Maximinus, who came down across the Alps and besieged Aquileia. Maximinus was the better general, and had the superior forces; the fate of the Senate and the propertied classes seemed sealed; but a group of Maximinus' soldiers, who had suffered from his savage punish\u00ad ments, killed him in his tent. Maximus returned in triumph to Rome, and was assassinated, along with Balbinus, by the Praetorian Guard. The Prae\u00ad torians made a third Gordian emperor, and the Senate confirmed the choice.\n\\Ve shall not repeat in bloody detail the names and battles and deaths of these emperors of anarchy. In the thirty-five years \u00b7between Alexander Severus and Aurelian, thirty-seven men were proclaimed emperors. Gordian III was slain by his troops while fighting the Persians ( 244); his successor,\nPhilip the Arab, was defeated and killed at Verona by Decius ( 249), an Illyrian of wealth and culture whose devotion to Rome well deserved a\nname so honorable in ancient story. Benveen campaigns against the Goths he laid out an ambitious program for the restoration of Roman religion, morals, and character, and gave orders for the destruction of Christianity; then he returned to the Danube, met the Goths, saw his son slain beside him told his wavering army that the loss of any one individual was of littl\nI\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE\nimportance, pressed on against the enemy, and was himself struck down in one of the worst defeats in Roman history ( 2 51). He was succeeded by Gallus, who was murdered by his troops (253), and then by Aemilianus, who was murdered by his troops (253).\nThe new emperor, Valerian, already sixty, and facing war at once with the Franks, the Alemanni, the Marcomanni, the Goths, the Scythians, and the Persians, made his son Gallienus ruler of the \\Vestem Empire, kept the East for himself, and led an army into Mesopotamia. He was too old for his tasks, and soon succumbed. Gallienus, now thirty-five, was a man of courage, intelligence, and a culture that seemed almost out of place in this century of barbaric war. He reformed the civilian administration in the\n\\Vest, led his armies to victory against one after another of the Empire's enemies, and yet found time to enjoy and patronize philosophy and litera\u00ad ture, and promote a transient revival of classic art. But even his varied genius was overwhelmed by the accumulating evils of the time.\nIn 2 54 the Marcomanni raided Pannonia and north Italy. In 2 5 5 the Goths invaded Macedonia and Dalmatia, Scythians and Goths invaded Asia Minor, the Persians invaded Syria. In 2 57 the Goths captured the fleet of the Bos\u00ad poran kingdom, ravaged the Greek cities on the Black Sea coasts, burned Trapezus and enslaved its people, and raided Pontus. In 258 they took Chalcedon, Nicomedia, Prusa, Apamea, Nicaea; in the same year the Per\u00ad sians conquered Armenia, and Postumus declared himself the independent ruler of Gaul. In 259 the Alemanni broke into Italy, but were defeated by Gallienus at Milan. In 260 Valerian was ovenvhelmed by the Persians at Edessa, and died in captivity at a time and place unknown. Shapur I and his clouds of cavalry advanced through Syria to Antioch, surprised the population in the midst of its games, sacked the city, killed thousands, and led more thousands into slavery. Tarsus was taken and devastated, Cilicia and Cappadocia were overrun, and Shapur returned to Persia laden with spoils. \\Vithin a decade three ignominious tragedies had overtaken Rome: a Roman emperor had for the first time fallen in defeat, another had been captured by the enemy, and the unity of the Empire had been sacrificed to the necessity of meeting simultaneous attacks on many fronts. Under the force of these blows, and the disorderly elevation and assassination of em\u00ad perors by troops, the imperial prestige collapsed; those psychological forces which time consecrates into habitual and unquestioned authority lost their hold upon Rome's enemies, even upon her subjects and citizens. Revolts broke out everywhere: in Sicily and Gaul the oppressed peasantry flared up in wild jacqueries; in Pannonia Ingenuus proclaimed himself sovereign of the eastern provinces. In 263 the Goths sailed down the Ionian coast,\n630\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nsacked Ephesus, and burned down the great Temple of Artemis. All the Hellenistic East was in terror.\nAn unexpected ally saved the Empire in Asia. 0denathus, who governed Palmyra as a vassal of Rome, drove the Persians back across Mesopotamia, defeated them at Ctesiphon (261), and declared himself king of Syria, Cilicia, Arabia, Cappadocia, and Armenia. He was assassinated in 266; his youthful son succeeded to his titles, his widow to his power. Like Oeopatra, from whom she claimed descent, Zenobia combined beauty of person with states:rp.anly capacity and many accomplishments of mind. She studied Greek literature and philosophy, learned Latin, Egyptian, and Syriac, and wrote a history of the East. Apparently connecting chastity with vigor, she allowed herself only such sexual relations as were needed for motherhood.20 She inured herself to hardship and fatigue, enjoyed the dangers of the chase. and marched on foot for miles at the head of her troops. She governed with sternness and wisdom, made the philosopher Longinus her premier, gathered scholars, poets, and artists at her court, and beautified her capital with Greco-Roman-Asiatic palaces whose ruins startle the desert traveler today. Feeling that the Empire was breaking up, she planned a new dynasty and realm, brought Cappadocia, Galatia, and most of Bithynia under her con\u00ad trol, fitted out a great army and fleet, conquered Egypt, and took Alexandria after a siege that destroyed half the population. The subtle \"Queen of the East\" pretended that she was proceeding as the agent of the Roman power; but all the world knew that her victories were an act in the spacious drama of Rome's collapse.\nSeeing the wealth and weakness of the Empire, the barbarians poured down into the Balkans and Greece. vVhile the Sarmatians pillaged again the cities on the Black Sea, a branch of the Goths sailed in 500 ships through the Hellespont into the Aegean, took isle after isle, anchored in the Piraeus, and sacked Athens, Argos, Sparta, Corinth, and Thebes (z67). While their navy brought some of the marauders back to the Black Sea, another group fought its way overland towards its Danube home. Gallienus met them at the river Nestus in Thrace, and won a costly victory; but a year later he was murdered by his troops. In 269 another Gothic horde descended into Macedonia, besieged Thessalonica, and pillaged Greece, Rhodes, Cyprus, and the Ionian coast. The Emperor Claudius II rescued Thessalonica, drove the Goths up the Vardar valley, and defeated them with great slaughter at Naissus, the modem Nish (269). If he had lost that battle no army would have intervened between the Goths and Italy.\nCHAP.XXIX)\tTHE\tCOLLAPSE  OF  THE  EMPIRE\t631\nm. THE  :ECONOMIC DECLINE\nPolitical anarchy accelerated economic disintegration, and economic decline promoted political decay; each was the cause and effect of the other. Roman statesmanship had never found a healthy economic life for Italy; and perhaps the narrow plains of the peninsula have never provided an adequate base for the soaring aims of the Italian state. The production of cereals was discouraged by the competition of cheap grains from Sicily, Africa, and Egypt, and the great vineyards were losing their markets to provincial wines. Farmers complained that high taxes consumed their pre\u00ad carious profits and left them too little to keep the drainage and irrigation canals in repair; the canals filled up, the marshes spread, and malaria weak\u00ad ened the population of the Campagna and Rome. Large tracts of fertile land had been withdrawn from cultivation for residential estates. The absentee owners of the latifundia exploited labor and the soil to the limit of tolerance, and absolved themselves by philanthropies in the towns; urban architecture and games profited while the countryside grew desolate. Many peasant pro\u00ad prietors and free rural workers abandoned the farms for the cities, leaving Italian agriculture for the most part to latifundia manned by listless slaves. But the latifundia themselves were ruined by the ?ax Romana, the dearth of wars of conquest in the first and second centuries, and the consequent fall in the supply, and rise in the cost, of slaves. Compelled to lure free labor back to the land, the great landlords divided their holdings into units which they leased to coloni, \"cultivators\"; they required from these tenants a small money rent or a tenth of the produce, and a period of unpaid labor in the owner's villa or on his private domain. In many cases landlords found it profitable to emancipate their slaves and change them into coloni. In the third century the owners, harassed by invasion and revolution in the cities, took more.and more to living in their villas; these were fortified into castles, and were gradually transformed into medieval chateaux.*\nThe lack of slaves strengthened for a time the position of free labor in industry as well as in agriculture. But while the resources of the rich were\n\" The \"colonate\" probably had a major beginning when Aurelius settled captive Germans on imperial estates (172), an\u00b7d gave them hereditary possession on condition of an annual tax, military se i e atcall,_ a_nd an agreement not to leave their allotm t withou permission of t e st3.te. S1m1lar_ condmons were laid upon Roman veterans rece1vmg front1 r lands, espe\u00ad cially m the agn decumates-\"tithe-paying fields\"-along the Danube and Rhme.21 A great extension of this imperial colonate occurred under Septimius Severus, who divided the lands he had appropriated into parcels tilled by tenants paying taxes in money or kind. As Septimius imitated the Ptolemies, so private landowners imitated him; the colonate began with mon\u00ad archs, and produced a feudalism that undermined monarchy."]
[-3.8833181858062744, -13.506230354309082, "CHAP.XXX)\tTHE\tTRIUMPH  OF  CHRISTIANITY\nTHE RISE OF  CONSTANTIJ\\TE\nDiocletian, peaceful in his Dalmatian palace, saw the failure of both the persecution and the tetrarchy. Seldom had the Empire witnessed such con\u00ad fusion as followed his abdication. Galerius prevailed upon Constantius to let him appoint Severus and Maximinus Daza as \"Caesars\" ( 305). At once the principle of heredity asserted its claims: Maxentius, son of Maximian, wished to succeed his father's authority, and a like resolution fired Con\u00ad stantine.\nFlavius Valerius Constantinus had begun life at Naissus in Moesia (272?) as the illegitimate son of Constamius by his legal concubine Helena, a bar\u00ad maid from Bithynia.27 On becoming a \"Caesar,\" Constantius was requireJ by Diocletian to put away Helena and to take Maximian's stepdaughter Theodora as his wife. Constantine received only a meager education. He took up soldiering early, and proved his valor in the wars against Egypt and Persia. Galerius, on succeeding Diocletian, kept the young officer near him as a hostage for the good behavior of Constantius. \\Vhen the latter asked Galerius to send the youth to him Galerius procrastinated craftily; but Constantine escaped from his watchers, and rode night and day across Europe to join his father at Boulogne and share in a British campaign. The Gallic army, deeply loyal to the humane Constantius, came to love his handsome, brave, and energetic son; and when the father died at York (306), the troops acclaimed Constantine not merely as \"Caesar\" but as Augustus-emperor. He accepted the lesser title, excusing himself on the ground that his life would be unsafe without an army at his back. Galerius, too distant to intervene, reluctantly recognized him as a \"Caesar.\" Con\u00ad stantine fought successfully against the invading Franks, and fed the beasts of the Gallic amphitheaters with barbarian kings.\nMeanwhile in Rome the Praetorian Guard, eager to restore the ancient capital to leadership, hailed Maxemius as emperor (306). Severus descended from Milan to attack him; Maximian, to confound the confusion, returned to the purple at his son's request, and joined in the campaign; Severus was deserted by his troops and put to death (307). To help himself face the growing chaos, the aging Galerius appointed a new Augustus-Flavius Li\u00ad cinius; hearing which, Constantine assumed a like dignity (307). A year later Maximinus Daza adopted the same title, so that in place of the two Augusti of Diocletian's plan there were now six; no one cared to be merely \"Caesar.\" Maxemius quarreled with his father; Maximian went to Gaul to seek Constantine's aid; while the latter fought Germans on the Rhine, Maximian tried to replace him as commander of the Gallic armies; Con-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XX:X\nstantine marched across Gaul, besieged the usurper in Marseilles, captured\nhim, and granted him the counesy of suicide (310).\nThe death of Galerius (3 n) removed the last barrier between intrigue and war. Maximinus plotted with Maxentius to overthrow Licinius and Constantine, who conspired to overthrow them. Taking the initiative, Con\u00ad stantine crossed the Alps, defeated an army near Turin, and advanced upon Rome with a celerity of movement, and a restraining discipline of his troops, that recalled the march of Caesar from the Rubicon. On October 27, 312, he met the forces of Maxentius at Saxa Rubra (Red Rocks) nine miles north of Rome; and by superior strategy compelled Maxentius to fight with his back to the Tiber, and no retreat possible except over the Mulvian Bridge. On the afternoon before the battle, says Eusebius,28 Constantine saw a flaming cross in the sky, with the Greek words en toutoi nika-\"in this sign con\u00ad quer.\"* Early the next morning, according to Eusebius and Lactantius,31 Constantine dreamed that a voice commanded him to have his soldiers mark upon their shields the letter X with a line drawn through it and curled around the top-the symbol of Christ. On arising he obeyed, and then advanced into the forefront of battle behind a standard (known henceforth as the Jabarum) carrying the initials of Christ interwoven with a cross. As Max\u00ad entius displayed the Mithraic-Aurelian banner of the Unconquerable Sun, Constantine cast in his lot with the Christians, who were numerous in his army, and made the engagement a turning point in the history of religion. To the worshipers of Mithras in Constantine's forces the cross could give no offense, for they had long fought under a standard bearing a Mithraic cross of light.32 In any case Constantine won the battle of the Mulvian Bridge, and Ma..\"\\'.entius perished in the Tiber with thousands of his troops. The victor entered Rome the welcomed and undisputed master of the \\Vest.\nEarly in 313 Constantine and Licinius met at Milan to co-ordinate their rule. To consolidate Christian support in all provinces, Constantine and Licinius issued an \"Edict of Milan,\" confirming the religious toleration proclaimed by Galerius, extending it to all religions, and ordering the restora\u00ad tion of Christian properties seized during the recent persecutions. After this historic declaration, which in effect conceded the defeat of paganism, Constantine returned to the defense of Gaul, and Licinius moved eastward to overwhelm Maximinus (313). Thedeath of .Maximinus shortly afterward left Constantine and Licinius the unchallenged rulers of the Empire. Licinius\nUsually handed down by tradition in a Latin form: in hoc vince, or in hoc signo vinces\u00ad \"inthis sign thou shalt conquer.\" Eusebius, our sole authority for this vision, is confessedly 29 prone to edification; \"but seeing,\" he pleads, \"that the Emperor did with an oath confirm it to be true when he related it to me who intended to write his history . . . who can doubt his relation?\" 30\nCHAP. XXX)    THE  TRIUMPH  OF CHRISTIANITY\t655\nmarried Constantine's sister, and a war-weary people rejoiced at the prospect of peace.\nBut neither of the Augusti had quite abandoned the hope of undivided supremacy. In 314 their mounting enmity reached the point of war. Con\u00ad stantine invaded Pannonia, defeated Licinius, and exacted the surrender of all Roman Europe except Thrace. Licinius revenged himself upon Con\u00ad stantine's Christian supporters by renewing the persecution in Asia and Egypt. He excluded Christians from his palace at Nicomedia, required every soldier to adore the pagan gods, forbade the simultaneous attendance of both sexes at Christian worship, and at last prohibited all Christian services within city walls. Disobedient Christians lost their positions, their citizen\u00ad ship, their property, their liberty, or their lives.\nConstantine watched for an opportunity not only to succor the Christians of the East, but to add the East to his realm. \\Vhen barbarians invaded Thrace, and Licinius failed to move against them, Constantine led his army from Thessalonica to the rescue of Licinius' province. After the barbarians were driven back Licinius protested Constantine's entry into Thrace; and as neither ruler desired peace, war was renewed. The defender of Chris\u00ad tianity, with 130,000 men, met the defender of paganism, with 160,000 men, first at Adrianople and then at Chrysopolis (Scutari), won, and became sole emperor (323). Licinius surrendered on a promise of pardon; but in the following year he was executed on the charge that he had resumed his intrigues. Constantine recalled the Christian exiles, and restored to all \"con\u00ad fessors\" their lost privileges and property. \\Vhile still proclaiming liberty of worship for all, he now definitely declared himself a Christian, and invited his subjects to join him in embracing the new faith.\nCONSTANTINE AND CHRISTIANITY\n\\Vas his conversation sincere-was it an act of religious belief, or a con\u00ad summate stroke of political wisdom? Probably the latter.33 His mother Helena had turned to Christianity when Constantius divorced her; presum\u00ad ably she had acquainted her son with the excellences of the Christian way; and doubtless he had been impressed by the invariable victory that had crowned his arms under the banner and cross of Christ. But only a skeptic would have made so subtle a use of the religious feelings of humanity. The Historia Augusta quotes him as saying, \"it is Fortuna that makes a man emperor\" 34-though this was a bow to modesty rather than to chance. In his Gallic court he had surrounded himself with pagan scholars and philos\u00ad ophers.35 After his conversion he seldom conformed to the ceremonial re-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXX\nquirements of Christian worship. His letters to Christian bishops make it clear that he cared little for the theological differences that agitated Chris\u00ad tendom-though he was willing to suppress dissent in the interests of im\u00ad perial unity. Throughout his reign he treated the bishops as his political aides; he summoned them, presided over their councils, and agreed to enforce whatever opinion their majority should formulate. A real believer would have been a Christian first and a statesman afterward; with Constantine it was the reverse. Christianity was to him a means, not an end.\nHe had seen in his lifetime the failure of three persecutions; and it was not lost upon him that Christianity had grown despite them. Its adherents were still very much in the minority; but tl\\ey were relatively united, brave, and strong, while the pagan majority was divided among many creeds, and included a dead weight of simple souls without conviction or influence. Christians were especially numerous in Rome under Maxentius, and in the East under Licinius; Constantine's support of Christianity was worth a dozen legions to him in his wars against these men. He was impressed by the com\u00ad parative order and morality of Christian conduct, the bloodless beauty of Christian ritual, the obedience of Christians to their clergy, their humble acceptance of life's inequalities in the hope of happiness beyond the grave; perhaps .this new religion would purify Roman morals, regenerate marriage and the family, and allay the fever of class war. The Christians, despite bitter oppression, had rarely revolted against the state; their teachers had incul\u00ad cated submission to the civil powers, and had taught the divine right of kings. Constantine aspired to an absolute monarchy; such a government would profit from religious support; the hierarchical discipline and ecu\u00ad menical authority of the Church seemed to offer a spiritual correlate for monarchy. Perhaps that marvelous organization of bishops and priests could become an instrument of pacification, unification, and rule?\nNevertheless, in a world still preponderantly pagan, Constantine had to feel his way by cautious steps. He continued to use vague monotheistic lan\u00ad guage that any pagan could accept. During the earlier years of his supremacy he carried out patiently the ceremonial required of him as pontifex maxi1nus of the traditional cult; he restored pagan temples, and ordered the taking of the auspices. He used pagan as well as Christian rites in dedicating Con\u00ad stantinople. He used pagan magic formulas to protect crops and heal disease.36\nGradually, as his ow r grew more secure, he favored Christianity more openly. After 31 7 his cams dropped one by one their pagan effigies, until by 32 3 they bore only neutral inscriptions. A legal text of his reign, ques\u00ad tioned but not disproved, gave Christian bishops the authority of judges in their dioceses; 37 other laws exempted Church realty from taxation,38 made\nCHAP.XXX)   THE  TRIUMPH OF CHRISTIANITY\nChristian associations juridical persons, allowed them to own land and re\u00ad ceive bequests, and assigned the property of intestate martyrs to the Church.39 Constantine gave money to needy congregations, built several churches in Constantinople and elsewhere, and forbade the worship of images in the new capital. Forgetting the Edict of Milan, he prohibited the meet\u00ad ings of heretical sects, and finally ordered the destruction of their con\u00ad venticles.40 He gave his sons an onhodox Christian education, and financed his mother's Christian philanthropies. The Church rejoiced in blessings be\u00ad yond any expectation. Eusebius broke out into orations that were songs of gratitude and praise; and all over the Empire Christians gathered in festal thanksgiving for the triumph of their God.\nThree clouds softened the brilliance of this \"cloudless day\": the monastic secession, the Donatist schism, the Arian heresy. In the interval between the Decian and the Diocletian persecution the Church had become the richest religious organization in the Empire, and had moderated its attacks upon wealth. Cyprian complained that his parishioners were mad about money, that Christian women painted their faces, that bishops held lucrative"]
[-6.498908996582031, 12.503250122070312, "CHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t387\nwhere his ships were becalmed on the way to Troy, Agamemnon, to the horror of Clytaemnestra, sacrificed Iphigenia to induce the winds to blow. While Agamemnon besieged Troy, Aegisthus courted his brooding wife, won her, and plotted with her to kill the King. It is at this point that Aeschylus takes up the tale.\nThe news has come to Argos that the war is over, and proud Agamem\u00ad non-\"robed in steel, and armies trembled at his wrath\"-has landed on Peloponnesian shores, and is approaching Mycenae. A Chorus of Elders appears before the royal palace. and in ominous chant recalls Agamem\u00ad non's abandonment of Iphigenia:\nIn that which Must Be he armed him slowly, And a strange wind within his bosom tossed,\nA wind of dark thought, unclean, unholy; And he rose up, daring to the uttermost.\nFor men are boldened by a Blindness, straying Toward base desire, which brings grief hereafter,\nYea, and itself is grief.\nSo this man hardened to his own child's slaying, As help to avenge him for a woman's laughter,\nAnd bring his ships relief....\nWith violence and a curb's voiceless wrath\nHer stole of saffron to the ground she threw, And her eye with an arrow of pity found its path\nTo each man's heart that slew:\nA face in a picture, striving amazedly;\nThe little maid who danced at her father's board, The innocent voice man's love came never nigh, Who joined to his her little paean-cry\nWhen the third cup was poured.\"\nAgamemnon's herald enters to announce the coming of the King. Aes\u00ad chylus realizes with fine imagination the joy of the simple soldier as he sets foot, after a long absence, upon his native soil; now, says the herald, \"I am ready, if God will, to die.\" He describes to the Chorus the terror and filth of the war, the rain that sent a moisture into the bones, the vermin that multiplied in the hair, the breathless heat of Ilion's summer, and the winter so cold that all the birds fell dead. Clytaemnestra comes from the palace, somber, nervous, and yet proud, and orders rich hangings to be strewn for Agamemnon's path. The King enters in the royal chariot,\n388\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nescorted by his troops, and erect in the pride of victory. Behind him is another chariot, bearing the darkly beautiful Cassandra, Trojan princess and prophetess, the resentful slave of Agamemnon's lust, who bitterly pre\u00ad dicts his punishment, and gloomily foresees her own death. With clever speech Clytaemnestra recounts to the King her years of longing for this return. \"For you indeed the rushing fountains of my tears have run dry, and there is no drop left. But in my eyes, worn with late watching, you may see how I sorrowed for the signals of your victory that ever tarried; and in my disturbed sleep I started at the faint buzzing of the gnat's wing, for I dreamt of you long tales of woe, crowded into a short moment of repose.'\"\" He suspects her sincerity, and reproves her dourly for the lavish outlay of broidered hangings under his horses' feet; but he follows her into the palace, and Cassandra resignedly accompanies him. Through an intense pause in the action the Chorus intones softly a song of evil premoni\u00ad tion. Then from within comes the cry towards which every line of the drama has moved, the death cry of Agamemnon slain by Aegisthus and Clytaemnestra. The portals open; Clytaemnestra is shown with ax in hand and blood on her brow, standing triumphant over the corpses of Cassandra and the King; and the Chorus chants the end:\nWould God that suddenly, With no great agony,\nNo long sick-watch to keep, My hour would come to me, My hour, and presently\nBring the eternal, the Unwaking Sleep,\nNow that my Shepherd, he Whose love watched over me,\nLies in the deep...\nThe second play in the trilogy, the Cboephoroe, or Libation Bearers, takes its title from the chorus of women who bring offerings to the grave of the King. Clytaemnestra has sent her young son Orestes to be reared in distant Phocis, hoping that he may forget his father's death. But old men there teach him the ancient law of vengeance: \"The shed drop doth crave new blood\"; the state, in those dark days, left the punishment of mur\u00ad der to the dead man's kin; and men believed that the soul of the slain would know no peace till he had been avenged. Orestes, haunted and horrified with the thought of his mission-to kill his mother an Aegisthus-comes secretly to Argos with his comrade Pylades, seeks out his father's tomb,\nCHAP. XVII)  TH E  L IT ER AT U RE  OF  TH E  G O L D EN  AG E\t389"]
[5.681910514831543, 15.567181587219238, "0 Peace, thou givest plenty as from a deep spring; there is no beauty like unto thine; no, not even among the blessed gods. My heart yearneth within me, for thou tarriest; I grow old and thou re\u00ad turnest not. Shall weariness overcome mine eyes before they see thy bloom and thy comeliness? When the lovely songs df the dancers are heard again, and the thronging feet of them that wear garlands, shall grey hairs and sorrow have destroyed me utterly? Return, thou holy one, to our city; abide not far from us, thou that quencheth wrath. Strife and bitterness shall depart if thou art with us; madness and the edge of the sword shall flee from our doors,109\u2022\nAlmost alone among the great writers of his time he dares to attack slavery; during the Peloponnesian War it became obvious that most slaves were such not by nature but by the accidents of life. He does not recog\u00ad nize any natural aristocracy; environment rather than heredity makes tht\" man. The slaves in his dramas play important parts, and often speak his\n.finest lines. With the imaginative sympathy of a poet he considers women. He knows the faults of the sex, and exposes them so realistically that Aristophanes was able to make him out a misogynist; but he did more than any other playwright of antiquity to present the case for women, and to support the dawning movement for their emancipation Some of his plays are almost modern, post-Ibsen studies in the problems of sex, even of sexual perversion.= He describes men with realism, but women with gallantry; the terrible Medea gets more compassion from him than he accords to the heroic but unfaithful Jason. He is the first dramatist to make a play\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, XVII\ntum upon love; his famous ode to Eros in the lost Andromeda was mouthed by thousands of young Greeks:\n0 Love, our Lord, of gods and men the king, Either teach not how beauteous beauty is,\nOr help poor lovers, whom like clay thou moldest, Through toil and labor to a happy end.111\nEuripides is naturally a pessimist, for every romantic becomes a pessimist when reality impinges upon romance. \"Life,\" said Horace Walpole, \"is a comedy to those who think, a tragedy to those who feel.\"112 \"Long ago,\" says our poet,\nI looked upon man's days, and found a grey Shadow. And this thing more I surely say That those of all men who are counted wise, Strong wits, devisers of great policies,\nDo pay the bitterest toll. Since life began\nHath there in God's eye stood one happy man?ua\nHe wonders at the greed and cruelty of men, the resourcefulness of evil, and the obscene indiscriminateness of death. At the beginning of the Alcestis Death says, \"Is it not my function to take the doomed?\"-to which Apollo answers, \"No; only to dispatch those who have ripened into full old age.\" When death comes after life has been fully lived it is natural, and does not offend us. \"We should not lament our fate if, like the harvests that follow each other in the passage of the years, one generation of men after another flowers, fades, and is carried off. So it is ordered in the course of Nature; and we must not be dismayed by anything that is rendered inevitable by her laws.'\"1' His conclusion is stoicism: \"Do thou endure as men must, chafing not.\"na Now and then, following Anaximenes and anticipating the Stoics, he consoles himself with the thought that the spirit of man is part of the divine Air or pneuma, and will, after death, be preserved in the Soul of the W orld.ua\nWho knows if that be life which we call death, And life be dying?-save alone that men\nLiving bear grief, but when they yield their breath They have no sorrow then, and grieve no more.m\nCHAP. XVII) THE\tLITERATURE  OF THE  GOLD EN  AGE\t417\nThe Exile\nThe man whom we picture from these plays resembles sufficiently the sitting statue in the Louvre, and the busts at Naples, to let us believe that these are faithful copies of authentic Greek originals. The bearded face is handsome, but overwrought with meditation, and softened with a ten\u00ad der melancholy. His friends agreed with his enemies that he was gloomy, almost morose, not given to conviviality or laughter, and spending his later years in the seclusion of his island home. He had three sons, and derived some happiness from their childhood.118 He found solace in books, and was the first private citizen in Greece, so far as we know, to collect a sub\u00ad stantial library.*119 He had excellent friends, including Protagoras and Socrates; the latter, who ignored other dramas, said that to see a play by Euripides he would walk to the Piraeus-a serious matter for a stout philosopher. The younger generation of emancipated souls looked up to him as their leader. But he had more enemies than anv other writer in Greek history. The judges, who felt themselves bound, presumably. to protect religion and morals from his skeptical arrows, crowned only five of his efforts with victory; even so it was liberal of the archon basileus to admit so many Euripidean plays to a religious stage. Conservatives in all fields looked upon the dramatist as responsible with Socrates for the growth of unbelief among Athenian youth. Aristophanes declared war upon him at the outset in The Ach(l'Tnians, satirized him with hilarious cari\u00ad cature in The Thesmophoriazusae, and, in the year after the poet's death, continued the attack in The Frogs; nevertheless, we are told, the tragic and the comic dramatist were on friendly terms to the end.120 As for the audi\u00ad ence, it denounced his heresies and crowded to his plays. When, at line 612 of the Hippolytus, the young hunter said, \"My tongue hath sworn, but my mind remains unbound,\" the crowd protested so loudly against what seemed to be an outrageously immoral proposition that Euripides had to rise in his seat and comfort them with the assurance that Hippolytus would suffer edifyingly before the story closed-a safe promise for almost any character in Greek tragedy.\nThere had already been royal or state libraries in Greece, as we have seen; and such collections in Egypt can be traced back to the Fourth Dynasty. A Greek library consisted of scrolls arranged in pigeonholes in a chest. Publication meant that an author had allowed his manuscript to be copied, and the copies to be circulated; thereafter further copies could be made without permission or \"copyright.\" Copies of popular works were numerous, and not costly; Plato tells us in the Apology that Anaxagoras' treatise On Nature could be bought for a drachma ($1). Athens, in the age of Euripides, became the chief center of the book trade in Greece.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\tlCHAP. XVII\nAbout 410 he was indicted on a charge of impiety; and soon afterward Hygiaonon brought against him another suit, involving much of the poet's fortune, and adduced Hippolytus' line as proof of Euripides' dishonesty. Both accusations failed; but the wave of public resentment that met The Trojan Women led Euripides to feel that he had hardly a friend left in Athens. Even his wife, it is said, turned against him because he could not join in the martial enthusiasm of the city. In 408, at the age of seventy\u00ad two, he accepted the invitation of King Archelaus to be his guest in the Macedonian capital. At Pella, under the protection of this Frederick-who had no fears for the orthodoxy of his people-Euripides found peace and comfort; there he wrqte the almost idyllic Iphigenia in Aulis, and the pro\u00ad found religious play, The Bacchae. Eighteen months after his arrival he died, attacked and dismembered, said pious Greeks, by the royal hounds.111 A year later his son produced the two dramas at \u00b7the city Dionysia, and the judges gave them the first prize. Even modern scholars have thought that The Bacchae was Euripides' apology to Greek religion;= and yet the play may have been intended as a bitter allegory of Euripides' treatment by the pub1ic of Athens. It is the story of how Pentheus, King of Thebes, was torn to pieces by a mob of female Dionysian orgiasts, led by his own mother Agave because he had denounced their wild superstition and in\u00ad truded upon their revelry. It was no invention; the tale belonged to the religious tradition; the dismemberment and sacrifice of an animal, or of any man who dared to attend the ceremonies, was part of the Dionysian rite; and this powerful drama, by returning for its plot to the legend of Dionysus, bound Greek tragedy at its culmination with Greek tragedy at its birth. The play was composed among the Macedonian mountains which it describes in lyrics of unfailing power; and perhaps it was intended for performance in Pella, where the Bacchic cult was especially strong. Euripides enters with surprising insight into the mood of religious ecstasy, and puts into the mouths of the Bacchantes psalms of passionate devotion; it may indeed be that the old poet had gone to the limits of rationalism and beyond it, and recognized now the frailty of reason, and the persistency\n.af the emotional needs of women and men. But the story does dubious nonor to the Dionysian religion; its theme is once more the evils that may come of superstitious creeds.\nThe .god Dionysus visits Thebes in disguise as a Bacchus, or incarnation\n.:>f himself, and preaches the worship of Dionysus. The daughters of Cad\u00ad mus reject the message; he hypnotizes them into pious ecstasy, and they\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t419\ngo up into the hills to worship him with wild dances. They clothe them\u00ad selves with the skins of animals, girdle themselves with snakes, crown them\u00ad selves with ivy, and suckle the young of wolves and deer. The Theban king Pentheus opposes the cult as hostile to reason, morals, and order, and imprisons its preacher, who bears his punish ent with Christian gentle\u00ad ness. But the god in the preacher asserts himself, opens the prison walls, and uses his miraculous power to hypnotize the young ruler. Under this influence Pentheus dresses himself as a woman, climbs the hills, and joins the revelers. The women discover that he is a man, and tear him limb from limb; his own mother, drunk with \"possession,\" carries Pentheus' severed head in her hands, thinking it the head of a\u00b7lion, and sings a song of triumph over it. When she comes to her senses and sees that it is the head of her son, she is revolted with the cult that intoxicated her; and when Dionysus says, \"Ye mocked me, being God; this is your wage,\" she answers, \"Should God be like a proud man in his rage?\" The last lesson is the same as the first; even in his dying play the poet remained Euripides."]
[15.267353057861328, 8.093255996704102, "337\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XV\nfor the number-pente, deka, hekaton, chilioi, myrioi. Greek mathematics never achieved a symbol for zero. Like our own it betrayed its Oriental origin by taking from the Egyptians the decimal system of counting by tens, and from the Babylonians, in astronomy and geography, the duodecimal or sexagesimal system of counting by twelves or sixties, as still on our clocks, globes, and charts. Probably an abacus helped the people -with the simpler calculations. Fractions were painful for them: to work with a complex fraction they reduced it to an accumulation of fractions having I as their common numerator; so\nH was broken down into\u00bd +i + -h + -:h:-1\nOf Greek algebra we have no record before the Christian era. Geometry, however, was a favorite study of the philosophers, again less for its practical value than for its theoretical interest, the fascination of its deductive logic, its union of subtlety and clarity, its imposing architecture of thought. Three problems particularly attracted these mathematical metaphysicians: the squar\u00ad ing of the circle, the trisection of the angle, and the doubling of the cube. How popular the first puzzle became appears in Aristophanes' Birds, in which a character representing the astronomer Meton enters upon the stage armed with ruler and compasses, and undertakes to show \"how your circle may be made a square\"-i.e., how to find a square whose area will equal that of a given circle. Perhaps it was such problems as these that led the later Pythagoreans to formulate a doctrine of irrational numbers and incommensurable quantities.\u2022 It was the Pythagoreans, too, whose studies of the parabola, the hyperbola, and the ellipse prepared for the epochal work of Apollonius of Perga on conic sections.\u2022 About 440 Hippocrates of Chios (not the physician) published the\nfirst known book on geometry, and solved the problem of squaring the lune.t\nAbout 420 Hippias of Elia accomplished the trisection of an angle through the quadratri:x curve.\u2022 About 410 Democritus of Abdera announced that \"in con\u00ad structing lines according to given conditions no one has ever surpassed me, not even the Egyptians;\"' he almost made the boast forgivable by writing four books on geometry, and finding formulas for the areas of cones and pyramids.\" All in all, the Greeks were as excellent in geometry as they were poor in arith\u00ad metic. Even into their art geometry entered actively, making many forms of ceramic and architectural ornament, and determining the proportions and cur\u00ad vatures of the Parthenon.\nIrrational numbers are those that cannot be expressed by either a whole number or a fraction, like the square root of 2. Incommensurable quantities are those for which no third quantity can be found which bears to each of them a relation expressible by a rational nwn\u00ad ber,\" like the side and diagonal of a square, or the radius and circumference of a circle.\nt A moonlike figure made by the arcs of two intersecting circles.\nCRAP.XV)'    THE  ADVANCEMENT  OF LEARNING\t339\nn. ANAXAGORAS\nIt was part of the struggle between religion and science that the study of astronomy was forbidden by Athenian law at the height of the Periclean age.\u2022 At Acragas Empedocles suggested that light takes time to pass from one point to another.7 At Elea Parmenides announced the sphericity of the earth, divided the planet into five zones, and observed that the moon always has its bright portion turned toward the sun.8  At Thebes Philolaus the Pythagorean deposed the earth from the center of the universe, and reduced it to the status of one among many planets revolving about a \"central fire.\"0 Leucippus, pupil of Philolaus, attributed the origin of the stars to the in\u00ad candescent combustion and concentration of material \"drawn onward in the universal movement of the circular vortex.,,,,, At Abdera Democritus, pupil of Leucippus and student of Babylonian lore, described the Milky Way as a multitude of small stars, and summarized astronomic history as the periodical collision and destruction of an infinite number of worlds.21 At Chios Oenopides discovered the obliquity of the ecliptic.11\u2022  Nearly everywhere among the Greek colonies the fifth century saw scientific de\u00ad velopments remarkable in a period almost devoid of scientific instruments. But when Anaxagoras tried to do similar work at Athens he found the mood of the people and the Assembly as hostile to free inquiry as the friend\u00ad ship of Pericles was encouraging. He had come from Clazomenae about 480 B.c., at twenty years of age. Anaximenes so interested him in the stars tliat when someone asked him the object of life he answered, \"The investi\u00ad gation of sun, moon, and heaven.\"\"' He neglected his patrimony to chart the earth and the sky, and fell into poverty while his book On Nature was acclaimed by the intelligentsia of Athens as the greatest scientific work of\nthe century.\nIt carried on the traditions and speculations of the Ionian school. The universe, said Anaxagoras, was originally a chaos of diverse seeds (sper\u00ad mata), pervaded by a nous, or Mind, tenuously physical, and akin to the source of life and motion in ourselves. And as mind gives order to the chaos of our actions, so the World Mind gave order to the primeval seeds, setting them into a rotatory vortex,\"\" and guiding them toward the development of organic forms.18 This rotation sorted the seeds into the four elements-fire, air, water, and earth-and separated the world into two revolving layers, an outer one of \"ether,\" and an inner one of air. \"In consequence of this violent\nThis is the Vortex that Aristophanes, in The Clouds, so effectively satirized as Socrates'\nsubstitute for Zeus.\n34\u00b0\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XV\nwhirling motion, the surrounding fiery ether tore away stones from the earth, and kindled them into stars.\"\" The sun and the stars are glowing masses of rock: \"The sun is a red-hot mass many times larger than the Peloponnesus. \"JJl When their revolving motion wanes, the stones of the outer layer fall upon the earth as meteors.18 The moon is an incandescent solid, having on its surface plains, mountains, and ravines;\" it receives its light from the sun, and is of all heavenly bodies the nearest to the earth.1,8 \"The moon is eclipsed through the interposition of the earth . . . the sun through the interposition of the moon.\"18 Probably other celestial bodies are inhabited like the earth; upon them \"men are formed, and other animals that have life; the men dwell in cities, and cultivate fields as we do.\".. Out of the inner or gaseous layer of our planet successive condensations pro\u00ad duced clouds, water, earth, and stones. Winds are due to rarefactions of the atmosphere produced by the heat of the sun; \"thunder is caused by the collision of clouds, and lightning by their friction.\"\"' The quantity of matter never changes, but all forms begin and pass away; in time the moun\u00ad tains will become the sea... The various forms and objects of the world are brought into being by increasingly definite aggregations of homo\u00ad geneous parts (homoiomeria).\"\" All organisms were originally generated out of earth, moisture, and heat, and thereafter from one another.\"' Man has developed beyond other animals because his erect posture freed his hands for grasping things.\"\"\nThese achievements-the foundation of meteorology, the correct ex\u00ad\nplanation of eclipses, a rational hypothesis of planetary formation, the dis\u00ad covery of the borrowed light of the moon, and an evolutionary conception of animal and human life-made Anaxagoras at once the Copernicus and Darwin of his age. The Athenians might have forgiven him these aperfus had. he not neglected his nous in explaining the events of nature and history; perhaps they suspected that this nous, like Euripides' deus ex machina, was a device for saving the author's skin. Aristotle notes that Anaxagoras sought natural explanations everywhere.\"\" When a ram with a single horn in the center of its forehead was brought to Pericles, and a soothsayer interpreted it as a supernatural omen, Anaxagoras had the animal's skull cleft, and showed that the brain, instead of filling both sides of the cranium, had grown upward towards the center, and so had produced the solitary horn.\"' He aroused the simple by giving a natural explanation of meteors, and re\u00ad duced many mythical figures to personified abstractions.\"\"\nThe Athenians took him good-humoredly for a time, merely nicknaming\nhim nous.\u2022 But when no other way could be found of weakening Pericles,\nCHAP. XV)    THE   ADVANCEMENT  OF LEARNING\t341\nCleon, his demagogic rival, brought a formal indictment of impiety against Anaxagoras on the charge that he had described the sun (still to the people a god) as a mass of stone on fire; and pursued the case so relentlessly that the philosopher, despite Pericles' brave defense of Wm, was convicted.\u2022 Having no taste for hemlock, Anaxagoras fled to Lampsacus on the Helles\u00ad pont, where he kept himself alive by teaching philosophy.t When news was brought to him that the Athenians had condemned him to death, he said, \"Nature has long since condemned both them and me.\"\"\" He died a few years later, aged seventy-three.\nThe backwardness of the Athenians in astronomy was reflected in their cal\u00ad endar. There was no general Greek calendar: every state had its own; and each of the four possible points for beginning a new year was adopted some\u00ad where in Greece; even the months changed their names across frontiers. The Attic calendar reckoned months by the moon, and years by the sun.\"' As twelve lunar months made only 360 days, a thirteenth month was added every second year to bring the calendar into harmony with the sun and the seasons.II& Since this made the year ten days too long, Solon introduced the custom of having alternate months of twenty-nine and thirty days, arranged into three weeks (dekades) of ten (occasionally nine) days each;88 and as an excess of four days still remained, the Greeks omitted one month every eighth year. In this incred\u00ad ibly devious way they at last arrived at a year of 365 \u00bc days,!"]
[0.9593666791915894, 9.789908409118652, "132\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nmade their homes of it, and Praxiteles found there the translucent stone which he would carve and polish into the warmth and texture of human flesh. On this island, about the end of the eighth century, Archilochus was born, son of a slave woman, but one of the greatest lyric singers of Greece. A soldier's fortune led him north to Thasos where, in a battle with the natives, he found his heels more valuable than his shield; he took to the one and abandoned the other, and lived to turn many a merry quip about his flight. Back in Paros he fell in love with Neobule, daughter of the rich Lycambes. He describes her as a modest lass with tresses falling over her shoulders, and sighs, as so many centuries have sighed, \"only to touch her hand.\"\" But Lycambes, admiring the poet's verses more than his income, put an end to the affair; whereupon Archilochus aimed at him and Neobule and her sister such barbs of satiric verse that all three of them, legend as\u00ad sures us, hanged themselves. Archilochus turned his back sourly upon the \"figs and fishes\" of Paros, and became again a soldier of fortune. Finally, his heels having failed him, he was killed in battle against the Naxians.\nWe learn from his poems that he was a man of rough speech to both friends and foes, with a disappointed lover's penchant for adultery.111 We picture him as an inspired pirate, a melodious buccaneer coarse in prose and polished in verse; taking the iambic meter already popular in folk songs and fashioning it into short and stinging lines of six feet; this was the \"iambic trimeter\" that would become the classic medium of Greek tragedy. He experimented gaily with dactylic hexameters, trochaic tetrameters, and a dozen other meters,* and gave to Greek poetry the metrical forms that it would keep to the end. Only a few broken lines survive, and we must accept the word of the ancients that he was the most popular of all Greek poets after Homer. Horace loved to imitate his technical diversities; and the great Hellenistic critic, Aristophanes of Byzantium, when asked which of Archilochus' poems he liked best, voiced in two words the feeling of Greece when he answered, \"The longest.\"'\"\nA morning's sail west of Paros is Siphnos, famous for its mines of silver and gold. These were owned by the people through their government. The yield was so rich that the island could set up at Delphi the Siphnian Treasury with its placid caryatides, erect many another monument, and yet distribute a substantial balance among the citizens at the end of every\nLongfellow's Evangeline, his Hifl'Watha, and the final line of each stanza in Childe Harold's Pilgrimage, by Byron, may serve as examples respectively of dactylic hexameter, trochaic tetrameter, and iambic trimeter.\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t133\nyear.\" In 524 a band of freebooters from Samos landed on the island and exacted a tribute of a hundred talents-the equivalent of $600,000 today. The rest of Greece accepted this heroic robbery with the equanimity and fortitude with which men are accustomed to bear the misfortunes of their friends.\nTHE DORIAN OVERFLOW\nThe Dorians, too, colonized the Cyclades, and tamed their warlike spirits to terrace the mountain slopes patiently, that the parsimonious rain might be held and coaxed to nourish their crops and vines. In Melos they took over from their Bronze Age predecessors the quarrying of obsidian, and made the island so prosperous that the Athenians, as we shall see, spared no pains to Melos to win its support in the struggle with Sparta. Here, in 1820, was found that Aphrodite of Melos\u2022 which is now the most famous statue in the Western world.\n.Moving east and then south, the Dorians conquered Thera and Crete, and from Thera sent a further colony to Cyrene. A few of them settled in Cyprus, where, from the eleventh century, a small colony of Arcadian Greeks had struggled for mastery against the old Phoenician dynasties. It was one of these Phoenician kinglets, Pygmalion, of whom legend told how he so admired an ivory Aphrodite carved by his hands that he fell in love with it, begged the goddess to give it life, and married his creation when the goddess complied.\"' The coming of iron probably lessened the demand for Cyprian copper, and left the island off the main line of Greek economic advance. The cutting of the timber by the natives to burn the copper ore, by the Phoenicians for ships and by the Greeks for agricultural clearings, slowly transformed Cyprus into the hot and half-barren derelict that it is today. The art of the island, like its population, was in the Greek period a medley of Egyptian, Phoenician, and Hellenic influences, and never attained a homogeneous character of its own:r\nThe Dorians were but a minority of the Greek population in Cyprus; but in Rhodes and the southern Sporades and on the adjoining mainland they became the ruling class. Rhodes prospered in the centuries between Homer and Marathon, though its zenith would not come till the Hellenistic age. On a promontory jutting out from Asia, Dorian settlers developed the city of Cnidus,\nOr, as we know it, from the Roman name of the goddess and the Italian name of the island, the Venus de Milo.\nt Cf. Case XIJI of the Ccsnola Collection of Cyprian Antiquities in the Metropolitan\nMuseum of Art, New York. A bilingual tablet uneanhed by British scholars in 1868 enabled\n:hem to decipher Cypriote writing as a dialect of Greek expressed by syllabic signs; but the\n!'esults have not added anything of interest to universal history.\n134\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nwell situated to be a port of the coastal trade. Here the astronomer Eudoxus would be born, and the l\\istorian (or fabulist) Ctesias, and that Sostratus who was to build the Pharos at Alexandria. Here, among the ruins of ancient tem\u00ad ples, would be found the sad and matronly Demeter of the British Muse\u00bbm.\nOpposite Cnidus lay the island of Cos, home of Hippocrates and rival of Cnidus as a center of Greek medical science. Apelles the painter would be born here, and Theocritus the poet. A little to the north, on the coast, was Hali\u00ad camassus, birthplace of Herodotus and royal seat, in Hellenistic days, of the Carian King Mausolus and his fond Artemisia. This city, with Cos and Cnidus and the chief towns of Rhodes (Lindus, Camirus, and Ialysus) formed the Dorian Hexapolis, or Six Cities, of Asia Minor-weak rivals, for a time, of the Twelve Cities of Ionia.\nTHE IONIAN DODECAPOLIS\nMiletus and the Birth of Greek Philosophy\nRunning northwest of Caria for some ninety miles was the strip of moun\u00ad tainous coastland, twenty to thirty miles wide, anciently known as Ionia. Here, said Herodotus, \"the air and climate are the most beautiful in the whole world.\"'\" Its cities lay for the most part at the mouths of rivers, or at the ends of roads, that carried the goods of the hinterland down to the Mediterranean for shipment everywhere.\nMiletus, southernmost of the Ionian Twelve, was in the sixth century the richest city of the Greek world. The site had been inhabited by Carians from Minoan days; and when, about 1000 B.c., the Ionians came there from Attica, they found the old Aegean culture, though in a decadent form, waiting to serve as the advanced starting point of their civilization. They brought no women with them to Miletus, but merely killed the native males and married the widows;\"\u00b0 the fusion of cultures began with a fusion of blood. Like most of the Ionian cities, Miletus submitted at first to kings who led them in war, then to aristocrats who owned the land, then to \"tyrants\" representing the middle class. Under the dictator Thrasybulus, at the beginning of the sixth century, industry and trade reached their peak,\nand the growing-wealth of Miletus flowered forth in literature, philosophy, and arr. Wool was brought down from the rich pasture lands of the interior, and turned into clothing in the textile mills of the city. Taking a lesson from the Phoenicians and gradually bettering their instruction,\nIonian merchants established colonies as trading posts in Egypt, Italy, the"]
[-7.486279010772705, 4.611927509307861, "The Greek nation had to pay the penalty of its development; spreading everywhere, it was bound sooner or later to come into conflict with a major power. Using water as their highway, the Hellenes had opened up a trade route that extended from the eastern coast of Spain to the farthest ports of the Black Sea. This European water route-Greco-Italian-Sicilian-com\u00ad peted more and more with the Oriental land and water route-Indo-Perso\u00ad Phoenician; and thereby arose a lasting and bitter rivalry in which war, by all human precedents, was inevitable, and in which the batt)es of Lade, Marathon, Plataea, Himera, Mycale, the Eurymedon, the Granicus, Issus, Arbela, Cannae, and Zama were merely incidents. The European system won against the Oriental partly because transport by water is cheaper than transport by land, and partly because it is almost a law of history that the rugged, warlike north conquers the easygoing, art-creating south.\nIn the year 51 2 Darius I of Persia crossed the Bosporus, invaded Scythia, and, marching westward, conquered Thrace and Macedon. When he re\u00ad turned to his capitals he_ had enlarged his realm to embrace Persia, Afghanis\u00ad tan, northern India, Turkestan, Mesopotamia, \u00b7northern Arabia, Egypt, Cyprus, Palestine, Syria, Asia Minor, the eastern Aegean, Thrace, and Macedonia; the greatest empire that the world has yet seen had overex\u00ad tended itself to include and awaken its future conqueror. Only one im\u00ad portant nation remained outside this vast system of government and trade, and that was Greece. By 5 IO Darius had hardly heard of it outside Ionia. \"The Athenians,\" he asked-\"who are they?\"' About 506 the dictator Hippias, deposed by revolution at Athens, fled to the Persian satrap at Sardis, begged for help in regaining his power, and offered, in that event, to hold Attica under the Persian dominion.\nTo this temptation there was added in 500 a timely provocation. The Greek cities of Asia Minor, under Persian rule for half a century, suddenly dismissed their satraps and declared their independence. Aristagoras of\n234\nCHAP.X)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR FREEDOM\t235\nMiletus went to Sparta to enlist its aid, without success; he passed on to Athens, mother city of many Ionian towns, and pleaded so well that the Athenians sent a fleet of twenty ships to support the revolt. Meanwhile the lonians were acting with a chaotic vigor characteristic of the Greeks; each rebel city raised its own troops, but kept them under separate com\u00ad mand; and the Milesian army, led with more bravery than wisdom, marched upon Sardis and burned the great city to the ground. The Ionian Confed\u00ad eracy organized a united fleet, but the Samian contingent secretly made terms with the Persian satrap, and when, in 494, the Persian navy met the Ionian at Lade, in one of the major sea battles of history, the half hundred ships of the Samians sailed away without fighting, and many other con\u00ad tingents followed their example.\" The defeat of the lonians was com\u00ad plete, and Ionian civilization never quite recovered from this physical and spiritual disaster. The Persians laid siege to Miletus, captured it, killed the males, enslaved the women and children, and so completely plundered the city that Miletus became from that day a minor town. Persian rule was re-established throughout Ionia, and Darius, resentful of Athenian inter\u00ad ference, resolved to conquer Greece. Little Athens, as the result of her generous assistance to her daughter cities, found herself face to face with an empire literally a hundred times greater than Attica.\nIn the year 491 a Persian fleet of six hundred ships under Daris struck across the Aegean from Samos, stopped on the way to subdue the Cyclades, and reached the coast of Euboea with 200,000 men. Euboea submitted after a brief struggle, and the Persians crossed the bay to Attica. They pitched their camp near Marathon, because Hippias had advised them that in that plain they could use their cavalry, in which they were overwhelmingly superior to the Greeks.'\nAll Greece was in turmoil at the news. The Persian arms had never yet been defeated, the advance of the Empire had never yet been stopped; how could a nation so weak, so scattered, so unused to unity, hold back this wave of Oriental conquest? The northern Greek states were loath to resist so monstrous a power; Sparta hesitatingly prepared, but allowed superstition to delay its mobilization; little Plataea acted quickly, and sent a large proportion of its citizens by forced marches to Marathon. At Athens Miltiades freed and enlisted slaves as well as freemen, and led them over the mountains to the battlefield. When the rival armies met, the Greeks had some twenty thousand men, the Persians probably one hundred thousand.\" The Persians were brave, but they were accustomed to indi\u00ad vtdual fighting, and were not trained for the mass defense and attack of\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.X\nthe Greeks. The Greeks united discipline with c6urage, and though they committed the folly of dividing the command among ten generals, each supreme for a day, they were saved by the example of Aristides, who yielded his leadership to Miltiades.\u2022 Under this blunt soldier's vigorous strategy the small Greek force routed the Persian horde in what was not only one of the decisive battles, but also one of the most incredible vic\u00ad tories, of history. If we may accept Greek testimony on such a matter, 6,400 Persians, but only 192 Greeks, fell at Marathon. After the battle was over the Spartans arrived, mourned their tardiness, and praised the victors.\nARISTIDES AND THEMISTOCLES\nThe strange mixture of nobility and cruelty, idealism and cynicism, in Greek character and history was illustrated by the subsequent careers of Miltiades and Aristides. Inflated by the praise of all Greece, Miltiades asked the Athenians to equip a fleet of seventy ships, to be under his un\u00ad checked command. When the ships were ready Miltiades led them to Paros, and demanded of its citizens one hundred talents ($600,000) on pain of wholesale death. The Athenians recalled him and fined him fifty talents; but Miltiades died soon after, and the fine was paid by his son Cimon, the future rival of Pericles.8\nThe man who had yielded place to him at Marathon survived the pit\u00ad falls of success. Aristides was in life and manners a Spartan at Athens. His quiet, staid character, his modest simplicity and undiscourageable hon\u00ad esty won him the title of the Just; and when, in a drama of Aeschylus', the passage occurred-\nFor not at seeming just, but being so,\nHe aims; and from his depth of soil below Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow-\nall the audience turned to look at Aristides, as the living embodiment of the poet's lines.9 When the Greeks captured the camp of the Persians at Mara\u00ad thon, and found great wealth in their tents, Aristides was left in charge of it, and \"neither took anything for himself, nor suffered others to do it\";,,, and when, after the war, the allies of Athens were induced to con\u00ad tribute annually to the treasury of Delos as a fund for common defense, Aristides was chosen by them to fu: their payments, and none protested his decisions. Nevertheless, he was more admired than popular. Though\nCHAP.X)\tTHE  STRUGGLE  FOR FREEDOM\t237\na close friend of Cleisthenes, who had so extended democracy, he was of the opinion that democracy had gone far enough, and that any further empowerment of the Assembly would lead to administrative corruption and public disorder. He exposed malfeasance wherever he found it, and made many enemies. The democratic party, led by Themistocles, used Cleisthenes' recently established device of ostracism to get rid of him, and in 482 the only man in Athenian history that was at once famous and hon\u00ad est was exiled at the height of his career. All the world knows-though again it may be only a fable-how Aristides inscribed his own name on the ostracon for a letterless citizen who did not know him, but who, with the resentment of mediocrity for excellence, was tired- of hearing him called the Just. When Aristides learned of the decision he expressed the hope that Athens would never have occasion to remember him.11\nThe historian is constrained to admit that the public men of Athens were properly equipped with the unscrupulousness that sometimes enters into statesmanship. As much as Alcibiades at a later age, Themistocles was a very flame of ability; \"he has a claim on our admiration quite extraordinary and unparalleled,\" says the always moderate Thucydides.211 Like Miltiades, he saved Athens, but could not save himself; he could defeat a great em\u00ad pire, but not his own lust for power. \"He received reluctantly and care\u00ad lessly,\" says Plutarch, \"instructions given him to improve his manners and behavior, or to teach him any pleasing or graceful accomplishment; but whatever was said to improve him in sagacity, or in the management of affairs, he would give attention to beyond his years, confident in his nat\u00ad ural capacity for such things.\"18 It was Athens' misfortune that both Themistocles and Aristides fell in love with the same girl, Stesilaus of Ceos, and that their animosity outlived the beauty that had aroused it.\" Nevenhe\u00ad less it was Themistocles whose foresight and energy prepared for, and carried through, the vk-tory of Salamis-the most crucial battle in Greek history. As far back as 493 he had planned and begun a new harbor for Athens at the Piraeus; now, in 482, he persuaded the Athenians to forego a distribution of money due them from the proceeds of the silver mines at Laurium, and to devote the sum to the building of a hundred triremes. Without this fleet there could have been no resistance to Xerxes.\nIll.  XERXES\nDarius I died in 485, and was succeeded by Xerxes I. Both father and son were men of ability and culture, and it would be an error to think of\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.X\nthe Greco-Persian War as a contest between civilization and barbarism. When Darius, before invading Greece, sent heralds to Athens and Sparta to demand earth and water as symbols of submission, both cities had put the heralds to death. Troubled by portents, Sparta now repented of this violation of international custom, and asked for two citizens to go to Persia and surrender themselves to any punishment that the Great King might exact in retribution. Sperthias and Bulis, both of old and wealthy families, volunteered, made their way to Xerxes, and offered to die in atonement for the killing of Darius' messengers. Xerxes, says Herodotus,\"'' \"answered with true greatness of soul that he would not act like the Lacedaemonians, who, by killing the heralds, had broken the laws which all men held in common. As he had blamed such conduct in them, he would never be guilty of it himself.\"\nXerxes prepared leisurely but thoroughly for the second Persian attack upon Greece. For four years he collected troops and materials from all the provinces of his realm; and when, in 48 1, he at last set forth, his army was probably the largest ever assembled in history before our own cen\u00ad tury. Herodotus reckoned it, without moderation, at 2,641,000 fighting men, and an equal number of engineers, slaves, merchants, provisioners, and prostitutes; he tells us, with perhaps a twinkle in his eye, that when Xerxes' army drank water whole rivers ran dry.'\" It was, naturally and fatally, a highly heterogeneous force. There were Persians, Medes, Baby\u00ad lonians, Afghans, Indians, Bactrians, Sogdians, Sacae, Assyrians, Armenians, Colchians, Scyths, Paeonians, Mysians, Paphlagonians, Phrygians, Thra\u00ad cians, Thessalians, Locrians, Boeotians, Aeolians, lonians, Lydians, Carians, Cilicians, Cypriotes, Phoenicians, Syrians, Arabians, Egyptians, Ethiopians, Libyans, and many more. There were footmen, cavalrymen, chariots, ele\u00ad phants, and a fleet of transports and fighting triremes numbering, accord\u00ad ing to Herodotus, 1 207 ships in all. When Greek spies were caught in the camp, and a general ordered their execution, Xerxes countermanded the order, spared the men, had them conducted through his forces, and then set them free, trusting that when they had reported to Athens and Sparta the extent of his preparations, the remainder of Greece would hasten to\n-surrender.\""]
[-0.018276115879416466, 11.695446968078613, "175\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VIII\nand heroes; and periodically the citizens partook of a common meal before this fire. Just as in the family the father was also the priest, so in the Greek city the chief magistrate or archon was the high priest of the state religion, and all his powers and actions were sanctified by the god. By this conscription of the supernatural, man was tamed from a hunter into a citizen.\nLiberated by local independence, the religious imagination of Greece produced a lux\u00b5riant mythology and a populous pantheon. Every object or force of earth or sky, every blessing and every terror, every quality\u00ad even the vices-of mankind was personified as a deity, usually in human form; no other religion has ever been so anthropomorphic as the Greek. Every, craft, profession, and art had its divinity, or, as we should say, its patron saint; and in addition there were demons, harpies, furies, fairies, gorgons, sirens, nymphs, almost as numerous as the mortals of the earth. The old question-is religion created by priests?-is here settled; it is in\u00ad credible that any conspiracy of primitive g_ieologians should have begotten such a plethora of gods. It must have been a boon to have so many deities, so many fascinating legends, sacred shrines, and solemn or joyous festivals. Polytheism is as natural as polygamy, and survives as long, suiting well all the contradictory currents of the world. Even today, in Mediterranean Christianity, it is not God who is worshiped, so much as the saints; it is polytheism that sheds over the simple life the inspiring poetry of consola\u00ad tory myth, and gives to the humble soul the aid and comfort that it would not venture to expect from a Supreme Being unapproachably awful and remote.\nEach of the gods had a mythos, or story, attached to him, which ac\u00ad\ncounted for his place in the city's life, or for the ritual that honored him. These myths, rising spontaneously out of the lore of the place and the people, or out of the inventions and embellishments of rhapsodists, became at once the faith and the philosophy, the literature and the history of the early Greek; from them came the subjects that adorned Greek vases, and suggested to artists countless paintings, statues, and reliefs. Despite the achievements of philosophy and the attempts of a few to preach a mono\u00ad theistic creed, the people continued to the end of Hellenic civilization to create myths, and even gods. Men like Heracleitus might allegorize the myths, or like Plato adapt them, or like Xenophanes denounce them; but when Pausanias toured Greece five centuries after Plato he found still alive among the people the legends that had warmed the heart of the Homeric age. The mythopoetic, theopoetic process is natural, and goes on today as\nCHAP. VIII)\tTHE  GODS  OF GREECE\t177\nalways; there is a birth rate as well as a death rate of the gods; deity is like energy, and its quantity remains, through all vicissitudes of form, approxi\u00ad mately unchanged from generation to generation.\nAN INVENTORY OF THE GODS\nThe Lesser Deities\nWe shall force some order and clarity upon this swarm of gods if we arti\u00ad ficially divide them into seven groups: sky-gods, earth-gods, fertility-gods, ani\u00ad mal gods, subterranean gods, ancestor or hero gods, and Olympians. \"The names of all of them,\" as Hesiod said, \"it were troublesome for a mortal man to tell.\"'\nOriginally, so far as we can make out, the great god of the invading Greeks, as of the Vedic Hindus, was the noble and various sky itself; it was probably this sky-god who with progressing anthropomorphism became Uranus, or Heaven, and then the \"cloud-compelling,\" rain-making, thunder-herding Zeus.\u2022 In a land surfeited with sunshine and hungry for rain, the sun, Helios, was only a minor deity. Agamemnon prayed to him,\" and the Spartans sacrified horses to him to draw his flaming chariot through the skies;\u2022 the Rhodians, in Hellenistic days, honored Helios as their chief divinity, flung annually into the sea four horses and a chariot for his use, and dedicated to him the famous Colossus;' and Anaxagoras almost lost his life, even in Periclean Athens, for say\u00ad ing that the sun was not a god, but only a ball of fire. Generally, however, there was little worship of the sun in classic Greece; still less of the moon (Selene); least of all, of the planets or the stars.\nThe earth, not the heavens, was the home of most Greek gods. And first the earth itself was the goddess Ge or Gaea, patient and bountiful mother, preg\u00ad nant through the embrace of raining Uranus, the sky. A thousand lesser deities dwelt on the earth, in its waters, or in its surrounding air: spirits of sacred trees, especially the oak; Nereids, Naiads, Oceanids, in rivers, lakes, or the sea; gods gushing forth as wells or springs, or flowing as stately streams like the Maeander or the Spercheus; gods of the wind, like Boreas, Zephyr, Notus, and Eurus, with their master Aeolus; or the great god Pan, the horned, cloven-footed, sensual, smiling Nourisher, god of shepherds and flocks, of woods and the wild life lurk\u00ad ing in them, he whose magic flute could be heard in every brook and dell, whose startling cry brought panic to any careless herd, and whose attendants were\nPhaethon (the Brilliant), son of Helios, begged for the thrill of driving the sun's chariot across the heavens. He drove it recklessly, nearly set the world on fire, was struck by light\u00ad ning, and fell into the sea. Perhaps the Greeks meant this tale, like that of Icarus, to serve a'i a sermon to youth.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VIII\nmerry fauns and satyrs, and those old satyrs called sileni, half goat and half Socrates. Everywhere in nature there were gods; the air was so crowded with spirits of good or evil that, said an unknown poet, \"There is not one empty chink into which you could push the spike of a blade of corn.\"'\nThe most mysterious and potent force in nature being reproduction, it was natural that the Greeks, like other ancient peoples, should worship the prin\u00ad ciple and emblems of fertility in man and woman along with their worship of fertility in the soil. The phallus, as symbol of reproduction, appears in the rites of Demeter, Dionysus, Hermes, even of the chaste Artemis.\" In classical sculp\u00ad ture and painting this emblem recurs with scandalous frequency. Even the Great Dionysia, the religious festival at which the Greek drama was played, was introduced by phallic processions, to which Athenian colonies piously sent phalli.T Doubtless such festivals lent themselves to much lusty humor, as one may judge from Aristophanes; but all in all the humor was healthy, and perhaps served the purpose of stimulating Eros and promoting the birth rate.\"\nThe more vulgar side of this fertility cult was expressed in the Hellenistic and Roman periods by the worship of Priapus, born of an amour between Dionysus and Aphrodite, and popular with vase painters and the mural artists o{ Pompeii. A lovelier variation of the reproductive theme was the veneration of goddesses representing motherhood. Arcadia, Argos,.Eleusis, Athens, Ephesus, and other localities gave their greatest devotion to feminine deities, often husbandless; such goddesses presumably reflect a primitive matrilinear age before the coming of marriage;\" the enthronement of Zeus as Father.God over all gods represents the victory of the patriarchal principle.\u2022 The probable priority of women in agri\u00ad culture may have helped to give form to the greatest of these mother deities, Demeter, goddess of the corn or the tilled earth. One of the most beautiful of Greek myths, skillfully narrated in the Hymn to Demeter once attributed to Homer, tells how Demeter's daughter Persephone, while gathering flowers, was kidnaped by Pluto, god of the underworld, and snatched down to Hades. The sorrowing mother searched for her everywhere, found her, and persuaded Pluto to let Persephone live on the earth nine months in every year-a pretty symbol for the annual death and rebirth of the soil. Because the people of Eleusis be\u00ad friended the disguised Demeter as she \"sat by the way, grieved in her inmost heart,\" she taught them and Attica the secret of agriculture, and sent Triptole\u00ad mus, son of Eleusis' king, to spread the art among mankind. Essentially it- was the same myth as that of Isis and Osiris in Egypt, Tammuz and Ishtar in Baby\u00ad lonia, Astarte and Adonis in Syria, Cybele and Attis in Phrygia. The cult of motherhood survived through classical times to take new life in the worship of Mary the Mother of God.\nNote the absence of mother goddesses in such strongly patriarchal societies as Judea,\nIslam, and Protestant Christendom.\nCHAP. vm)\tTHE  GODS  OF GREECE\t179\nCertain animals, in early Greece, were honored as semideities. Greek religion was too anthropomorphic, in its sculptural age, to admit the divine menageries that we find in Egypt and India; but a vestige of a less classical past appears in the frequent association of an animal with a god. Tke bull was sacred because of its strength and potency; it was often an associate, disguise, or symbol of Zeus and Dionysus, and perhaps preceded them as a god.10 In like manner the \"cow-eyed Hera\" may once have been a sacred cow.11 The pig too was holy because of its fertility; it was associated with the gentle Demeter; at one of her festivals, the Thesmophoria, the sacrifice was ostensibly of a pig, possibly to it.u At the feast of the Diasia the sacrifice was nominally to Zeus, really to a sub\u00ad terranean snake that was now dignified with his name.  Whether the snake was\nholy as supposedly deathless, or as a symbol of reproductive power, we find it passing down as a deity from the snake-goddess of Crete into fifth-century Athens; in the temple of Athena, on the Acropolis, a sacred serpent dwelt to whom, each month, a honey cake was offered in appeasing sacrifice. In Greek art a snake is often seen about the figures of Hermes, Apollo, and Asclepius;111 under the shield of Pheidias' Athene Parthenos was wreathed a mighty serpent; the Ftrrnese Athena is half covered with snakes.10 The snake was often used as a symbol or form of the guardian deity of temple or home;'1 perhaps because it prowled about tombs it was believed to be the soul of the dead.18 The Pythian games are thought to have been celebrated, at first, in honor of the dead python of Delphi.\nThe most terrible of the gods were under the earth. In caves and clefts and like nether chambers dwelt those chthonian or earthly deities whom the Greeks worshiped not by day with loving adoration, but at night with apotro\u00ad paic rites of riddance and fear. These vague nonhuman powers were the real autochthonoi of Greece, older than the Hellenes, older perhaps than the Myce\u00ad naeans, who probably transmitte!i them to Greece; if we could trace them to their origin we might find that they were the vengeful spirits of the animals that had been driven into the forests or under the soil by the advance and multi\u00ad plication of men. The greatest of these subterranean deities was called Zeus Chthonios; but Zeus here meant merely god.,,, Or he was called Zeus Meilichios, the Benevolent God; but here again the words were deceptive and propitiatory, for this god was a fearful snake.-Brother to Zeus was Hades, lord of the under\u00ad world that took his name. To placate him the Greeks called him Pluto, the giver of abundance, for he had it in his power to bless or blight the roots of all things that grew in the soil.\u2022 Still more ghostly and terrible was Hecate, an evil spirit that came up from the lower world and brought misfortune, through her evil\nPlutus, god of wealth, was a form of Pluto. In early Greece wealth took chiefly the fonn of com eitlier growing in the earth or stored in the earth in iars, in either case under Pluto's protection.\u2022"]
[10.99046802520752, 8.923580169677734, "HE fifth century saw the zenith of Greek literature, the fourth the flowering of philosophy, the third the culmination of science. The\nkings proved more tolerant and helpful to research than the democracies. Alexander sent to the Greek cities of the Asiatic coast camel loads of Bab\u00ad ylonian astronomical tablets,most of which were soon translated into Greek; the Ptolemies built the Museum for advanced studies, and gathered the sci\u00ad ence as well as the literature of the Mediterranean cultures into the great Library; Apollonius dedicated his Conics to Attalus I, and under the pro\u00ad tection of Hieron II Archimedes drew his circles and reckoned the sand. The fading of frontiers and the establishment of a common language, the fluid interchange of books and ideas, the exhaustion of metaphysics and the weakening of the old theology, the rise of a secularly minded commercial class in Alexandria, Rhodes, Antioch, Pergamum, and Syracuse, the mul\u00ad tiplication of schools, universities, observatories, and libraries, combined with wealth, industry, and royal patronage to free science from philosophy, and to encourage it in its work of enlightening, enriching, and endangering the world.\nAbout the opening of the third century-perhaps long before it-the tools of the Greek mathematician were sharpened by the_development of a simpler no\u00ad tation. The first nine letters of the alphabet were used for the digits, the next letter for 10, the next nine for 20, 30, etc., the next for 100, the next for 200, 300, and so forth. Fractions and ordinals were expressed by an acute accent after the letter; so, according to the context, i' stood for one tenth or tenth; and a small t under a letter indicated the corresponding thousand. This arithmetical short\u00ad hand provided a convenient system of computation; some extant Greek papyri crowd complicated calculations, ranging from fractions to millions, into les5 space than similar reckonings would require in our own numerical notation.\u2022\nNevertheless the greate t victories of Hellenistic science were in geometry. To this period belongs Euclid, whose name would for two thousand years pro-\nThese papyri are not older than Alexandria; but since they use the primitive digamma to represent 6, it is probable that the alphabetical notation antedated the Hellenistic age.\n627\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVIII\nvide geometry with a synonym. All that we know of his life is that he opened a school at Alexandria, and that his students excelled all others in their field; that he cared nothing about money, and when a pupil asked, \"What shall I profit from learning geometry?\" bade a slave give him an obol, \"since he must make a gain out of what he learns\";1 that he was a man of great modesty and kindliness; and that when, about 300, he wrote his famous Elements, it never occurred to him to credit the various propositions to their discoverers, because he made no pretense at doing more than to bring together in logical order the geometrical knowledge of the Greeks.\u2022 He began, without preface or apology, with simple definitions, then postulates or necessary assumptions, then \"common notions\" or axioms. Following Plato's injunctions, he confined himself to such figures and proofs as needed no other instruments than ruler and compasses. He adopted and perfected a method of progressive exposition and demonstration already familiar to his predecessors: proposition, diagrammatic illustration, proof, and conclu\u00ad sion. Despite minor flaws the total result was a mathematical architecture that rivaled the Parthenon as a symbol of the Greek mind. Actually it outlived the Parthenon as an integral form; for until our own century the Elements of Euclid constituted the accepted textbook of geometry in nearly every European uni\u00ad versity. One must go to the Bible to find a rival for it in enduring influence.\nA lost work of Euclid, the Conics, summarized the studies of Menaechmus, Aristaeus, and others on the geometry of the cone. Apollonius of Perga, after years of study in Euclid1s school, took this treatise as the starting point of his own Conics, and explored in eight \"books\" and 387 propositions the properties of the curves generated by the intersection of a cone by a plane. To three of these curves (the fourth being the circle) he gave their lasting names-parabola, ellipse, and hyperbola. His discoveries made possible the theory of projectiles, and substantially advanced mechanics, navigation, and astronomy. His exposi\u00ad tion was laborious and verbose, but his method was completely scientific; his work was as definitive as Euclid's, and its seven extant books are to this day the most original classic in the literature of geometry.\nARCHIMEDES\nThe greatest of ancient scientists was born at Syracuse about 287 B.c., son of the astronomer Pheidias, and apparently cousin to Hieron II, the most enlightened ruler of his time. Like many other Hellenistic Greeks who were interested in science and could afford the expense, Archimedes went to Alexandria; there he studied under the successors of Euclid, and derived\nBooks I and TI summarize the geometrical work of Pythagoras; Book III, Hippocrates. of Chios; Book V, Eudoxus; Books IV, VI, XI, and XII, the later Pythagorean and Atheman geometricians. Books VII-X deal with higher mathematics.\nCHAP.XXVIII)  THE  CLIMAX OF GREEK  SCIENCE\nan inspiration for mathematics that gave him two boons-an absorbed life and a sudden death. Returning to Syracuse, he devoted himself monas\u00ad tically to every branch of mathematical science. Often, like Newton, he neglected food and drink, or the care of his body, in order to pursue the consequences of a new theorem, or to draw figures in the oil on his body, the ashes on the hearth, or the sand with which Greek geometers were wont to strew their floors.\" He was not without humor: in what he considered his best book, The Sphere tmd the Cylinder, he deliberately inserted false propositions (so we are assured), partly to play a joke upon the friends to whom he sent the manuscript, partly to ensnare poachers who liked to ap\u00ad propriate other men's thoughts.\u2022 Sometimes he amused himself with puzzles that brought him to the verge of inventing algebra, like the famous Cattle Problem that so beguiled Lessing;' sometimes he made strange mechanisms to study the principles on which they operated. But his perennial interest and delight lay in pure science conceived as a key to the understanding of the universe rather than as a tool of practical construction or expanding wealth. He wrote not for pupils but for professional scholars, communi\u00ad cating to them in pithy monographs the abstruse conclusions of his research. All later antiquity was fascinated by the originality, depth, and clarity of these treatises. \"It is not possible,\" said Plutarch, three centuries later, \"to find in all geometry more difficult and intricate questions, or more simple and lucid explanations. Some ascribe this to his natural genius; others think that these easy and unlabored pages were the result of incredible effort and toil.\"\"\nTen of Archimedes' works survive, after many adventures in Europe and Arabia. (1) The Method explains to Eratosthenes, with whom he had formed a friendship in Alexandria, how mechanical experiments can extend geometrical knowledge. This essay ended the ruler-and-compass reign of Plato and opened the door to experimental methods; even so it reveals the different mood of ancient and modem science: the one tolerated practice for the sake of theoretical understanding, the other tolerates theory for the sake of possible practical re\u00ad sults. (2) A Collection of Lemmas discusses fifteen \"choices,\" or alternative hypotheses, in plane geometry. (3) The Measurement of a Circle arrives at a value between 3\u00bd and 31%1 for 'It-the ratio of the circumference to the diame\u00ad ter of a circle-and \"squares the circle\" by showing, through the method of ex\u00ad haustion, that the area of a circle equals that of a right-angled triangle whose perpendicular equals the radius, and whose base equals the c cumference, of the circle. (4) The Quadrature of the Parabola studies, by a form of integral cal\u00ad culus, the area cut off from _a parabola by a chord, and the problem of finding\n630\tTHE  L IF E G-F GREECE\t( CHAP. XXVIII\nthe area of an ellipse. (5) On Spirals defines a spiral as the figure made by a point moving from a fixed point at a uniform rate along a straight line which is revolving in a plane at a uniform rate about the same fixed point; and finds the area enclosed by a spiral curve and two radii vectores by methods approximating differential calculus. (6) The Sphere and the Cylinder seeks formulas for the volume and surface area of a pyramid, a cone, a cylinder, and a sphere. (7) On Conoids and Spheroids studies the solids generated by the revolution of conic sections about their axes. (8) The Sand-Reckoner passes from geometry to arithmetic, almost to logarithms, _by suggesting that large numbers may be repre\u00ad sented by multiples, or \"orders,\" of 10,000; by this method Archimedes expresses the number of grains of sand which would be needed to fill the universe-assum\u00ad ing, he genially adds, that the universe has a reasonable size. His conclusion, which anyone may verify for himself, is that the world contains not more than sixty-three \"ten-million units of the eighth order of numbers\"-or, as we should put it, 1088\u2022 References to lost works of Archimedes indicate that he had also discovered a way of finding the square root of nonsquare numbers. (9) On Plane Equilibriums applies geometry to mechanics, studies the center of gravity of various bodily configurations, and achieves the oldest extant formulation of scientific statics. (IO) On Floating Bodies founds hydrostatics by arriving at mathematical formulas for the position of equilibrium of a floating body. The work begins with the then startling thesis that the surface of any liquid body at rest and in equilibrium is spherical, and that the sphere has the same center as the earth.\nPerhaps Archimedes was led to the study of hydrostatics by an incident almost as famous as Newton's apple. King Hieron had given to a Syracusan Cellini some gold to be formed into a crown. When the crown was de\u00ad livered it weighed as much as the gold; but some doubt arose whether the artist had made up part of the weight by using silver, keeping the saved gold for himself. Hieron turned over to Archimedes his suspicion and the crown, presumably stipulating that the one should be resolved without injuring the other. For weeks Archimedes puzzled over the problem. One day, as he stepped into a tub at the public baths, he noticed that the water overflowed according to the depth of his immersion, and that his body appeared to weigh-or press downward-less, the more it was submerged. His curious mind, exploring and utilizing every experience, suddenly for\u00ad mulated ! e \"principle of Archimedes\"-that a floating body loses in weight an amount equal to the weight of the water which it displaces. Surmising that a submerged body would displace water according to its volume, and perceiving that this principle offered a test for the crown, Archimedes (if we may believe the staid Vitruvius) dashed out naked into the street and\nCHAP. XXVIII)  THE  CL I MAX  OF  GREEK  SCIENCE\t631\nrushed to his dwelling, crying out \"Eureka! eureka!\"-I have found it! I have found it! Home, he soon dis overed that a given weight of silver, since it had more volume per weight than gold, displaced more water, when immersed, than an equal weight of gold. He observed also that the sub\u00ad merged crown displaced more water than a quantity of gold equaling the crown in weight. He concluded that the crown had been alloyed with some metal less dense than gold. By replacing gold with silver in the gold weight which he was using for comparison, until the compound displaced as much water as the crown, Archimedes was able to say just how much silver had been used in the crown, and how much gold had been stolen.\nThat he had satisfied the curiosity of the King did not mean so much to him as that he had discovered the law of floating bodies, and a method for measuring specific gravity. He made a planetarium representing the sun, the earth, the moon, and the five planets then known (Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, and Mercury), and so arranging them that by turning a crank one could set all these bodies in motions differing in direction and speed;8 but he probably agreed with Plato that the laws that govern the movements of the heavens are more beautiful than the stars.* In a lost treatise partly preserved in summaries, Archimedes so accurately formulated the laws of the lever and the balance that no adva.nce was made upon his work until\nA.D. 1586. \"Commensurable magnitudes,\" said Proposition VI, \"will balance at distances inversely proportional to their gravities\"8-a useful truth whose brilliant simplification of complex relationships moves the soul of a scientist as the Hermes of Praxiteles moves the artist. Almost intoxicated with the vision of power which he saw in the lever and the pulley, Archimedes an\u00ad nounced that if he had a fixed fulcrum to work with he could move any\u00ad thing: \"Pa ho, kai tcm gan kino,\" he is reported to have said, in the Doric dialect of Syracuse: \"Give me a place to stand on, and I will move the earth.\"\" Hieron challenged him to do as well as say, and pointed to the difficulty which his men were experiencing in beaching a large ship in the royal fleet. Archimedes arranged a series of cogs and pulleys in such wise that he alone, sitting at one end of the mechanism, was\u00b7 able to draw the fully loaded vessel out of the water onto the land.\"\"\nDelighted with this demonstration, the King asked Archimedes to design some engines of war. It was characteristic of the two men that Archimedes,\nCicero saw the apparatus two centuries later, and marveled at its complex synchronism. ''When Gallus moved the globe,\" he writes, \"it was actually true that the moon was always as many revolutions behind the sun on the bronze contrivance as would agree with the num\u00ad ber of days it was behind it in the sky. Thus the same eclipse of the sun happened on the globP. as would happen in actuality.'\"\n632\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXVIH"]
[2.1457607746124268, 1.0715574026107788, "All in all, the extant Jewish writings of this period may be described as a mystic or imaginative literature of instruction, edification, and consola\u00ad tion. To the Jews of earlier ages life itself had been enough, and religion was not a flight from the world but a dramatization of morals by the poetry of faith; a powerful God, ruling and seeing all things, would reward vir\u00ad tue and punish vice in this existence on earth. The Captivity had shaken this belief, the restoration of the Temple had renewed it; it broke down under the bludgeoning of Antiochus. Pessimism now had a clear field; and in the writings of the Greeks the Jews found the most eloquent ex\u00ad posures of the injustices and tragedies of life. Meanwhile Jewish contact with Persian ideas of heaven and hell, of a struggle between good and evil,\n606\tT H E  L I F E  O F  G R E EC E\t(CHAP. XXVI\nand the final triumph of good, offered an escape from the philosophy of despair, and perhaps the ideas of immortality that had come down from Egypt to Alexandria, and those that had animated the mysteries of Greece, co-operated to inspire in the Jews of the Greek and Roman periods that consoling hope which bore them up through all the vicissitudes of their Temple and their state. From these Jews, and from the Egyptians, Per\u00ad sians, and Greeks, the idea of eternal reward and punishment would flow down into a new and stronger faith, and help it to win a disintegrating world.\nMENANDER\nLike the other arts, the drama enjoyed in this age its greatest quantitative pros\u00ad per.ity. Every city, almost every third-rate town, had its theater. The actors, better organized than ever, were in great demand, enjoyed high fees, and lived with characteristic superiority to the morals of their time. Dramatists continued to turn out tragedies, but, whether by accident or good taste, tradition has covered them with oblivion's balm. The mood of Hellenistic Athens, like ours today, preferred the lighthearted, lightheaded, sentimental, happy-ending stories of the New Comedy. Of this, too, only fragments remain; but we have some discouraging samples of it in the pilferings of Plautus and Terence, who com\u00ad posed their plays by translating and adapting Hellenistic comedies. The high concerns of state and soul that aroused Aristophanes are in the New Comedy put aside as too perilous for the literary neck; usually the theme is domestic or private, and traces the devious roads by which women are led to generosity, and men nevertheless to matrimony. Love enters upon its triumphant career as master of the boards; a thousand damsels in distress cross the stage, but achieve honor and wedlock in the end. The old phallic dress is abandoned, and the old phallic bawdiness; but the story circles narrowly about the virginity of the leading lady, and virtue plays as small a role in it as in our daily press. Since the actors wore masks, and the number of masks was limited, the comic dramatist wove his plots of intrigue and mistaken identity around a few stock characters whom the audience was always delighted to recognize-the cruel father, the benevolent old man, the prodigal son, the heiress mistaken for a poor girl, the bragging soldier, the clever slave, the flatterer, the parasite, the physician, the priest, the philosopher, the cook, the courtesan, the procuress, and the pimp.\nThe masters of this comedy of manners in third-century Athens were Phi\u00ad lemon and Menander. Of Philemon hardly anything survives except the echo of his renown. The Athenians liked him better than Menander, and gave him more prizes; but Philemon had raised to high excellence the art of organizing a claque. Posterity, being ignored in the subsidy, reversed the judgment, and gave\nCHAP. XXVI)\tBOOKS\t6o7\nthe crown to Menander's bones. This Congreve of Athens was a nephew of the fertile dramatist Alexis of Thurii, the pupil of Theophrastus, and the friend of Epicurus; from them he learned the secrets of drama, philosophy, and tran\u00ad quillity. He almost realized Aristotle's ideal: he was handsome and rich, con\u00ad templated life with serenity and understanding, and took his pleasures like a gentleman. He was an inconstant lover, content to repay Glycera's devotion by touching her name with immortality. When Ptolemy I invited him to Alex\u00ad andria he sent Philemon in his stead, saying, \"Philemon has no Glycera\"; Gly\u00ad cera, who had suffered much, rejoiced at having triumphed over a king.10 There\u00ad after, we are assured, he lived faithfully with her until, at the age of fifty-two, he died of a cramp while swimming at the Piraeus (292).1\"\nHis first play, as if announcing a new epoch, appeared in the year that fol\u00ad lowed Alexander's death. Thereafter he wrote one hundred and four comedies, eight of which won the first prize. Some four thousand lines remain, all in brief fragments except for a papyrus discovered in Egypt in 1905; this contains half of the Epitrepontes, or The Arbitrants, and has lowered Menander's reputation. We shall waste our reproaches if we complain that the themes of these plays are as monotonous as those of Greek sculpture, architec'.:ure, and pottery; we must remind ourselves that the Greeks judged a work not by the story it told-which is a child's criterion-but by the manner of its telling. What the Greek mind relished in Menander was the neat polish of his style, the philosophy concen\u00ad trated in his wit, and so realistic a portrayal of common scenes that Aristophanes of Byzantium asked, \"O Menander,0  Life, which of you imitated the other?\"\"\nIn a world that had fallen forfeit to soldiers nothing remained, in Menander's\nview, but to contemplate human affairs as a spectator indulgent but uninvolved. He notes the vanities and vacillations of woman, but concedes that the average wife is a blessing. The action of The Arbitrants turns in part upon a rejection of the double standard;18 and of course one play is about the virtuous prostitute who, like Dumas' Lady of the Camellias, refuses the man whom she loves in order to get him respectably married to a profitable wife.10 Lines that are now proverbs appear in the fragments, like \"Evil communications corrupt good manners\" (quoted by St. Paul'\"'), and \"Conscience makes cowards of the bravest men\";m some credit Menander with the original of Terence's famous line-Homo sum, bumani nil a me alienum puto-\"1 am a man, and consider nothing human to be alien to me.\" Occasionally we come upon jewels of insight, as in \"Everything that dies dies by its own corruption; all that injures is within\";111or in these typical verses, prophetic of Menander's early death:\nWhom the gods love, die young; that man is blest Who, having viewed at ease this solemn show\nOf sun, stars, ocean, fire, doth quickly go Back to his home with calm uninjured breast.\n608\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\nBe life or short or long, 'tis manifest\nThou ne'er wilt see things goodlier, Parmeno, Than these; then take thy sojourn here as though Thou wert some playgoer or wedding guest,\nThe sooner sped, the safelier to thy rest.\nWell-furnished, foe to none, with strength at need, Shalt thou return; while he who tarries late\nFaints on the road out-worn, with age oppressed, Harassed by foes whom life's dull tumults breed; Thus ill dies he for whom death long doth wait.\u2022\n(CHAP. XXVI\nTHEOCRITUS\nWhen Philemon died (262) Greek comedy, and in large measure Athenian literature, died with him. The theater flourished, but it produced no master\u00ad pieces that time or scholarship thought fit to preserve; and the repetition of old comedies-chiefly those of Menander and Philemon-more and more crowded out original productions. As the third century ended, the spirit of the gay so\u00ad ciety that had generated the New Comedy died away, and was replaced in Athens by the serious mood of the philosophical schools. Other cities, Alex\u00ad andria in particular, tried to transplant the dramatic art, but failed.\nThe great Library and the scholars whom it had attracted set the tone of Alex\u00ad andrian literature. Books had to meet the tastes of a learned and critical audi\u00ad ence, sophisticated by science and history. Even poetry became erudite, and tried to cover up the poverty of its fancy with recondite allusions and subtle turns of phrase. Callimachus wrote dead hymns to dead gods, pretty epigrams that sparkled for a day, judicious eulogies like Tbe Lock of Berenice, and a didactic poem on Causes ( Aitia) which contained much learned lore from ge\u00ad ography, mythology, and history, and one of the earliest love stories in literature. Acontius, hero of this tale, is incredibly handsome, and Cydippe is painfully beautiful; they fall in love at first sight, are opposed by their money-minded parents, threaten suicide, half die of broken hearts, and finally end the romance with marriage; this is the story that a million poets and novelists have told since then, and which a million more will tell. It must be added, however, that in one of his epigrams Callimachus returned to more orthodox Greek tastes:\nDrink now, and love, Democrates; for we Shall not have wine and boys eternally.\"'\nHis only rival in his century was his pupil Apollonius of Rhodes. When the student poached upon the master's verses and competed for the favor of the Ptolemies, the two men quarreled in life and print, and Apollonius returned to"]
[5.415700435638428, 8.236364364624023, "In the Oeconomicus, however, Xenophon speaks in his own right, and with such frank conservatism that we are charmed despite ourselves. Asked for instruction in agriculture, Socrates modestly confesses his ignorance, but recalls the advice and example of the rich landowner Ischomachus. The latter voices the knightly Xenophon's disdain for any occupation except husbandry and war. He expounds not only the secrets of successful tillage, but the art of managing one's property and one's wife. In pages that for a moment rival the grace of Plato, Ischomachus tells how he taught his bride-only half his age-the business of caring for the home, keeping all things in place, governing her servants with kindness but without familiar\u00ad ity, and building a good name for herself not through artificial beauty but through a faithful performance of her obligations as wife, mother, and friend. In the view of Ischomachus-Xenophon marriage is an economic as well as a physical association, and decays when the silent partner does all the work. Perhaps the readiness with which the young bride accepts all this is merely the devout wish of a general who won no victories on the domestic battlefield; but we should be willing to believe everything in the account except the tale of how lschomachus, with but a moment's reason\u00ad ing, persuaded his wife to abandon powder and rouge.20\nHaving expounded the art of marriage, Xenophon describes in the Cyro\u00ad paedia (i.e., The Education of Cyrus) his ideals of schooling and govern\u00ad ment, as if in answer to Plato's Republic. Cleverly adapting fictitious biog\u00ad raphy to the uses of philosophy, he gives an imaginary account of the training, career, and administration of Cyrus the Great. He makes the story dramatically personal, enlivens it with dialogue, and decorates it with the oldest romantic love story in extant literature. He almost ignores cultural education,. and concentrates upon making the boy a healthy, able, and honorable man; the youth learns the virile sports, the arts of war, the habit of silent obedience, and finally the capacity for effective and persuasive command over subordinates. The best government, Xenophon thinks, is\nCHAP. XX)  LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t491\nan enlightened monarchy supported and checked by an aristocracy de\u00ad voted to agricultural and military pursuits. He admires the laws of Persia for rewarding good as well as punishing evil,21 and points out to the in\u00ad dividualistic Greeks, from the example of Persia, the possibility of uniting many cities and states in\u2022 an empire enjoying internal order and peace. Xenophon began, like Philip, with a vision of conquest; he ends, like Alex\u00ad ander, captivated by the people whom he thought to conquer.\nHe is a masterly storyteller, but a middling philosopher. He is an ama\u00ad teur in everything but war; he considers a hundred subjects, but always from the viewpoint of a general. He exaggerates the virtues of order and has not a word to say for liberty; we may judge from this how far disorder had gone in Athens. If antiquity ranked him with Herodotus and Thucyd\u00ad ides it must have been because of his style-the fresh charm of its Attic purity, the harmonious flo of a prose that Cicero called \"sweeter than honey,\"'\" the human touches of personality, the transparent simplicity of language that allows the reader to see through the clear medium the\nthought or subject in hand. Xenophon and Plato stand to Thucydides and Socrates in the same relation as Apelles and Praxiteles to Polygnotus and Pheidias-the culmination of artistry and grace after an age of creative originality and power.\nAPELLES\nThe highest excellence of the fourth century lay not in literature but in philosophy and art. In art, as in politics, the individual liberated himself from the temple, the state, the tradition, and the school. As patriotic devotion yielded to private loyalties, architecture took on a more modest scale, and became increasingly secular; the great choral forms of music and dance made way for pr vate performances by professionals; painting and sculpture continued to adorn public buildings with the representation of gods or noble human types, but at the same time they entered upon that service and portrayal of living individuals which characterized the succeeding age. Where cities could still afford to patronize art on a national scale it was because-like Cnidus, Hali\u00ad camassus, or Ephesus-they had not been deeply touched by war, or, like Syracuse, had found in natural resources and governmental order the means of a rapid recovery.\nOn the mainland architecture marked time. In 338 Lycurgus rebuilt the Theater of Dionysus, the Stadium, and the Ly,;:eum; and under his adminis\u00ad tration Philon raised an impressive arsenal at the Piraeus. As the tendency to a delicate refinement increased, the Doric order became less fashionable, irs-\n492\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XX\nstem simplicity finding no counterpart in the soul; the Ionic style rose in popularity, and served as an architectural analogue to Praxiteles' elegance and Plato's charm; while the Corinthian order made modest conquests in the Tower of the Winds and the choragic monument of Lysicrates. At Arcadian Tegea Scopas raised a temple of Athena in all three styles-one colonnade Doric, another Ionic, another Corinthian28-and beautified it with statuary from his own masculine hand.\nVaster and more famous was the third temple of Artemis at Ephesus. The second temple had burned down on the day of Alexander's birth in 356, a coin\u00ad cidence which, says the usually kindly Plutarch, Hegesias of Magnesia \"made the occasion of a conceit frigid enough to have stopped the conflagration.'* The new building was begun soon afterward, and was completed by the end of the century. Alexander offered to bear the whole cost of the work if his name as donor were recorded on the edifice; but the proud Greeks of Ephesus refused for the disarming (or possibly satirical) reason that \"it was not meet for one god to build a temple to another.''\"' Nevertheless, Alexander's favorite architect, Dinocrates, designed the temple, on a scale that made it the largest in Bellas. Thirty-six of the columns were carved with bas-reliefs by various sculptors, including the ubiquitous Scopas; one sculptured column drum sur\u00ad vives in the British Museum, as if to prove by its drapery alone that Greek sculpture was still near the height of its curve. The heads of the figures are not immobile and idealized types, but individualized faces alive with feeling and character-a premonition of Hellenistic realism.\nAt the opposite extreme of size the fourth century distinguished itself in terra-cotta statuettes. Boeotian Tanagra made its name synonymous with little figures in baked and unglazed clay, cast in generalized types but then molded and painted by hand into a thousand individual shapes quick with the color and variety of common life. As in earlier centuries, painting was called in to aid other arts; but now it acquired an independent status and dignity, and its mas\u00ad ters received commissions from all the Greek world. Pamphilus of Amphipolis, who taught Apelles, refused to take any pupil for less than twelve years, and charged $6000 for the course. Mnason, dictator of Locrian Elatea, paid ten minas for each of the hundred figures in a battle scene by Aristides of Thebes, making $100,000 for one painting; and the same enthusiast gave Asclepiodorus\n$360,000 for a panel of the twelve major Olympians. Lucullus paid $12,000\nfor a copy of the portrait that Pausias of Sicyon had painted of Menander's mistress Glycera.\u2022 A picture by Apelles, says Pliny, sold for a sum equal to the treasuries of whole cities.\"'\n\"Apelles of Cos,\" says the same enthusiastic amateur, \"surpassed all the other painters who either preceded or succeeded him. Singlehanded, he\nCHAP. xx)  LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t493\ncontributed more to painting than all the others together.',. Apelles must have been supreme in his day and art, since he could afford the rare extrava\u00ad gance of praising other painters. Learning that his greatest rival, Protog\u00ad enes, was living in poverty, Apelles sailed for Rhodes to visit him. Pro\u00ad togenes, unwarned, was not in his studio when Apelles came. An old woman attendant asked Apelles whom she should name as visitor when her master returned. Apelles replied only by taking a brush and tracing upon a panel, with one stroke, an outline of exceeding fineness. When Protogenes came back the old woman regretted that she could not tell him the name of his departed visitor; but Protogenes, seeing the outline and noting its deli\u00ad\ncacy, exclaimed: \"Only Apelles could have drawn that line.\" Then he drew a still finer line within that of Apelles, and bade the woman show it if the stranger should return. Apelles came, marveled at the absent; Protog\u00ad enes' skill, but drew, between the two lines, a third of such slenderness and grace that when Protogenes saw it he confessed himself surpassed, and rushed to the harbor to detain and welcome Apelles. The panel was trans\u00ad mitted as a masterpiece from generation to generation, until it was bought by Julius Caesar and perished in the fire that destroyed his palace on the\nPalatine Hill. Anxious to awaken the Greek world to Protogenes' worth, Apelles asked him what he wanted for some of his paintings; Protogenes mentioned a modest sum, but Apelles offered him, instead, fifty talents ($300,000), and then circulated a report that he intended to sell these works as his own. The Rhodians, aroused to a better appreciation of their artist, paid Protogenes more than the sum Apelles had named, and kept the pic\u00ad tures among the public treasures of the city.\u2022\nApelles meanwhile had captured the plaudits of the Greek world by his painting of Aphrodite Anadyomene-i.e., Aphrodite rising from the sea. Alexander sent for him, and sat for many portraits. The young conqueror was not satisfied with the representation of his horse Bucephalus in one of these pictures, and had the animal brought closer to the panel for compari\u00ad son. Bucephalus, looking at the picture, whinnied; whereupon Apelles remarked, \"Your Majesty's horse seems to know more about painting than you do.\"80 On another occasion, when the King was holding forth about art in Apelles' studio, Apelles begged him to talk of anything else, lest the boys who were grinding the colors should laugh at him. Alexander took it good-naturedly; and when he engaged the artist to paint his favorite con\u00ad cubine, and Apelles fell in love with her, the King sent her to him as a gift.11\n-Over his finished pictures Apelles painted a thin coat of varnish, which preserved the colors, softened their glare, and yet made them livelier than\n494\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XX\nbefore. He worked to the last, and death came upon him while he was once more delineating the eternal Aphrodite.\nPRAXITELES"]
[-0.8727455735206604, 4.727404594421387, "CHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\ncampaign: \"She could not stand up against a single defeat,\" says Aristotle, \"but was ruined through the small number of her citizens.\"'\nWinter coming, the Thebans withdrew to Boeotia. Epaminondas, over\u00ad reaching himself in typical Greek style, began to dream now of establish\u00ad ing a Theban Empire to replace the unity that Athenian or Spartan lead\u00ad ership had once given to Greece. His plans involved him in a war with the Athenians; and Sparta, thinking to rehabilitate herself, made an alliance with Athens. The hostile armies met at Mantinea in 362. Epaminondas won, but was killed in action by Gryllus, son of Xenophon. The brief hegemony of Thebes left no permanent boon to Bellas; it liberated Greece from the despotism of Sparta, but failed, like its predecessors, to create beyond Boeotia a coherent unity; and the conflicts that it engendered left the Greek states disordered and weakened when Philip came down upon them from the north.\nTHE SECOND ATHENIAN EMPIRE\nAthens made a final attempt to forge such a unity. Through her rebuilt walls and fleet, the dependability of her coinage, her long-established facili\u00ad ties for finance and trade, she slowly won back commercial supremacy in the Aegean. Her former subjects and allies had learned from the wars of the last half century the need for a larger security than individual sov\u00ad ereignty could bring; and in 378 the majority of them combined again under Athens' leadership. By 370 Athens was once more the greatest power in the eastern Mediterranean.\nIndustry and trade were now the substance of her economic life. The soil of Attica had never been propitious to common tillage; patient labor had made it fruitful through tending the olive tree and the vine; but the Spartans had destroyed these, and few of the peasants were willing to wait half a generation for new olive orchards to yield. Most of the farmers of prewar days were dead; many of the survivors were too discouraged to go back to their ruined holdings, and sold them at low prices to absentee owners who could afford long-term investments. In this way, and through the eviction of peasant debtors, the ownership of Attica passed into a few families, who worked many of the large estates with slaves.10 The mines at Laurium were reopened, fresh vicrlms were sent into the pits, and new riches were transmuted but of silver ore and human blood. Xenophon\" proposed a genial plan whereby Athens might replenish her treasury through the purchase of ten thousand slaves and their lease to the con-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\ntractors at Laurium. Silver was mined in such abundance th c the supply of the metal outran the production of goods, prices rose faster than wages, and the poor bore the burden of the change.\nIndustry flourished. The quarries at Pentelicus and the potteries in the Ceramicus had orders from all the Aegean world. Fortunes were made by buying cheap the products of domestic handicraft or small factories, and selling them dear in the home market or abroad. The growth of com\u00ad merce and the accumulation of wealth in money instead of in land rapidly multiplied the number of bankers in Athens. They received cash or valu\u00ad ables for safekeeping, but apparently paid no interest on deposits. Soon discovering that under normal conditions not all deposits were reclaimed at once, the bankers began to lend funds at substantial rates of interest, providing, at first, money instead of credit. They acted as bail for clients, and made collections for them; they lent money on the security of land or precious articles, and helped to finance the shipment of goods. Through their aid, and even more through speculative loans by private individuals, the merchant might hire a ship, transport his goods to a foreign market, and buy there a return cargo-which, on reaching the Piraeus, remained the property of the lenders until the loan was repaid.12 As the fourth century progressed, a real credit system developed: the bankers, instead of advancing cash, issued letters of credit, money orders, or checks; wealth could now pass from one client to another merely by entries in the banker's books.a Businessmen or bankers issued bonds for mercantile loans, and every large inheritance included a number of such bonds. Some bankers, like the ex\u00ad slave Pasion, developed so many connections, and acquired by a dis\u00ad criminating honesty so widespread a reputation for reliability, that their bond was honored throughout the Greek world. Pasion's bank had many departments and employees, mostly slaves; it kept a complex set of books, in which every transaction was so carefully recorded that these accounts were usually accepted in court as indisputable evidence. Bank failures were not uncommon, and we hear of \"panics\" in which bank after bank closed its doors.\" Serious charges of malfeasance were brought against even the most prominent banks, and the people looked upon the bankers with that same mixture of envy, admiration, and dislike with which the poor favor the rich in all ages.\"\"\nThe change from landed to movable wealth produced a feverish strug\u00ad gle for money, and the Greek language had to invent a word, pleonexia, to denote this appetite for \"more and more,\" and another word, chrematistike, for the busy pursuit of riches. Goods, services, and persons were increas-\nCHAP.XIX)\tPHILIP\t46_;\ningly judged in terms of money and property. Fortunes were made and unmade with a new rapidity, and were spent in lavish displays that would have shocked the Athens of Pericles. The nouveaux riches (the Greeks had a name for them-neoplutoi) built gaudy houses, bedecked their women with costly robes and jewels, spoiled them with a dozen servants, and made it a principle to feed their guests with none but expensive drinks and foods...\nIn the midst of this wealth poverty increased, for the same variety apd freedom of exchange that enabled the clever to make money allowed the simple to lose it faster than before. Under the new mercantile economy the poor were relatively poorer than in the days of their serfdom on the land. In the countryside the peasants laboriously turned their sweat into a little oil or wine; in the towns the wages of free labor were kept down by the competition of slaves. Hundreds of citizens depended for their maintenance upon the fees paid for attendance at the Assembly or the courts; thousands of the population had to be fed by the temples or the state. The number of voters (not to speak of the general population) who had no property was in 43 I some forty-five per cent of the electorate; in 355 it had mounted to fifty-seven per cent.\" The middle classes, which had provided by their aggregate number and power a balance between the aristocracy and the commons, had lost much of their wealth, and could no longer mediate between the rich and the poor, between an unyielding conservatism and a utopian radicalism; Athenian society divided itself into Plato's \"two cities\"-\"one the city of the poor, the other of the rich, the one at war with the other.\",. The poor schemed to despoil the rich by legislation or revolution, the rich organized themselves for protection against the poor. The members of some oligarchic clubs, says Aristotle, took a solemn oath: \"I will be an adversary of the people\" (i.e., the com\u00ad mons), \"and in the Council I will do it all the evil that I can.':ns \"The rich have become so unsocial,\" writes Isocrates, about 366, \"that those who own property had rather throw their possessions into the sea than lend aid to the needy, while those who are in poorer circumstances would less gladly find a treasure than seize the possessions of the rich.\"\"\"\nIn this conflict more and more of the intellectual classes took the side of the poor.11 They disdained the merchants and bankers whose wealth seemed to be in inverse proportion to their culture and taste; even rich men among them, like Plato, began to flirt with communistic ideas. Peri\u00ad cles had used colonization as a safety valve to reduce the intensity of the class struggle;\"\" but Dionysius controlled the west, Macedonia was expand-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\ning in the north, and Athens found it ever more difficult to conquer and settle new lands. Finally the poorer citizens captured the Assembly, and began to vote the property of the rich into the coffers of the state, for redistribution ameng the needy and the voters through state enterprises and fees.\"\" The politicians strained their ingenuity to discover new sources of public revenue. They doubled the indirect taxes, the customs dues on imports and exports, and the hundredth on real-estate transfers; they con\u00ad tinued the extraordinary taxes of war time into peace; they appealed for \"voluntary\" contributions, and laid upon the rich ever new opportunities (\"liturgies\") to finance public enterprises from their private funds; they resorted every now and then to confiscations and expropriations; and they broadened the field of the property-income tax to include lower levels of wealth.IN Any man burdened with a liturgy could by law compel another to take it over if he could prove that the other was wealthier than he, and had home no liturgy within two years. To facilitate the collection of rev\u00ad enue the taxpayers were divided into a hundred \"symmories\" (cosharers); the richest members of each group were required to pay, at the opening of each tax year, the whole tax due from the group for the year, and were left to collect during the year, as best they could, the shares due from the other members of the group. The result of these imposts was a wholesale hiding of wealth and income. Evasion became universal, and as ingenious as taxation. In 355 Androtion was appointed to head a squad of police em\u00ad powered to search for hidden income, collect arrears, and imprison tax evaders. Houses were entered, goods were seized, men were thrown into jail. But the wealth still hid itself, or melted away. Isocrates, old and rich, and furious at being saddled with a liturgy, complained in 353: \"When I was a boy, wealth was regarded as a thing so secure as well as admirable that almost everyone affected to own more property than he actually possessed.\n. . . Now a man has to be ready to defend himself against being rich as if it were the worst of crimes.\"\"\" In other cities the process of decentralizing wealth was not so legal: the debtors of Mytilene massacred their creditors en masse, and excused themselves on the ground that they were hungry; the democrats of Argos {370) suddenly fell upon the rich, killed twelve hundred of them, and confiscated their property. The moneyed families of otherwise hostile states leagued themselves secretly for mutual aid against popular revolts. The middle classes, as well as the rich, began to distrust democracy as empowered envy, and the poor began to distrust it as a sham equality of votes stultified by a gaping inequality of wealth. The increas\u00ad\ning bitterness of the class war left Greece internally as well as internation-\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\nally divided when Philip pounced down upon it; and many rich men in the Greek cities welcomed his coming as the alternative to revolution.\u2022\nMoral disorder accompanied the growth of luxury and the enlighten\u00ad ment of the mind. The masses cherished their superstitions and clung to their myths; the gods of Olympus were dying, but new ones were being born; exotic divinities like Isis and Ammon, Atys and Bendis, Cybele and Adonis were imported from Egypt or Asia, and the spread of Orphism brought fresh devotees to Dionysus every day. The rising and half-alien bourgeoisie of Athens, trained to practical calculation rather than to mystic feeling, had little use for the traditional faith; the patron gods of the city won from them only a formal reverence, and no longer inspired them with moral scruples or devotion to the state.\u2022 Philosophy struggled to find in civic loyalty and a natural ethic some substitute for divine commandments and a surveillant deity; but few citizens cared to live with the simplicity of Socrates, or the magnanimity of Aristotle's \"great-minded man.\"\nAs the state religion lost its hold upon the educated classes, the individual freed himself more and more from the old moral restraints-the son from parental authority, the male from marriage, the woman from motherhood, the citizen from political responsibility. Doubtless Aristophanes exagger\u00ad ated these developments; and though Plato, Xenophon, and Isocrates agreed with him, they were all conservatives who might be relied upon to trem\u00ad ble at any doings of the growing generation. The morals, of war improved\nin the founh century, and a wave of Enlightenment humanitarianism fol\u00ad lowed the teachings of Euripides and Socrates, and the example f. Ages\u00ad\nilaus.\" But sexual and political morality continued to decline. Bachelors and courtesans increased in fashionable co-operation, and free unions gained ground on legal marriage... \"Is not a concubine more desirable than a wife?\" asks a character in a fourth-century comedy. \"The one has on her side the law that compels you to retain her, no matter how displeasing she may be; the other knows that she must hold a man by behaving well, or else look for another.\".. So Praxiteles and then Hypereides lived with Phryne, Aristippus with Lais, Stilpo with Nicarete, Lysias with Metaneira, the austere Isocrates with Lagiscium... \"The youl)g men,\" says Theopom\u00ad pus, with a moralist's exaggeration, \"sperit all their time among flute-girls and courtesans; those who were a little older devoted themselves to gam-\n\"Now that a certain portion of mankind,\" says Plato (Laws, 948), \"do not believe at all in the existence of the gods ... a rational legislanon ought to do away with the oaths of the parties on either side.\""]
[3.0478856563568115, -16.70718765258789, "-or subscriptiones, brief replies \"written under\" a question or petition. The wise and pithy letters in which Trajan answered the requests of governmental ap\u00ad paintees for instruction were incorporated into the laws of the Empire and kept their validity long after his death. (d) The mandata of the emperors were their directives to officials; in the course of time these came to constitute a detailed code of administrative law.\nUnder certain circumstances law could be created by the responsa pru\u00ad dentium. It must have been a pleasant sight when learned jurists sat in chairs in the open Forum (or, in later decades, in their homes), and gave legal opinions to all who asked, taking their chances on some indirect remuneration. Often their advice was solicited by lawyers or municipal judges. Like the great rabbis of the Jews they reconciled contradictions, drew subtle distinctions, interpreted and adjusted the ancient law to the needs of life or the exigencies of palitics. Their written replies, by unwritten custom, had an authority only less than the law's. Augustus gave such opinions full legal force on two conditions; that the jurist should have received from the Emperor the ius respondendi, or right of giving legal opinions; and that the reply should be sent under seal to the judge trying the case in point. By the time of Justinian these responsa had become a vast school and literature of law, the fountain and foundation of his culminating Digest and Code.\nTHE LAW OF PERSONS\n\"All law,\" says the precise Gaius, \"pertains to persons, to property, or to procedure.\" 3 The word persona had signified an actor's mask; later it was applied to the part played by a man in life; finally it came to mean the man himself-as if to say that we can never know a man, but only the parts he plays, the mask or masks that he wears.\nThe first person in Roman law was the citizen. He was defined as any\u00ad one who had been accepted into a Roman tribe by birth, adoption, emanci\u00ad pation, or governmental grant. vVichin this franchise were three grades: ( 1) full citizens, who enjoyed the fourfold right of voting (ius suffragii), of holding office (ius ho11orum), of marriage with a freeborn person (ius\nCHAP. XVIII)\tROMAN  LAW\t395\nconnubii), and of engaging in commercial contracts protected by Roman law (ius c01mnercii); (2) \"citizens without suffrage,\" who had the rights of marriage and contract, but not of voting or office; and (3) freedmen, who had the rights of voting and contract, but not of marriage or office. The full citizen had, furthermore, certain exclusive rights in private law: the power of the father over his children (patria potestas), of the husband over his wife (manus), of an owner over his property, including his slaves (dominium), and of a freeman over another by contract (mancipium) . A kind of potential citizenship, called Latinitas or ius Latii, was conferred by Rome upon the free inhabitants of favored towns and colonies, whereby they acquired the right of contract, but not of intermarriage, with Romans, and their magistrates received full Roman citizenship upon completing their terms of office. Each city of the Empire had its own citizens and condi\u00ad tions of citizenship; and by a unique tolerance a man might be a citizen\u00ad and enjoy the civic rights-of several cities at once. The most precious privi\u00ad lege of a Roman citizen was the safeguarding of his person, property, and rights by the law, and his immunity from torture or violence in the trying of his case. It was the glory of Roman law that it protected the individual against the state.\nThe second person in Roman law was the father. The patria potestas had\nbeen weakened by the spread of law into areas formerly governed by custom; but we may judge its surviving force from the fact that when Aulus Fulvius set out to join Catiline's army, his father called him back and put him to death. In general, however, the power of the father declined as that of the government rose; democracy entered the family when it left the state. In the early Republic the fathers had been the state; the family heads formed the Curial Assembly, and the clan heads probably constituted the Senate. Rule through family and clan diminished as population became more abundant and diverse, and life more mobile, commercial, and complex; kinship, status, and custom were replaced by contract and law.4 Children on greater freedom from their parents, wives from their husbands, indi\u00ad viduals from their groups. Trajan compelled a father to emancipate a son whom he had maltreated; Hadrian took from the father the right of life and death over his household and transferred it to the courts; Antoninus forbade a father to sell his children into slavery.5 Custom had long since reduced the use of these old powers to rare occurrences. Law tends to lag behind moral development, not because law cannot learn, but because ex\u00ad perience has shown the wisdom of testing new ways in practice before con\u00ad gealing them into law.\nThe Roman woman gained new rights as the man lost old ones; but she was clever enough to disguise her freedom under continuing legal disa-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVIII\nbilities. The law of the Republic assumed that she was never sui iuris, \"of her own right,\" but always dependent upon some male guardian; \"according to our ancestors,\" said Gaius, \"even women of mature age must be kept in tutelage because of the lightness of their minds.\" 6 In the later Republic and under the Empire this legal dependence was largely annulled by femi\u00ad nine charms and willfulness, abetted by male susceptibility and affection. From Cato the Elder to Commodus Roman society, legally patriarchal, was ruled by women, with all the graceful mastery of Renaissance Italian or Bourbon French salons. The laws of Augustus made some obeisance to the facts by releasing from tutela any woman who had borne three legitimate children.7 Hadrian decreed that women might dispose of their property as they liked, provided they obtained the consent of their guardians; but actual procedure soon dispensed with this consent. By the end of the second cen\u00ad tury all compulsory tutelage was ended in law for free women over twenty-five.\t\u2022\nThe consent of both fathers was still required for legal marriage.8 Mar\u00ad riage by confarreatio was now (A.D. 160) confined to a few Senatorial families. Marriage by purchase (coemptio) lingered as a form; the bride\u00ad groom paid for the bride by weighing an as or an ingot of bronze in a scale before five witnesses, her father or her guardian having consented.9 Most marriages were now by usus, i.e., cohabitation. To avoid falling under the manus or proprietory power of her husband, the wife absented herself three nights in each year; thereby she retained control of her property, excepting her dowry. Indeed, the husband often put his property in his wife's name to avoid suits for damages or the penalties of bankruptcy.10 Such marriage sine 11w11t could be ended by either party at will; marriage by other forms could be ended only by the husband. Adultery was still a minor offense in the man; in the woman it was a major offense against the institutions of property and inheritance. But th.!:! husband no longer had the right to kill his wife taken in adultery; this right was now vested tech\u00ad nically in her father, actually in the courts; and the penalty was banishment. Concubinage was recognized by the law as a substitute for marriage, but not as an accompaniment to it; and a man could not legally have two concubines at once. Children by a concubine were classed as illegitimate and could not inherit-,vhich made concubinage all the more attractive to men who liked to be courted by hunters of legacies. Vespasian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius lived in concubinage after the death of their wives.11\nThe law struggled to encourage parentage among the freeborn, but with negligible results. Infanticide was forbidden except in the case of infants deformed or incurably diseased. The detected procurer of abortion was banished and lost part of his property; if the woman died he was to be put\nCHAP. XVIII)\tROMAN  LAW\t397\nto death; 12 these laws, of course, were largely evaded then as now. Children of any age remained under the authority of the father except when thrice sold by him into bondage, or when formally emancipated, or when the son held a public office or became a fitrmen dialis, or when a daughter married cum manu or became a Vestal Virgin. If a son married in the lifetime of his father, the patria potestas over the grandchildren resided in the grandfather.13 By the legislation of Augustus the earnings of a son in the army, in public office, in priestly orders, or in the liberal professions were freed from the old rule that such gains belonged to the father. A son might still be sold into bondage (mancipium); but this differed from slavery (servitus) in leav\u00ad ing the bondsman with his former civic rights.\nThe slave had no legal rights whatever; indeed, Roman law hesitated to apply the term persona to him and compromised by calling him an \"imper\u00ad sonal man.\" 14 It is only by a considerate error that Gaius discusses him under the law of persons; logically the slave came under the rubric of prop\u00ad erty (res). He could not own, inherit, or bequeath; he could not make a legal marriage; his children were all classed as illegitimate, and the children of a slave woman were classed as slaves even if the father was free.15 Slaves male or female might be seduced by their master without legal redress. The slave could not bring action in the courts against those who injured him; he could proceed in such a case only through his owner. The latter, under the law of the Republic, could beat him, imprison him, condemn him to fight beasts in the arena, expose him to die of starvation, or kill him, with cause or without, and with no other control than a public opinion formed by slaveowners. If a slave ran away and was caught he could be branded or crucified; Augustus boasted that he had recaptured 30,000 runaway slaves and had crucified all who had not been claimed.16 If, under these or other provocations, a slave killed his master, law required that all the slaves of the murdered man should be put to death. ,Yhen Pedanius Secundus, urban prefect, was so slain (A.D. 61), and his 400 slaves were condemned to die, a minority in the Senate protested, and an angry crowd in the streets de\u00ad manded mercy; but the Senate ordered the law to be carried out, in the belief that only by such measures could a master be secure.17\nIt is to the credit of the Empire-or perhaps of the diminishing supply of slaves-that their condition was progressively improved under the emperors. Claudius prohibited the killing of a useless slave and ruled that an abandoned sick slave who recovered should become automatically free. The lex Petronia, probably under Nero, forbade owners, without a magistrate's approval, to condemn slaves to fight in the arena. Nero allowed maltreated slaves to use his statue as an asylum and appointed a judge to hear their complaints\u00ad a modest advance that seemed revolutionary to Rome, since it opened the\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. xvm\ncourts to slaves. Domitian made it a criminal offense to mutilate slaves for sensual purposes. Hadrian ended the right of the owner to kill a slave with\u00ad out magisterial sanction. Antoninus Pius permitted an abused slave to take sanctuary in any temple and had him sold to another master if he could prove injury. Marcus Aurelius encouraged owners to bring before the courts, rather than themselves punish, damages sustained by them from their slaves; in this way, he hoped, law and judgment would gradually re\u00ad place brutality and private revenge.18 Finally a great jurist of the third cen\u00ad tury, Ulpian, proclaimed what only a few philosophers had dared suggest\u00ad that \"by the law of Nature all men are equal.\" 19 Other jurists laid it down a maxim that where the freedom or slavery of a man was in question, all doubts should favor liberty.20\nDespite these mitigations, the legal subjection of slaves is the worst blot on Roman law. The last indignity was the tax and restrictions upon emanci\u00ad pation. Many owners evaded the lex Fufia Canina by informally freeing a slave without official witness or legal ceremony; such liberation, however, conferred not citizenship but only Latinitas. The slave freed by process of law became a citizen with limited civic rights; but custom required him to pay his respects to his former owner every morning, attend him when needed, vote for him at every opportunity, and, in some cases, pay him a portion of all money earned. If the freedman died intestate, his property went automatically to his living patron; if he made a will he was expected to leave him a part of his estate.21 Only when the master was dead, dutifully mourned, and safely buried could the freedman really breathe the air of freedom.\nTo these general divisions of the law of persons must be added the legisla\u00ad tion which in modem codes is separately known as criminal law. Roman jurisprudence recognized crimes against the individual, the state, and social or business groups considered as juridical persons. Against the state one might be guilty of maiestas, treason by act or word; vis publica, sedition; sacrilegiu111, offenses against the state religion; crmbitus, bribery; crimen repetundaru111, extortion or corruption in public administration; peculatus, embezzlement of state funds; and corruptio judicis, bribery of a judge or juryman; from this partial list we may see that corruption has an ancient pedigree and a probable future. Against the individual one could commit iniuria, physical injury; fa/sum, deception; stuprum, indecency; and caedes, murder. Cicero mentions a lex Scantinia against pederasty; 22 Aug-.istus cor\u00ad rected the error with a fine, Martial with epigrams, Domitian with death. Personal injury was no longer punished with equivalent retaliation, as in the Twelve Tables, but by a fine. Suicide was no crime; on the contrary, before\nCHAP. XVIII)\tROMAN  LAW\t399\nDomitian, it was in some sense rewarded; a man condemned to death could usually, by suicide, ensure the validation of his will and the unimpeded trans\u00ad mission of his property to his heirs. The law left the last choice free.\nTHE LAW  OF PROPERTY"]
[-1.914350986480713, -16.794355392456055, "were at their height. Playing upon him ,vith all her charms, she persuaded him to adopt Nero as his son, and to give his thirteen-year-old daughter Oct::!via to the sixteen-year-old youth in marriage (53). She assumed more and more political power with each year, and finally sat beside him on the imperial dais. She recalled the philosopher Seneca from the exile to which Claudius had condemned him, and made him the tutor of her son (49); and she had her friend Burrus appointed prefect of the Praetorian Guard. So poised, she ruled with a virile hand and established order and economy in the imperial household. Her ascendancy might have been a boon to Rome had she not indulged her avarice and her revenge. She had Lollia Paulina put to death because Claudius, in a careless moment which no wife forgives, remarked on the elegance of Lollia's figure. She had Marcus Silanus poisoned because she feared that Claudius might name him his heir. She conspired with Pallas to overthrow Narcissus, and this moneyed potentate, as faithful as he was corrupt, ended his career in a dungeon. The Emperor, weakened by ill\u00ad health, many labors, and sexual enterprise, allowed Pallas and Agrippina to establish another reign of terror. Men were accused, exiled, or killed because\n\" Ferrero 56 and Bury 57 have tried to explain away J\\lessalina's bigamy, but Tacitus vouches for the story as \"well attested bv writers of the period, and by grave and elderly men who lived at the time, and were informed of e\\\u00b7cry circumstance.\" 5B\n274\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nthe Treasury was exhausted by public works and games and needed replen\u00ad ishment by confiscated wealth. Thirty-five senators and 300 knights were condemned to death in the thirteen years of Claudius' reign. Some of these executions may have been justified by actual conspiracy or crime; we do not know. Nero later claimed that he had examined all the papers of Oaudius, and that from these it appeared that not one prosecution had been set on foot by the Emperor's order.60\nAfter five years of his fifth marriage Claudius awakened to what Agrip\u00ad pina was doing. He resolved to put an end to her power, and circumvent her plans for Nero, by naming Britannicus his heir. But Agrippina had more determination and less scruple. Perceiving the Emperor's intentions she risked everything: she fed Claudius poisonous mushrooms, and he died after twelve hours of agony, without being able to utter a word (54). When the Senate deified him, Nero, already enthroned, remarked that mushrooms must be the food of the gods, since by eating them Claudius had become divine.61\nJV. NERO\nOn his father's side Nero belonged to the Domitii Ahenobarbi-so named from the bronzelike beards that ran in the family. For five hundred years they had been famous in Rome for ability, recklessness, haughtiness, courage, and cruelty. Nero's paternal grandfather had a passion for games and the stage; drove a chariot in the races, spent money with open hand on wild beasts and gladiatorial shows, and had to be reproved by Augustus for bar\u00ad barous treatment of his employees and slaves. He married Antonia, daughter of Antony and Octavia. Their son Cnaeus Domitius enhanced the reputation of the family by adultery, incest, brutality, and treason. In A.D. 28 he married the second Agrippina, then thirteen years old. Knowing his wife's ancestry and his own, he concluded that \"no good man can possibly be born from us.\" 62 They named their only child Lucius, and added the cognomen Nero, meaning, in the Sabine tongue, valiant and strong.\nThe chief authors of his education were Chaeremon the Stoic, who taught him Greek, and Seneca, who taught him literature and morals but not philos\u00ad ophy. Agrippina forbade the last on the ground that it would unfit Nero for government;63 the result was creditable to philosophy. Like many a teacher, Seneca complained that his labors were thwaned by the mother: the boy would run to her when reproved, and was sure to be comfoned. Seneca sought to train him in modesty and courtesy, simplicity and stoicism. If he could not retail to him the doctrines and disputes of the philosophers, he could at least dedicate to him the eloquent philosophical treatises that he was\nCHAP. XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF MON ARCHY\t275\ncomposing, and hope that someday his pupil might read them. The young prince was a good student, wrote forgivable poetry, and addressed the Sen\u00ad ate in the graceful manner of his master. When Claudius died, Agrippina had no great difficulty in securing the confirmation of her son on the throne, especially since her friend Burrus brought to him the full support of the Guard.\nNero rewarded the soldiers with a donative, and gave 400\tsesterces to every citizen. He pronounced over his predecessor a eulogy composed by the same Seneca 64 who would soon publish, anonymously, a pitiless satire (Apocolocyntosis or Pumpkinification) on the late Emperor's ejection from Olympus. Nero made the usual obeisance to the Senate, modestly excused his youth, and announced that of the powers heretofore taken by the prince he would keep only the command of the armies-a highly practical choice for the pupil of a philosopher. The promise was probably sincere, since Nero kept it faithfully for five years 65-that quinquennium N eronis which Trajan later accounted the best period in the history of the imperial govemment.66 vVhen the Senate proposed that statues of gold and silver should be raised in his honor, the seventeen-year-old Emperor rejected the offer; when two men were indicted for favoring Britannicus, he had the accusations with\u00ad drawn; and in a speech to the Senate he pledged himself to observe through\u00ad out his reign that virtue of mercy which Seneca was then extolling in an essay De clementia. Asked to sign a death warrant for a condemned criminal, he sighed, \"Would that I had never learned to write!\" He abolished or re\u00ad duced oppressive taxes, and gave annuities to distinguished but impoverished senators. Recognizing his immaturity, he allowed Agrippina to administer his affairs; she received embassies, and had her image engraved beside his own on the imperial coins. Alarmed by this matriarchate, Seneca and Burrus conspired, by playing upon Nero's pride, to win from her the administration of his powers. The infuriated mother announced that Britannicus was the true heir to the throne, and threatened to unmake her son as decisively as she had made him. Nero countered by having Britannicus poisoned. Agrippina retired to her villas and wrote her Memoirs as a last vindictive stroke-black\u00ad ening all the enemies of herself and her mother, and providing Tacitus and Suetonius with that museum of horrors from which they drew the darker colors for their portraits of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero.\nUnder the guidance of the philosopher-premier, and on the impetus of the administrative organization already devised, the Empire prospered within and without. The frontiers were well guarded, the Black Sea was cleared of pirates, Corbulo brought Armenia back under Rome's protectorate, and Parthia signed a peace that endured for fifty years. Corruption was reduced in the courts and the provinces, bureaucratic personnel was improved, the\n276\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nTreasury was managed with economy and wisdom. Probably at Seneca's suggestion Nero made the far-reaching proposal to abolish all indirect taxes, especially the customs duties collected at frontiers and ports, and so estab\u00ad lish free trade throughout the Empire. The measure was defeated in the Senate through the influence of the tax-gathering corporations-a defeat which indicates that the Principate was still recognizing its constitutional limits.\nTo divert Nero from interference with state affairs, Seneca and Burrus allowed him to indulge his sensuality unrestrained. \"At a time when vice had charms for all orders of men,\" says Tacitus,67 \"it was not expected that the sovereign should lead a life of austerity and self-denial.\" Nor could religious belief encourage Nero to morality; a smattering of philosophy had liberated his intellect without maturing his judgment. \"He despised all cults,\" says Suetonius, \"and voided his bladder upon an image of the god\u00ad dess whom he most respected, Cybele.\" 68 His instincts inclined him to excessive eating, exotic desires, extravagant banquets where the flowers alone cost 4,000,000 sesterces;69 only misers, he said, counted what they spent. He admired and envied Caius Petronius, for that rich aristocrat taught him new ways of combining vice with taste. Petronius, says Tacitus in a classic description of the epicurean's ideal,\npassed his days in sleep, and his nights in business, joy, and revelry. Indolence was at once his passion and his road to fame. \\Vhat others did by vigor and industry, he accomplished by his love of pleasure and luxurious ease. Unlike the men who profess to-understand social en\u00ad joyment, and ruin their fortunes, he led a life of expense without pro\u00ad fusion; an epicure, yet not a prodigal; addicted to his appetites, but with refinement and judgment; an educated and elegant voluptuary. Gay and airy in his conversation, he charmed by a certain graceful negligence, the more engaging as it flowed from the natural frankness of his disposition. With all his delicacy and careless ease, he showed, when he was governor of Bithynia, and again when consul, that vigor of mind and softness of manners may unite in the same per\u00ad son. . . . From his public offices he returned to his usual gratifica\u00ad tions, fond of vice, or of pleasures that bordered on it. . . . Cherished by Nero and his companions . . . he was allowed to be the arbiter of taste and elegance. Without his sanction nothing was ex\u00ad quisite, nothing delightful or rare.70\nNero was not subtle enough to achieve this artistic epicureanism. He dis\u00ad guised himself and visited brothels; he roamed the streets and frequented taverns at night with the comrades of his mood, robbing shops, insulting women, \"practicing lewdness on boys, stripping those whom they encoun-\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE OF MONARCHY\t277\ntered, striking, wounding, murdering.\" 71 A senator who def ended him\u00ad self vigorously against the disguised Emperor was soon afterward forced to kill himself. Seneca sought to divert the royal lust by condoning Nero's relations with an ex-slave, Claudia Acte. But Acte was too faithful to him to keep his affections; he soon exchanged her for a woman of superlative refinement in all the ways of love. Poppaea Sabina was of high family and great wealth; \"she had everything,\" says Tacitus, \"except an honest mind\"; she was one of those women who sp nd all the day in adorning their persons, and exist only when they are desired. Her husband, Salvius Otho, boasted of her beauty to Nero; the Emperor at once commissioned him to govern Lusitania (Portugal), and laid siege to Poppaea. She refused to be his mis\u00ad tress, but agreed to be his wife if he would divorce Octavia.\nOctavia had borne the transgressions of Nero silently, and had preserved her own modesty and chastity amid the stream of sexual license in which she had been forced to live from her birth. It is to the honor of Agrippina that she lost her life in defending Octavia against Poppaea. She used every plea against the proposed divorce, even, says Tacitus, to offering her own charms to her son. Poppaea fought back with hers and won; youth was served. She taunted Nero with being afraid of his mother, and led him to believe that Agrippina was plotting his fall. Finally, in the madness of his infatuation, he consented to kill the woman who had borne him and given him half the world. He thought of poisoning her, but she had guarded against this by the habitual use of antidotes. He tried to have her drowned, but she swam to safery from the shipwreck he had arranged. His men pursued her to her villa; when they seized her she bared her body and said, \"Plunge your sword into my womb.\" It took many blows to kill her. The Emperor, viewing the uncovered corpse, remarked, \"I did not know I had so beautiful a mother.\" 72 Seneca, it js said, had no share in the plot; but the saddest lines in the history of philosophy tell how he penned the letter in which Nero explained to the Senate how Agrippina had plotted against the Prince and, being detected, had killed herself.73 The Senate gracefully accepted the explanation, came in a body to greet Nero returning to Rome, and offered thanks to the gods for having kept him safe.\nIt is hard to believe that this matricide was a youth of twenty-two with\na passion for poetry, music, art, drama, and athletic games. He admired the Greeks for their varied contests of physical and artistic ability, and sought to introduce like competitions to Rome. In 59 he instituted the Judi iuvenales, or Youth Games; and a year later he inaugurated the Neronia on the model of the quadrennial festival at Olympia, with contests in horse racing, athletics, and \"music\"-which included oratory and poetry. He built an amphitheater, a gymnasium, and a magnificent public bath. He practiced gymnastics with\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nskill, became an enthusiastic charioteer, and finally decided to compete in the games. To his philhellenic mind this seemed not only proper, but in the best tradition of Greek antiquity. Seneca thought it ridiculous, and tried to confine the imperial exhibitions to a private stadium. Nero overruled him and invited the public to witness his performance. It came, and applauded lustily.\nBut what this uninhibited satyr really wanted was to be a great artist. Having every power, he longed also for every accomplishment. It is to his credit that he applied himself with painstaking seriousness to engraving, painting, sculpture, music, and poetry.74 To improve his singing \"he used to lie upon his back with a leaden plate upon his chest, purge himself by a syringe or by vomiting, and deny himself fruits and all foods injurious to the voice\";75 on certain days, for the same purpose, he ate nothing but garlic and olive oil. One evening he summoned the foremost senators to his palace, showed them a new water organ, and lectured to them on its theory and construction.76 He wasso fascinated by the music which Terpnos drew from the harp that he spent entire nights with him in practicing on that instrument. He gathered artists and poets about him, competed with them in his palace, compared his paintings with theirs, listened to their poetry, and read his own. He was deceived by their praise, and when an astrologer predicted that he would lose his throne he replied cheerfully that he would then make a"]
[4.636480331420898, -10.215410232543945, "comes to silver I'm a connoisseur; I have goblets as big as wine jars.\n. . . I own a thousand bowls that Mummius left to my patron. I buy cheap and sell dear; others may have different ideas.5\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nHe is a kindly fellow withal; he shouts at his slaves, but he pardons them readily. He has so many that only a tenth of them know him by sight. \"Slaves are men,\" he says, generously remembering his origin; \"they sucked the same milk that we did . . . and mine will drink the water of freedom if they live.\" To prove his intentions he has his will brought in and reads it to his guests. It includes specificationsfor his epitaph, which is to end with the proud claim that he \"grew rich from little, left 30,000,000 sesterces, and never heard a philosopher.\" 6\nFony pages describe the dinner; a few sentences will convey its aroma:\nThere was a circular tray around which were displayed the signs of the zodiac, and upon each sign the caterer had placed the food best in keeping with it. Ram's vetches on Aries, beef on Taurus . . . the womb of an unfarrowed sow on Virgo . . . on Libra a balance hold\u00ad ing a tart in one pan and a cake in the other.    Four dancers ran\nin to music, and removed the upper part of the tray. Beneath it ... stuffed capons and sows' bellies, and in the middle a hare. At the comers four figures of Marsyas spouted from their bladders a highly spiced sauce upon fish which were swimming about.\tA tray fol\u00ad\nlowed on which was served a wild boar; from its tusks hung baskets loaded with dates; around it were little suckling pigs made of pastry.\n. . . When the carver plunged his knife into the boar's side, thrushes flew out, one for each guest.7\nThree white hogs walk into the room, and the guests choose which one they will have cooked for them; while they eat, the winning hog is roasted; soon it re-enters; when it is carved, sausages and meat puddings emerge from its belly. When the dessen arrives Encolpius has no stomach for it; but Trimalchio urges his guests onward by assuring them that the dessert has been made entirely our of a hog. A hoop is lowered from the ceiling, bringing to each diner an alabaster jar filled with perfume, while slaves replenish empty glasses with ancient wines. T rimalchio gets drunk and makes love to a boy; his fat wife protests, and he throws a cup at her head. \"This Syrian dancing whore,\" he says of her, \"has a poor memory. I took her off the auction block and made her a woman, and now she puffs herself up like a frog.... But that's the way it is: if you're born in an attic you can't sleep in a palace.\" 8 And he bids his major-domo keep her statue off his tomb, \"else I'll be nagged even after I'm dead.\"\nIt is a powerful and savage satire; realistic only in its details, and probably true of only a small segment of Roman life. If Nero's Petronius wrote it we must count it the merciless caricature of the nouveau ricbe freedman by a patrician who had never earned his keep. There is no mercy in the book, no tenderness, no ideal; immorality and corruption are taken for\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  SILVER  AGE\t299\ngranted, and the life of the underworld is presented with gusto, without indignation, and without comment. Here the gutter flows directly into classic literature, bringing its own judgments and taste, its own lusty vocabu\u00ad lary and hilarious vitality. Sometimes the story rises to those sublime heights of nonsense, obscenity, and vituperation which crown the epic of Gargantua and Pantagruel. Apuleius' Golden Ass would follow in its steps; Gil Blas, seventeen centuries later, would rival it; Tristram Shandy and Tom Jones would continue its meandering tradition. It is the strangest book in the literature of Rome.\nTHE PHILOSOPHERS\nIn this loose and complex age, when freedom was so limited and life was so free, philosophy flourished alongside of sensuality, and the two were not above joining hands. The decay of the native religion had left a moral vacuum which philosophy sought to fill. Parents sent their sons, and them\u00ad selves often went, to hear the lectures of men who offered to provide a rational code of civilized conduct, or a formal dress for naked desire. Those who could afford it paid philosophers to live with them, partly as educators, partly as spiritual counselors, partly as learned company; so Augustus had Areus, consulted him on almost everything, and for his sake (if we may believe a ruler) was lenient to Alexandria. \\\\'hen Drusus died Livia called in \"her husband's philosopher\"-so Seneca phrases it-\"to help her bear her grief.\" 9 Nero, Trajan, and of course Aurelius had philosophers residing with them at court, as kings have chaplains now. In their last moments men would summon philosophers to chart their passing, as centuries later they would ask for a priest.10\nThe public never forgave these teachers of wisdom for taking salaries or fees. Philosophy was esteemed a sufficient substitute for food and drink, and philoso\u00ad phers who had a less exalted opinion of their profession were the butt of popular jokes, of Quintilian's criticism, of Lucian's satire, and of imperial hostility. Many of them deserved it, for they put on the philosopher's coarse cloak, and grew a profound beard, to give a learned front to gluttony, avarice, and vanity. \"A short survey of life,\" says a character in Lucian,\nhad convinced me of the absurdity and meanness\tthat pervade\nall worldly purposes\tIn this state of mind the best I could think\nof was to get at the truth of it all from the\tphilosophers. So I\nselected the best of them-if solemnity of visage, pallor of complexion, and length of beard are a criterion\tI placed myself in their hands.\nFor a considerable sum down, and more to be paid when they had per\u00ad fected me in wisdom, I was to be\tinstructed in the order of the\n300\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nuniverse. Unfortunately, so far from dispelling my previous igno\u00ad rance, they perplexed me more and more with their daily drenches of beginnings and ends, atoms and voids, matters and forms. My greatest difficulty was that, though they differed among themselves, and all they said was full of contradictions, they expected me to believe them, each pulling me in his own direction.    Often one of them\ncould not tell you correctly the number of miles from Megara to Athens, but had no hesitation about the distance in feet from the sun to the moon.11\nMost of the Roman philosophers followed the Stoic creed. The epicureans were too busy pursuing wine, woman, and food to have much time for theory. Here and there in Rome were mendicant preachers of the Cynic philosophy, ignoring speculation, and calling men to a simple and soapless life; they acceded to the popular demand that philosophers should be poor, and were in conse\u00ad quence the least respected of the schools. Seneca, however, made one of them his intimate friend. \"Why should I not hold Demetrius in high esteem?\" he asked. \"I have found that he lacks nothing;\" and the millionaire sage marveled when the nearly naked Cynic refused a gift of 200,000 sesterces from Caligula.12 Since the Roman Stoic was a man of action rather than of contemplation, he eschewed metaphysics as a hopeless quest, and sought in Stoicism a philosophy of conduct that would support human decency, family unity, and social order independently of supernatural surveillance and command. The essence of his code was self-control: he would subordinate passion to reason, and train his will to desire nothing that would make his peace of soul contingent upon external goods. In politics he would recognize the universal brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God; at the same time he would love his country and hold himself ready to die at any time to avert its disgrace or his own. Life itself was always to remain within his choice; he was free to leave it whenever it should become an evil rather than a boon. A man's conscience was to be higher than any law. Monarchy was a sad necessity for the rule of wide and diverse realms;"]
[-0.3618597984313965, -12.20690631866455, "73-71: Third Servile \\Var; Spartacus\n70: First consulate of Crassus and Pom- pey; trial of Verres; Virgil b.\n6(;: Titus Pomponius .Atticus 68: Caesar quaestor in Spain 67: Pompey subdues the pirates 66: Cicero Pro lege Mmilia\n63: Cicero exposes Catiline; Octavius b.\n63-12: M. V. Agrippa, engineer\n62: Caesar\tpraetor;\tmisconduct\tof Clodius\n58: Clodius,  tribune,  exiles  Cicero;\nCaesar defeats Helvetii and Ario\u00ad viscus in Gaul\n57: Return of Cicero;\u00b7 Caesar defeats Belgae\n56: Meeting of triumvirs at Luca\n55: Pompey and Crassus consuls; thea\u00ad ter of Pompey; Caesar in Germany and Britain\n54: Caesar's second invasion of Britain 53: Violence of Clodius and Milo in\nRome; defeat of Crassus at Carrhae 52: Murder of Clodius; trial of /\\1ilo; Pompey sole consul; revolt of\nVercingetorix\n51: Cicero governor of Cilicia; Cicero's De re publica; Caesar's De be/lo Gallico\n49: Caesar crosses Rubicon and takes Rome\n48: Battles of Dyrrachium and Phar\u00ad salus\n48-47: Caesar in Egypt and Syria; Vitru\u00ad vius, architect; Columella, botanist\n47: Caesar's victories at Zela and Thap\u00ad sus; suicide of Cato the Younger\n46: Caesar appointed dictator for ten vears; revision of calendar: Sallust historian: Cicero Pro Marcello '\n45: Caesar defeats the Pompeians in Spain; Cicero's Academica and De finibus\n44: Assassination of Caesar; Cicero's Dispmationes Tusculanae, De 11a\u00ad t11T11 deormn, De officiis\n43: Second Trium\\\u00b7irate: Antonv, Oc- tavian, Lepidus; murder of \u00b7cicero\n42: Brutus and Cassius die at Philippi\n41: Antony and Cleopatra at Tarsus"]
[1.0799146890640259, -2.1011455059051514, "many of whom were killed. Sulla exhibited a fight involving a hundred lions, Cae;ar four hundred, Pompey six hundred. Beasts fought men, men fought men; and the vast audience waited hopefully for the sight of death.\nTHE NEW WOMAN\nThe increase of wealth conspired with the corruption of politics to loosen morals and the marriage bond. Despite increasing competition from women and men, prostitution continued to flourish; brothels and the taverns that usually housed them were so popular that some politicians organized votes through the collegium lupanariorum, or guild of brothelkeepers.25 Adultery was so common as to attract little attention unless played up for political purposes, and practically every well-to-do woman had at least one divorce. This was not the fault of women; it resulted largely from the subordination of marriage, in the upper classes, to money and politics. Men chose wives, or youths had wives chosen for them, to get a rich dowry or make advantageous connections. Sulla and Pompey married five times. Seeking to attach Pompey to him, Sulla persuaded him to put away his first wife and marry Aemilia, SuHa's stepdaughter, who was already married and with child; Aemilia reluc\u00ad tantly agreed, but died in childbirth shonly after entering Pompey's house. Caesar gave his daughter Julia to Pompey in marriage as an item in their triumviral alliance. The Empire, growled Cato, had become a matrimonial agency.25a Such unions were mariages de politique; as soon as their utility ended, the husband looked for another wife as a steppingstone to higher place or greater w lth. He did not need to give a reason; he merely sent his wife a letter announcing her freedom and his. Some men did not marry at all, alleging dist:::ste for the forwardness and extravagance of the new woman; many lived in free unions with concubines or slaves. The censor Metellus l\\facedonicus ( 1 3 r) had begged men to marry and beget children as a duty to the state, however much of a nuisance (molestia) a wife might be; 26 but the number of celibates and childless couples increased more rapidly after he spoke. Children were now luxuries which only the poor could afford.\nUnder these circumstances women could hardly be blamed for looking lightly upon their marriage vows and seeking in liaisons the romance or affection that political matrimony had failed to bring. There was, of course, a majority of good women, even among the rich; but a new freedom was breaking down the old patria potestas and the ancient family discipline. Roman women now moved about almost as freely as men. They dressed in diaphanous silks from India and China, and ransacked Asia for perfumes and jewelry. Marriage cum mamt disappeared, and women divorced their\nCHAP.VU)\tTHE   OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\t135\nhusbands as readily as men their wives. A growing proportion of women sought expression in cultural pursuits: they learned Greek, studied philoso\u00ad phy, wrote poetry, gave public lectures, played, sang, and danced, and opened literary salons; some engaged in business; a few practiced medicine or law.\nClodia, the wife of Quintus Caecilius Metellus, was the most prominent of those ladies who in this period supplemented their husbands with a suc\u00ad cession of cavalieri serventi. She had a gay passion for the rights of women; shocked the older generation by going about unchaperoned with her male friends after her marriage; accosted people whom she met and knew, and sometimes publicly kissed them, instead of lowering her eyes and crouching in her carriage as proper ,vomen were supposed to do. She invited her male friends to dine with her while her husband absented himself with the chiv\u00ad alry of the Marquis du Chatelet. Cicero, who cannot be trusted, describes \"her loves, adulteries, and lecheries, her songs and symphonies, her suppers and carousing, at Baiae on land and sea.\" 27 She was a clever woman, who could sin with irresistible grace, but he underestimated the selfishness of men. Each lover demanded her entirely until his appetite waned, and each became her shocked enemy when she found a new friend. So Catullus (if she was his Leshia) besmeared her with ribald epigrams; and Caelius, alluding to the price paid for the poorest prostitutes, called her in open court the quadrantaria-the quarter-of-an-as (one-and-a-half-cent) woman. She had accused him of trying to poison her; he hired Cicero to defend him; and the great orator did not hesitate to charge her with incest and murder, protest\u00ad ing, however, that he was \"not the enemy of women, still less of one who was the friend of all men.\" Caelius was acquitted, and Clodia paid some penalty for being the sister of that Publius Clodius who was the most radical leader in Rome and Cicero's implacable enemy.\nANOTHER  CATO\nAmid all this corruption and la.'1:ity cne man stood out 2s an exemplar and professor of the ancient '\\Vays. Marcus Porcius Cato the Younger had vio\u00ad lated a precept of his great-great-grandfather by studying Greek; from it he derived that Stoic philosophy which shared ,vith his republican convic\u00ad tions the inflexible devotion of his life. He inherited 120 dents ($432,000), but lived in sedulous simplicity. He lent money, but took no interest. He lacked his ancestor's rough humor, and frightened people by what seemed to them his obstinate incorruptibility and his untimely addiction to princi\u00ad ples. His life was an unfc:giv::ble indictment of theirs; they wished he would\n136\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VII\nsin a little, if only out of a decent respect for the habits of mankind. They must have rejoiced when, with an almost Cynical conception of woman as a biological instrument, he \"lent\" his wife Marcia to his friend Hortensius\u00ad i.e., divorced her and assisted at her marriage to the orator-and later, when Hortensius died, took her again to wife.28 He could not be popular, for he was the relentless enemy of all dishonesty, the stem defender of the patria potestas, a more merciless censor moralium than Cato Censor himself. He seldom laughed or smiled, made no effort to be affable, and sharply repri\u00ad manded any who dared to flatter him. He was defeated for the consulship, said Cicero, because he acted like a citizen in Plato's republic instead of a Roman living among \"the dregs of Romulus' posterity.\" 29\nAs quaestor Cato made himself a terror to all incompetence and malf eas\u00ad ance, and guarded the Treasury ferociously from all political raids; nor did his watchfulness abate when his term expired. His indictments fell upon all parties and left him with a thousand admirers but hardly a friend. As praetor he persuaded the Senate to issue an order that all candidates, scon after election, must come into court and give under oath a detailed account of their expenses and proceedings in the campaign. The measure disturbed so many politicians, most of whom depended upon bribery, that they and their clients, when Cato next appeared in the Forum, reviled and stoned him; whereupcn he climbed to the rostrum, faced the crowd resolutely, and talked them into submission. As tribune he led a legion into Macedonia; his attendants rode on horseback, he went on foot. He scorned the business classes and def ended aristocracy, or rule by birth, as the only alternative to plutocracy, or rule by wealth. He warred without truce upon the men who were corrupting Roman politics with money, and Roman character with luxury; and he stood out to the last against every move, by either Pompey or Caesar, toward dictatorship. When Caesar had overthrown the Republic Cato died by his own hand, with a volume of philosophy by his side.\nSPARTACUS\nMisgovernment now reached a height, and democracy a depth, rare in the history of states. fa 98 n.c. the Roman general Didius repeated the exploit of Sulpicius Galba: he lured a whole tribe of troublesome natives into a Roman camp in Spain by pretending to register them for a distribution of land; when they had entered, with their wives and children, he had them all slaughtered. On his return to Rome he was a,varded a public triumph.30 Shocked by the brutalities of empire, a Sabine officer in the Roman army, Quintus Sertorius, went. over to the Spaniards, organized and drilled them, and led them to victory\nCHAP.VII)\tTHE  OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\t137\nafter victory over the legions sent to subdue him. For eight years (80-72) he ruled a rebel kingdom, winning the affection of the people by his just administra\u00ad tion and by his establishment of schools for the education of native youth. 1\\letellus, the Roman general, offered a hundred talents ($360,000) and 20,000 acres of land to any Roman who should kill him. Perpenna, a Roman refugee in Sertorius' camp, invited him to dinner, assassinated him, and made himself master of the army that Sertorius had trained. Pompey was sent against Perpenna and easily defeated him; Perpenna was executed, and the exploitation of Spain was resumed. \u00b7\nThe next act of the revolution came not from the free but from the slave. Lentulus Batiates kept at Capua a school of gladiators-slaves or condemned criminals trained to fight animals, or one another, to the death in public arenas or private homes. Two hundred of them tried to escape; seventy-eight succeeded, armed themselves, occupied a slope of Vesuvius, and raided the adjoining towns for food (73). As their leader they chose a Thracian, Spartacus, \"a man not only of high spirit and bravery,\" says Plutarch, \"but also in understanding and gentleness superior to his condition.\" 31 He issued a call to the slaves of Italy to rise in revolt; soon he had 70,000 men, hunger\u00ad ing for liberty and revenge. He taught them to manufacture their own\n,veapons, and to fight with such order and discipline that for years they outmatch.ed every force sent to subdue them. His victories filled the rich men of Italy with fear, and its slaves with hope; so many of these tried to join him that after raising his army to 120,000 he refused further recruits, finding it difficult to care for them. He marched his horde toward the Alps, \"intending, when he had passed them, that every man should go to his own home.\" 32 But his followers' did not share these refined and pacific sentiments; revolting against his leadership, they began to loot the towns of northern Italy. The Senate now sent both consuls, ,vith heavy forces, against the rebels. One army met a detachment that had seceded from Spartacus, and slaughtered it; the other attacked the main rebel body, and was defeated. Moving again toward the Alps, Spartacus encountered a third army, led by Cassius, and decimated it; but finding his way blocked by still other legions, he turned south and marched toward Rome.\nHalf the slaves of Italy were on the verge of insurrection, and in the capi\u00ad tal no man could tell when the revolution would break out in his very home. All that opulent society, which had enjoyed every luxury slavery could produce, trembled at the thought of losing everything-mastery, property, life. Senators and millionaires cried out for a better general; few offered themselves, for all feared this strange new foe. At last Crassus came forward and was given the command, with 40,000 men; and many of the nobility,\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VII\nnot all forgetting the traditions of their class, joined him as voiunteers. Knowing that he had an empire against him, and that his men couJd never administer either the Empire or the capital, Spartacus passed Rome by and continued south to Thurii, mar<;hing the length of Italy in the hope of trans\u00ad porting his men to Sicily or Africa. For a third year he fought off all attacks. But again his impatient soldiers rejected his authority and began to ravage the neighboring towns. Crassus came upon a horde of these marauders and slew them, 12,300 in number, every man fighting to the last. Meanwhile Pompey's legions, returning from Spain, were sent to swell the forces of Crassus. Despairing of victory over such a multitude, Spartacus flung him\u00ad self upon the army of Crassus and welcomed death by plunging into the midst of the foe. Two centurions fell by his hand; struck down and unable to rise, he continued the fight on his knees; at last he was so cut to pieces that his body could not later be identified. The great majority of his fol\u00ad lowers perished with him; some fled, and became hunted men in the woods of Italy; 6000 captives were crucified along the Appian Way from Capua to Rome (71). There their rotting bodies were left to hang for months, so that all masters might take comfort, and all slaves take heed.\nPOMPEY\nWhen Crassus and Pompey returned from this campaign they did not, as the Senate wished and law required, disband or disarm their troops at the gates. Camping outside the walls, they asked permission to stand for the consulate without entering the city-again a violation of precedent; in addi\u00ad tion Pompey demanded land for his soldiers and a triumph for himself. The Senate refused, hoping to play one general against the other. But Crassus and Pompey joined hands, made a sudden alliance with the populcrres and the business class, and by generous bribery won election as consuls for 70 B.c. The magnates entered the partnership for two immediate ends: to recapture power in the juries that tried them, and to replace Lucullus-who had ruled the Roman East with unprofitable integrity-by a man of their own class and views. In Pompey they recognized their man.\nPompey was now thirty-five, and already the veteran of many campaigns. Born of a rich equestrian family, he had won universal admiration by his courage and temperance, and his skill in every branch of sport and war. He had cleared Sicily and Africa of Sulla's enemies, and by his victories and his pride had earned from the humorous dictator the cognomen Magnus, the Great. He had achieved a triumph almost before a beard.33 He was so hand\u00ad some that the courtesan Flora declared she could never part from him with-\nCHAP. vu)\tTHE   OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\t139"]
[12.053318977355957, -3.0741806030273438, "\"But meanwhile time flies, flies irreparably, while we, charmed with love [of our theme], linger around each single detail.\" He has a word about the diseases of animals and how to treat them. He describes the common farm animals with understanding and sympathy; he is never through admiring the simplicity of their instincts, the power of their passions, the perfection of their forms. He idealizes rural life, but he does not ignore the hardships and vicissitudes, the crippling toil, the endless struggle against insects, the torturing pendulum of drought and storm. Nevertheless, labor omnia vincit; 12 there is in such toil a purpose and result that give it dignity; no Roman need feel ashamed to guide a plow. Moral character, says Virgil, grows on the farm; all the old virtues that made Rome great were planted and nourished there; and hardly any process of seed sowing, protection, cultivation, weeding, and harvesting but has its counterpart in the develop\u00ad ment of the soul. And out of the fields, where the miracle of growth and the whims of the sky bespeak a thousand mystic forces, the soul, more readily than in the city, perceives the presence of creative life, and is deepened with religious intuition, humility, and reverence. Here Virgil breaks into his most famous lines, beginning with a noble echo of Lucretius, but passing into a pure Virgilian strain:\nFelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas, atque metus omnis et inexorabile fatum\nsubiecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari; fortunatus et ille deos qui novit agrestis,\nPanaque Silvanumque senem Nymphasque sorores-13\n\"Happy the man who has been able to learn the causes of things, and has\nput under foot all fear and inexorable fate, and the noise of a greedy Hell.\nCHAP.XII)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t239\nBut happy too he who knows the rural deities, Pan and old Silvanus and the sister Nymphs.\" The peasant is right in seeking to propitiate the gods with sacrifice and enlist their good will; these exercises of piety brighten the round of toil with festivals and clothe earth and life with meaning, drama, and poetry.\nDryden considered the Georgics \"the best poem of the best poet.\" 14 It shares with the De RerU1n Natura the rare distinction of being at once didactic and beautiful. Rome did not take it seriously as a handbook of agri\u00ad culture; we do not hear that anyone, having read it, exchanged the Forum for a farm; indeed, as Senec::i (hought, Virgil may have written these rural ecstasies precisely to please an urban taste. In any case, Augustus felt that Virgil had performed Maecenas' assignment marvelously well. He called the poet to his palace and suggested a harder task, a vastly larger theme.\nTHE AENEID\nAt first the plan was to sing the battles of Octavian.15 But the supposed descent of his adoptive father from Venus and Aeneas led the poet-perhaps the Emperor-to conceive an epic on the founding of Rome. As the theme developed it came to include, by preview through prophecy, the expansion of Rome into the Augustan empire and peace. It would also show the role of Roman character in these achievements and seek to make the ancient virtues popular; it would picture its hero as reverent of the gods and guided by them, and would fall in with the Augustan reformation of morals and faith. Virgil retired to various lairs in Italy and spent the_ next ten years (29-19) on the Aeneid. He wrote slowly, with the devotion of a Flaubert, dictating a few lines in the fresh morning 2nd rewriting them in the after\u00ad noon. Augustus waited impatiently for the poem's completion, repeatedly inquired about its progress, and importuned Virgil to bring him any finished fragment. Virgil put him off as long as he could, but finally read to him the second, fourth, and sixth books. Octavia, Antony's widow, fainted at the passage describing her son Marcellus, but lately dead.16 The epic was never completed, never finally revised. In 19 B.c. Virgil visited Greece, met Augustus in Athens, was sunstruck in Megara, started home, and died soon after reaching Brundisium. On his deathbed he begged his friends to destroy the manuscript of his poem, saying that at least three years more would have been necessary to give it :finished form. Augustus forbade them to carry out the req\"1est.\nEvery schoolboy knows the story of the Aeneid. As Troy burns, the ghost of the slain Hector appears to the leader of his Dardanian allies, the\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\n\"pious Aeneas,\" and bids him resume from the Greeks the \"holy things and household gods\" of Troy-above all, the Palladium, or image of Pallas Athene, on the retention of which the preservation of the Trojans was be\u00ad lieved to depend. \"Seek for these\" sacred symbols, says Hector, \"the city which, when you have wandered over the sea, you shall at last establish.\" 17 Aeneas escapes with his old father Anchises and his son Ascanius. They set sail and stop at divers places; but always the voices of the gods command them to go on. Winds drive them ashore near Carthage, where a Phoenician princess, Dido, is founding a city. (When Virgil wrote this, Augustus was carrying out Caesar's plan for rebuilding Carthage.) Aeneas falls in love with her. A convenient stonn enables them to take refuge in the same cave and to consummate what Dido considers their marriage. For a time Aeneas accepts her interpretation, and shares with her and his willing men the tasks of construction. But the relentless gods-who, in classic myth, never cared much for marriage-warn him to depart; this is not the capital that he must make. Aeneas obeys, and leaves the mourning queen with a theme song in his words:\nI will never deny,0 Queen, that thou hast deserved of me the ut\u00ad most thou canst set forth in speech\tI never held out the bride\u00ad\ngroom's torch, nor took the marriage vow\tBut now Apollo has\nbidden me sail\tCease then to consume thyself and me with these\ncomplaints. Not of my own will do I seek ltaly.18\nltaliam non sponte sequor: this is the secret of the tale. ,ve who, after eight centuries of sentimental literature, judge Virgil and his hero in its terms, attach far more significance to romantic love, and to extramarital relations, than did either Greece or Rome. Marriage was to the ancients a union of families rather than of bodies or souls; and the demands of religion or fatherland were placed above the rights or whim of the individual. Virgil treats Dido sympathetically, and rises to one of his finest passages in telling how she flings herself upon a funeral pyre and is burned alive; then he follows Aeneas to Italy.\nLanding at Cumae, the Trojans march into Latium and are welcomed by its king, Latinus. His daughter Lavini:1 is betrothed to Turnus, the hand\u00ad some chief of the neighboring Rutuli. Aeneas alienates her affection and her father; Turnus declares war upon him and Latium, and mighty battles ensue. To refresh and encourage Aeneas the Cumaean Sibvl takes him throuo-h the grotto of Lake Avernus into Tartarus. As Virgil writes an Odyssey of Aeneas' wanderings and a short Iliad of his wars, so now he takes a lead from Odysseus' tour of Hades, and becomes in tum an exemplar and guide for Dante. Facilis descensus Averni-\"easy isthe descent to Hell\"- says Virgil; 19\nCHAP.XU)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t241\nbut his hero finds the way tortuous, and the lower world confusingly com\u00ad plex. There he meets Dido, who scorns his protestations of love; there he sees the varied torments with which earthly sin is punished and the prison house where suffer, Lucifer-like, rebellious demigods. Then the Sibyl takes him through mystic passages to the Blissful Groves where those who led good lives bask in green valleys and endless joys. His father Anchises, who has died en route, expounds to him here the Orphic doctrine of heaven, purgatory, and hell, and reveals to him in panoramic vision the future glory and heroes of Rome. In a later vision Venus shows him the battle of Actium and the triumphs of Augustus. His spirits revived, Aeneas returns to the living world, kills T urnus, and scatters death about him with epic hand. He marries the shadowy Lavinia, and when her father dies he inherits the throne of Latium. Soon afterward he falls in battle and is transported to the Elysian Fields. His son Ascanius or Iulus builds Alba Longa as the new capital of the Latin tribes, and thence his descendants Romulus and Remus go forth to establish Rome.\nIt seems unmannerly to criticize so gentle a soul as Virgil for all these grateful flatteries to his country and his Emperor, or to find flaws in a work that perhaps he had never wished to write and never lived to complete. Of course it imitates Greek models; so does practically all Roman literature except the satire and the essay. The battle scenes are weak echoes of the Iliad's clanging frays, and Aurora rises as often as Homer's rosy-fingered Dawn. Naevius, Ennius, and Lucretius lend the poet episodes and phrases, sometimes whole lines; and Apollonius of Rhodes, through his Argonautica, provides a model for Dido's tragic love. Such borrowings were judged legitimate in Virgil's as in Shakespeare's days; all Mediterranean literature was viewed as the heritage and storehouse of e-very Mediterranean mind. The mythological background tires us, now that we are making our own; but these divine allusions and interpositions were familiar and pleasant even to skeptical readers of Roman poetry. \"'e miss in the smooth epic of the ailing Virgil the torrential narrative of Homer, the life-and-blood reality that moves the giants of the Iliad or the homely folk of Ithaca. Virgil's story often lags, and his characters are almost all anemic except those whom Aeneas abandons or destroys. Dido is a living \u00b7woman, gracious, subtle, passionate; T urnus is a simple and honest \u00b7warrior, betrayed by Latinus, and doomed to an unmerited death by ridiculous gods. After ten cantos of cant we resent the \"piety\" of Aeneas, which leaves him no will of his own, excuses his treachery, and brings him success only by supernatural inter\u00ad vention.,Ve do not enjoy the windy speeches ,vith which he kills good men, adding a rhetorical boredom to that competitive perforation \\\\\u00b7hich is humanity's final test of truth.\n242\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nTo understand and appreciate the Aeneid we must at every tum remind ourselves that Virgil was writing not a romance, but a sacred scripture for Rome. Not that he offers any clear theology. The gods who pull the strings of his drama are as vicious as Homer's and not as humorously human; indeed, all the mischief and suffering in the story are caused not by men and women but by deities. Probably Virgil conceived these divinities as poetical machinery, symbols of tyrannous circumstance and disruptive chance; in general he oscillates between Jove and an impersonal Fate as the ruler of all things. He likes the gods of the village and the field better than those of Olympus; he loses no opportunity to commemorate them and describe their rites; and he wishes that his fellow men could recapture the pietas-the reverence toward parents, fatherland, and gods-which was nourished by that primeval rural creed. Heu pietas! beu prisca fides! he moums-\"alas for the old piety and faith!\" But he rejects the traditional conception of a Hades in which all the dead bear alike a gloomy fate; he plays with Orphic and Pythagorean ideas of reincarnation and a future life, and makes as vivid as he can the notion of a rewarding heaven, a cleansing purgatory, and a punishing hell."]
[3.9260714054107666, -6.599596977233887, "The real religion of the Aeneid is patriotism, and its greatest god is Rome. The destiny of Rome moves the plot, and all the tribulations of the tale find meaning in \"the heavy task of establishing the Roman race\"7tmztae 1110/is erat Romanam condere gentem. The poet is so proud of the Empire that he looks with no envy upon the superior culture of the Greeks. Let other peoples transform into living figures marble and bronze, and chart the courses of the stars:\nBut thou,0 Roman, must the peoples rule. Thine ans shall be to teach the ways of peace,\nTo spare the humbled, and throw dmvn the proud.20\nNor does Virgil resent the death of the Republic; he knows that class war, not Caesar, killed it; at every stage of his poem he foreshadows the restorative rule of Augustus, hails it as Saturn's reign returned, and promises him, as reward, admission to the company of the gods. No man ever fulfilled a literary commission more perfectly.\n\\Vhy do we retain a warm affection for this pietistic, moralistic, cham'inis\u00ad tic, imperialistic propagandist? Partly because the gentleness of his spirit is on every page; because we feel that his sympathies ha,\"e spread from his own\nfair Italy to all men, even to all life. He knows the sufferino::-,s of the lowl.v and the great, the obscene ghastliness of war. the brief mortality that stalks the noblest men, the griefs and pains, the lacrimae rerum, or \"tears in things,\"\nthat mar and accentuate the sun...;hine of our da.vs. He is not merel.y imitatino::-,\nCHAP. xn)\tTHE   GOLDEN  AGE\t243\nLucretius when he writes of \"the nightingale mourning beneath the poplar's shade the loss of her young ones, ,vhom some hard plowman has seen and tom unfledged from their nest; all night long she cries, and perched on a spray, rennvs her pitiful song, filling the \u00b7woods with her sad lament.\" 21 But what draws us back to Virgil again and again is the persistent loveliness of his speech. It is not in vain that he pored over every line, \"licking it into shape as the she-bear does her cubs\"; 22 and only the reader who has tried to write can guess the toil that made this narrative so smooth and adorned it with so many passages of sonorous melody that every second page cries out for quotation, and tempts the tongue. Perhaps the poem is too uniformly beautiful; even beauty palls upon us if its eloquence is prolonged. There is a delicate feminine charm in Virgil, but seldom the masculine power and thought of Lucretius or the surging tide of that \"many-billowed sea\" called Homer. \"\\Ve begin to understand the melancholy ascribed to Virgil when we picture him preaching beliefs that he could never recapture, writing for ten years an epic whose every episode and line required the effort of artifi\u00ad cial art, then dying with the haunting thought that he had failed, that no spark of spontaneity had set his imagination on fire or spurred his figures into life. But over his medium, if not over his subject, the poet won a com\u00ad plete victory. Artifice has seldom achieved a brighter miracle.\nTwo years after his death his executors gave the poem to the world. There were some detractors: one critic published an anthology of his defects, another listed his pilferings, another printed eight volumes of Resemblances between lines in Virgil and in earlier poetry.23 But Rome soon forgave this literary communism. Horace ranked Virgil fondly with Homer, and schools inaugurated nineteen hundred years of memorizing the Aeneid. Plebeian and aristocrat mouthed him; artisans and shopkeepers, tombstones and scribbled walls, quoted him; temple oracles gave responses through ambigu\u00ad ous verses of his epic; the custom began-and lasted till the Renaissance\u00ad of opening Virgil at random and finding some counsel or prophecy in the first passage that struck the eye. His fame grew until in the l\\Iiddle Ages he was considered a magician and a saint. Had he not, in the Fourth Ec\u00ad logue, predicted the coming of the Saviour and, in the Aeneid, described Rome as the Holy City, from which the power of religion would uplift the world? Had he not in that terrible Book VI pictured the Last Judgment, the sufferings of the wicked, the cleansing fire of purgatory, the happiness of the blessed in paradise? Virgil too, like Plato, was anima naturaliter Cbristiana, despite his pagan gods. Dante loved the eleg:mce of his verse, and took him as guide not only through hell and purgatory, but also in the art of flowing narrative and beautiful speech. Milton thought of him ,vhen\n244\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nwriting Paradise Lost and the pompous orations of devils and men. And Voltaire, of whom we should have expected a harsher judgment, ranked the Aeneid as the finest literary monument left us by antiquity.24\nHORACE\nOne of the pleasantest pictures in the world of letters-where jealousy is only less rife than in love-is Virgil introducing Horace to Maecenas. The two poets had met in 40 B.c., when Virgil was thirty and Horace twenty\u00ad five. Virgil opened the doors of .l\\.faecenas to him a year later, and all three remained fast friends till death.\nIn 1935 Italy celebrated the two thousandth birthday of Quintus Horatius Flaccus. He was born in the little town of Venusia, in Apulia. His father was an ex-slave who had risen to the dignity of a tax collector-or, some said, a fishmonger.25 Flaccus meant flap-eared; Horatius was probably the name of the master whom the father had served. Somehow the freedman prospered, sent Quintus to Rome for rhetoric, and to Athens for philosophy. There the youth joined the army of Brutus, and received command of a legion. It was dulce et decorum pro patria nzori-\"sweet and honorable, to die for one's country\"; 26 but Horace, who often imitated Archilochus, dropped his shield in the midst of battle and took to his heels. After the war was over he found himself shorn of all property and patrimony, and \"bare\u00ad faced poverty drove me to writing verses.\" 27 Actually, however, he but\u00ad tered his bread by being a quaestor's clerk.\nHe was short and stout, proud and shy, disliking the common crowd and yet not having the garb or means to move in circles whose education might equal his own. Too cautious to marry, he contented himself with courtesans who may have been real or may have been forms of poetic license invented to demonstrate maturity. He wrote of prostitutes with scholarly restraint and intricate prosody, and thought he deserved much for not seducing married women.28 Too poor to ruin himself sexually, he took to books and composed Greek and Latin lyrics in the most recondite of Greek meters. Virgil saw one of these poems and praised it to .l\\faecenas. The kindly epi\u00ad cure was complimented by Horace's stammering timidity and found a sly relish in his sophisticated thought. In 37 l\\Iaecenas took Virgil, Horace, and some others on a jaunt by canal boat, stagecoach, litter, and foot across Italy to Brundisium. Shortly afterward he introduced Horace to Octavian,\n, \u00b7ho proposed that Horace should become his secretary. The poet excused himself, having no passion for work. In 34 ldaecenas gave him a house and income-producing farm in the Sabine valley of Ustica, some forty-five miles\nCHAP. xn)\tTHE   GOLDEN  AGE\t245\nfrom Rome. Horace was now free to live in the city or the country, and to write as authors dream of writing-with lazy leisure and laborious care.* For a while he stayed in Rome, enjoying the life of an amused spectator of the hurrying world. He mingled with all ranks, studying the types that made up Rome, contemplating with clinical pleasure the follies and vices of the capital. He pictured some of these types in two books of Satires ( 34 and 30 B.c.) modeled at first on Lucilius and later in a milder and more tolerant\nstrain. He called these poems sermones-not by any means sermons, but informal conversations, sometimes intimate dialogues, in almost colloquial hexameters; he confessed that they were prose in everything but meter, \"for you would not call one a poet who writes, as I do, lines mor akin to prose.\" In these racy verses we meet the living men and women of Rome and hear them talking as Romans talked: not the shepherds, peasants, and heroes of Virgil, nor the legendary lechers and heroines of Ovid, but the saucy slave, the vain poet, the pompous lecturer, the greedy philosopher, the gabbing bore, the eager Semite, the businessman, the statesman, the streetwalker: this at last, we feel, is Rome. \\Vith homicidal playfulness Horace lays down for the hunter of legacies the rules for success in that ghoulish game.20 He laughs at the gourmets who feast on delicacies and limp with gout.30 He reminds the laudator temporis acti-the \"praiser of times past\"-that \"if some god were for taking you back to those days you would refuse every time\"; 31 the chief charm of the past is that we know we need not live it again. He wonders, like Lucretius, at the restless souls who in the city long for the country, and there long for the city; who can never enjoy what they have because there is someone who has more; who, not content with their wives, hanker with too great and yet too little imagination for the charms of other women ,vho have in turn become prose to other men. l\\ioney-madness, he concludes, is the basic disease of Rome. He asks the itching gold-seeker, \"\\Vhy do you laugh at Tantalus, from whose thirsty lips the \u00b7water always moves away? Change the name, and the story is about you\": 11nttato nmnine, de te fabula narratur.32 He satirizes himself, too: he represents his slave telling him to his face that he, the moralist, is hot-tempered, never knows his own mind or purpose, and is the menial of his passions like anybody else.\nIt is doubtless to himself, as well as to others, that he recommends the golden\nmean, aurea mediocritas; 33 est modus in rebus, he says-\"there's a limit, a measure in things,\" 34 which the intelligent man will neither fall short of\n.\" Horace's estate, unearthed in 1932, turned out to be a spacious mansion, 363 by 142 feet, with twenty-four rooms, three bathing pools, se,\u00b7eral mosaic floors, and a large formal garden surrounded by a covered and enclosed portico. Beyond this was an extensive farm, worked by eight slaves and five families of leasehold coloni.28a\nCAESAR  AND  CHR 1ST\t(CHAP. XII\nnor exceed. In opening his second series of Satires he complains to a friend that the first group were criticized as too savage and too weak. He asks advice and is told, \"Take a rest.\" \"What?\" the poet objects, \"not write verses at all?\" \"Yes.\" \"But I can't sleep.\" 35"]
[3.22251033782959, -12.748760223388672, "out a bite.34 He was sensitive and shy, and blushed when he had to address a public gathering, but in battle he was in these days impetuously brave; in later life timidity and corpulence burdened his generalship, and he hesitated till lost. His mind had neither brilliance nor depth; his policies were made for him, not by him-first by the politicians of the populares, then by the Senatorial oligarchy. His great wealth lifted him above the coarser tempta\u00ad tions of politics; amid the selfishness and corruption of his time he shone by his patriotism and his integrity; he seems to have sincerely sought the public good as well as his own. His outstanding fault was vanity. His early successes led him to overrate his abilities, and he wondered why Rome waited so long to make him in everything but name a king.\nThe two favorites of Sulla, now consuls together, devoted themselves to overthrowing the Sullan constitution. Pompey and Crassus paid their debt to the populares by passing a b]l that restored all the power of the tribunes. They consolidated their alliance with business by directing Lucullus to give the publicans full charge of tax collections in the East; and they supported legislation that required juries to be drawn equally from the Senate, the equestrian class, and the tribunes of the Treasury. Crassus had to wait fifteen years for his reward-the privilege of drinking gold in Asia; Pompey received his in 67, when the Assembly voted him almost limitless authority to proce d against the pirates of Cilicia. Once Rhodes had kept the Aegean free of such marauders; but Rhodes, humiliated and impoverished by Rome and Delos, could no longer maintain the fleet required for such a service; and the landed aristocracy that controlled the Senate had no keen interest in making the channels of maritime commerce secure. Merchants and plebs felt the results more sharply: trade became almost impossible in the Aegean, even in the central Mediterranean; and imports of grain fell so rapidly that the price of wheat at Rome rose to twenty sesterces per modius, or three dollars a peck. The pirates flaunted their success with gilded masts, purple sails, and silver\u00ad plated oars on their thousand ships; they took and held 400 coastal towns, plundered temples in Samothrace, Samas, Epid:mrus, Argos, Leucas, and Actium, kidnaped Roman officials, and assailed even the shores of Apulia and Etruria.\nTo meet this situation Pompey's friend Gabinius proposed a bill giving\nhim for three years absolute control of all Roman fleets, and all persons within fifty miles of any Mediterranean shore. Every senator but Caesar opposed this extraordinary measure, but the Assembly passed it with enthusi\u00ad asm, voted Pompey an army of 1 2 5,ooo men and a navy of 500 vessels, and ordered the Treasury to place 144,000,000 sesterces at his disposal. In effect the bill deposed the Senate, ended the Sullan restoration, and established a provisional monarchy as a prelude and lesson to Caesar. The outcome\n140\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Vil\nstrengthened the precedent. The very day after Pompey's appointment the price of wheat began to fall. Within three months he accomplished his task\u00ad captured the pirate ships, took their strongholds, executed their leaders-and yet without abusing his unusual authority. Commerce took heart and sailed again, and a river of cereals flowed into Rome.\nWhile Pompey was still in Cilicia, his friend Manilius offered the Assem\u00ad bly a bill transferring to him full command of the armies and provinces then\n(66) under Lucullus, a:id prolonging the powers conferred upon him by the Gabinian Law. The Senate resisted, but the merchants and moneylenders gave strong support to the proposal. Pompey, they hoped, would be less lenient than Lucullus to their Asiatic debtors; he would restore the tax col\u00ad lections to the publicans; he would conquer not only Bithynia and Pontus, but Cappadocia, Syria, and Judea; and these rich fields would be thrown open to Roman trade and finance under the protection of Roman arms. A \"new man,\" Marcus Tullius Cicero, who had been elected praetor for that year with the aid of the business class, spoke \"For the Manilian Law,\" and attacked the Senatorial oligarchy with a rash eloquence unheard in Rome since the Gracchi, and with a candor shocking in a politician:\nThe whole system of credit and finance which is carried on here at Rome is inextricably bound up with the revenues of the Asiatic prov\u00ad inces. If these revenues are destroyed, our system of credit will crash.... If some lose their entire fortunes they will drag many more down with them. Save the state from such a calamity.... Prosecute with all your energies the war against Mithridates, by which the glory of the Roman name, the safety of our allies, our most valuable revenues, and the fortunes of innumerable citizens will be effectively preserved.35\nThe measure was readily passed by the Assembly. The plebs cared little for the fortunes of the financiers; but it rejoiced in having found, through the issuance of extraordinary powers to a general, a means of annulling the Sullan legislation and deposing its ancient enemy, the Senate. From that moment the d:iys of the Republic were numbered. The Roman revolution, helped by the oratory of its grea::est foe, had taken another step toward Caesar.\nC!CERO AXD CATILCTE\nPlutarch thought that Marcus Tullius was called Cicero because of a wart, shaped like a vetch (cicer), on an ancestor's nose; more probably his fore\u00ad bears had earned the cognomen by raising renowned crops of chick-peas.\nCHAP. VII)\tTHE  OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\t141\nIn his Lav_,s Cicero describes with engaging tenderness the modest villa that had seen his birth near Arpinum, halfway between Rome and Naples, in the foothills of the Apennines. His father was just rich enough to give his son the best education that the age could provide. He engaged the Greek poet Archias to tutor Marcus in literature and Greek and then sent the youth to study law with Q. Mucius Scaevola, the greatest jurist of his time. Cicero listened eagerly to the trials and debates in the Forum, and rapidly learned the arts and tricks of forensic speech. \"To succeed in the law,\" he said, \"a man must renounce all pleasures, avoid all amusements, say farewell to recrea\u00ad tion, games, e9tertainment, almost to intercourse with his friends.\" 36\nSoon he was practicing law himself and making speeches whose brilliance and courage won him the gratitude of the middle classes and the plebs. He prosecuted a favorite of Sulla and denounced the proscriptions in the midst of the Sullan terror (So B.c.).37 Shortly afterward, perhaps to avoid the dic\u00ad tator's revenge, he went to Greece, and continued there his studies of oratory and philosophy. After three happy years in Athens he passed over to Rhodes, where he heard the lectures of Apollonius, son of Molon, on rhetoric, and those of Poseidonius on philosophy. From the first he learned the periodic sentence structure and purity of speech that were to distinguish his style; and from the other that mild Stoicism which he would later expound in his essays on religion, government, friendship, and old age.\nReturning to Rome at the age of thirty, he married T erentia, whose ample dowry now enabled him to go into politics. In 75 he distinguished himself by his just administration of a quaestorship in Sicily. In 70, having resumed the practice of law, he raised a furor among the aristocracy by accepting a retainer from the cities of Sicily and bringing suit against the senator Caius Verres, on the charge that as propraetor there (73-71) Verres had sold his appointments and decisions, had lowered individual tax assessments in inverse proportion to bribes received, had despoiled Syracuse of nearly all its statu\u00ad ary, had assigned the revenues of a whole city to his mistress, and all in all had carried injustice, extortion, and robbery to such a pitch as to leave the island more desolate than after two Servile \\Vars. \"\\Vorse yet, Verres had kept for himself some of the spoils that usually went to the publicans. The business class supported Cicero in the indictment, while Hortensius, aristo\u00ad cratic leader of the Roman bar, led the defense for Verres. Cicero was al\u00ad lowed some hundred days to gather evidence in Sicily; he took only fifty, but he presented so much damaging testimony in his opening address that Hortensius-who had decorated his gardens with part of Verres' sculptural loot-abandoned his client. Condemned to pay a fine of 40,000,000 sesterces, Verres fled into exile. Cicero published the five additional speeches that he\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VII\nhad prepared; they constituted an unsparing attack upon Roman malfeasance in the provinces. His energy and courage won him such support that when he ran for the consulate for 63 B.c. he was elected by acclamation.\nBorn of modest equestrian rank, Cicerohad naturally sided with the middle class and had resented the pride, privileges, and misrule of the aristocracy. But far more deeply he feared those radical leaders whose program, he thought, threatened all property with mob rule. He therefore made it his policy, now that he was in office, o promote a \"concord of the orders\"\u00ad i.e., a co-operation of the aristocracy and the business class-against the returning tide of revolt.\nThe causes and forces of discontent, however, were too deep and varied to be easily dissolved. Many of the poor were listening to preachers of utopia, and some who listened were ripe for violence. A little above them were plebeians who had forfeited their property through defaulted mort\u00ad gages. Some of Sulla's veterans had failed to make their land allotments pay and were ready for any disturbance that might give them loot without toil. Among the upper classes were insolvent debtors and ruined speculators who had lost all hope or wish to meet their obligations. Others had political ambi\u00ad tions and saw their road to advancement cluttered with conservatives who took too long to die. A few revolutionists were sincere idealists, convinced that only a complete overturn could mitigate the corruption and inequity of the Roman state.\nOne man sought to unite these scattered groups into a coherent political\nforce. We know Lucius Sergius Catiline only through his enemies-through the history of his movement by the millionaire Sallust, and through the violent vituperation of Cicero's orations Against Catiline. Sallust describes him as a \"guilt-stained soul at odds with gods and men, who found no rest either waking or sleeping, so cruelly did conscience ravage his overwrought mind. Hence his pall:d complexion, his bloodshot eyes, his gait now fast now slow; in short, his face and every glance showed the madman.\" 38 Such a description suggests the pictures that a people struggling for life or power paints of its enemies in war; when the battle is over the pictures are gradu\u00ad ally revised, but in the case of Cati,line we have no revision. In youth he had been charged with d flowering a Vestal Virgin, a half sister of Cicero's first wife; the court had acquitted the Virgin, but gossip had not acquitted Cati\u00ad line; on the contrary, it added that he had killed his son to please his jealous mistress.39 In the scale1against these stories we can only say that for four years after Catiline's.:death the common people of Rome-\"the miserable, starveling rabble,\" Cicero called them-strewed flowers upon his tomb.40 Sallust quotes what purports to be one of his speeches:\nCHAP. vu)\tTHE   OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\nEver since the state fell under the s,vay of a few powerful men .\nall influence, rank, and wealth have been in their hands. To us they have left danger, defeat, prosecutions, poverty. . .. What have we left save only the breath of life? ... Is it not better to die valiantly than to lose our wretched and rushonored lives after being the sport of other men's insolence? 41"]
[0.5633484125137329, -10.738804817199707, "40: Rec nciliation of Antony and Oc\u00ad tavian at Brundisium; Virgil's Fourth Ecloisue\n36: Antony invades Parthia 32: Anton_y marries Cleopatra\n31: Octavian defeats Antony at Acrium 30: Suicide of A ntonv :mri Cleopatra; Egypt annexed to the Empire; Oc\u00ad\ntavian sole ruler of Rome\nCHAPTER  VI\nThe Agrarian Revolt\n145-78 B.C.\nffiE BACKGROUND OF REVOLUTION\nHE causes of revolution were many, the results were endless, the personalities thrown up by the crisis,\u00b7from the Gracchi to Augustus,\nwere among the most powerful in history. Never before, and never again till our own time, were such stakes fought for, never was the world drama more intense. The first cause was the influx of slave-grown corn from Sicily, Sardinia, Spain1 and Africa, which ruined many Italian farmers by reducing the price of domestic grains below the cost of production and marketing. Second, was the influx of slaves, displacing peasants in the countryside and free workers in the towns. Third, was the growth of large farms. A law of\n220 forbade senators to take contracts or invest in commerce; flush with the spoils of war, they bought up extensive tracts of agricultural land. Con\u00ad quered soil was sometimes sold in small plots to colonists, and eased urban strife; more of it was given to capitalists in part payment of their war loans to the state; most of it was bought or leased by senators or businessmen on terms fixed by the Senate. To compete with these latifzmdia the little man had to borrow money at rates that insured his inability to pay; slowly he sank into poverty or bankruptcy, ten::mcy or the slums. Finally, the peasant himself, after he had seen and looted the world as a soldier, had no taste or patience for the lonely labor and unadventurous chores of the farm; he preferred to join the turbulent proletariat of the city, watch without cost the exciting games of the amphitheater, receive cheap com from the govern\u00ad ment, sell his vote to the highest bidder or promiser, and lose himself in the impoverished and indiscriminate mass.\nRoman society, once a community of free farmers, now rested more and more upon external plunder and internal slavery. In the city all domestic service, many handicrafts, most trade, much banking, nearly all factory labor, and labor on public works, were performed by slaves, reducing the wages of free workers to a point where it was almost as profitable to be idle as to toil. On the latifzmdia slaves were preferred because they were not subject to military service, and their number could be maintained, genera-\nl II\nI 12\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\ntion after generation, as a by-product of their only pleasure or their master's vice. All the Mediterranean region was raided to produce living machines for these industrialized farms; to the war prisoners led in after every vic\u00ad torious campaign were added the victims of pirates who captured slaves or freemen on or near the coasts of Asia, or of Roman officials whose organized man hunts impressed into bondage any provincial whom the local authorities did not dare protect.1 Every week slave dealers brought their human prey from Africa, Spain, Gaul, Germany, the Danube, Russia, Asia, and Greece to the ports of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. It was not unusual for\n10,000 slaves to be auctioned off at Delos in a single day. In 177, 40,000\nSardinians, in 167, 150,000 Epirotes, were captured by Roman armies and sold as slaves, in the latter case at approximately a dollar a head.2 In the city the lot of the slave was mitigated by humanizing contacts with his master and by hope of emancipation; but on the large farms no human relation interfered with exploitation. There the slave was no longer a member of the household, as in Greece or early Rome; he seldom saw his owner; and the rewards of the overseer depended upon squeezing every possible profit from the chattels entrusted to his lash. The wages of the slave on the great estates were as much food and clothing as would enable him to toil from sunrise to sunset every day-barring occasional holidays-until senility. If he complained or disobeyed, he worked with chains about his ankles and spent the night in an ergastztlum-a subterranean dungeon that formed a part of nearly every latifundium. It was a wasteful as well as a brutal system, for it supported hardly a twentieth of the families that once had lived on the same acreage as freemen.\nIf we remember that at least half these slaves had once been free (for slaves seldom fought in the wars), we can surmise the bitterness of these\nbroken lives, and must marvel at the rarity of their revolts. In 196 the rural slaves and free workers of Etruria rebelled; they were beaten down by Roman legions and, Livy tells us, \"many were killed or taken prisoners; others were scourged and crucified.\" 3 In 185 a like uprising occurred in Apulia; 7000 slaves were captured and condemned to mines.4 In the mines of New Carthage alone 4000 Spaniards worked as slaves. In 139 the \"First Servile War\" broke out in Sicily. Four hundred slaves accepted the call of Eunus and massacred the free population in the town of Enna; slaves poured from the farms and private dungeons of Sicily and swelled the number of the rebels to 70,000. They occupied Agrigentum, defeated the forces of the Roman praetor, and held nearly all the island till 131, when a consular army penned them into Enna and starved them into surrender. Eunus was taken to Rome, dropped into an underground cell, and allowed to die of hunger and lice.5 In 133 lesser uprisings resulted in the execution of 150 slaves in\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE\tAGRARIAN  REVOLT\t113\nRome, 450 in Mimurnae, 4000 in Sinuessa. In that year Tiberius Gra'cchus passed the agrarian law that opened the Roman Revolution.\nTIBERIUS GRACCHUS\nHe was the son of the Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus who had earned the gratitude of Spain by his generous administration, had served twice as consul and once as censor, and had saved the brother and married the daughter of Scipio Africanus. Cornelia gave him twelve children, all but three of whom died in adolescence; and his own death left upon her the burden of rearing Tiberius and Caius and a daughter-also named Cornelia\u00ad who became the wife of Scipio Aemilianus. Both parents shared in the Hellenistic culture and sympathies of the Scipionic circle. Cornelia gathered about her a literary salon, and wrote letters of so pure and elegant a style that they were reckoned as a distinguished contribution to Latin literature. An Egyptian king, says Plutarch, offered her his hand and throne in her widowhood, but she refused; she preferred to remain the daughter of one Scipio, the mother-in-law of another, and the mother of the Gracchi.\nBrought up in the atmosphere of statesmanship and philosophy, Tiberius and Caius Gracchus knew both the problems of Roman government and the speculations of Greek thought. They were particularly influenced by Blossius, a Greek philosopher from Cumae, who helped to inspire in them a passionate liberalism that underestimated the power of the conservatives in Rome. The brothers were almost equally ambitious, proud, sincere, elo\u00ad quent beyond reason, and brave without stint. Caius tells how Tiberius had the agrarian tragedy borne in upon him when, passing through Etruria, he \"noted the dearth of inhabitants, and observed that those who tilled the soil and tended the flocks were foreign slaves.\" 6 Knowing that at that time only property holders could serve in the army, Tiberius asked himself how Rome could preserve its leadership or independence if the sturdy peas\u00ad ants that h2d once filled its legions were displaced by desolate and alien bondsmen. How could Roman life and democracy ever be healthy with a city proletariat festering in poverty, instead of a proud yeomanry owning and tilling the land? A distribution of land among the poorer citizens seemed the obvious and necessary solution of three problems: rural slavery, urban congestion and corruption, and military decay.\nEarly in 1 33 Tiberius Gracchus. elected a tribune of the people, announced his intention to submit to the Tribal Assembly three proposals: (1) that no citizen should be permitted to hold more than 333-or, if he had two sons, 667-acres of land bought or rented from the state; (2) that all other public"]
[-1.2331551313400269, -15.96402359008789, "History has been unfair to this \"age of despots\" because it has spoken here chiefly through the most brilliant and most prejudiced of historians. It is true that the gossip of Suetonius often confirms-or follows-the invective of Tacitus; but the study of literature and inscriptions has condemned them both as mistaking the vices of ten emperors for the record of an empire and a century. There was something good in the worst of these rulers\u00ad devoted statesmanship in Tiberius, a charming gaiety in Caligula, a plodding wisdom in Claudius, an exuberant aestheticism in Nero, a stem competence in Domitian. Behind the adulteries and the murders an administrative organi\u00ad zation had formed which provided, through all this period, a high order of provincial government. The emperors themselves were the chief victims of their power. Some disease in the blood, fired by the heat of loosed desire, had pursued the Julio-Claudians as fatally as the children of Atreus; and some flaw in the system had debased the Flavians in one generation from patient statesmanship to terrified cruelty. Seven of these ten men met a violent end; nearly all of them were unhappy, surrounded by conspiracy, dishonesty, and intrigue, trying to govern a world from the anarchy of a home. They indulged their appetites because they knew how brief was their omnipotence; they lived in the daily horror of men condemned to an early and sudden death. They went under because they were above the law; they became less than men because power had made them gods.\nBut we must not absolve the age or the principate of its ignominy and its crimes. It had given peace to the Empire, but terror to Rome; it had injured morals by the high example of cruelty and lust; it had torn Italy with a civil war more ferocious than that of Caesar and Pompey; it had filled the islands with exiles and had killed off the best and bravest men. It had suborned the treachery of relatives and friends by rewarding avaricious spies. It had, in Rome, replaced a government of laws with a tyranny of men It had raised gigantic edifices by accumulating tribute, but it had dwarfed the soul by frightening talented or creative minds into servility or silence. Above all, it had made the army supreme. The power of the prince over the Senate lay not in his superior genius, nor in custom, nor in prestige; it rested upon the pikes of the Guard. \\Vhen provincial armies saw how emperors were made, how rich were the donatives and spoils of the capital, they deposed the Praetorians and themselves entered upon the business of making kings. For a century yet the wisdom of great rulers chosen by adoption rather than by heredity, violence, or wealth would hold the legions in check and\n294\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nkeep the frontiers safe. But when, through a philosopher's love, idiocy would again reach the throne, the annies would run riot, chaos would break through the fragile film of order, and civil war would join hands with the waiting barbarians to topple down the noble and precarious structure of government that the genius of Augustus had built.\nCHAPTER  XIV\nTheSilver  Age\nTHE DILETTANTES\nRADITION has given to Latin letters from A.D. 14 to 117 the name of Silver Age, implying a fall from the cultural excellence of the Augustan Age. Tradition is the voice of time, and time is the medium of selection; a cautious mind will respect their verdict, for only youth knows better than twenty centuries. \\Ve may be permitted, however, to suspend judgment, to give Lucan, Petronius, Seneca, the elder Pliny, Celsus, Statius, Martial, Quintilian-and, in later chapters, Tacitus, Juvenal, Pliny the Younger, and Epictetus-an unbiased hearing, and enjoy them as if we had\nnever heard that they belonged to a decadent period. In every epoch some\u00ad thing is decaying and something is growing. In epigram, satire, the novel,\nhistory, and philosophy the Silver Age marks the zenith of Roman litera\u00ad ture, as it represents in realistic sculpture and mass architecture the climax . of Roman art.\nThe speech of the common man re-entered literature, diminishing inflections, relaxing syntax, and dropping final consonants with Gallic impertinence. About the middle of the first century the Latin V (which had been pronounced like our W) and B (between vowels) were both softened into a sound like the Eng\u00ad lish V; so habere, to have, became in sound havere, and prepared for Italian avere and French avoir; while vinum, wine, began to approximate, by lazy slurring of the changing final consonant, the Italian vino and the French vin. The Latin language was preparing to mother Italian, Spanish, and French.\nIt must be admitted that rhetoric had now grown at the expense of eloquence, grammar at the expense of poetry. Able men devoted themselves beyond prece\u00ad dent to studying the form, evolution, and niceties of the language, editing al\u00ad ready \"classical\" texts, formulating the august rules of literary composition, forensic oratory, poetic meter, and prose rhythm. Claudius tried to reform the alphabet; Nero made poetry fashionable by his almost Japanese example; and the elder Seneca wrote manuals of rhetoric on the ground that eloquence gives to every power a double power. Without eloquence only generals could rise in Rome; and even generals had to be orators. The mania for rhetoric seized all\n295\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nforms of literature: poetry became rhetorical, prose became poetical, and Pliny himself wrote an eloquent page in the six volumes of his Natural History. Men began to worry about the balance of their phrases and the melody of their clauses; historians wrote declamations, philosophers itched for epigrams, and every one wrote sententiae-concentrated pills of wisdom. All the polite world was writing poetry, and reading it to friends in hired halls or theaters, at table, even (Martial complained) in the bath. Poets engaged in public competitions, won prizes, were feted by municipalities and crowned by emperors; aristocrats and princes wel\u00ad comed dedications or tributes and paid for them with dinners or denarii. The passion for poetry gave a pleasant aspect of amateur authorship to an age and city darkened with sexual license and periodic terror.\nTerror and poetry met in the life of Lucan. The older Seneca was his grand\u00ad father, the philosopher Seneca his uncle. Born in Corduba in 39, and named Marcus Annaeus Lucanus, he was brought in infancy to Rome and grew up in aristocratic circles ,vhere poetry and philosophy rivaled amorous and political intrigues as the foci of life. At twenty-one he competed in the Neronian Games with a poem \"In Praise of Nero,\" and won a prize. Seneca introduced him at court, and soon the poet and the Emperor were bandying epics. Lucan made the mistake of winning first prize in a poetic contest with the Prince; Nero ordered him to publish no more, and Lucan withdrew to avenge himself in private with a vigorous but rhetorical epic, Pharsalia, which viewed the Civil War from the standpoint of the Pompeian aristocracy. Lucan is fair to Caesar, and writes of him an illuminating phrase: nil actum credens cum quid superesset agendum\u00ad \"thinking nothing done while anything remained to do.\" 1 But the real hero of the book is the younger Cato, whom Lucan equals with the gods in a famous line: victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni-\"the winning cause pleased the gods, but the lost one pleased Cato.\" 2 Lucan too loved a lost cause and died for it. He joined in the conspiracy to replace Nero with Piso, was arrested, broke down (he was only twenty-six), and revealed the names of other conspirators, even, we are told, of his mother. When Nero confirmed his death sentence he recovered his courage, summoned his friends to a feast, ate with them heartily, opened his veins, and recited his lines against despotism as he bled to death (65).\nPETROXIUS\n,ve are not certain-it is only the general opinion-that the Petronius whose Satyricon still finds many readers was the Caius Petronius who died by Nero's orders a year after Lucan. The book itself contains not a word to serYe as a clue; and T acirns, who describes the arbiter elegantiitrum with pithy eloquence, makes no mention of the disreputable masterpiece. Some forty epigrams are ascribed to a Petronius, including a line that almost sums up Lucretius: prinnzs in orbe deos fecit timor-\"it was fear that first in the\nCHAP. xiv)\tTHE   SILVER  AGE\t297\nworld made gods\"; 3 but these fragments too are silent about the author's identity.\nThe Satyricon was a collection of satires, probably in sixteen books, of which only the last two remain, themselves incomplete. They are saturae in the Latin sense of medleys-here of prose and verse, adventure and phi\u00ad losophy, gastronomy and venery. The form owes something to the satires of Menippus, a Syrian Cynic who wrote in Gadara about 60 B.c., and to the \"Milesian Tales,\" or love romances, that had become popular in the Hellenistic world. As all extant examples of these are later than Petronius, the Satyricon has the distinction of being the oldest known novel.\nIt is hardly credible that an aristocratic lord of luxury, and master of fine taste, should have fathered a book so profusely vulgar as the Satyricon.\nAll its active characters are plebeians, ex-slaves, or slaves, and all the scenes are of low life; here the Augustan preoccupation of literature with the upper classes is violently ended. Encolpius, who tells the tale, is an adulterer, a homosexual, a liar, and a thief, and takes it for granted that all sensible men are the same. \"\"\\Ve had it understood between ourselves,\" he says of himself and his friend, \"that whenever opportunity came we would pilfer whatever we could lay our hands upon, for the improvement of our common treasury.\" 4 The story begins in a brothel, where Encolpius meets Ascyltos, who has taken refuge there from a lecture on philosophy. Their escapades among the towns and trolls of southern Italy form the thread of the wandering narrative; their rivalry for the handsome slave boy Giron unites and divides them in picaresque romance. At last they come to the house of the merchant Trimalchio; and the rest of the extant work is given over to describing the Cena Trimalcbionis, the most astounding dinner in literature.\nT rimalchio is an ex-slave who has made a fortune, has bought enormous latifundia, and lives in parvenu luxury with the appointments of a palace and the atmosphere of a stew. His estates are so vast that a daily gazette must be written to keep him abreast of his earnings. He begs his guests to drink:\nIf the wine don't please you I'll change it. I don't have to buy it, thank the gods. Everything here that makes your mouth water was produced on one of my country places, which I've never yet seen; but they tell me it's dO\\vn Terracina and Tarentum way. I've got a notion to add Sicily to my other little holdings, so in case I want to go to Africa I'll be able to sail along my own coasts.    When it"]
[-3.773785352706909, -6.334899425506592, "268\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP, XIII\nCaligula's final pleasantry was to announce himself as a god, equal to Jupiter himself. Famous statues of Jove and other deities were decapitated and crowned with heads of the Emperor. He enjoyed sitting on a throne in the Temple of Castor and Pollux and receiving divine worship. At times he would converse with an image of Jupiter, often in terms of reproof; and he had a contrivance made by which he could reply to Jove's thunder and lightning peal for peal and stroke for stroke.39 He set up a temple to his god\u00ad head, with a corps of priests and a supply of select victims, and he appointed his favorite horse as one of the priests. He pretended that the moon-goddess had come down to embrace him, and asked Vitellius could he not see her. \"No,\" answered that wise counier, \"only you gods can see one another.\" 40 The people were not deceived. \\Vhen a Gallic cobbler saw Caligula mas\u00ad querading as Jupiter, and was asked what he thought of the Emperor, he said, simply, \"A big humbug.\" Caligula heard, but did not punish such re\u00ad freshing courage.41\nAt twenty-nine this god was an old man, worn out by excesses, probably venereally diseased, with a small and half-bald head upon a fat body, with a livid complexion, hollow eyes, and a sinister glance. His fate came suddenly, and from that Praetorian Guard whose suppon he had long purchased with gifts. A tribune of the Guard, Cassius Chaerea, insulted by the obscenities that Caligula gave him as passwords day after day, killed him in the secret passage of a theater (4r). When the news went out, the city hesitated to believe it; men feared that this was a trick of the imperial prankster to find out who would rejoice at his death. To clarify the issue the assassins killed Caligula's final wife and dashed out his daughter's brains against a wall. On that day, says Dio, Caligula learned that he was not a god.42\nCLAUDIUS\n\\\nI\t\tCaligula had left the Empire in a dangerous condition: the Treasury empty, the Senate decimated, the people alienated, l\\1auretania in rebellion, Judea in arms at his insistence on placing his cult statue in the Temple of Jerusalem. No one knew whereto find a ruler fit to face these problems. The Praetorians, coming upon the apparently imbecile Claudius hiding in a cor\u00ad ner, procla d him imperator. The Senate, in terror of the army, and per\u00ad haps relieved by the prospect of dealing with a harmless pedant instead of a reckless lunatic, confirmed the choice of the Guard; and Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus hesitantly mounted the throne.\nHe was the son of Antonia and Drusus, the brother of Germanicus and Livilla, the grandson of Octavia and Antony, of Livia and Tiberius Claudius\nCHAP. XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\nNero. He had been born at Lugdunum (Lyons) in the year IO B.c. and was now fifty years old. He was tall and stout, with white hair and an amiable face; but infantile paralysis and other diseases had weakened his frame. His legs were precariously thin and gave him a shambling gait; his head wobbled as he walked. He loved good wines and rich food and suffered from gout. He stuttered a bit, and his laughter seemed too boisterous for an emperor. In anger, says the merciless gossiper, \"he would foam at the mouth and trickle at the nose.\" 43 He had been brought up by women and freedmen, had developed a timidity and sensitivity hardly advantageous to a ruler, and had had few opportunities to practice government. His relatives had looked upon him as a feeble-minded invalid; his mother, who had inherited Octavia's gentleness, called him \"an unfinished monster,\" and when she wished to stress a man's dullness she would tenn him \"a bigger fool than my Claudius.\" Scorned by all, he lived in safe obscurity, absorbed in gambling, books, and drink. He became a philologist and antiquarian, learned in \"ancient\" art, religion, science, philosophy, and law. He wrote histories of Etruria, Car\u00ad thage, and Rome, treatises on dice and the alphabet, a Greek comedy, and an autobiography. Scientists and savants corresponded with him and dedicated their tomes to him; Pliny the Elder cites him four times as an authority. As Emperor he told his people how to cure snakebite, and forestalled super\u00ad stitious fears by predicting a solar eclipse on his birthday and explaining its cause. He spoke Greek well, and wrote several of his works in that language. He had a good mind; perhaps he was sincere when he told the Senate that he had pretended stupidity in order to save his head.\nHis first act as Emperor was to reward with a donative of 1 5,ooo sesterces every soldier of that Guard which had raised him to the throne. Caligula had given such gifts, but not so clearly in payment for the Empire; now Claudius acknowledged the sovereignty of the army, while canceling again the power of the Assembly to choose the magistrates. \\Vith wiser generosity he ended accusations de 111aiestate, released persons imprisoned on such charges, recalled all exiles, restored confiscated property, returned to Greece the statues that Gaius had stolen, and abolished the taxes that Gaius had introduced. But he put to death Caligula's assassins, on the theory that it was unsafe to condone the murder of an emperor. He ended the practice of prostration, and announced simply that he was not to be worshiped as a god. Like Augustus he repaired the temples and with antiquarian fervor sought to reanimate the old religion. He applied himself personally and conscien\u00ad tiously to public affairs; he even \"made the rounds of those who sold goods and let buildings, and corrected whatever he deemed to be abuses.\" 44 But in truth, though he emulated the moderation of Augustus, his actual policies\n270\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nwent beyond that cautious conservatism to the bold and varied plans of Caesar: the reform of government and law, the construction of public works and services, the elevation of the provinces, the enfranchisement of Gaul, and the conquest and Romanization of Britain.\nHe surprised everyone by showing will and character as well as learning and intellect. Like Caesar and Augustus, he \u00b7was convinced that the local magistrates were too few and untrained, the Senate too proud and impatient to do the com\u00ad plex work of municipal and imperial administration. He bowed to the Senate, and left it many powers and more dignities; but the real labor of government was performed by himself, a cabinet of his appointees, and a civil service gradu\u00ad ally organized, as under Caesar, Augustus, and Tiberius, out of the freedmen of the Emperor's household, and using \"public\" slaves for clerical and minor tasks. Four cabinet members headed this bureaucracy: a secretary of state (ab epis\u00ad tulis-\"for communications\"), a treasurer (a rationibus-\"for accounts\"), an\u00ad other secretary (a libellis-for petitions), and an attorney general (a cognition\u00ad ibus-\"for actions at law\"). Able freedmen-Narcissus, Pallas, and Callistus\u00ad held the first three posts. Their rise to power and wealth was the symbol of a wide elevation of the freedman class, which had been going on for centuries and reached a new height in Claudius' reign. When the aristocracy protested against the empowerment of these parvenus, Claudius revived the office of censor, had himself chosen to it, revised the list of persons eligible to the Senate, eliminated the chief opponents of his policies, and added new members from the knights and the provinces.\nEquipped with these administrative organs, he set himself an ambitious pro\u00ad gram of construction and reform. He improved the procedure of the courts, de,. creed penalties for the law's delays, sat patiently as judge many hours every week, and forbade the application of torture to any citizen. To prevent the floods that endangered Rome all the more frequently as the Apennines were being denuded of timber, he had an additional channel dug for the lower course of the Tiber. To expedite the import of grain he had a new harbor (Portus) built near Ostia, with commodious 1varehouses and docks, two great moles to break the fury of the sea, and a channel connecting the harbor with the Tiber above the river's silted mouth. He finished the \"Claudian\" aqueduct begun by Caligula, and constructed another, the Anio N ovus, both immense works and notable for the beauty of their lofty arches. Observing that the lands of the Marsians were periodically swamped by the overflow of Lake Fucinus, he pro\u00ad vided state funds for the labor of 30,000 men during eleven years, digging a three\u00ad mile tunnel from the Jake through a mountain to the river Ciris. Before releasing the waters of the lake he staged on it a sham naval battle between two fleets manned by 19,000 condemned criminals, before spectators gathered from all Italy upon the slopes of the surrounding hills. The combatants saluted the Em\u00ad peror with a historic phrase: A-i\u00b7e Caesar! morituri saluta11ms te-\"Hail Caesar! we who are about to die salute you.\" 45\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF MONARCHY\t271\nTheprovinces prospered under him as in Augustan days. He punished decisively the malfeasance of officials, except in the case of Felix, procurator of Judea, whose misrule was concealed from him by Pallas, brother of Saint Paul's inquisitor. He busied himself with every phase of provincial affairs; his edicts and inscriptions, found throughout the Empire, are marked by his characteristic fussiness and prolixity, but they show a mind and will intel\u00ad ligently devoted to the public good. He labored to improve communication and transport, to protect travelers from brigandage, and to reduce the cost of the official post to the communities it served. Like Caesar he wished to raise the provinces to the level of Italy in a Roman commonwealth. He car\u00ad ried out Caesar's design in granting full citizenship to Transalpine Gaul; if he had had his way he would have enfranchised all freemen in the Empire.46 A bronze tablet unearthed at Lyons in 1524 has preserved for us part of the rambling speech in which he persuaded the Senate to admit to its member\u00ad ship and to imperial office those Gauls who held the Roman franchise. l\\leanwhile he did not allow the army to deteriorate or the frontiers to be infringed; his legions were kept busy and fit, and great generals like Corbulo, Vespasian, and Paulinus developed under his choice and encouragement. Again deciding to complete Caesar's plans, he invaded Britain in 43, con\u00ad quered it, and was back in Rome within six months of setting out. In the triumph accorded him he violated precedent by pardoning the captured British king, Caractacus. The people of Rome laughed at their strange Em\u00ad peror, but loved him; and when, on one of his absences from the capital, a false rumor spread that he had been killed, so great a turmoil of sorrow swept the city that the Senate had to issue official assurances that Claudius was safe and would soon be in Rome.\nFrom that great height he fell because he had built a government too\ncomplex for his personal supervision, and because his amiable spirit was too easily deceived by his freedmen and his family. The bureaucracy had im\u00ad proved administration and had made a thousand new openings for corrup\u00ad tion. Narcissus and Pallas were excellent executives, who considered their salaries unequal to their merits. To make up the difference they sold offices, extorted bribes by threats, and brought charges against men whose estates they wished to confiscate. They ended by being the richest individuals in all antiquity. Narcissus had 400,000,000 sesterces ($60,000,000); Pallas was miserable because he had only 300,000,000.47 \"\\Vhen Claudius complained of a deficit in the imperial Treasury, Roman wags remarked that he would have enough and to spare if he would take his two freedmen into partner\u00ad ship.48 The old aristocratic families, now comparatively poor, looked with horror upon these accumulations and powers, and burned with anger when they had to court ex-slaves to obtain a word with the Emperor.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nClaudius was busy writing to appointees and scholars, preparing edicts and speeches, and attending to the needs of his wife. Such a man should have lived like a monk and barricaded himself against love; his wives proved a ruinous distraction, and his domestic policy was not as successful as his foreign. Like Caligula he married four times. His first wife died on her wed\u00ad ding day, the next two he divorced; then, aged forty-eight, he married Valeria Messalina, sixteen. She was not unusually pretty: her head was flat, her face florid, her chest malformed;49 but a woman need not be beautiful to commit adultery. ,vhen Claudius became Emperor she assumed the rights and manners of a queen, rode in his triumph, and had her birthday celebrated throughout the Empire. She fell in love with the dancer Mnester; when he rejected her advances she begged her husband to bid him to be more obedient to her requests; Claudius complied, whereupon the dancer yielded to her patriotically. Messalina rejoiced at the simplicity of her formula, and adopted it with other men; those who still refused her were accused of invented crimes by officials pliant to her influence, and found themselves deprived of their property and their liberty, sometimes of their lives.50\nPerhaps the Emperor tolerated these irregularities to secure indulgence for his own. \"He was immoderate in his passion for women,\" says Suetonius, who adds, as a startling distinction, that Claudius \"was wholly free from unnatural vice.\" 51 Messalina, says Dio, \"gave him some attractive house\u00ad maids for bedfellows.\" 52 Needing funds for her escapades, the Empress sold offices, recommendations, and contracts. Juvenal has handed down the story that she would disguise herself, enter a brothel, receive all comers, and gladly pocket their fees; the tale was probably taken from the lost memoirs of Messalina's successor and foe, the younger Agrippina. \\Vhile Claudius, says Tacitus, \"devoted all his time to the duties of his censorial office\" 53- including the supervision and improvement of Roman morals-Messalina \"gave a loose to love,\" and at last, while her husband was in Ostia, formally married a handsome youth, Caius Silius, \"with pomp and all accustomed rites.\" 54 Narcissus informed the Emperor through the latter's concubines 55 and told him that an uprising was being planned to kill him and put Silius on the throne. Claudius rushed back to Rome, summoned the Praetorian Guard, had Silius and other lovers of 1\\f essalina slain, and then retired in nervous exhaustion to his rooms. The Empress hid herself in those gardens of Lucullus which she had confiscated for her pleasure. Claudius sent her a message inviting her to come and plead her cause. Fearing that the Emperor would forgive her and turn against him, Narcissus dispatched some soldiers with instructions to kill her. They found her alone with her mother, slew her with one blow, and left her corpse in her mother's arms (48). Claudius\nCHAP. xm)   THE  OTHER  SIDE  OF 1\\'IONARCHY\t273\ntold the Praetorian Guard that if he should every marry again they would be justified in killing him. He never mentioned Messalina again.*\n\\Vithin a year he was hesitating whether to marry Lollia Paulina or the younger Agrippina. Lollia, ex-wife of Caligula, was rich; sometimes, we are told, she wore jewelry worth 40,000,000 sesterces;59 perhaps Claudius ad\u00ad mired her money more than her taste. Agrippina was the daughter of the elder Agrippina and Germanicus; she too, had in her the unreconciled blood of Octavian and Antony, and had succeeded to the beauty, ability, resolu\u00ad tion, and unscrupulous vindictiveness of her mother. She was already twice a widow. By her first husband, Cnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, she had a son Nero, whose enthronement became the ruling passion of her life; and from her second husband Caius Crispus, whom rumor accused her of poisoning, she inherited the wealth that sinewed her aims. Her problem was to become the wife of Claudius, to get rid of his son Britannicus, and make Nero, by adoption, heir to the Empire. The fact that she was Claudius' niece did not deter her, but gave her opportunities for fond intimacies that stirred the aging ruler in no avuncular way. Suddenly he appeared before the Senate and asked it to bid him marry again for the good of the state. The Senate complied, the Praetorians laughed, and Agrippina reached the throne (48).\nShe was thirty-two, Claudius fifty-seven. His energies were failing; hers"]
[1.2581615447998047, -17.484235763549805, "Problems of ownership, obligation, exchange, contract, and debt took up by far the largest part of Roman law. Material possession was the very life of Rome, and the increase of wealth and the expansion of trade demanded a body of law immeasurably more complex than the simple code of the Decemvirs.\nOwnership (dominium)\" came by inheritance or acquisition. Since the father owned as agent and trustee of the family, the children and grandchildren were potential owners-mi heredes in the law's queer phrase-\"their own heirs.\" 23 If the father died intestate they succeeded automatically to the family property, and the oldest father among the sons inherited the dominium. The making of valid wills was hedged about with hundreds of legal restrictions, and their com\u00ad position required, as now, a gorgeous and sonorous tautology. Every testator was compelled to leave a specified portion of his estate to his children, another part to a wife who had borne him three children, and (in some cases) parts to his brothers, sisters, and ascendants. No heir might take any part of an estate with\u00ad out assuming all the debts and other legal obligations of the deceased; not infre\u00ad quently a Roman found himself saddled with a dcrmnosa hereditas-a legacy, so to speak, in the red. \\Vhere an owner died without children and without a will, his property and his debts passed automatically t() the nearest \"agnate,\" or relative descended from a common ancestor exclusively through males. In the later Em\u00ad pire this male conceit abated, and by the time of Justinian 2gP-'.ltes and cognates (relatives through male or female lines of ascent) inherited with equal right. An old law passed on the urging of Cato ( 169 B.C.) had forbidden any Roman who owned 100,000 sesterces ($15,000) or more to bequeath any part of his estate to a woman. This lex Voconia was still on the statute books in Gaius' time, but love had found a way. The testator left property on trust (fideic01111niss1m2) to a qualified heir, and bound him by a solemn request to transfer the property before a stated date to the woman named. By this and other channels much of the wealth of Rome passed into the hands of women. Gifts offered another escape from testamentary law; but gifts made in prospect of death were subject to legal scrutiny, and under Justinian they were liable to the same laws as those that harassed legacies.\nAcquisition came by transfer, or by legal conveyance resulting from a suit at law. Transfer (mancipatio, \"taking in hand\") was a formal gift or sale before witnesses and with scales struck by a copper ingot as token of a sale; without this ancient ritual no exchange had the sanction or protection of the law. An intermediate or potential ownership was recognized under the name of possessio-\n400\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVIII\nthe right to hold or use property; e.g., tenants on state lands were possessores (\"sitters,\" squatters), not domini; but their prescriptive right (usucapio, \"taking by use\") became dominiznn, and could no longer be questioned after two years of unchallenged occupancy. Probably this lenient conception of occupation as so soon generating ownership came from patricians who were in this manner acquiring public lands.24 By the same right of ttsttcapio a woman who lived with a man through a year without three nights' absence became the property (in manu) of the man.\nObligation was any compulsion by law to the performance of an act. It could arise by delict or by contract. Delicts or torts-noncontractual wrongs committed against a person or his property-were in many cases punished by an obligation to pay the injured person a sum of money in compensation. A contract \u00b7was an agreement enforceable at law. It did not have to be written; indeed, until the second century A.D. the verbal agreement made by uttering the word spondeo\u00ad \"I promise\"-before a witness was considered more sacred than any written com\u00ad pact. The many witnesses and solemn ceremony once required for legal contract were no longer necessary; business was quickened by the legal recognition of any clear agreement-usually entries made by the parties in their account books (tabulae). But the law guarded transactions carefully: it warned the seller with a caveat venditor, as well as the buyer v..-ith a caveat emptor, against the myriad forms of cheating natural to civilized life. Any seller of slaves or cattle, for ex\u00ad ample, was required by law to disclose their physical defects to the purchaser and was held accountable despite a plea of ignorance.25\nDebt was contracted by loan, mortgage, deposit, or trust. Loans for consump\u00ad tion were usually secured by a mortgage on realty or movable goods. A default in principal entitled the mortgagee to take over the property. In early republican law, as we have seen, such default permitted the lender to attach the person of the borrower asa bondsman.\u2022 The lex Poetelia (326 B.c.) modified this rule by allow\u00ad ing the debtor to work off his obligation while retaining his freedom. After Caesar, defaulted mortgages were usually satisfied by the sale of the debtor's property without jeopardy to his person; but cases of enslavement to a creditor occur as late as Justinian. Commercial defaults were mitigated by a law of bank\u00ad ruptcy which sold the bankrupt's property to pay his debts, but permitted him to keep as much of his later acquisitions as his subsistence required.\nThe chief crimes against property were damage, theft, and rapine-theft with violence. The Twelve Tables had condemned a detected thief to be flogged and then delivered as a bondsman to his victim; if the thief \\Vas a slave he was to be scourged and flung from the T arpeian rock. Increased social security permitted praetorian law to soften these severities to a twofold, threefold, or fourfold restitution.26 In its final form the law of property was the most perfect part of the Roman code.\nThe mortgagor w:is in law bound (nexus) to the mortgagee; but the obscure term nexum\nwas apparently applied to any solemnly sworn obli!r-ltion.\nCHAP. XVIII)\tROMAN  LAW\nTHE LA,V OF PROCEDURE\nOf all ancient peoples the Romans ,vere the most prone to litigation, despite the discouraging complexity, technicality, and confusing fictions of their procedural law. Doubtless our own legal actions would have seemed to them equally devious and prolonged. The older the civilization, the longer the lawsuits. Any man, as noted above, could make himself a prosecutor in a Roman court. In the patrician Republic the accuser, the defendant, and the magistrate were required to follow a form called legis actio, or process of law, and the slightest deviation invalidated the action. \"Thus,\" says Gaius, \"a man who sued another for cutting his vines, and in his action called them 'vines,' lost his case because he should have called them 'trees,' since the Twelve Tables speak generally of trees, and not particularly of vines.\" 27 Each party deposited with the magistrate a sum of money (sacra\u00ad mentum), which ,ns forfeited by the losing party to the state religion. The defendant also had to give bail (vad1111011ium) as security for his subsequent ap\u00ad pearances. The magistrate then turned over the dispute to a person on the list of those qualified to act as judges. In some cases the judge issued an interim inter\u00ad dictztm, requiring one or more of the parties in the case to perform or refrain from certain actions. If the defendant lost, his property-sometimes his person\u00ad could be seized by the plaintiff until the judgment was satisfied.\nAbout 150 B.C. the lex Aebutia abolished the necessity of using this ritual legis actio, and accepted in its place a procedure per formulam. Specific acts and words were no longer required; the parties shared with the magistrate in determining the form under which the matter was to be submitted to the judge; and the\nmagistrate then wrote to the judge an instruction (formula) on the factual and legal questions involved; it was partly in this way that the praetor, as magistrate, made \"praetorian law.\" In the second century A.D. a third mode of action\u00ad cognitio extraordinaria-came into use: the magistrate decided the case himself. By the end of the third century the formulary procedure had disappeared, and the summary judgment of a magistrate responsible only to the emperor, and usually owing his office to him, reflected the coming of absolute monarchy.\nThe litigants could conduct their case, and the praetor or judge decide it, without the help of lav,ryers if they wished; but as the iudex was not often a professional trained in the law, and the litigants might at every step stumble over a technicality, all parties to a dispute usually sought the aid of trial lawyers (advocati), leg:11 technicians (pragnzatici), consultants (iurisconsulti),or jurists (iurisprudentes). There was no lack oflegal talent, for every fond parent yearned tq see his son an advocate, and the law, then as now, was the vestibule to public office. A character in Petronius gives his son a collection of red-backed books (codices) \"to learn a little law,\" as \"it spells money.\" 28 A law student began by learning the elements from some\n402\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVIII\nprivate instructor; in his second stage he attended the consultations of eminent jurists; thereafter he apprenticed himself to a practicing la\"\"Yer. Early in the second century A.D. certain iurisconsulti set up in various parts of Rome schools (stationes) at which they gave instruction or advice in the law; Ammianus complains of their high fees, saying that they charged even for their yawns and made matricide venial if the client paid enough.211 These teachers were called iuris civilis prof essores; apparently the title of\n-professor came from the fact that they were required by law to declare (profiteri) their intention of teaching, and to secure a license therefor from the public authority.30\nOut of the many la\"\"Yers so trained there were inevitably some who sold their learning to sordid causes,31 accepted bribes to present their client's case weakly,32 found loopholes in the law for any crime, fomented disputes among rich men, dragged on suits to any lucrative length,33 and shook the courts or the Forum with their intimidating questioning and their vitupera\u00ad tive summations. Forced to compete for cases, some lawyers sought to build a reputation by walking hurriedly through the streets with bundles of documents in their hands, borrowed rings on their fingers, dependents at\u00ad tending them, and hired claqueurs to applaud their speech.34 So many ways had been found of circumventing the old Cincian law against fees that Claudius legalized them up to 10,000 sesterces per case; any fee above this figure was to be recoverable by law.35 This restriction was easily evaded, for we hear of a lawyer in Vespasian's reign amassing a fortune of 3 00,000,- 000 sesterces ($30,000,000).36 As in every generation, there were attorneys and judges whose clear and disciplined minds were at the service of truth and justice regardless of fee; and the lowest practitioners were redeemed by the great jurists whose names are the highest in the history of the law. Courts for the trial of offenders varied from the hearings held by indi\u00ad vidual judges or magistrates to the assemblies, the Senate, and the emperor. Instead of a single judge the praetor might choose by lot (subject to a number of challenges by accuser and defendant) a jury of almost any size, usually fifty-one or seventy-five, from the 850 Senatorial or equestrian names on the jwy list. Two special courts were permanently maintained: the decemviri, or Ten Men, to try cases of civil status; and the centunwiri, or Hundred Men, to hear suits in property and bequest. The proceedings of these bodies were open to the public, for the younger Plinv describes the great crowd that came to hear him address the larger courr.37 Juvenal 38 and Apuleius 39 complain of judicial procrastination and venality, but their\nvery indignation suggests exceptional cases.\nTrials were marked by a freedom of speech and action seldom known in modern courts. Several la\"\")7\"ers might appear on each side; some specialized\nCHAP. XVIII)\tROMAN  LAW\nin preparing the evidence, some in presenting it. The proceedings were re\u00ad corded by various clerks (notarii, actwrrii, scribae), and were sometimes taken down in shorthand; Martial says of certain scribes, \"However fast the words may run, their hands are quicker still.\" 41 Plutarch tells how stenographers took down the speeches of Cicero, often to his discomfort. Witnesses were dealt with according to time-honored precedents. Says the exemplary Quintilian:\nIn the examination of a witness the first essential is to know his type. For a timid witness may be terrorized, a fool outwitted, an irascible man provoked, and vanity flattered. The shrewd and self\u00ad possessed witness must be dismissed at once as malicious and obstinate; or ... if his past life admits of criticism, his credit may be over\u00ad thrown by the scandalous charges that can be brought against him.42"]
[0.3120928406715393, 5.470968246459961, "313: Death of Alexander; Lamian War 311: Deaths of Aristotle, Demosthenes,\nand Diogenes\nCHAPTER  XIX\nPhilip\nTHE SPARTAN EMPIRE\nPARTA now assumed for a spell the naval mastery of Greece, and offered to history another tragedy of success brought low by pride. Instead of the freedom which she had promised to the cities once subject to Athens, she levied upon them an annual tribute of a thousand talents ($6,000,000), and established in each of them an aristocratic rule con\u00ad trolled by a Lacedaemonian harmost, or governor, and supported by a Spartan garrison. These governments, responsible only to the distant eph\u00ad ors, practiced such corruption and tyranny that soon the new empire was\nhated more intensely than the old.\nIn Sparta itself the influx of money and gifts from oppressed cities and obsequious oligarchs strengthened the internal forces that had long been leading to decay. By the fourth century the ruling caste had learned how to add private luxury to public simplicity, and even the ephors had ceased, except in outward show, to observe the Lycurgean discipline. Much of the land, by dowries and bequests. had fallen into the hands of women; and the wealth so accumulated gave to the Spartan ladies-free from the care of male children-an ease of life and morals hardly befitting their name.1 The repeated division of some estates had impoverished many families to a point where they could no longer contribute their quota to the public mess, and therefore lost the rights of citizenship; while the for\u00ad mation of large properties through intermarriage and legacies had created in the few remaining \"Equals\" a provocative concentration of wealth.\u2022 \"Some Spartans,\" Aristotle writes, \"own domains of vast extent, the oth\u00ad ers have ne rly nothing; all the land is in the hands of a few.\"\" The dis\u00ad franchised gentry, the exclud d Perioeci, and the resentful Helots made a population too restless and hostile to permit the government to engage, on any large scale of space or time, in those external military operations which imperial rule required.\nMeanwhile civil war among the Persians was affecting the fortunes of\nThe homoioi, or Equals, numbered eight thousand in 480, two thousand in 371, seven hundred in 3-tr.1\n459\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nGreece. In 401 the younger Cyrus rebelled against his brother Artaxerxes II, enlisted Sparta's aid, and recruited an army from the thousands of Greek and other mercenaries left idle in Asia by the sudden termination of the Peloponnesian War. The two brothers met at Cunaxa, between the con\u00ad verging Tigris and Euphrates; Cyrus was defeated and slain, and all of his army was captured or destroyed except a contingent of twelve thousand Greeks whose quickness of mind and foot enabled them to escape into the interior of Babylonia. Hunted by the King's forces, the Greeks chose, in their rough democratic way, three generals to lead them to safety. Among these was Xenophon, once a pupil of Socrates, now a young sol\u00ad dier of fortune, destined to be remembered above all by the Anabasis, or Ascent, in which he later described with engaging simplicity the long \"Re\u00ad treat of the Ten Thousand\" up along the Tigris and over the hills of Kur\u00ad distan and Armenia to the Black Sea. It was one of the great adventures in human history. We are amazed at the inexhaustible courage of these Greeks, fighting their way on foot, day by day for five months, through two thousand miles of enemy country, across hot and foodless plains, and over perilous mountain passes covered with eight feet of snow, while armies and guerrilla bands attacked them in the rear and in front and on either flank, and hostile natives used every device to kill them, or mislead them, or bar their way. As we read this fascinating story, made so dull for us in youth by the compulsion to translate it, we perceive\u00b7 that the most im\u00ad portant weapon for an army is food, and that the skill of a commander lies as much in finding supplies as in organizing victory. More of these Greeks died from exposure and starvation than from battle, though the battles were as numerous as the days. When at last the 8600 survivors sighted the Euxine at Trapezus (Trebizond), their hearts overflowed.\nAs soon as the vanguard got to the top of the mountains, a great cry went up. And when Xenophon and the rear guard heard it they imagined that other enemies were attacking in front-for ene\u00ad mies were following behind them.... They pushed ahead to lend aid, and in a moment they heard the soldiers shouting, \"The sea! the sea!\" and passing the word along. Then all the troops of the rear guard likewise broke into a run, and the pack animals began racing ahead. . . . And when all had reached the summit, then in\u00ad deed they fell to embracing one another, and generals and captains as well, with tears in their eyes.\u2022\nFor this was a Greek sea, and Trapezus a Greek city; they were safe now, and could rest without fear of death surprising them in the night. The\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\nnews of their exploit resounded proudly through old Hellas, and en\u00ad couraged Philip, two generations later, to believe that a well-trained Greek force could be relied upon to defeat a Persian army many times its size. Unwittingly Xenophon opened the way for Alexander.\nPerhaps this influence was already felt by Agesilaus, who in 399 had succeeded to the throne of Sparta. Persia might have been persuaded to overlook Sparta's aid to Cyrus. But to the ablest of the Spartan kings a war with Persia seemed only an interesting adventure, and he set out with a small force to free all Greek Asia from Persian rule.\u2022 When Artaxerxes II learned that Agesilaus was easily defeating all Persian troops sent against him, he dispatched messengers with abundant gold to Athens and Thebes to bribe these cities into declaring war upon Sparta.\" The effort readily succeeded, and after nine years of peace the conflict between Athens and Sparta was renewed. Agesilaus was recalled from Asia to meet, and barely defeat, the combined forces of Athens and Thebes at Coronea; but in the same month the united fleets of Athens and Persia under Conon destroyed the Spartan navy near Cnidus, and put an end to Sparta's brief domina\u00ad tion of the seas. Athens rejoiced, and set to work energetically, with funds supplied by Persia, to rebuild her Long Walls. Sparta defended herself by sending an envoy, Antalcidas, to the Great King, offering to surrender the Greek cities of Asia to Persian rule if Persia would enforce among the mainland Greeks a peace that would protect Sparta. The Great King agreed, withdrew his financial support from Athens and Thebes, and com\u00ad pelled all parties to sign at Sardis (387) the \"Peace of Antalcidas,\" or the \"King's Peace.\" Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros were conceded to Athens, and the major Greek states were guaranteed autonomy; but all the Greek cities of Asia, along with Cyprus, were declared the property of the King. Athens signed under protest, knowing that this was the most disgraceful event in Greek history. For a generation all the fruits of Marathon were lost; the Greek states of the mainland remained free in name, but in effect the power of Persia had engulfed them. All Greece looked upon Sparta as a traitor, and waited eagerly for some nation to destroy her.\nEPAMINONDAS\nAs if to strengthen this feeling, Sparta assumed the authority to interpret and enforce the King's Peace among the Greek states. To weaken Thebes\n\"In what respect,\" he asked, \"is the 'Great King' greater than I, unless he is more upright and self-restrained?\"\"\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nshe insisted that the Boeotian Confederacy violated the autonomy clause of the treaty, and must be dissolved. With this excuse the Spartan army set up in many Boeotian cities oligarchic governments favorable to Sparta and in several cases upheld by Spartan garrisons. When Thebes protested, a Lacedaemonian force captured her citadel, the Cadmeia, and established an oligarchy subject to Spartan domination. The crisis aroused Thebes to unwonted heroism. Pelopidas and six companions assassinated the four \"Laconizing\" dictators of Thebes, and reasserted Theban liberty. The Confederacy was reorganized, and named Pelopidas its leader, or boeotarch. Pelopidas called to his aid his friend and lover Epaminondas, who trained and led the army that reduced Sparta to her ancient isolation.\nEpaminondas camt: of a distinguished but impoverished family which proudly traced its origin to the dragon's teeth sown by Cadmus a thousand years before. He was a quiet man, of whom it was said that no one talked less or knew more.1 His modesty and integrity, his almost ascetic life, his devotion to his friends, his prudence in counsel, his courage and yet self\u00ad restraint in action, endeared him to all the Thebans despite the military discipline to which he subjected them. He did not love war, but he was convinced that no nation could lose all martial spirit and habits and yet maintain its freedom. Elected and many times re-elected boeotarch, he warned those who proposed to vote for him: \"Bethink yourselves once more; for if I am made general you will be compelled to serve in my army.\"\" Under his command the lax Thebans were drilled into good sol\u00ad diers; even the \"Greek lovers\" who were so numerous in the city were formed by Pelopidas into a \"Sacred Band\" of three hundred hoplites, each of whom was pledged to stand by his friend, in battle, to the death.\nWhen a Spartan army of ten thousand troops under King Cleombrotus invaded Boeotia, Epaminondas met it at Leuctra, near Plataea, with six thousand men, and won a victory that influenced the political history of Greece and the military methods of Europe. He was the first Hellene to make a careful study of tactics; he counted on facing odds in every battle, and concentrated his best fighters upon one wing for offense, while the remainder were ordered to follow a policy of defense; in this way the enemy, advancing in the center, could be disordered by a flank attack on its left. After Leuctra Epaminondas and Pelopidas marched into the Pelo\u00ad ponnesus, freed Messenia from its century-long vassalage to Sparta, and founded the city of Megalopolis as a stronghold for all Arcadians. Even into Laconia the Theban army descended-an event without precedent for hundreds of years past. Sparta never recovered from her losses in this"]
[-3.1949357986450195, 7.229538440704346, "t So named because addressed to the panegyris, or General Assembly (pan-agora) of the\nGreeks, at the hundredth Olympiad.\nCHAP. XX)   LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\nwhile they view complacently the real sufferings, the many terrible sufferings, that result from our state of war; and they are so far from feeling pity that they even rejoice more in each other's sor\u00ad rows than in their own blessings.8\nIf the Greeks must fight, why not fight a real enemy? Why not drive the Persians back to their plateau? A small detachment of Greeks, he prophesied, would defeat a large army of Persians.\u2022 Such a holy war might at last give unity to Greece; and t'.1e choice was between Greek unity or triumphant barbarism.\nTwo years a'ter publishing this appeal (378) lsocrates, turning theory into pracfr:e, toured the Aegean with his ex-pupil Timotheus, and helped to for\u00ad mul::ite the terrr ; of the second Athenian Confederacy. The rise and fall of this ne,;- hope of u, .'.ty formed one more disappointment in his long life. In a brave\nm.d vigorous pamphlet On the Peace he condemned Athens for again corrupt ing an allianct into an empire, and called upon her to sign a peace that would assure t;very Greek state against Athenian encroachments. \"What we call em\u00ad pire is in reality misfortune, for by its very nature it depraves all who have to do with it.\"\"' Imperialism, he said, had ruined democracy by teaching Athenian& to live on foreign tribute; losing that, they now wished to live on state contri\u00ad butions, and exalted to the highest offices those who promised them most.\nWhenever you deliberate on the business of the state you dis\u00ad trust and dislike men of superior intelligence, and cultivate in\u00ad stead the most depraved of the orators who come before you; you prefer ...  those who are drunk to those who are sober, those who are witless to those who are wise, and those who dole out the public money to those who perform public services at their own expense.n\nIn his next address, the Areopagiticus, he spoke more leniently of democracy. \"We sit around in our shops denouncing the present order,\" says a timeless pas\u00ad sage, \"but we perceive that even badly constituted democracies are responsible for fewer disasters than are oligarchies.,,,.. Had not Sparta made a worse mis\u00ad tress for Greece than Athens had been?7and, \"Have not we all of us, because of the madness of the Thirty, become greater enthusiasts for democracy than those who occupied Phyle?\"\u20221a But Athens had ruined itself by carrying to excess the principles of liberty and equality, by \"training the citizens in such fashion that they looked upon insolence as democracy, lawlessness as liberty, impudence of speech as equality, and license to do what they pleased as hap\u00ad piness.\"\" All men are not equal, and should not be equally free to hold office. The institution of the lot, Isocrates felt, had lowered disastrously the level of Athenian statesmanship. Better than this \"mob rule\" was the \"timocracy\" of Solon and Cleisthenes; for then amiable ignorance and eloquent venality had\nTbrasybulus, Anytus, and the other restorers of democracy in 404.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t.  (CHAP.XX\nless chance of being raised to leadership; able men rose naturally to the top, and the Areopagus, receiving them after their term of office, became auto\u00ad matically the mature brain of the state.\nIn 346, when Athens came to terms with Philip, Isocrates, now ninety, ad\u00ad dressed an open letter to the Macedonian King. He foresaw that Philip would make himself master of Greece, and begged him to use his power not as a ty\u00ad rant, but as the unifier of autonomous Greek states in a war for the liberation of Greece from the King's Peace, and of Ionia from Persian rule. The war party denounced the letter as a surrender to despotism, and for seven years Isocrates held his pen. He spoke once more in 339, addressing his pamphlet to the Greeks who were gathering for the Panathenaic games. The Panathe\u00ad naicus is a weak and prolix repetition of the Panegyricus; the style trembles in the old man's hand; but it is an astonishing performance for one who was only three years short of a century. Then in 338 came Chaeronea; Athens was de\u00ad feated, but lsocrates' dream of a unified Greece was about to come true. A late Greek tradition says that when the news came he forgot about Philip and unity, and thought only of his native city humiliated, the days of her glory ended; and that, at the age of ninety-eight, having at last lived long enough, he starved himself to death.lll We do not know if this is true; but Aristotle tells us that within five days after Chaeronea, Isocrates was dead.\nm. XENOPHON\nThe influence of \"the old man eloquent\"'\" upon the statesmen of his time is open to doubt, but his influence upon letters was immediate and enduring.\u2022 It was felt first by the historians. Xenophon and others imitated his sketch of Evagoras,t and biography became a popular form of Greek literature, cul\u00ad minating in the gossipy masterpieces of Plutarch. To one of his pupils, Ephorus of Cyme, Isocrates committed the t:rsk of writing a general history of Greece\u00ad a record not of any one state, but of Greece as a whole. Ephorus carried out the assignment so well that his contemporaries ranked his Universal History with the books of Herodotus. To another pupil, Theopompus of Chios, lsocrates committed the field of recent events; Theopompus covered it in his Hellenica and Philippica, lively and rhetorical works highly praised by his contemporaries. About 340 Dicaearchus of Messana wrote a history of Greek civilization under the title of Bios Hellados-The Life of Greece; so ancient is our present enter\u00ad prise, even, by chance, to its name.\nCicero, Milton, Massillon, Jeremy Taylor, and Edmund Burke formed their prose style upon the balanced clauses and long periods of Isocrates.\nt The enlightened dictator who had imported Greek culture into Cyprus, 410-387.\nCHAP. XX)  LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t489\nThe only one of the fourth-century historians who has survived is Xeno\u00ad\nphon. Diogenes Laertius describes him in his youth:\nXenophon was a man of great modesty, and as handsome as can be imagined. They say that Socrates met him in a narrow lane, and put his stick across it, and prevented him from passing by, asking where all kinds of necessary things were sold. And when Xenophon had answered him, he asked, again, where men were made good and virtuous. And as Xenophon did not know, Socrates said, \"Follow me, then, and learn.\" And from that time forth Xenophon became a follower of Socrates.\"\nHe was among the more practical of Socrates' students. He liked his master's fascinating sleight-o'-mind, and loved him as a philosophic saint. But he enjoyed action as well as thought, and became a soldier of fortune while some other scholars, as Aristophanes disdainfully put it, were \"meas\u00ad uring the air.\"18 About the age of thirty he took service under the younger Cyrus, fought at Cunaxa, and led the Ten Thousand to safety. At Byzan\u00ad tium he joined the Spartans in their war against Persia, captured a wealthy Mede, accepted a rich ransom for him, and lived on it for the rest of his life. He became a friend and admirer of the Spartan King Agesilaus, and made him the subject of a worshipful biography. Returning to Greece with Agesilaus after Athens had declared war upon Sparta, he chose to be loyal to him rather than to his city; whereupon Athens decreed him an exile, and confiscated his property. He fought on the side of the Lacedaemonians at Coronea, and received as a reward an estate at Scillus in Elis, then under Spartan domination. There he spent twenty years as a country gentle\u00ad man, farming, hunting, writing, and bringing up his sons sternly on the Spartan plan.19\nTo his banishment we owe the varied works that lifted him to the front rank among the authors of his time. He wrote as his mood inclined him, about breaking in dogs, managing horses, training a wife, educating princes, fighting with Agesilaus, or raising revenues for Athens. In the Anabasis, with the fresh style of one who had seen or done the things he described, he told the thrilling (but quite uncorroborated) story of the Ten Thou\u00ad sand's long trek to the sea. In the H ellenica he took up the history of Greece where Thucydides had left off, and brought it down to the battle of Mantinea, in which his own son Gryllus died fighting bravely after slay\u00ad ing Epaminondas. The book is a dreary chronicle, in which history is con\u00ad ceived as an endless chain of battles, a vain logic-chopping alternation of victory and defeat. The style is lively, the character sketches are vivid; but\n49\u00b0\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t\nthe facts are judiciously hosen to prove the superiority of Spartan ways. Superstition, which disappeared from history in Thucydides, returns with Xenophon, and supernatural agency is invoked to explain the trajectory of events. With like simplicity or duplicity, the Memorabilia transforms Soc\u00ad rates into a monster of perfection, orthodox in religion, in ethics, in gender\u00ad less love, in everything except that scorn for democracy which particularly endeared him to the banished and Laconizing Xenophon. Still more unre\u00ad liable is the Banquet, which reports conversations alleged to have occurred when Xenophon was a child.\t\u2022"]
[-5.72844934463501, 5.66032075881958, "AEGEAN  PRELUDE\n3500-1000 B.C.\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE FOR BOOK I\nNoms: All dates are approximate. Individuals are placed at their time of flourishing, which is assumed to be about forty years after their birth; their dates of birth and death, where possible, are given in the index. Dates of rulers are for their reigns. A question mark before an entry indicates a date given only by Greek uadition.\nB.c. 9000: Neolithic Age in Crete\n3400-3000: Early Minoan, Helladic, Cycladic, I\n3400-2100: Neolithic A!Je in Thessaly\n3400-1200: Bronze Age 10 Crete\n3000-26oo: Early Minoan, Helladic, Cycladic, II\n3000: Copper mined in Cyprus\n2870: First known settlement at Troy\n2600-2350: Early Minoan, Helladic, Cycladic, III 2350-2rno: Middle Minoan, Helladic, Cycladic, I 2200-1200: Bronze Age in Cyprus\n2100-1950: Middle Minoan, Helladic, Cycladic, II; first series of Cretan palaces\n2100-1600: Chalcolithic Age in Thessaly\n1950-1600: Middle Minoan, Helladic, Cycladic, III\n1900: Desuuction of first series of Cre n palaces\n16oo-1500: Late Minoan, Helladic (Mycenaean), Cycladic, I; second series of Cretan palaces\n1600-1200: Bronze Age in Thessaly\n1582: ? Foundation of Athens by Cecrops\n1500-1400:  Late Minoan, Helladic (Mycenaean), Cycladic, II\n1450-1400: Desuuction of second series of Cretan palaces\n1433: ? Deucalion and the Flood\n1400-1200: Late Minoan, Helladic (Mycenaean), Cycladic, III; palaces of Tiryns and Mycenae\n1313: ? Foundation of Thebes by Cadmus\n1300-1100: Age of Achaean domination in Greece"]
[6.5655837059021, -2.4389700889587402, "CHAP,XXVI)\tBOOKS\nRhodes. He proved his courage by writing, in an age that preferred brevity, a very passable epic, the Argonautica. Callimachus dismissed it with an epigram\u00ad \"A big book is a big evil\"-of whose truth the reader may find an instance at close hand. In the end Apollonius was rewarded; he received the coveted ap\u00ad pointment of librarian, and even persuaded some of his contemporaries to read his epic. It still survives, and contains an excellent psychological study of Medea's love; but it is not indispensable to a modern education.\u2022\nThe rise of pastoral poetry betrays almost statistically the growth of an urban civilization. The Greeks of earlier centuries had said little about the beauty of the countryside because most of them had once lived on farms or near them, and knew the lonely hardships, as well as the quiet beauty, of rural life. Doubtless the Alexandria of the Ptolemies was as hot and dusty as Alexandria is today, and the Greeks who lived in it looked back with idealizing memory upon the hills and fields of their motherland; the great city was just the place to breed bucolic poetry. Thither came, about 276, a confident young man with the pleasant name of Theocritus. He had begun life in Sicily, and had continued it in Cos; he had returned to Syracuse to seek the patronage of Hieron II, and had failed; but he could never forget the beauty of Sicily, its mountains and flowers, its coasts and bays. He moved to Alexandria, composed a panegyric on Ptolemy II, and won the passing favor of the court. For some years he seems to have lived amid royalty and scholarship, while his melodious pictures of coun\u00ad try life made him popular among the sophisticates of the capital. His Praxinoa describes the terror of Alexandria's crowded streets:\n0 Heavens, what a mob! I can't imagine\nHow we're to squeeze through, or how long it'll take;\nAn ant-heap is nothing to this hurly-burly ...\n0 Gorgon, darling, look!-what shall we do? The royal cavalry! Don't ride us down! Eunoa, get out of the way!\"\"\nHow could a man with the soul of a poet and memories of Sicily be happy in such an environment? He praised the King for bread, but fed his spirit on fancies of his native island, and perhaps of Cos; he envied the simple life of the shepherd pacing with his placid animals grassy slopes overlooking sunny seas. In this mood he perfected the idyl-the eidyllion or little picture-and gave it the connotation that it keeps today, of a rustic cameo or a poetic tale. Only ten of the thirty-two pieces that have come\nVirgil copied it in form, sometimes in substance, sometimes line for line, in the Aeneid.\u2022\n610\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVI\ndown to us from Theocritus are pastoral poetry; but these have set a half\u00ad rural stamp\u00b7 upon the name that covers them all. Here at last nature en\u00ad tered Greek literature, not as a goddess merely, but as the living and lov\u00ad able features of the earth. Never before had Greek literature conveyed so feelingly the secret sense of kinship that stirs the soul with gratitude and affection for rocks and streams, water and soil and sky.\nBut another theme reaches even more deeply into the heart of Theocritus\n-romantic love. He is still a Greek, indites two lyrics (xii and xxix) to homosexual friendship, and tells with vivid sentiment the story of Heracles and Hylas (xiii)-how the giant, \"who withstood the ferocity of the lion, loved a youth and taught him like a father everything by which he might become a good and illustrious man; nor would he leave the lad at dawn, or noon, or evening, but sought continually to fashion him after his own heart, and to make him a right yoke-fellow with him in mighty deeds.\" A more famous idyl (i) rehearses Stesichorus' tale of Daphnis the Sicilian shepherd, who piped and sang so well that legend made him the inventor of bucolic (i.e., cow-tending) poetry. For a while Daphnis watched his herd, and envied their amorous play. When the first hair had sprouted on his lip a divine nymph fell in love with him, and had him for her mate. But as the price of her favors, she made him swear that he would never love another woman. He tried hard to keep his vow, and succeeded till a king's daughter became enamored of his youth and gave herself to him in\u00b7 the fields. Aphrodite saw it, and revenged her fellow goddess by making Daphnis waste away with unrequited love. As he died he bequeathed his pipe to Pan in a song to which the narrator adds a haunting refrain:\n\"Master, approach; take to thee this fair pipe Bedded in wax that breathes of honey still, Bound at the lips with twine. For Love has come To hale me off unto the house of Death.\"\nMuses, forego, forego the pastoral song.\n\"Now let the briar and the thistle flower With violets, and the fair narcissus bloom On junipers; let all things go awry,\nAnd pines grow pears, since Daphnis is for death. Let stags pursue the hounds, and from the hills The screeching owls outsing the nightingales.\"\nMuses, forego, forego the pastoral song.\nCHAP. XXVI)\tBOOKS\t611\nSo said he then-no more. And Aphrodite Was fain to raise him; but the Destinies\nHad spun his thread right out. So Daphnis went Down-stream; the whirlpool closed above his head, The head of him whom all the Muses loved,\nOf him from whom the Nymphs were not estranged.\nMuses, forego, forego the pastoral song!'\nThe second idyl continues the theme of love, but in a fiercer mood. Simaetha, maid of Syracuse, seduced and deserted by Delphis, seeks to command his love by filters and charms; if she fails she is resolved to poison him. Standing under the stars she tells Selene, goddess of the moon, with what hot jealousy she saw Delphis walking with his comrade.\nScarce had we reached the midpoint.of the road by the dwelling of"]
[11.799874305725098, 7.032436847686768, "having designed them, forgot them, and that Hieron, loving peace, never used them. Archimedes, says Plutarch,\npossessed so high a spirit, so profound a soul, and such treasures of scientific knowledge, that though these inventions had now obtained for him the renown of more than human sagacity, he yet would not deign to leave behind him any writing on such subjects; but, repudi\u00ad ating as sordid and ignoble ... every sort of art that lends itself to mere use and profit, he placed his whole affection and ambition in those purer speculations where there can be no reference to the vulgar needs of life-studies whose superiority to all others is unques\u00ad tioned, and in which the only doubt can be whether the beauty and grandeur of the subjects examined, or the precision and cogency of the methods and means of proof, most deserve our admiration.11\nBut when Hieron was dead Syracuse became embroiled with Rome, and the doughty Marcellus assailed it by land and sea. Though Archimedes was now (212) a man of seventy-five, he superintended the defense on both fronts. Behind the walls that protected the harbor he set up catapults able to hurl heavy stones to a considerable distance; their rain of projectiles was so devastating that Marcellus retreated until he could advance by night. But when the ships were seen near the shore the sailors were harassed by bowmen who shot at them through the holes that Archimedes' aides had pierced in the wall. Moreover, the inventor had arranged within the waiis great cranes which, when the Roman vessels came within reach, were turned by cranks and pulleys so as to drop upon the ships heavy weights of stone or lead that sank many of them. Other cranes, armed with gigantic hooks, grasped vessels, lifted them into the air, dashed them against the rocks, or plunged them end-foremost into the sea.*\" Marcellus withdrew his fleet, and put his hopes in an attack by land. But Archimedes bombarded the troops with large stones thrown by catapults to such effect that the Romans fled, saying that they were being opposed by gods; and they refused to ad\u00ad vance again.1' \"Such a great and marvelous thing,\" comments Polybius, \"does the genius of one man show itself to be when properly applied. The Romans, strong both by sea and by land, had every hope of capturing the town at once if one old man of Syracuse were removed; as long as he was present they did not venture to attack.\"'\"\nAbandoning the idea of taking Syracuse by storm, Marcellus resigned\nLucian is our earliest, and not quite reliable, authority for the story that Archimedes set Roman ships on fire by concentrating the sun's rays up.'.'ln them through the use of great concave nurrors.11\nCHAP.:xxvm)  TH   CLIMAX  OF GREEK  SCIENCE\t633\nhimself to a slow blockade. After a siege of eight months the starving city surrendered. In the slaughter and pillage that followed Marcellus gave orders that Archimedes should not be injured. During the sack a Roman soldier came upon an aged Syracusan absorbed in studying figures that he had traced in the sand. The Roman commanded him to present himself at once to Marcellus. Archimedes refused to go until he had worked out his problem; he \"earnestly besought the soldier,\" says Plutarch, \"to wait a little while, that he might not leave what he was at work upon inconclusive and imperfect, but the soldier, nothing moved by this entreaty, instantly killed him.,,,. When Marcellus heard of it he mourned, and did everything in his power to console the relatives of the dead man.1' The Roman general erected to his memory a handsome tomb, on which was engraved, in ac\u00ad cordance with the mathematician's expressed wish, a sphere within a cylin\u00ad der; to have found formulas for the area and volume of these figures was, in Archimedes' view, the supreme achievement of his life. He was not far wrong; for to add one significant proposition to geometry is of greater value to humanity than to besiege or defend a city. We must rank Archi\u00ad medes with Newton, and credit him with \"a sum of mathematical achieve\u00ad ment unsurpassed by any\u00b7one man in the world's history.'na\nBut for the abundance and cheapness of slaves Archimedes might have been the head of a veritable Industrial Revolution. A treatise on Mechanical Problems wrongly attributed to Aristotle, and a Treatise on Weights wr _mgly ascribed to Euclid, had laid down certain elementary principles of statics and dynamics a century before Archimedes. Strato of Lampsacus, who succeeded Theophrastus as head of the Lyceum, turned his deter\u00ad ministic materialism to physics, and (about 280) formulated the doctrine that ''nature abhors a vacuum.\"'\" When he added that \"a vacuum can be created by artificial means,\" he opened the way to a thousand inventions. Ctesibius of Alexandria (ca. 200) studied the physics of siphons (which had been used in Egypt as far back as 1 500 B.c.), ana developed the force pump, the hydraulic organ, and the hydraulic clock. Archimedes probably impr6ved-and unwittingly gave his name to-the ancient Egyptian water screw, which literally made water flow uphill.\"\u00b0 Philon of Byzantium, about 150, invented pneumatic machines, and various engines of war.\"' The steam engine of Heron of Alexandria, which came after the Roman con\u00ad quest of Greece, brought this period of mechanical development to a climax and close. The philosophical tradition was too strong; Greek thought went back to theory, and Greek industry contented itself with slaves. TM\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVIII\nGreeks were acquainted with the magnet, and the electrical properties of amber, but they saw no industrial possibilities in these curious phenomena. Antiquity unconsciously decided that it was not worth while to be modem.\nIll. ARISTARCHUS, HIPPARCHUS, ERATOSTHENES\nGreek mathematics owed its Hellenistic stimulus and blossoming to Egypt, Greek astronomy to Babylon. Alexander's opening of the East led to a resumption and extension of that trade in ideas which, three centuries earlier, had assisted at the birth of Greek science in Ionia. To this fresh contact with Egypt and the Near East we may ascribe the anomaly of Greek science reaching its height in the Hellenistic age, when Greek litera\u00ad ture and art were in decline.\nAristarchus of Samos was a bright interregnum in the rule of the geo\u00ad centric theory over Greek astronomy. He burned with such zeal that he studied almost all its branches, and achieved distinction in many of them.29 In his only extant treatise, On the Sizes tmd Disttmces of the Sun and the Moon,* there is no hint of heliocentricism; on the contrary it assumes that the sun and the moon move in circles about the earth. But Archimedes' Sand-Reckoner explicitly credits Aristarchus with the \"hypothesis that the fixed stars and the sun remain unmoved; the earth revolves about the sun in the circumference of a circle, the sun lying in the middle of the orbit\";\"' and Plutarch reports that Cleanthes the Stoic held that Aristarchus should be indicted for \"putting the Hearth of the Universe\" (i.e., the earth) \"in motion.\".. Seleucus of Seleucia defended the heliocentric view, but the opinion of the Greek scientific world decided against it. Aristarchus himself seems to have abandoned his hypothesis when he failed to reconcile it with the supposedly circular movements of the heavenly bodies; for all Greek astronomers took it for granted that these orbits were circular. Perhaps a distaste for hemlock moved Aristarchus to be the Galileo as well as the Copernicus of the ancient world.\nIt was the misfortune of Hellenistic science that the greatest of Greek\nastronomers attacked the heliocentric theory with arguments that seemed\nAristarchus estimated the volume of the sun as three hundred (it is over a million) times that of the earth-an estimate that seems low to us, but would have astonished Anaxagoras or Epicurus. He calculated the diameter of the moon as one mird that of the earth-an error of eight per cent-and our distance from the sun as twenty (it is almost four hundred) times our distance from the moon. \"When the sun is totally eclipsed,'' reads one proposition, \"the sun and the moon are then comprehended by one and the same cone, which has iai vertex at our eye.-\nCHAP.XXVIII)  THE  CLIMAX OF GREEK SCIENCE\nirrefutable before Copernicus. Hipparchus of Nicaea (in Bithynia), despite what seems to us an epoch-making blunder, was a scientist of the highest type-endlessly curious to know, devotedly patient in research, and so carefully accurate in observation and report that antiquity called him \"the lover of truth.,,.. He touched and adorned nearly every field of astrono\u00ad my, and fixed its conclusions for seventeen centuries. Only one of his many works remains-a commentary on the Phainomena of Eudoxus and Aratus of Soli; but we know him from Claudius Ptolemy's Almagest (ca. A.D. 140), which is based upon his researches and calculations; \"Ptolemaic astronomy\" should be called Hipparchian. He improved, probably on Babylonian models, the astrolabes and quadrants that were the chief astronomical instru\u00ad ments of his time. He invented the method of determining terrestrial posi\u00ad tions by lines of latitude and longitude, and tried to organize the astrono\u00ad mers of the Mediterranean world to make observations and measurements that would fix in these terms the location of all important cities; political disturbances frustrated the plan until Ptolemy's more orderly age. His mathematical studies of astronomic relations led Hipparchus to formulate a table of sines, and thereby to create the science of trigonometry. Helped, no doubt, by the cuneiform records which had been brought from Baby\u00ad\nlonia, he determined with approximate accuracy the length of the solar, lunar, and sidereal years. He reckoned the solar year as 365\u00bc days minus\n4 minutes and 48 seconds-an error of 6 minutes according to current calcu\u00ad lations. His time for a mean lunar month was 29 days, 12 hours, 44 minutes, and 2 \u00bd seconds-less than a second away from the accepted figure.\" He computed, with impressive approximation to modern measurements, the synodic periods of the planets, the obliquity of the ecliptic and of the moon's orbit, the apogee of the sun, and the horizontal parallax of the moon.\"\" He estimated the distance of the moon from the earth as 250,000 miles-an error of only five per cent.\nArmed with all this knowledge, Hipparchus concluded that the geocen\u00ad tric view better explained the data than did the hypothesis of Aristarchus; the heliocentric theory could not stand mathematical analysis except by supposing an elliptical orbit for the earth, and this supposition was so un\u00ad congenial to Greek thought that even Aristarchus does not appear to have considered it. Hipparchus verged upon it by his theory of \"eccentrics,\" which accounted for the apparent irregularities in the orbital velocities of the sun and the moon by suggesting that the centers of the solar and lunar orbits were slighd-y to one side of the earth. So near did Hipparchus come\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXVIII\nto being the greatest theorist, as well as the greatest observer, among ancient astronomers.\nWatching the sky night after night, Hipparchus was surprised one eve\u00ad ning by the appearance of a star where he was sure there had been none before. To certify later changes he made, about 129 B.c., a catalogue, a map, and a globe of the heavens, giving the positions of 1080 fixed stars in terms of celestial latitude and longitude-an immense boon to subsequent students of the sky. Comparing his chart with that which Timochares had made 166 years before, Hipparchus calculated that the stars had shifted their apparent position some two degrees in the interval. On this basis he made the subtlest of his discoveries*-the precession of the equinoxes-the slight advance, day by day, of the moment when the equinoctial points\ncome to the meridian.t He calculated the precession as thirty-six seconds"]
[3.1779990196228027, -4.887782096862793, "Polybius is \"the historians' historian\" because he is as interested in his method as in his subject. He likes to talk about his plan of procedure, and philosophizes at every opportunity. Humanly he pictures his own quali\u00ad fications as ideal. He insists that history should be written by those who have seen-or have directly consulted others who have seen-the events to be described. He denounces Timaeus for having relied on his ears rather than his eyes, and tells with pride of his own travels in search of data, documents, and geographical veracity; he reminds us how, in returning from Spain to Italy, he crossed the Alps by the same pass that Hannibal had used, and how he went down into the very toe of Italy to decipher an inscription left by Hannibal in Brutium... He proposes to make his history as accurate as \"the magnitude of the work and its comprehensive treat\u00ad ment\" will allow;\"\" and he succeeds, so far as we can say, better than any other Greek except Thucydides. He argues that the historian should have been a man of affairs, versed in the actual processes of statesmanship, poli\u00ad tics, and war; otherwise he will never understand the behavior of states or the course of history... He is a realist and a rationalist; he pierces the moral phrases of diplomats to the actual motives of policy. It amuses him to observe how easily men can be deceived, singly or en masse, and even repeatedly by the same tricks.'\u00b0 \"What is good,\" says a scandalous presage of Machiavelli, \"very seldom coincides with what is advantageous, and few are those who can combine the two and adapt them to each other.'\"' He accepts the Stoic theology of a Divine Providence, but he merely pities the popular cults of his day, and smiles at stories of supernatural interven\u00ad tion... He recognizes the role of chance in history, and the occasional efficacy of great men,.. but he is resolved to lay bare the factual and often impersonal chain of causes and effects, so that history may be a lantern of\nCHAP, XXVI)\tBOOKS\t615\nunderstanding held up to the present and the future.\" \"There is no more ready corrective of conduct than knowledge of the past\"; and \"the sound\u00ad est education and training for a life of active politics is the study of his\u00ad tory\";'\" \"it is history, and history alone, which, without involving us in actual danger, will mature our judgment and prepare us to take right views, whatever may be the crisis or the posture of affairs.'\"\" The best method of history, he thinks, will be that which sees the life of a nation as an or\u00ad ganic unity, an weaves the story of each part into the life history of the whole. \"He who believes that by studying isolated histories he can acquire a just view of history as a whole is, as it seems to me, much in the case of one who, after having looked at the dissevered limbs of an animal once alive and beautiful, fancies he h .s been as good as an eyewitness of the creature itself in all its action and grace.\"\"\nOf the forty books into which Polybius divided his Histories, time has preserved five, and the epitomists have rescued substantial fragments of the rest. It is a great pity that the execution of this vast conception is marred by degenerate Greek, peevish critiques of other historians, an almost exclusive preoccupation with politics and war, and an absurd segmenta\u00ad tion of the narrative into Olympiads, giving the history of all the Mediter\u00ad ranean nations in each four-year period, and leading to exasperating digres\u00ad sions and a baffling discontinuity. Sometimes, as in the story of Hannibal's invasion, Polybius mounts to drama and eloquence, but he reacts so strongly against the florid rhetoric popular among his immediate predecessors that he makes it a point of honor to be dull.\" \"No one,\" said an ancient critic, \"ever read him through.\"'\" The world has almost forgotten him; but his\u00ad torians will long continue to study him because he was one of the greatest theorists and practitioners of historiography; because he dared to take a\nwide view and write a \"universal history\"; and because, above all, he un\u00ad derstood that mere facts are worthless except through their interpretation, and that the past has no value except as our roots and our illumination.\nCHAPTER  XXVII\nThe Art of the Dispersion\nA MISCELLANY\nHE decline of Greek civilization was longest deferred in the sphere of art. Here the Hellenistic age bears comparison, not only in fer\u00ad\ntility but even in originality, with any period in history. Certainly the minor arts suffered no deterioration. Skilled workers in wood, ivory, sil\u00ad ver, and gold were scattered throughout the expanded Greek world. The engraving of gems and coins now reached its highest excellence; as far east as Bactria Hellenized kings lavished art upon their currency, and in the west the dekadrachma of Hieron II might be defended as the finest coin in numismatic record. Alexandria became famous for its goldsmiths and silversmiths, whose artistry rivaled the faultless style of its poets; for its de\u00ad lightful cameos-precious stones or shells carved in colored relief; for its blue or green fai:ence, its skillfully glazed pottery, its delicately designed and many-colored glass. The Portland Vase, very likely a product of Alexandria, shows this art at its best: elegant figures cut into a layer of milk-white glass superimposed upon a body of blue glass; this is, so to speak, the Josiah Wedgwood masterpiece of antiquity.\"\"\nMusic remained popular in all classes of the population. Scales and modes changed in the direction of refinement and novelty;' transient discords were admitted into harmony; instruments and compositions increased in com\u00ad plexity.\" Towards 240, at Alexandria, the old \"pipes of Pan\" were en\u00ad larged into an organ of bronze pipes; and about 17 5 Ctesibius improved this into an organ operated by a combination of water and air and enabling the player to control vast waves of sound. We know nothing more of its construction; but we shall see how rapidly it developed, in Roman days, into the organ of Christian and modern times.\u2022 Instruments were combined into orchestras, and semisymphonic performances of purely instrumental music, sometimes in five movements, were given in the theaters of Alex\u00ad andria, Athens, and Syracuse.' Professional virtuosos rose to great prom\u00ad inence, and to a social standing commensurate with their high fees. About\nIt derives its name from the Duke of Portland, who bought it in Rome. It is now in the British Museum.\n616\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE  ART  OF  THE  DISPERSION\n318 Aristoxenus of Taras, a pupil of Aristotle, wrote a small treatise, Htrr\u00ad monics, which became the classic ancient text in musical theory. Aristox\u00ad enus was a very serious man, and like most philosophers he did not enjoy the music of his time. Athenaeus represents him as saying, in words that many generations have heard: \"We also, since the theaters have become completely barbarized, and since music has become utterly ruined and vulgar-we, being but a few, will recall to our minds, sitting by ourselves, what music used to be.\"'\nThe architecture of the Hellenistic age cannot impress us, for time has leveled it away with indiscriminate hostility. And yet we know, from literature and the remains, that the Greek building art spread its sway in this period from Bactria to Spain. The mutual influence of Greece and the Orient brought in a mixture of styles: the colonnade and the architrave invaded inner Asia, while the arch, the vault, and the cupola entered the West; even so ancient an Hellenic center as Delos raised Egyptian and Persian capitals. The Doric order seemed too stern and stiff for an age that loved refinement and ornament; it gave ground city by city, while the ornate Corinthian style advanced to its highest excellence. The secularization of art kept pace with the secularization of government, law, morals, letters, and philosophy; stoas, porticoes, market places, courts, assembly rooms, libraries, theaters, gymnasiums, and baths began to crowd out the temples, and regal or private palaces gave a new outlet to Greek design and decoration. Domestic interiors were adorned with paintings, statues, and wall reliefs. Private gardens surrounded the more palatial homes. Royal parks, gar\u00ad dens, lakes, and pavilions were built in the capitals, and were usually opened to public use. Town planning developed as a sister art to architecture; streets were laid out on Hippodamus' rectangular scheme, with main avenues as wide as thirty feet-an ample width for horse-and-chariot days. Smyrna boasted of paved thoroughfares,8 but presumably most Hellenistic streets were trampled dirt, and knew all the vicissitudes of mud.\nFine buildings developed beyond any precedent. At Athens, in the second century, the lofty Corinthian columns of the Olympieum were set up, and the general design of the extended edifice, the most magnificent in Athens, was laid down by the Roman architect Cossutius-a strange inversion of Rome's usual dependence upon the artists of Greece. Livy described this temple of the Olympian Zeus as the only structure he had seen that could be a fit dwelling for the god of gods.T Sixteen columns of it stand-the most beautiful existing speci\u00ad mens of the Corinthian style. At Eleusis the dying piety of Athens and the genius of Philon completed the majestic temple of the Mysteries which Pericles had begun on a site already sacred in Mycenaean times; only fragments are left,\n618\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVII\nbut some of them show Greek design and carving still at their best. At Delos the French have excavated the ground plan of Apollo's sanctuary, and have re\u00ad vealed a city once crowded with edifices devoted to commerce or t:he protec\u00ad tion of a hundred Greek or foreign gods. At Syracuse Hieron II raised many impressive buildings, and restored and enlarged the extant municipal theater; to this day we may read his name on its stones. In Egypt the Ptolemies adorned Alexandria with edifices that gave the city a reputation for beauty, but no sign of them survives. Ptolemy III erected at Edfu a temple which is the noblest architectural relic of the Grecian occupation, and his successors built or rebuilt the temple of Isis at Philae. In Ionia new homes were given to the gods at Mi\u00ad letus, Priene, Magnesia, and elsewhere; the third temple of Artemis at Ephesus was finished about 300 B.c. A still vaster fane was raised by the architects Paeonius and Daphnis at Didyma, near Miletus, in honor of Apollo ( 332 B.c.\u00ad A.D. 41); some drums of the superb Ionic columns still remain. At Pergamum Eumenes II made his capital the talk of Greece by building, among many noble structures, that famous Altar to Zeus which the Germans exhumed in 1878, and have skillfully reconstructed in the Pergamum Museum in Berlin. A majestic flight of steps mounted between two porticoes to a spacious colonnaded court; and around one hundred and thirty feet of the base ran a frieze as supreme in its period as that of the Mausoleum in the fourth century, or the Parthenon in the fifth. Never had Greece been so handsomely adorned; and never had the en\u00ad thusiasm of its citizens and the skill of its artists transformed with such splendor so many habitations of men.\nPAINTING\nPainting is usually the last great art to mature in a civilization; in the early stages of a culture it is subordinated to religious architecture and stat\u00ad uary, and it acquires independence only when private life and private wealth invite the decoration of the home or the commemoration of a name. The death of democracy having weakened the sense of the state, the in\u00ad dividual returned to domestic consolations. Rich men built themselves pala\u00ad tial residences, and gave high fees to artists who could adorn a fountain or brighten a wall. Alexandria used painting on glass as one form of mural ornament; all Hellenistic cities employed for this purpose movable panels of wood; princes and magnates preferred to have immense pictures painted on detachable marble slabs. Pausanias describes a prodigious number of paintings seen by him in his tour of Greece, but nothing of this flourishing art has cheated time except some faded tints on pottery or stone. We are left to guess at its quality from the pale and middling copies found at Pompeii, Herculaneum, and Rome.\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE\tART\tOF  TH\u00b7E  DISPERSION\nGreece continued to rank its painters as high as its sculptors and archi\u00ad tects, perhaps higher. It paid them American commissions, and told a thou\u00ad sand fond stories about their lives. Ctesicles of Ephesus, failing to receive a desired boon from Queen Stratonice, painted her romping with a fisher\u00ad man, exhibited the picture, and then took ship to safety; Stratonice, because \"the likenesses of the two figures were so admirably expressed,\" forgave him and let him return.\u2022 When Aratus took Sicyon he ordered all portraits of its past dictators destroyed; one dictator, Archestratus, had been shown by Melanthus (a fourth-century painter) beside his chariot, and so vividly that the artist Neacles entreated Aratus to spare the picture; Aratus con\u00ad sented, on condition that the figure of Archestratus be replaced by some less offensive form.\" Protogenes, says Strabo, painted a satyr with a par\u00ad tridge so realistically that live partridges called to it; the painter finally blotted out the bird so that people might appreciate the excellence of his satyr.1\u00b0 The same artist, Pliny tells us, applied four coats of paint to his most famous picture, Ialysus (supposed founder of the town of that name in Rhodes), so that when time wore out the uppermost layer the colors might still be fresh and clear. Vexed by his inability to represent with sufficient verisimilitude the foam that dripped from the mouth of Ialysus' dog, Protogenes lost his temper and hurled a sponge at the picture, willing to destroy it; the sponge, of course, struck just at the right place, and, when it fell, left a blotch of color marvelously like the foam of a panting hound. When Demetrius Poliorcetes besieged Rhodes he refrained from setting fire to the town lest this painting be destroyed. During the siege Protogenes continued at work in his village studio, in the direct line of the Macedonian advance. Demetrius sent for him and asked why he had not, like the other villagers, taken refuge within the city walls. \"Because I know,\" answered Protogenes, \"that you are waging war with the Rhodians, and not with the arts.\" The King assigned a guard to protect him, and neglected the siege to watch the artist work.11\nHellenistic painters knew the tricks of perspective, foreshortening, light\u00ad ing, and grouping. Though they used landscapes only as background and decoration, and rendered them (if we may judge from the Pompeian cop\u00ad ies) in a lifeless and conventional way, they at least realized the existence of nature, and brought it into art at the same time that Theocritus was im\u00ad porting it into poetry. But they were so interested in man and all his works that they had little time for trees and flowers. Their predecessors had painted only the gods and the rich; the Hellenistic artists were fascinated by anything human, and discovered that an ugly subject might make a\n620\tTHE   LIFE  9F  GREECE\t( CHAP. XXVII"]
[10.071577072143555, 5.2450995445251465, "HREE strains merged in Greek philosophy: the physical, the meta\u00ad physical, and the ethical. The physical culminated in Aristotle, the metaphysical in Plato, the ethical in Zeno of Citium. The physical develop\u00ad ment ended in the separation of science from philosophy in Archimedes and Hipparchus; the metaphysical ended in the skepticism of Pyrrho and the later Academy; the ethical remained until Epicureanism and Stoicism\nwere conquered or absorbed by Christianity.\nI. THE SKEPTICAL ATTACK\nAmid this spreading Hellenistic culture Athens-mother of much of it, mistress of most of it-retained her leadership in two realms: the drama and philosophy. The world was not too busy with war and revolutions, new sciences and new religions, the love of beauty and the quest of gold, to spare some time for the unanswerable but inescapable problems of truth and error, matter and mind, freedom and necessity, nobility and baseness, life and death. From all the cities of the Mediterranean young men made their way, often through a thousand hardships, to study in the halls and gardens where Plato and Aristotle had left almost living memories.\nAt the Lyceum the industrious Theophrastus of Lesbos carried on the empirical tradition. The Peripatetics were scientists and scholars rather than philosophers; they devoted themselves to specialist research in zoology, botany, biography, and the history of science, philosophy, literature, and law. In his thirty-four years of leadership (322-288) Theophrastus ex\u00ad plored many fields, and published four hundred volumes dealing with al\u00ad most every subject from love to war. His pamphlet \"On Marriage\" severely handled the female sex, and was severely handled in turn by Epicurus' mis\u00ad tress Leontium, who wrote a learned and devastating reply.1 Nevertheless it is to Theophrastus that Athenaeus attributes the tender sentiment that \"it is through modesty that beauty becomes beautiful.\"\" Diogenes Laertius de\u00ad scribes him as \"a most benevolent man, and very affable\"; so eloquent that\n640\nCHAP.XXIX)   THE  SURRENDER OF PHILOSOPHY\nhis original name was forgotten in that which Aristotle gave him, meaning that he spoke like a god; so popular that two thousand students flocked to his lectures, and Menander was among his most faithful followers.\" Pos\u00ad terity preserved with especial care his book of Characters, not because it created a literary form, but because it sharply satirized the faults that all men ascribe to other men. Here is the Garrulous Man who \"begins with a eulogy of his wife, relates the dream he had the night before, tells dish by dish what he had for supper,\" and concludes that \"we are by no means the men we were\" in former times. And here is the Stupid Man who \"when he goes to the play, is left at the end fast asleep in an empty house ... after a heany.supper he has to get up in the night, returns only half awake, misses the right door, and is bitten by his neighbor's dog.\"'\nOne of the few events in Theophrastus' life was the issuance of a state decree (307) requiring the Assembly's approval in the selection of leaders for the philosophical schools. About the same time Agnonides indicted Theophrastus on the old charge of impiety. Theophrastus quietly left Athens; but so many students followed him that the storekeepers com\u00ad plained of a ruinous fall in trade. Within a year the decree was annulled, the indictment was withdrawn, and Theophrastus returned in triumph to preside ov:er the Lyceum almost till his death at eighty-five. \"All Athens,\" we are told, attended his funeral. The Peripatetic school did not long sur\u00ad vive him: science left i poverished Athens for affluent Alexandria, and the Lyceum, which had dedicated itself to research, subsided into a penurious obscurity.\nMeanwhile Speusippus had succeeded Plato, and Xenocrates Speusippus, at the Academy. Xenocrates governed the school for a quarter of a cen\u00ad tury (339-314), and brought new credit to philosophy by the honorable simplicity of his life. Absorbed in study and teaching, he left the Academy but once a year, to see the Dionysian tragedies; when he appeared, says Laenius, \"the turbulent and quarrelsome rabble of the city made way for him to pass.\"\" He refused all fees, and became so poor that he was on the verge of being imprisoned for taxes when Demetrius of Phalerum paid his arrears and had him freed. Philip of Macedon said that among the many Athenian ambassadors sent to him Xenocrates was the only one who proved incorruptible. His reputation for virtue annoyed Phryne. Pretending that she was being pursued, she took refuge in his house; and seeing that he had but one bed she asked if she might share it with him. He consented, we are told, out of humane considerations; but he proved so cold to her entreaties and her charms that she fled from his bed and board, and complained to\n'l'HE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\nher friends that she had found a statue instead of a man.' Xenocrates would have no mistress but philosophy.\nWith his death the metaphysical strain in Greek thought neared exhaus\u00ad tion in the very grove that had been its shrine. The successors of Plato were mathematicians and moralists, and spent little time on the abstract questions that had once agitated the Academy. The skeptical challenges of Zeno the Eleatic, the subjectivism of Heracleitus, the methodical doubt of Gorgias and Protagoras, the metaphysical agnosticism of Socrates, Aristip\u00ad pus, and Eucleides of Megara resumed control of Greek philosophy; the Age of Reason was over. Every hypothesis had been conceived, aired, and forgotten; the universe had preserved its secret, and men had grown weary of a search in which even the most brilliant minds had failed. Aristotle had agreed with Plato on only one point-the possibility of acquiring ultimate truth.' Pyrrho voiced the suspicions of his time in suggesting that it was above all on this point that they had both been mistaken.\nPyrrho was born at Elis about 360. He followed Alexander's army to India, studied under the \"Gymnosophists\" there, and perhaps learned from them something of the skepticism for which his name became a synonym. Returning to Elis he lived in serene poverty as a teacher of philosophy. He was too modest to write books, but his pupil Timon of Phlius, in a series of Silloi or Satires, sent Pyrrho's opinions abroad into the world. These opin\u00ad ions were basically three: that certainty is unattainable, that the wise man will suspend judgment and will seek tranquillity rather than truth, and that, since all theories are probably false, one might as well accept the myths and conventions of his time and place. Neither the senses nor reason can give us sure knowledge: the senses distort the object in perceiving it, and reason is merely the sophist servant of desire. Every syllogism begs the question, for its major premise assumes its conclusion. \"Every reason has a correspond\u00ad ing reason opposed to it\";\" the same experience may be delightful or un\u00ad pleasant according to circumstance and mood; the same object may seem small or large, ugly or beautiful; the same practice may be moral or immoral according to where and when we live; the same gods are or are not, accord\u00ad ing to the different nations of mankind; everything is opinion, nothing is quite true. It is foolish, then, to take sides in disputes, or to seek some other place or mode of living, or to envy the future or the past; all desire is delu\u00ad sion. Even life is an uncertain good, death not a certain evil; one should have no prejudices against either of them. Best of all is a calm acceptance: not to reform the world, but to bear with it patiently; not to fever our\u00ad selves with progress, but to content ourselves with peace. Pyrrho tried\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  SUR RENDER  OF P H IL OSOP H Y\nsincerely to live this half-Hindu philosophy. He conformed humbly with the customs and worship of Elis, made no effort to avoid dangers or prolong his life,8 and died at the age of ninety. His fellow citizens so approved of him that in his honor they exempted philosophers from taxation.\nBy the irony of time it was the followers of Plato who carried forward this attack upon metaphysics. Arcesilaus, who became head of the \"Middle Academy\" in 269, transformed Plato's rejection of sense knowledge into a skepticism as complete as Pyrrho's, and probably under Pyrrho's influ\u00ad ence.\"' \"Nothing is certain,\" said Arcesilaus, \"not even that.'m. When he was told that such a doctrine made life impossible he answered that life had longsince learned to manage with probabilities. A century later a still more vigorous skeptic took charge of the \"New AcadeJny,\" and pressed the doc\u00ad trine of universal doubt to the point of intellectual and moral nihilism. Carneades of Cyrene, coming to Athens like a Greek Abelard about 193, made life bitter for Chrysippus and his other teachers by arguing with galling subtlety against every doctrine that they taught. As they had undertaken to make him a logician he used to say to them (turning the tables on Protagoras): \"If my reasoning is right, well and good; if it is wrong, give me back my tuition fee.'112 When he set up shop for himself he lectured one morning for an opinion, the next morning against it, prov\u00ad ing each so well as to destroy both; while his pupils, and even his biog\u00ad rapher, sought in vain to discover his real views. He undertook to refute the materialistic realism of the Stoics by a Platonic-Kantian critique of sen\u00ad sation and reason. He attacked all conclusions as intellectually indefensible, and bade his students be satisfied with probability and the customs of their time. Sent to Rome by Athens as one of an embassy (155), he shocked the Senate by speaking one day in defense of justice, and on the morrow de\u00ad riding it as an impracticable dream: if Rome wished to practice justice it would have to restore to the nations of the Mediterranean all that it had taken from them by superior force.11 On the third day Cato had the embassy sent home as a danger to public morals. Perhaps Polybius, who was then a hostage with Scipio, heard these addresses or of them, for he speaks with the anger of a practical man against those philosophers\nwho in the discussions of the Academy nave trained themselves in extreme readiness of speech. For some of them, in their efforts to puzzle the minds of their hearers, resort to such paradoxes, and are so fertile in inventing plausibilities, that they wonder whether or not it is possible for those in Athens to smell eggs roasted in Ephesus, and are in doubt whether all the time they are discussing the matter in\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP,XXIX\nthe Academy they are not lying in their beds at home and composing this discourse in a dream.... From this excessive love of paradox they have brought all philosophy into disrepute  They have im\u00ad\nplanted such a passion in the minds of our young men that they never give even a thought to the ethical and political questions that really benefit students of philosophy, but spend their lives in the vain at\u00ad tempt to invent useless absurdities.\"\nII,  THE EPICUREAN ESCAPE\nThough he described for many ages the theorist who loses his life in the cobwebs of speculation, Polybius was wrong in supposing that moral prob\u00ad lems had lost their lure for the Greek mind. It was precisely the ethical strain that in this period replaced the physical and the metaphysical as the dominant note in philosophy. Political problems were indeed in abeyance, for freedom of speech was harassed by the presence or memory of royal garrisons, and national liberty was implicitly understood to depend upon quiescence. The glory of the Athenian state had departed, and philosophy had to face what to Greece was an unprecedented divorce between politics and ethics. It had to find a way of life at once forgivable to philosophy and compatible with political impotence. Therefore it conceived its problem no longer as one of building a just state, but as that of forming the self\u00ad contained and contented individual.\nThe ethical development now took two opposite directions. One fol\u00ad lowed the lead of Heracleitus, Socrates, Antisthenes, and Diogenes, and expanded the Cynic into the Stoic philosophy; the other stemmed from Democritus, leaned heavily on Aristippus, and drew out the Cyrenaic into the Epicurean creed. Both of these philosophical compensations for re\u00ad ligious and political decay came from Asia: Stoicism from Semitic panthe\u00ad ism, fatalism, and resignation; Epicureanism from the pleasure-loving Greeks of the Asiatic coast.\nEpicurus was born at Samos in 341. At twelve he fell in Jove with philoso\u00ad phy; at nineteen he went to Athens and spent a year anhe Academy. Like Francis Bacon he preferred Democritus to Plato and Aristotle, and took from him many bricks for his own construction. From Aristippus he learned the wisdom of pleasure, and from Socrates the pleasure of wisdom; from Pyrrho he took the doctrine of tranquillity, and a ringing word for it-ataraxia. He must have watched with interest the career of his contemporary Theodorus"]
[-4.912539958953857, 2.3506417274475098, "Megara loved gold as much as Corinth did, and like her thrived on com\u00ad merce; it had, however, a great poet, in whose verses the ancient city lives as if its revolutions were one with our own. Standing at the very entrance to the Peloponnesus, with a port on either gulf, it was in a position to bar\u00ad gain with armies and levy tolls upon trade; to which it added a busy tex\u00ad tile industry manned with men and women who, in the honest phraseology of the day, were called slaves. The city flourished best in the seventh and sixth centuries, when it disputed the commerce of the isthmus with Cor\u00ad inth; it was then that it sent out, as trading posts, colonies as far-flung as Byzantium on the Bosporus and Megara Hyblaea in Sicily. Wealth mounted, but the clever gathered it so narrowly into their hands that the mass of the people, destitute serfs amid plenty,08 listened readily to men who promised them a better life. About 630 Theagenes, having decided to become dictator, praised the poor and denounced the rich, led a starv\u00ad ing mob into the pastures of the wealthy breeders, had himself voted a bodyguard, increased it, and with it overthrew the government... For a generation Theagenes ruled Megara, freed the serfs, humbled the mighty, and patronized the arts. Towards 600 the rich deposed him in tum; but a third revolution restored the democracy, which confiscated the property of leading aristocrats, commandeered rich homes, abolished debts, and passed a decree requiring the wealthy to refund the interest that had been paid them by their debtors.\u2022\nTheognis lived through these revolutions, and described them in bitter poems that might be the voice of our class war today. He was, he. tells us (for he is our sole authority on this subject), a member of an ancient and noble family. He must have grown up in comfortable circumstances, for he was guide, philosopher, and lover to a youth named Cyrnus, who be-\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\t93\ncame one of the leaders of the aristocratic party. He gives Cymus much advice, and asks merely love in return. Like all lovers he complains of short measure, and his finest extant poem reminds Cymus that he will achieve immortality only through Theognis' poetry:\nLo, I have given thee wings wherewith to fly Over the boundless ocean and the earth;\nYea, on the lips of many shalt thou lie,\nThe comrade of their banquet and their mirth. Youths in their loveliness shall bid thee sound\nUpon.the silver flute's melodious breath; And when thou goest darkling underground Down to the lamentable house of death,\nOh, yet not then from honor shalt thou cease, But wander, an imperishable name,\nCymus, about the seas and shores of Greece, Crossing from isle to isle the barren main. Horses thou shalt not need, but lightly ride, Sped by the Muses of the violet crown,\nAnd men to come, while earth and sun abide, Who cherish song shall cherish thy renown.\nYea, I have given thee wings, and in return Thou givest me the scorn with which I bum.\u2022\nHe warns Cymus that the injustices of the aristocracy may provoke a revolution:\nOur state is pregnant, shortly to produce A rude avenger of prolonged abuse.\nThe commons hitherto seem sober-minded, But their superiors are corrupt and blinded. The rule of noble spirits, brave and high, Never endangered peace and harmony.\nThe supercilious, arrogant pretense\nOf feeble minds, weakness and insolence; Justice and truth and law wrested aside By crafty shifts of avarice and pride; These are our ruin, Cyrnus!-never dream (Tranquil and undisturbed as it may seem) Of future peace or safety to the state;\nBloodshed and strife will follow soon or late.\u2022100\nThe ascription of this poem, and of those quoted below, to certain periods in Theognis' life is hypothetical.\n94\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\nThe revolution came; Theognis was among the men exiled by the tri\u00ad umphant democracy, and his property was confiscated. He left his wife and children with friends, and wandered from state to state-Euboea, Thebes, Sparta, Sicily; at first welcomed and fed for his poetry, then lapsing into a bitter and unaccustom d poverty. Out of his resentment he addresses to Zeus the questions which Job would ask of Yahweh:\nBlessed, almighty Jove! with deep amaze\nI view the world, and marvel at thy ways.... How can you reconcile it to your sense\nOf right and wrong, thus loosely to dispense Your bounties on the wicked and the good? How can your laws be known or understood?101\nHe becomes bitter against the leaders of the democracy, and prays to this inscrutable Zeus for the boon of drinking their blood.:!02 In the first known use of this metaphor he likens the state of Megara to a ship whose pilot has been replaced by disorderly and unskilled mariners.108 He argues that some men are by nature abler than others, and that therefore aristoc\u00ad racy in some form is inevitable; already men had discovered that majorities never rule. He uses hoi agathoi, the good, as synonymous with the aristo\u00ad crats, and hoi kakoi, the bad, base, worthless, as signifying the common people.1\u00b0' These native differences, he thinks, are ineradicable; \"no amount of teaching will make a bad man good,\"--though he may merely mean here that no training can tum a commoner into an aristocrat. Like all good conservatives he is strong for eugenics: the evils of the world are due not to tne greed of the \"good\" but to their misalliances and their infertility.:ioe"]
[0.2828911244869232, 6.948841094970703, "The Golden Age ended with the death of Socrates. A.thens was ex\u00ad hausted in body and soul; only the degradation of character by prolonged war and desperate suffering could explain the ruthless treatment of Melos, the bitter sentence upon Mytilene, the execution of the Arginusae generals, and the sacrifice of Socrates on the altar of a dying faith. All the founda\u00ad tions of Athenian life were disordered: the soil of Attica had been devas\u00ad tated by the Spanan raids, and the slow-growing olive trees had been burneq to the ground; the Athenian navy had been destroyed, and control of trade and the food supply had been lost; the state treasury was empty, and private fortunes had been taxed almost to extinction; two thirds of the citizen body had been killed. The damage done to Greece by the Persian invasions could not compare with the destruction of Greek life and prop\"' eny by the Peloponnesian War. After Salamis and Pll!,taea Greece was left poor, but exalted with courage and pride; now Greece was poor again, and Athens had suffered a wound to her spirit which seemed too deep to be healed.\nGrote\"' doubts them, and they are rendered dubious by the efforts of Plato and Xenophon to defend Socrates' reputation. But these accounts were generally accepted in antiquity (e.g., by Tertullian and Augustine\"\"), and accord admirably with the habits of the Athenian$.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVIIl\nTwo things sustained her: the restoration of democracy under men of judgment and moderation, and the consciousness that during the last sixty years, even during the War, she had produced such art and literature as surpassed the like product of any other age in the memory of man. Anaxag\u00ad oras had been exiled and Socrates had been put to death; but the stimulus that they had given to philosophy sufficed to make Athens henceforth, and despite herself, the center and summit of Greek thought. What before had been formless tentatives of speculation were now to mature into great systems that would agitate Europe for centuries to come; while the hap\u00ad hazard provision of higher education by wandering Sophists was to be re\u00ad placed by the first universities in history-universities that would make Athens, as Thucydides had prematurely called her, \"the school of Hellas.\" Through the bloodshed and turmoil of conflict the traditions of art had not quite decayed; for many centuries yet the sculptors and architects of Greece were to carve and build for all the Mediterranean world. Out of the despair of her defeat Athens lifted herself with startling virility to new wealth, culture, and power; and the autumn of her life was bountiful.\nBOOK IV\nTHE DECLINE AND FALL OF GREEK FREEDOM\nCI-lRONOLOGICAL TABLE FOR BOOK IV\nB,C.\n399-6<>: Agesilaus king at Sparta\n397: War between Syracuse and Cartha e 3\u00a2: Aristippus of  Cyrene  and  Anus\u00ad\nthenes of Athens, philosophers 395: Athens rebuilds the Lmg Walls 394: Battles of Coronea and Cnidus\n?393: Plato's Apology; Xenophon's Memo\u00ad rabilia; Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae\n391-87: Dionysius subjugates south Italy 391: lsocrates opens his school\n390: Evagoras Hellenizes Cyprus\n387: Peace of Antalcidas, or King's Peace; Plato visits Archytas of Taras, mathematician, and Dionysius I\n386: Plato founds the Academy\n383: Spartans occupy Cadmeia at Thebes 380: Isocrates' Panegyricus\n379: Pelopidas and Melon liberate Thebes 378-54: Second Athenian Empire\n375: Theaetetus, mathematician\n371: Diogenes of Sinope, philosopher 371: Epaminondas victorious at Leuctra 370: Diodes of Euboea, embryologist;\nEudoxus of Cnidus, astronomer 367-57: Dionysius II dictator at Syracuse;\nDion plans reforms\n367: Plato VJSits Dionysius II\n361: Epaminondas wins and dies at Man\u00ad tinea\n361: Plato's third visit to Syracuse"]
[2.6492748260498047, 8.821895599365234, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nin a Greek Confederacy that might free all Gr:eeks in the east and the west. But Athens, listening at last to Demosthenes, saw in Philip not a liberator but an enslaver, and decided to fight for the jealous sovereignty of the city-state, and the preservation of that free democracy which had made her the light of the world.\nDEMOSTHENES\nThe Vatican statue of the great orator is one of the masterpieces of Hellenistic realism. It is a careworn face, as if every advance of Philip had cut another furrow into the brow. The body is thin and wearied; the aspect is that of a man who is about to make a final appeal for a cause that he considers lost; the eyes reveal a restless life, and foresee a bitter death.\nHis father was a manufacturer of swords and bedframes, who bequeathed to him a business worth some fourteen talents ($84,000) . Three execu\u00ad tors administered the property for the boy, and squandered it so generously on themselves that when Demosthenes reached the age of twenty (363) he had to sue his guardians to recover the remains of his inheritance. He spent most of this in fitting out a trireme for the Athenian navy, and then settled down to earn his bread by writing speeches for litigants. He could compose better than he could speak, for he was weak in body and defective in articulation. Sometimes, says Plutarch, he prepared pleas for both the opposed parties to a dispute. Meanwhile, to overcome his impediments, he addressed the sea with a mouth full of pebbles, or declaimed as he ran up a hill. He worked hard, and his only distractions were courtesans and boys. \"What can one do with Demosthenes?\" his secretary complained. \"Everything that he has thought of for a whole year is thrown into con\u00ad fusion by one woman in one night.\"\"' After years of effort he became one of the richest lawyers at the Athenian bar, learned in technicalities, eonvincing in discourse, and :flexible in morals. He defended the banker Phormio against precisely such charges as he had brought against his guardians, took substantial fees from private persons for introducing and pressing legislation, and never answered the accusation of his colleague Hypereides that he was receiving money from the Persian King to stir up \u2022 war against Philip.111 At his zenith his fortune was ten times as large as that which his father had left him.\nNevertheless he had the integrity to suffer and die for the views that h\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\t479\nwas paid to defend. He denounced the dependence of Athens upon mer\u00ad cenary troops, and insisted that the citizens who received money from the theoric fund should earn it by serving in the army; his courage rose to the point of demanding that this fund should be used not to pay citizens to attend religious ceremonies and plays, but to organize a better force for the defense of the state.* He told the Athenians that they were degenerate slackers who had lost the military virtues of their progenitors. He refused to admit that the city-state had stultified itself with faction and war, and that the times called for the unity of Greece; this unity, he warned, was a phrase to conceal the subjugation of Greece to one man. He detected the ambitions of Philip from their first symptoms, and begged the Athenians to fight to retain their allies and colonies in the north.\nAgainst Demosthenes and Hypereides and the party of war stood Aeschines and Phocion and the party of peace. Very likely both sides were bribed, the one by Persia, the other by Philip,\"' and both were sincerely moved by their own agitation. Phocion was by common consent the most honest statesman of his time-a Stoic before Zeno, a philosophical product of Plato's Academy, an orator who so despised the Assembly that when it applauded him he asked a friend, \"Have I not unconsciously said some\u00ad thing bad?\"\"\" Forty-five times he was chosen strategos, far surpassing the record of Pericles; he served ably as a general in many wars, but spent most of his life in advocating peace. His associate Aeschines was no stoic, but a man who had risen from bitter poverty to a comfortable income. His youth as a teacher and an actor helped him to become a fluent speaker, the first Greek orator, we are told, to speak extempore with success;\"\" his rivals wrote out their speeches in advance. Having served with Phocion in several engagements, he adopted Phocion's policy of compromising with Philip instead of making war; and when Philip paid him for his efforts his enthusiasm for peace became an edifying devotion.\nTwice Demosthenes indicted Aeschines on the charge of receiving Macedonian gold, and twice failed to convict him. Finally, however, the martial eloquence of Demosthenes, and the southward advance of Philip, persuaded the Athenians to forego for a time the distribution of the theoric fund, and to employ it in war. In 338 an army was hastily organized, and marched north to face the phalanxes of Philip at Boeotian Chaeronea. Sparta\nThe theoric (i.e., spectacle) fund had now been extended to so many festivals as almost to pauperize a large part of the citizenry. \"The Athenian Republic,'' says Glotz, \"had be\u00ad come a mutual benefit society, demanding from one class the wher_ewithal to support another.\"\"\" The Assembly had made it a capital crime to propose any diversion of this fund to other purposes.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nrefused to help, but Thebes, feeling Philip's fingers at her throat, sent her Sacred Band to fight beside the Athenians. Every one of its three hundred members died on that battlefield. The Athenians fought almost as bravely, but they had waited too long, and were not equipped to meet so novel an army as the Macedonian. They broke and fled before the sea of lances that moved upon them, and Demosthenes fled with them. Alexander, Phil\u00ad ip's eighteen-year-old son, led the Macedonian cavalry with reckless cour\u00ad age, and won the honors of a bitter day.\nPhilip was diplomatically generous in victory. He put to death some of the anti-Macedonian leaders in Thebes, and set up his partisans there in oligarchic power. But he freed the two thousand Athenian prisoners that he had taken, and sent the charming Alexander and the judicious Antipater to offer peace on condition that Athens recognize him as the general of all Greece against the common foe. Athens, which had expected harsher terms, not only consented, but passed resolutions showering compliments upon the new Agamemnon. Philip convened at Corinth a synedrion, or assem\u00ad\nbly, of the Greek states, formed them (except Sparta) into a federation modeled on the Boeotian, and outlined his plans for the liberation of Asia. He was unanimously chosen commander in this enterprise; each state pledged him men and arms, and promised that no Greek anywhere should fight against him. Such sacrifices were a small price to pay for his distance.\nThe results of Chaeronea were endless. The unity that Greece had failed to create for itself had been achieved, but only at the point of a half-alien sword. The Peloponnesian War had proved Athens incapable of organiz\u00ad ing Hellas, the aftermath had shown Sparta incapable, the Theban hegem\u00ad ony in its turn had failed; the wars of the armies and the classes had worn out the city-states, and left them too weak for defense. Under the circum\u00ad stances they were fortunate to find so reasonable a conqueror, who pro\u00ad posed to withdraw from the scene of his victory, and leave_ to the con\u00ad quered a large measure of freedom. Indeed Philip, and Alexander after him, watchfully protected the autonomy of the federated states, lest any one of them, by absorbing others, should grow strong enough to displace Mace\u00ad don. One great liberty, however, Philip took away-the right of revolu\u00ad tion. He was a frank conservative who considered the stability of property an indispensable stimulus to enterprise, and a necessary prop to government. He persuaded the synod at Corinth to insert into the articles of federation a pledge against any change of constitution, any social transformation, any political reprisals. In each state he lent his influence to the side of property, and put an end to confiscatory taxation.\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\nHehad laid his plans well, except for Olympias; in the end his fate was determined not by his victories in the field but by his failure with his wife. She frightened him not only by her temper but by panicipating in the wildest Dionysian rites. One night he found a snake lying beside her in bed, and was not reassured by being told that it was a god. Worse, Olym\u00ad pias informed him that he was not the real father of Alexander; that on the night of their wedding a thunderbolt had fallen upon her and set her afire; it was the great god Zeus-Ammon who had begotten the dashing prince. Discouraged by such varied competition, Philip turned his amours to other women; and Olympias began her revenge by telling Alexander the secret of his divine paternity.00 One of Philip's generals, Attalus, made matters worse by proposing a toast to Philip's expected child by a second wife, as promising a \"legitimate\" (i.e., completely Macedonian) heir to the throne. Alexander flung a goblet at his head, crying, \"Am I, then, a bas\u00ad tard?\" Philip drew his sword against his son, but was so drunk that he could not stand. Alexander laughed at him: \"Here,U he said, \"is a man preparing to cross from Europe into Asia, who cannot step surely from one couch to another.\" A few months later one of Philip's officers, Pau\u00ad sanias, having asked redress from PHilip for an insult from Attalus, and receiving no satisfaction, assassinated the King (336). Alexander, idolized by the army and supponed by Olympias,\u2022 seized the throne, overcame all opposition, and prepared to conquer the world.\nWho was suspected of having urged on fausanias.\nCH.APTER\tXX\nLetters and Arts\nin the  Fourth Century\nTHE ORATORS\nHROUGH all this turmoil literature reflected the declining virility of Greece. Lyrical poetry was no longer the passionate expression\nof creative individuals, but a polite exercise of salon intellectuals, a learned echo of schoolday tasks. Timotheus of Miletus wrote an epic, but it did not accord with an argumentative age, and remained as unpopular as his early music. Dramatic performances continued, but on a more modest scale and in a lower key. The impoverishment of the public treasury and the weakened patriotism of private wealth reduced the splendor and sig\u00ad nificance of the chorus; more and more the dramatists contented them\u00ad selves with unrelated musical intermezzi in place of choruses organically united with the play. The name of the choragus disappeared from public notice, then the name of the poet; only the name of the actor remained. The drama became less and less a poem, more and more a histrionic exhibi\u00ad tion; it was an era of great actors and small dramatists. Greek tragedy had been built upon religion and mythology, and required some faith and piety in its auditors; it naturally faded away in the twilight of the gods."]
[-8.666645050048828, 5.318449974060059, "ghanistan and Persia to Seleucia, or through Arabia and Petra to Jerusalem and Damascus, or across the Indian Ocean to Adana (Aden), then through the Red Sea to Arsinoe (Suez), and thence to Alexandria. It was for control of the last two routes that the Seleucid and Ptolemaic dynasties fought those \"Syrian Wars\" that finally weakened them both to the point of falling vassal to Rome.\nThe Seleucid monarchy, inheriting the Asiatic tradition, was absolute; no assembly limited its power. The court was planned on the Oriental style, with chamberlains and lace, eunuchs and uniforms, incense and music; only the speech and the inner dress remained Greek. The nobles were not half-inde\u00ad pendent chieftains as in Macedonia or medieval Europe, but administrative or military appointees of the king. It was this structure of monarchy that passed down from Persia through the Seleucids and Sassanids to the Rome of Diocletian and the Byzantium of Constantine. Knowing that their power, in an alien scene, rested upon the loyalty of the Greek population, the Seleucid kings labored to restore the old Greek cities and to establish new ones. Seleucus I founded nine Seleucias, six Antiochs, five Laodiceas, three Apameas, one Stratonice; and his successors imitated him to the best of their lesser ability. Cities grew and multi\u00ad plied as in nineteenth-century America.\nThrough them the Hellenization of western Asia proceeded, on the sur\u00ad face, at a rapid pace. The process, of course, was old; it had begun with the Great Migration, and the Hellenistic Dispersion was in part the Renaissance of Ionia, a return of Greek civilization to its early Asiatic homes. Even before Alexander Greeks had held high offices in the Persian Empire, and Greek merchants had dominated the trade routes of the nearer East. Now the opening of political, commercial, and artistic opportunities drew from old Greece, Magna Graecia, and Sicily an emigrant flow of adventurers, settlers, scribes, soldiers, traders, doctors, scholars, and courtesans. Greek sculptors and engravers made statues and coins for Phoenician, Lycian, Carian, Cilician, Bactrian kings. Greek dancing girls became the rage of Asiatic ports.10 Sexual immorality took on a Greek grace, and Greek pa\u00ad laestras and gymnasiums aroused in some Orientals an unwonted devotion to athletics and baths. Cities secured new water supplies and drainage sys\u00ad tems; avenues were paved and cleaned. Schools, libraries, and theaters stimulated reading and literature; collegians ( epheboi) and university stu\u00ad dents roamed the streets and played their ancient pranks upon one another and the populace. No one was counted cultured unless he understood\nGreek and could enjoy the plays of Menander and Euripides. This imposi\u00ad tion of Greek civilization upon the Near East is one of the startling phe\u00ad nomena of ancient history; no change so swift and far-reaching had ever\nCHAP. XXIV)\tHELLENISM  AND THE  ORIENT\t577\nbeen seen in Asia. We know too little of its details and its results. We are poorly informed about the literature, philosophy, and science of Seleucid Asia; if we find in it few figures of prime magnitude-Zeno the Stoic, Seleu\u00ad cus the astronomer, and, in the Roman period, Meleager the poet and Poseidippus the polymath-we cannot be sure that there were not many more. It was a flourishing culture, full of variety, refinement, and verve, and as fertile in art as any preceding age. Never before, so far as our knowl\u00ad edge goes, had a civilization achieved so wide a spread and such complex unity amid so many diverse environments. For a century western Asia belonged to Europe. The way was prepared for the Pax Romana, and the embracing synthesis of Christendom.\nBut the East was not conquered. It was too deep1y and anciently itself to yield its soul. The masses of the people continued to speak their native tongues, to pursue their long-accustomed ways, and to worship their ances\u00ad tral gods. Beyond the Mediterranean coasts the Greek veneer grew thin, and such Hellenic centers as Seleucia on the Tigris were Greek islands in an Oriental sea. There was no such fusion of races and cultures as Alex\u00ad ander had dreamed of; there were Greeks and Greek civilization on the top, and a medley of Asiatic peoples and cultures underneath. The quali\u00ad ties of the Greek intellect made no entry into the Oriental mind; the energy and love of novelty, the zest for worldliness and the passion for perfection, the expressiveness and individualism of the Greek effected no change in the Oriental character. On the contrary, as time moved on, Eastern ways of thought and feeling surged up from below into the ruling Greeks, and through them flowed westward to transform the \"pagan\" world. In Baby\u00ad lon the patient Semitic merchant and the temple banker regained ascend\u00ad ancy over the volatile Hellene, preserved the cuneiform writing, and forced back the Greek language into second place in the business world. Astrol\u00ad ogy and alchemy corrupted Greek astronomy and physics; Oriental mon\u00ad archy proved more powerful than Greek democracy, and finally im\u00ad pressed its form upon the West; Greek kings and Roman emperors became gods in the manner of the East, and the Asiatic theory of the divine right of kings passed down through Rome and Constantinople into modern Europe. Through Zeno the East insinuated its quietism and fatalism into Greek philosophy; through a hundred channels it poured its mysticism and its piety into the vacuum left by the decay of the orthodox Greek faith. The Greek readily accepted the gods of the Orient as essentially identical with his own; but as the Greek did not really believe, and the Asiatic did, the Oriental god survived while the Greek god died. Artemis of the Ephe-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. llIV\nsians became again an Eastern maternity goddess, with a dozen breasts. Babylonian, Phoenician, and Syrian cults captured great numbers of the invading Hellenes. The Greeks offered the East philosophy, the East of\u00ad fered Greece religion; religion won because philosophy was a luxury for the few, religion was a consolation for the many. In the rhythmic historic alternation of belief and unbelief, mysticism and naturalism, religion and science, religion returned to power because it recognized the secret help\u00ad lessness and loneliness of man, and gave him inspiration and poetry; a dis\u00ad illusioned, exploited, war-wearied world was glad to believe and hope again. The least expected and most profound effect of Alexander's conquest was the Orientalization of the European soul.\nm. PERGAMUM\nThe gradual absorption of the Greeks by Asia weakened the Seleucid power, and generated independent kingdoms on the edge of the Hellen\u00ad istic world. As early as 280 Armenia, Cappadocia, Pontus, and Bithynia set up their own monarchies; and soon the Greek cities of the Black Sea fell subject to Asiatic rule. Bactria and Sogdiana broke away about 2 50. In 247 Arsaces, chief of the Parni-an Iranian nomad tribe-killed the Seleucid governor of Persia and set up the kingdom of Parthia, destined to plague Rome for centuries. In 282 Philataerus, entrusted by Lysimachus with the care of nine thousand talents and the fortified hill of Pergamum in Asia Minor, appropriated the money and declared his independence. His nephew Eumenes I absorbed Pitane and Atarneus, and made Pergamum a sovereign monarchy (262). Attalus I earned the gratitude of Greek Asia by driving back the Gauls who had penetrated to his city walls ( 2 30); his eldest son, Eumenes II, continued his competent rule, but shocked Greece by calling in the aid of Rome against Antiochus III. After their defeat of Antiochus at Magnesia the Romans gave Eumenes nearly all of Asia Minor. His brother and successor, Attalus II, distrusted the power of his sons to keep Pergamum free, and at his death ( r 39) bequeathed his kingdom to Rome.\nThe little state did what it could to redeem the treachery of its birth and growth by making itself the rival of Alexandria as a center of art and learning. The wealth that came from the mines, vines, and cornfields, from the manufacture of woolens, parchments, and perfumes, from the making of bricks and tiles, and the mastery of north Aegean trade went not only to maintain a strong army and navy, but to encourage literature and art. The Pergamene kings believed that government and private business could\nCHAP. XXIV)\tHELLENISM   AND  THE  ORIENT\t579\nfruitfully compete, supplying a mutual check on inefficiency and greed. The king cultivated large tracts of land with slaves, and operated, though not as monopolies, many factories, quarries, and mines. Under this unique system wealth increased and multiplied. Pergarnum became an ornate capi\u00ad tal, famous for its altar to Zeus, its luxurious palaces, its library and theater, its palaestras and baths; even its public lavatories upheld the municipal pride.\" The library was second only to Alexandria's in the number of its volumes and the repute of its scholars; and the pinakotheka housed, for the public enjoyment, a great collection of paintings. For half a century Pergamum was the finest flower of Hellenic civilization.\nMeanwhile the House of Seleucus had fallen into decay. The rise of independent kingdoms almost confined its power to Mesopotamia and Syria. Parthia, Pergarnum, Egypt, and Rome patiently labored to weaken the dynasty by supponing pretenders at every succession, and fomenting faction and civil war. In 153, just as Demetrius I was restoring vigor to the Seleucid government, Rome collected mercenaries from every quarter to bolster up the false claims of a Smyrnean adventurer to the throne. Pergamum and Egypt joined in the attack; Demetrius fought and died heroically, and the Seleucid power fell into the hands of the wonhless Alexander Balas, the puppet of his mistresses and of Rome.\nIV. HELLENISM AND THE JEWS\nThe history of Judea in the Hellenistic age turns on two conflicts: the external struggle between Seleucid Asia and Ptolemaic Egypt for Palestine, and the internal struggle between the Hellenic and the Hebraic ways of life. The first conflict is dead history, and may be briefly dismissed; Matthew Arnold believed the second conflict to be one of the lasting cleavages of human feeling and thought. In the original division of Alexander's empire Judea (i.e., Palestine south of Samaria) had been awarded to Ptolemy. The Seleucids never accepted this decision; they saw themselves separated from the Mediterranean, and coveted the wealth that might come from the trade that passed through Damascus and Jerusalem. In the resultant wars Ptolemy I won, and Judea remained subject to the Ptolemies for more than a century (312-198). It paid an annual tribute of eight thousand tal\u00ad ents, but despite this burden the land prospered. Judea was left a large measure of self-government under the hereditary high priest of Jerusalem and the Great Assembly. This gerousia, or Council of Elders, which Ezra\n580\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XXIV\nand Nehemiah had formed two centuries back, became both a senate and a supreme court. Its seventy or more members were chosen from the heads of the leading families, and from the most learned scholars (Soferim) of the land. Its regulations-the Dibre Soferim-set the pattern of orthodox Juda\u00ad ism from the Hellenistic age to our own.\nThe basis of Judaism was religion: the idea of a surveillant and uphold\u00ad ing deity entered into every phase and moment of Jewish life. Morals and manners were ordained by the gerousia in strictness and detail. Entertain\u00ad ments and games were few and restrained. Intermarriage with non-Jews was forbidden; so were celibacy and infanticide. Hence the Jews bred abundantly, and reared all their children; despite war and famine their numbers grew throughout antiquity, until in the time of Caesar there were some seven million Jews in the Roman Empire. The bulk of the popula\u00ad tion, before the Maccabean era, was agricultural. The Jews were not yet a nation of traders; even as late as the first century A.O. Josephus wrote: \"We are not a commercial people\";13 the great trading peoples of the age were the Phoenicians, the Arabs, and the Greeks. Slavery existed in Judea as elsewhere, but the class war was relatively mild. Art was undeveloped; only music flourished. The flute, the drum, the cymbal, the \"ram's horn\" or trumpet, the lyre, and the harp were used to accompany the single voice, the folk song, or the solemn religious antiphons. Jewish religion scorned the concessions of Greek ritual to popular imagination; it would have nothing to do with images, oracles, or birds' entrails; it was less anthropomorphic and superstitious, less colorful and joyful, than the religion of the Greeks. Face to face with the naive polytheism of Hellenic cults, the rabbis chanted the sonorous refrain still heard in every Jewish synagogue: Shammai Israel, Adonai eleenu, Adonai echod-\"Hear, 0 Israel: the Lord is our God, the Lord is one.\"\nInto this simple and puritan life the invading Greeks brought all the distractions and temptations of a refined and epicurean civilization. Around Judea was a ring of Greek settlements and cities: Samaria, Neapolis (Shechem), Gaza, Ascalon, Azotus (Ashdod), Joppa (Jaffa), Apollonia, Doris, Sycamina, Polis (Haifa), and Acco (Acre). Just across the Jordan was a leagued decapolis of Greek cities: Damascus, Gadara, Gerasa, Dium, Philadelphia, Pella, Raphia, Hippo, Scythopolis, and Canetha. Each of these had Greek institutions and establishments-temples to Greek gods and goddesses, schools and academies, gymnasiums and palaestras, and nude games. From such cities, and from Alexandria, Antioch, Delos, and Rhodes, Greeks and }ews came to Jerusalem, bringing the infection of\nCHAP.XXIV)\tHELLENISM  AND THE  ORIENT\t581\na Hellenism devoted to science and philosophy, art and literature, beauty and pleasure, song and dance, drinking and feasting, athletics and courte\u00ad sans and handsome boys, along with a gay sophistication that questioned all morals, and an urbane skepticism that undermined all supernatural be\u00ad lief. How could Jewish youth resist these invitations to delight, this easy liberation from a thousand irksome restraints? Young wits among the Jews began to laugh at the priests as moneygrubbers, and at their pious followers as fools who allowed old age to come upon them without having ever known the pleasures, luxuries, and subtleties of life. Rich Jews were also won over, for they could afford to yield to temptation. Jews who sought appointment from Greek officials felt it the part of policy to speak the Greek language, to live in the Greek way, even to say a few kind words to the Greek gods.\nAgainst this powerful assault upon both the intellect and the senses three forces defended the Jews: the persecution under Antiochus IV, the pro\u00ad tection of Rome, and the power and prestige of a Law believed to be divinely revealed. Like antibodies gathering to attack an infection, the more religious among the Jews formed themselves into a sect called Chasidim\u00ad the Pious. They began (about 300 B.c.) with a simple pledge to avoid wine for a given period; later, by the inevitable psychology of war, they went to the extremes of Puritanism, and frowned upon all physical pleasure as a surrender to Satan and the Greeks. The Greeks marveled at them, and classified them with the strange \"gymnosophists,\" or nude ascetic philoso\u00ad phers, whom Alexander's army had come upon in India. Even the common Jew deprecated the severe religiosity of the Chasidim, and sought for some middle way. Perhaps a compromise would have been reached had it not been for the attempt of Antiochus Epiphanes to force Hellenism upon Judea by persuasion of the sword.\nIn 198 Antiochus III defeated Ptolemy V, and made Judea a part of the Seleucid Empire. Tired of the Egyptian yoke, the Jews supported Antiochus, and welcomed his capture of Jerusalem as a liberation. But his successor, Antiochus IV, thought of Judea as a source of revenue; he was planning great' campaigns, and needed funds. He ordered the Jews to pay in taxes one third of their grain crops and one half of the fruit of their trees.\" Ignoring the usual inheritance of the office, he appointed as high priest the sycophantic Jason, who represented the Hellenizing party in Jerusalem and sought permission to establish Greek institutions in Judea. Antiochus heard him gladly, for he was disturbed by the diversity and persistence of Oriental cults in Greek Asia, and dreamed of unifying his"]
[2.765233278274536, -16.57128143310547, "THE GREAT JURISTS\nT AW\twas the most characteristic and lasting expression of the Roman\nL\tspirit. As Greece stands in history for freedom, so Rome stands for\norder; and as Greece bequeathed democracy and philosophy as the founda\u00ad tions of individual liberty, so Rome has left us its laws, and its traditions of administration, as the bases of social order. To unite these diverse legacies, to attune their stimulating opposition into harmony, is the elemental task of statesmanship.\nSince law is the essence of Roman history it has been impossible to keep them\u2022separate, and this chapter can only be a structural and synoptic sup\u00ad plement to preceding and subsequent details. The Roman constitution was like the British-no set of permanently binding rules, but a stream of prece\u00ad dent giving direction without preventing change. As wealth increased, and life became more complex, new legislation issued from assemblies, Senate, magistrates, and princes; the body of the law grew as rapidly as the Empire and reached out to ever new frontiers. The education of lawyers, the guidance of judges, and the protection of the citizen from illegal judg\u00ad ments demanded the organization and formulation of the law into some orderly and accessible form. Amid the turmoil of the Gracchan and Marian revolution Publius Mucius Scaevola (consul, 133 B.c.) and his son Quintus (consul, 95 B.c.) labored to reduce the laws of Rome to an intelligible system. Cicero, pupil of another Quintus l\\lucius Scaevola (consul, 117 B.c.), wrote eloquently on the philosophy of law, and constructed an ideal code designed to preserve the fortune that he had gained and the faith that he had lost. The contradictory enactments of Marius and Sulla, the un\u00ad precedented powers of Pompey, the revolutionary legislation of Caesar, and the new constitution of Augustus created fresh problems for minds that struggled to make a logic of the law; and the brilliant jurist Antistius Labeo confounded confusion by declaring the decrees of Caesar and Augustus\n\" This chapter will be of no use to lawyers, and of no interest to others.\n391\n392\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVIII\nvoid, as the expression of usurped and illegal authority. Not till the Princi\u00ad pate had established itself, first by the use of force and then by the force of use, could the new legislation win acceptance in the minds of men as well as in the courts of power. To the second and third centuries of our era belongs the honor of giving Roman law its final formulation in the West-an achievement comparable to the formulation of science and philos\u00ad ophy in Greece.\nHere, too, Caesar had set the goal; but the actual work did not begin till Hadrian (A.D. 11 7). This best educated of the emperors gathered about him a corps of jurists as his Privy Council, and commissioned them to replace the variable annual edicts of the praetors with a Perpetual Edict to be observed by all future judges in Italy. The Greeks had produced since Solon no masterpiece of jurisprudence, and never a codified system of law; but the Greek cities of Asia and Italy had developed excellent municipal codes. The much-traveled Hadrian knew these cities well and was perhaps inspired by their constitutions to improve and co-ordinate the laws of Rome. Under his successors, the Antonines, the work of codification continued, and the half-official repute enjoyed by the Stoic philosophy permitted a profound Greek influence upon Roman law. The Stoics declared that law should ac\u00ad cord with morality, and that guilt lay in the intention of the deed, not in the results. Antoninus, a product of the Stoic school, decreed that cases of doubt should be resolved in favor of the accused, and that a man should be held innocent until proved guilty 1-two supreme principles of civilized law.\nFavored by imperial patronage, the science of jurisprudence nurtured a succession of geniuses. Salvius Julianus, a Roman of African birth, showed so much learning and industry as quaestor Augusti, or legal adviser to the emperor, that the Senate voted him double the usual salary of that office. His responsa were acclaimed for their logic and clarity; his Digesta pre\u00ad sented a systematic arrangement of civil and praetorian law; it was he who, as the leading member of Hadrian's Council, formulated the Praetorian Perpetual Edict. Another jurist is known to us only by his first name, Gaius; his famous lnstitutiones was discovered by Niebuhr in 18 16 on a faded palimpsest overwritten with some essays by Saint Jerome; it is now our fullest authority for pre-Justinian Roman law. It was issued (ca. A.D. 161) not as a creative work but as an elementary manual for students; if we find it a masterpiece of orderly exposition, we may imagine the intellectual stature of the men whose lost treatises it summarized. Sixty years later Papinian, Paulus, and Ulpian brought Roman jurisprudence to its height; while the dmini_stration of th law fell a _victim to violence and chaos, they gave It a rational formulation and consIStency. After them the great science sank in the general ruin.\nCHAP. XVIII)\tROMAN  LAW\t393\nTHE SOURCES OF THE  LAW\nAs the terminology of science and philosophy comes mostly from the Greek, betraying their source, so the language of the law comes mostly from the Latin. Law in general was ius, justice or right; lex meant a specific law.\u2022 Jurisprudence\u00ad wisdom in the law-was defined in the Digest of Justinian (A.D. 533) as both a science and an art: the \"science of the just and the unjust,\" and the \"art [i.e., administration] of the good and the equitable.\" 1 /us included unwritten law, or custom, as well as written law. The latter was composed of ius civile-the \"law of [Roman] citizens\"-and ius gentiu111-\"the law of the nations.\" Civil law was \"public law\" when it related to the state or the official worship, and \"private law\" when it dealt with the legal inti;:rrelations of the citizens.\nRoman law as a whole flowed from five sources. 1. Under the Republic the ultimate source of law was the will of the citizens, expressed as leges in the Curial and Centuria! Assemblies, and as plebiscita (\"decided by the plebs\") in the Tribal Assembly. The Senate acknowledged leges only when they had been pro\u00ad\nposed to the assemblies with the proper formalities and by a magistrate of\t,\nSenatorial rank. When Senate and assembly agreed in passing a measure, it was\nproclaimed in the name of Senatus Populusque Romanus.\n2. The Senate itself, in theory, had no lawmaking power under the Republic; its senatusconsulta were, formally, recommendations to the magistrates; gradu\u00ad ally they became directives, then imperatives, until in the later Republic and under the Empire they took on the force of laws. Altogether the laws passed by the assemblies or the Senate were so few in the course of six centuries as to astonish one accustomed to the legislative flux of modem states.\n3\u00b7 The need for minor or more specific laws was met by the edicta of the municipal officials. Each new urban praetor (our \"chief city magistrate\") issued an edictum praetorium, announced by a herald in the Forum and inscribed upon a wall, and stating the legal principles on which the praetor proposed to act and judge during his year's term. Similar edicts could be put forth by circuit judges (pr etores peregrini) and provincial praetors. Through their power of im\u00ad perzum, or rule, the praetors were allowed not only to interpret existing laws, but to ?1ak new ones. In this way Roman law combined the stability of its basic legislation with the flexibility of praetorian judgments. When a law or clause was carried down from one praetorian edict to the next for many years, it be\u00ad came a definite part of the ius honorarium; by the time of Cicero this \"law of the offices\" had displaced the Twelve Tables as the main text of legal instruction in Ro e. Nevertheless, a praetor often reversed the decisions, and sometimes con\u00ad tradicted the principles, of a predecessor, so that uncertainties of law and ar\u00ad bitrariness of judgment were added to the abuses natural in every judicial system operated by men. It was to end this uncertainty that Hadrian instructed Julianus\nCf. French droit and loi, German Recht and Gesetz.\n394\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVIII\nto unify all preceding ius honorarium in a Perpetual Edict alterable only by the emperor.\nThe constitutiones principum, or statutes of the princes, became themselves\nin the second century a varied source of law. They took four forms. (a) The prince issued edicta by virtue of his imperium as an official of the city; these were valid for the whole Empire, but apparently lapsed after his death. (b) His decreta as a judge, like those of other magistrates, had the force of law. (c) Im\u00ad perial rescripta were his answers to inquiries. Usually they were epistulae-letters"]
[-9.32111644744873, -4.922914981842041, "Domitian shared Nero's architectural madness. For him Rabirius raised the domus Flavia, not quire as elephantine as Nero's museum, but yielding little to it in gaudy splendor and decor:ition. One wing alone contained a vast basilica, probably the court where the Emperor tried cases of final appeal; the same wing enclosed a peristylium covering 30,000 square feet. Adjoining this was a banquet hall, whose pavement of red porphyry and green serpentine survives; gone arc the delicate marble screens and beauti\u00ad fully columned windows through which the diners might watch the waters splashing over the marble basins of the nympbaea or fountains outside. It should be added that Domitian used this building only for receptions and administration; usually he lived in the more modest quarters of Augustus' palace. Doubtless these royal edifices were part of the fas;ade of empire, designed to impress natives, visitors, and embassies, while the emperors them\u00ad selves, perhaps excepting Caligula and Nero, fled from the constraining form2Iity of these ceremonial rooms to the ease and intimacy of their family quarters, and enjoyed, as Antoninus Pius would put it, \"the pleasure of being men.\" 16\nTHE ARTS OF DECOR.ATIO\nIn these palaces, and in the homes of the rich, a hundred arts were employed to make everything if not beautiful, at least expensive. The floors were often of polychrome marble, or mosaics whose patient combination of tiny varicolored cubes (tesserae) resulted in paintings of remarkable realism and permanence. Furniture was less abundant and comfortable than among ourselves, but of gen\u00ad eral!y superior design and workmanship. Tables, chairs, be.,ches, couches, beds,\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nlamps, and utensils were made of lasting materials, and lavishly adorned; the best wood, ivory, marble, bronze, silver, and gold were carefully turned and finished, decorated with plant or animal forms, or inlaid with ivory, tortoise shell, chased bronze, or precious stones. Tables were sometimes cut from costly cypress or citrus woods; some were of gold or silver; many were of marble or bronze. Chairs were of every sort from folding stool to throne, but less calculated than ours to deform the spine. Beds were of wood or metal, with slim but sturdy legs often ending in an animal's head or foot; a bronze web, instead of a spring, supported a mattress filled with straw or wool. Bronze tripods of elegant form took the place of our end tables; and here and there were cabinets with pigeon\u00ad holes for rolled books. Bronze braziers warmed the rooms, and bronze lamps lighted them. Mirrors too were of bronze, highly polished, embossed or engraved with floral or mythical designs; some ,vere made horizontally or vertically convex or concave to distort reflections into a humorous slenderness or rotundity.17\nThe factories of Campania, working with the rich output of Spanish mines, produced silverware on a large scale for a wide market; silver services were now common in the middle and upper classes. In 1895 an excavator found in the cistern of a villa at Boscoreale a remarkable collection of silver, apparently de\u00ad posited there by its owner before his unsuccessful flight from the embers of Vesuvius in A.D. 79. One of the sixteen cups bears an almost perfect representa\u00ad tion of simple foliage; two depict skeletons in high relief; another pictures Au\u00ad gustus enthroned between Venus and 1\\1ars, the rival deities of mankind; the sliest shows Zeno the Stoic pointing with scorn at Epicurus, who is helping him\u00ad self to a huge piece of cake, while a pig, with uplifted foreleg, politely asks for a share.\nThe coins and gems of the early Empire prove the progress of the engraver's art. Those of Augustus show the same good taste, sometimes the same designs, as the Altar of Peace. Precious stones imported from Africa, Arabia, and India were cut and set into rings, brooches, necklaces, bracelets, cups, even into walls. A ring on at least one fir:ger was a social necessity; a few fops wore rings on all fingers but one. The Roman sealed his signature ,vith his ring and therefore liked to have the seal individually designed. Some of the best-paid artists in Rome were gem cutters, like the Dioscurides who made Augustus' seal. In cutting cameos the Golden Age reached a level never surpassed; the gennna Augusta in Vienna is among the finest in existence. To collect gems and cameos became a hobby of rich Romans-Pompey, Caesar, Augustus; by inheritance the imperial gem cabinet grew till Marcus Aurelius sold it to help pay for his war against the 1\\1arco\u00ad manni. From the official guardian of the imperial seals and gems England derived her Keeper of the Great, or Privy, Seal.\nMeanwhile the potters of Capua, Puteoli, Cumae, and Arretium were filling Italian homes with every variety of ceramic art. Arretium had mixing vats with a capacity of 10,000 gallons. Its red-glazed tableware ,vas for a century the most widely spread product of Italy; specimens of it have been found almost every\u00ad where. Iron stamps, hollowed out in relief, were used to impress upon each vase,\nCHAP. XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t347\nlamp, or tile the name of the maker, sometimes also the names of the year's consuls, as a date. To this degree the ancients knew the art of printing; they left it undeveloped because slave copyists were cheap.18\nFrom pottery the workers of Cumae, Liternum, and Aquileia turned to the production of artistic glass.* The Portland Vase is a famous example of\nits kind; t finer still is the \"Blue Glass Vase\" found at Pompeii, depicting\nin lively and graceful action a vintage feast of Bacchus.19 In the reign of Tiberius, say Pliny and Strabo,20 the art of glass blowing was brought from Sidon or Alexandria to Rome, and soon produced polychrome phials, cups, bowls, and other forms of such delicate beauty that they became for a time the favorite prey of art collectors and millionaires. In Nero's reign 6000 sesterces were paid for two small cups of blown glass now known as 1nillefiori, or \"thousand flowers,\" produced by fusing together differently colored glass rods. Even more prized :vere the \"Murrhine\" vases imported from Asia and Africa. They were made by placing white and purple glass filaments side by side to form a desired pattern, and then firing them; or pieces of colored glass were embedded in a transparent white body. Pompey brought some to Rome after his victory over Mithridates; Augustus, though he melted down Cleopatra's gold plate, kept for himself her goblet of Murrhine glass. Nero paid a million sesterces for one such cup; Petronius, dying, broke another lest it should fall into Nero's hands. All in all, the Romans have had no superior in making glass; and there are few art collec\u00ad tions in the world more precious than those of Roman glass in the British Museum and the .Metropolitan l\\foseum of Art.\nSCULPTURE\nPottery passed into sculpture through baked clay-terra-cotta reliefs and statuettes, toys, imitations of fruit, grapes, fish-at last full-sized statues. Glazed terra cotta-majolica-abounded in the ruins of Pompeii. Temple pediments and eaves were adorned with terra-cotta palmettes, acroteria,\nThe Syrians and Egyptians, some 200 years before Christ, had discovered that the fusion of sand with an alkaline substance at a high temperature produced a semitransparent liquid of greenish color (due to the iron oxide in the sand); that the addition of manganese and lead\n?xide rendered the product colorless and fully transparent; and that different shades could be mduced by different chemicals-blue, for example, by cobalt. The fluid paste was shaped by hand or blown into molds; or the paste was allowed to harden, and then cut on a wheel.\nt This vase of superimposed layers of glass was probably of Greek origin. It was found near\nRome in 1770, was bought by the Duke of Ponland, and was lent to the British Museum in 1810. In 1845 a maniac smashed it into 250 pieces, but it was so successfully restored that when the then Duke offered it for sale in 1929 he received a bid of S152,ooo. The bid was rejected as too low.18&\n348\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\ngargoyles, and reliefs. The Greeks laughed at these ornaments, and under the Empire they went out of fashion; Augustus was no friend of clay.\nIt was probably through his Attic taste that relief and sculpture attained in Rome an excellence comparable with the best Hellenistic work. For a generation the artists of. Rome carved fountains, tombstones, arches, and altars with a refinement of feeling, a precision of execution, a quiet dignity of form, a measure of modeling and perspective, that rank Roman reliefs among the masterpieces of the world's art. In 13 B.c. the Senate celebrated the return of Augustus from the pacification of Spain and Gaul by decreeing that an Ara Pacis Augustae, or \"Altar of the Augustan Peace,\" should be erected in the Field of J\\Iars. This is the noblest of all the sculptural remains of Rome. Perhaps the monument owed its form to the altar at Pergamum, and its processional motif to the Parthenon frieze; the altar was raised on a platform in an enclosure whose surrounding walls were partly carved in marble relief; the extant pieces are slabs from these walls.* One slab repre\u00ad sents Tellus-Mother Earth-with two children in her arms, corn and flowers growing beside her, and animals lying contentedly at her feet. These were the leading ideas of the Augustan reformation: the family restored to parentage, the nation to agriculture, the Empire to peace. The central figure is unsurpassed; indeed, in its union of mature motherhood and womanly beauty, tenderness, and grace, there is a soft perfection unmatched by the stately goddesses of the Parthenon. The frieze of the outer wall had a lower panel of acanthus scrolls, broad-petaled peonies and poppies, and rich clusters of ivy berries; this too is unequaled in its class. Another panel\nshowed nvo processions moving in opposite directions to meet before the altar of the Goddess of Peace. In these groups are grave and quiet figures, probably of Augustus, Livia, and the imperial fainily, with nobles, priests, Vestal Virgins. and children. These last are engagingly real in their shy innocence. One is a baby toddling along with no taste for ceremony; another is a boy already proud of his years; another a little girl with a nosegay; an\u00ad other, after some Inischief, is being gently admonished by his mother. Hence\u00ad forth children would play a rising role in Italian art. But never again would Roman sculpture show such mastery of drapery, such natural and effective grouping, such modulations of light and shade. Here, as in Virgil, propa\u00ad ganda had found a perfect medium.\nThe only Roman rivals of these reliefs are the carvings on the arches raised for the entry of triumphing generals. The finest survivor is the Arch of Titus, begun by Vespasian and completed by Doinitian to commemorate\nThe largest fragments were till recently in the J\\Iuseo delle Terme at Rome\u00b7 others were in the Vatican, the Uffizi Gallery at Florence, and in the Louvre. \u2022\t'"]
[-3.0000460147857666, -16.91159439086914, "Berenice, as his mistress, and wished to marry her; again capta ferum victo\u00ad renz cepit. The Emperor could not see why one should marry a mistress; he himself, after the death of his wife, lived with a freedwoman without\ntroubling to wed her; and when this Caenis died he distributed his love among several concubines.99 He was convinced that the succession to his power must be settled before his death, as the alternative to anarchy. The Senate agreed, but demanded that he should name and adopt \"the best of the best\"-presumably a senator; Vespasian answered that he reckoned that Titus was the best. To ease the situation the young conqueror dismissed Berenice, and sought consolation in promiscuity.100 The Emperor there\u00ad upon associated Titus with himself on the throne and delegated to him an increasing share in the government.\nIn 79 Vespasian again visited Reate. vVhile in the Sabine country he drank copiously the purgative waters of Lake Cutilia and was seized with severe diarrhea. Though confined to his bed he continued to receive em\u00ad bassies and perform the other duties of his office. Feeling the hand of death upon him he nevertheless kept his bluff humor. Vae! puto deus fio, he re\u00ad marked-\"Alas, I think I am becoming a god.\" 101 Almost fainting, he struggled to his feet with the help of attendants, saying, \"An emperor should die standing.\" With these words he concluded a full life of sixty-nine years and a beneficent reign of ten.\nTITUS\nHis older son, named like himself Titus Flavius Vespasianus, was the most fortunate of emperors. Titus died in the second year of his rule and the forty-second of his age, while still \"the darling of mankind\"; time did not suffice him for the corruptions of power or the disillusionment of desire.\n,,\n'\\..\n?\\\u2022a\n.,.,.,..\nJ\\lFuIsGeo. w-V. esp11sia11\n\u00b7\taz1onale' ,-J-:.-..;ap1es\n.;..:..:.\nh\u00b7-\ni;::,\n,..:::;\n;,..\n,..\"..:.:.:.';.\n;::\ni;::,\n..t..\n-\nd\nCHAP. xm)   THE  OTHER  SIDE  OF MONARCHY\nAs a youth he had distinguished himself in ruthless war and tarnished his name with loose living; now, instead of letting omnipotence intoxicate him, he reformed his morals and made is government a model of wisdom and honor. His greatest fault was uncontrollable generosity. He counted that day lost on which he had not made someone happy with a gift; he spent too much on shows and games; and he left the replenished Treasury almost as low as his father had found it. He completed the Colosseum and built another municipal bath. No one suffered capital punishment during his brief reign; on the contrary, he had informers flogged and banished. He swore that he would rather be killed than kill. When two patricians were detected in a conspiracy to depose him he contented himself with sending them a warning; then he dispatched a courier to relieve the anxiety of a conspirator's mother by telling her that her son was safe.\nHis misfortunes were disasters over which he could have little control. A three-day fire in the year 79 destroyed many important buildings, in\u00ad cluding again the Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva; in the same year Vesuvius buried Pompeii and thousands of Italians; and a year later Rome was stricken with a plague more deadly than any her history had yet recorded. Titus d d all he could to lessen the sufferings caused by these calamities; \"he showed not merely the concern of an emperor, but a father's surpassing love.\" 102 He died of a fever in 8 r, in the same farmhouse in which his father had recently passed away. All Rome mourned him except the brother who succeeded to his throne."]
[-1.875510811805725, -18.720855712890625, "fifty-five, a disillusioned misanthrope who found no happiness in power.\nTo understand him we must remember that he was a Claudian; with him began the Claudian branch of that Julio-Claudian dynasty which ended with Nero. Through both parents he inherited the proudest blood in Italy, the narrowest prejudices, the strongest will. He was tall, powerful, and well featured; but acne accentuated his shyness, his awkward manners, his moody diffidence, and his love of seclusion.2 The fine head of Tiberius in the Boston Museum shows him as a young priest, with broad forehead, large deep eyes, and pensive countenance; he was so serious in youth that wags called him \"the old man.\" He received all the education that Rome, Greece, environment, and responsibility could afford; he learned the two classic languages and literatures well, wrote lyrics, dabbled in astrology, and \"neglected the gods.\" 3 He loved his brother Drusus despite the young man's superior popularity; he was a devoted husband to Vipsania, and so generous to his friends that they could safely give him presents in the expectation of a fourfold return. The severest as well as the ablest general of his time, he gained the admiration and affection of his soldiers because he watched over\nAll further dates will be A.D. unless othenvise noted.\n259\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nevery detail of their welfare, and won his battles by strategy rather than by blood.\nHis vinues ruined him. He believed the stories told about the mos maiorum, and wished to see the stern qualities of old Rome reborn in the new Babylon; he approved the moral reforms of Augustus and made clear his intention to enforce them. He had no liking for tlie ethnic farrago that steamed in the caldron of Rome; he gave it bread but no circuses, and offended it by not attending the games presented by rich men. He was convinced that Rome could be saved from a vulgar degeneration only by an aristocracy stoic in conduct and refined in taste. But the aristocracy could no more than the people bear his \"stiff neck\" and sober countenance, his long silences and slow speech, his visible awareness of his own excellence, and, worst of all, his grim husbanding of the public funds. He had been misborn a stoic in an epicurean age, and he was too coldly honest to learn Seneca's art of preach\u00ad ing the one doctrine in beautiful language and practicing the other with graceful constancy.\nFour weeks after the death of Augustus, Tiberius appeared before the Senate and asked it to restore the Republic. He was unfit, he told them, to rule so vast a state; \"in a city so well provided with men of illustrious character . . . the several departments of public business could be better filled by a coalition of the best and ablest citizens.\" 4 Not daring to take him at his word, the Senate exchanged bows with him until at last he accepted power \"as a wretched and burdensome slavery,\" and in the hope that some\u00ad day the Senate would permit him to retire to privacy and freedom.5 The play was well acted on both sides. Tiberius wanted the principate, or he would have found some way to evade it; the Senate feared and hated him, but shrank from re-establishing a republic based, like the old, upon theo\u00ad retically sovereign assemblies. It wanted less democracy, not more; and it was pleased when Tiberius (A.D. 14) persuaded it to take over from the co111itia ceuturiata the power of choosing the public officials. The citizens complained for a time, mourning the loss of the sums they had received for their votes. The only political power now left to the common man was the right of electing the emperor by assassination. After Tiberius democracy passed from the assemblies to the army, and voted with the sword.\nHe seems to have sincerely disliked monarchy and to have considered himself the administrative head and arm of the Sen::te. He refused all titles that savored of royalty, contented himself with that of princeps smatus, stopped all effons to deify him or offer worship to his genius, and made evident his distaste for flattery. \\Vhen the Senate wished to name a month after him, as it had done for Caesar and Augustus, he turned the compliment aside with dry humor: \"\\Vhat will you do if there should be thirteen\nCHAP. XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF MONARCHY\t261\nCaesars?\" 6 * He rejected a proposal that he should revise the Senatorial list. Nothing could surpass his courtesy to this ancient \"assembly of kings\"; he attended its meetings, referred \"even the smallest matters\" to its judgment, sat and spoke as merely a member, was often in the minority, and made no protest when decrees were passed contrary to his expressed opinion.7 \"He was self-contained and patient,\" according to Suetonius, \"in the face of abuse, slander, and lampoons against himself and his family; in a free country, he said, there should be freedom of speech and thought.\" 8 His nominations, the hostile Tacitus admits,\nwere made with judgment. The consuls and the praetors enjoyed the ancient honors of their rank. The subordinate officials exercised their functions free from imperial control. The laws, if we except those of violated majesty, flo,ved in their regular channel.   The\nrevenues were administered by men of distinguished probity... . In the provinces no new burdens were imposed, and the old duties were collected without cruelty or extortion. . . . Good order pre\u00ad vailed among his slaves. . . . In all questions of right between the emperor and individuals the courts of justice were open, and the law decided.9\nThis Tiberian honeymoon lasted nine years, during which Rome, Italy, and the provinces enjoyed government as good as any in their history. \"\\Vithout additional taxes, despite many benefactions to stricken families and cities, the careful repair of all public property, the absence of booty-yielding wars, and the rejection of bequests made to the Prince by persons with children or near relatives, Tiberius, who had found 100,000,000 sesterces in the Treasury on his accession, left 2,700,000,000 there at his death. He tried to check extravagance by example rather than by law. He labored carefully on every aspect of domestic and foreign affairs. To provincial governors anxious to collect more revenues he wrote that \"it was the part of a good shepherd to shear his flock, not fleece it.\" 10 Though skilled in the art of ,var, he denied himself, as Prince, the glories of the battlefield; and after the third year of his long reign he kept the Empire at peace.\nIt was this pacific policy that marred the progress of his rule. His hand\u00ad\nsome and popular nephew, Germanicus, whom he had adopted as his son at Drusus' death, had won some victories in Germany and wished to go on to its conquest. Tiberius advised against it, to the disgust of the imperialistic populace. Because Germanicus was a grandson of l\\1ark Antony, those who still dreamed of restoring the Republic used him as a symbol for their cause.\nThe Senate should have taken him at his word and divided the year into thirteen months of twenty-eight days each, with an intercalary holiday (in leap years two) at the end.\n262\tCAES~.\\.R  AND\tCHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\n\\Vhen Tiberius transferred him to the East, half of Rome called the young commander a martyr to the Prince's jealousy; and when Germanicus sud\u00ad denly took sick and died (19), nearly all Rome suspected that Tiberius had had him poisoned. Cnaeus Piso, an appointee of Tiberius in Asia Minor, was accused of the crime and was tried by the Senate; foreseeing condemnation, he killed himself to save his property for his family. No facts appeared to indicate Tiberius' innocence or guilt; we know only that he asked the Senate to give Piso a fair trial, and that Germanicus' mother, Antonia, re\u00ad mained to the end of her life the most faithful friend of Tiberius.11\nThe exciteq participation of the public in the celebrated case, the scur\u00ad rilous tales circulated about the Emperor, and the agitation now aroused\n. against him by Germanicus' widow, Agrippina, induced Tiberius to avail himself of that lex Julia de nzaiestate, or law of treason, which Caesar had passed to define crimes against the state. Since Rome had no public prose\u00ad cutor or attorney general, and (before Augustus) no police, every citizen was empowered and requested to accuse before the courts any person whom he knew to have violated a law. If the accused was condemned, the delator or informer was awarded a fourth of the convicted man's goods, while the state confiscated the rest. Augustus had used this dangerous procedure to enforce his marriage laws. Now, as plots multiplied against Tiberius, dela\u00ad tores sprang up to profit from denouncing them; and the supporters of the Prince in the Senate were ready to prosecute such accusations vigorously. The Emperor sought to restrain them. He interpreted the law strictly in the case of persons charged with defaming the memory or statues of Augustus; but \"personalities leveled against himself,\" says Tacitus, \"were to be let pass unpunished.\" He assured the Senate that his mother Livia wished a similar leniency shown to assailants of her good name.12\nLivia herself \u00b7was now a major problem of state. Tiberius' failure to re\u00ad marry left hin1 \"\\vith no protection against a strong-minded woman accus\u00ad tomed to exercise authority over him. She felt that her maneuvers had cleared his way to the throne, and she gave him to understand that he held it only as her representative.13 During the earlier years of Tiberius' reign, though he was approaching sixty, his official letters were signed by her as well as by himself. \"But not satisfied to rule on equal terms with him,\" says Dio, \"she wished to assert a superiority over him . . . and undertook to manage everything like a sole ruler.\"H Tiberius long bore this situation patiently; but as Livia survived Augustus fifteen years, he at last built him\u00ad self a separate palace and left his mother in undisputed possession of that which Augustus had raised. Gossip accused him of cruelty to her, and of having starved his exiled wife. i\\leanwhile Agrippina was pushing her son Nero to succeed-if possible, to replace-Tiberius.15 This, too, he bore\nCHAP. XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\nwith hot patience, merely chiding her with a Greek quotation: \"Do you think a wrong is done you, dear daughter, if you are not empress?\" * Hardest of all for him to bear was the realization that his only son, Drusus, borne to him by his first wife, was a worthless rake, cruel, ill-mannered, and lecherous.\nThe self-control with which Tiberius supported these tribulations left his nerves on edge. He retired more and more into himself, and developed a gloom of countenance and severity of speech that scattered all but his most hopeful friends. One man seemed unfailingly loyal to him-Lucius Aelius Sejanus. As prefect of the Praetorian Guard, Sejanus professed it his duty to protect the Prince; soon no one was admitted to the Emperor's presence except through the hands and under the watch of the crafty vizier. Gradu\u00ad ally Tiberius entrusted to him more and more of the government. Sejanus persuaded him that the imperial safety required the closer presence of the Praetorian Guard. Augustus had stationed six of its nine cohorts outside the city limits; Tiberius now allowed all nine to pitch their camp at the Viminal Gate, only a few miles from the Palatine and the Capitol; there they became first the protectors, then the masters, of the emperors. So supported, Sejanus exercised his powers with increasing boldness and venality. He began by recommending men for office, he advanced his fortune by selling offices to the highest bidders, he ended by aspiring to the principate. A senate of real Romans would soon have overthrown him; but the Senate had, with many exceptions, become an epicure's club too listless to wield competently even the authority that Tiberius had urged it to retain. Instead of unseating Sejanus, it crowded Rome with statues voted by it in his image and honor, and at his suggestion it banished one after another of Agrippina's followers."]
[6.087220668792725, -3.7641828060150146, "CHAP.VIII)  LITERATURE UNDER THE  REVOLUTION\t147\nand Sullan proscriptions; through Catiline's conspiracy and Caesar's con\u00ad sulate. The aristocracy to which he probably belonged was in obvious decay; the world in which he lived was falling apart into a chaos that left no life or fortune secure. His poem is a longing for physical and mental peace.\nLucretius sought refuge in nature, philosophy, and poetry. Perhaps also he had a round of love; he must have fared badly, for he writes ungallantly of women, denounces the lure of beauty, and advises itching youth to appease the flesh with calm promiscuity.2 In woods and fields, in plants and animals, in mountain, river, and sea, he found a delight only rivaled by his passion for philosophy. He was as impressionable as \\Vordsworth, as keen of sense as Keats, as prone as Shelley to find metaphysics in a pebble or a leaf. Nothing of nature's loveliness or terror was lost upon him; he was stirred by the forms and sounds, odors and savors, of things; felt the silences of secret haunts, the quiet falling of the night, the lazy waking of the day. Everything natural was a marvel to him-the patient flow of water, the sprouting of seeds, the endless changes of the sky, the imperturbable persistence of the stars. He observed animals with curiosity and sympathy, loved their forms of strength or grace, felt their sufferings, and wondered at their wordless philosophy. No poet before him had so expressed the grandeur of the world in its detailed variety and its congregated power. Here at last nature won the citadels of literature, and rewarded her poet with a force of descriptive speech that only Homer and Shakespeare have surpassed.\nSo responsive a spirit must have been deeply moved in youth by the mystery and pageantry of religion. But the ancient faith, which had once served family discipline and social order, had lost its hold on the educated classes of Rome. Caesar smiled indulgently as he played pontif ex 111aximus, and the banquets of the priests were the holydays of Roman epicures. A small minority of the people were open atheists; now and then some Roman Alcibiades nocturnally mutilated the statues of the gods.3 No longer inspired or consoled by the official ritual, many among the lower classes were flocking to the bloodstained shrines of the Phrygian Great Mother, or the Cappa\u00ad docian goddess Ma, or some of the Oriental deities that had entered Italy with soldiers or captives from the East. Under the influence of Greek or Asiatic cults the old Roman idea of \"Orcus\" as a colorless subterranean abode of all the indiscriminate dead had developed into belief in a literal Hell-a \"Tartarus\" or \"Acheron\" of endless suffering for all but a \"reborn\" initiated few.4 The sun and the moon were conceived as gods, and every eclipse sent terror into lonely villages and teeming tenements. Chaldean fortunetellers and astrologers ,vere overrunning Italy, casting horoscopes for paupers r:nd millionaires, revealing hidden treasures and future events, interpreting omens and dreams \u00b7with cautious ambiguity and profitable flattery. E,\u00b7ery unusual\nCAESAR  AN\"D  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\noccurrence in nature was examined as the warning of a god. It was this mass of superstition, ritualism, and hypocrisy that Lucretius knew as religion.\nNo wonder that he rebelled against it, and attacked it with all the ardor of a religious reformer. We may judge from the bitterness of his resentment the depth of his youthful piety and the distress of his disillusionment. Seeking for some alternative faith, he passed through the skepticism of Ennius to the great poem in which Empedocles had expounded evolution and the con\u00ad flict of opposites. When he discovered the writings of Epicurus it seemed to him that he had found the answers to his questions; that strange mixture of materialism and free will, of joyful gods and a godless world, appealed to him as a free man's answer to doubt and fear. A breath of liberation from supernatural terrors seemed to come out of Epicurus' garden, revealing the omnipresence of law, the self-ruled independence of nature, the forgivable naturalness of death. Lucretius resolved to take this philosophy out of the ungainly prose in which Epicurus had expressed it, fuse it into poetic form, and offer it to his generation as the way, the truth, and the life. He felt in himself a rare and double power-the objective perception of the scientist and the subjective emotion of the poet; and he saw in the total order of nature a sublimity, and in nature's parts a beauty, that encouraged and justified this marriage of philosophy and poetry. His great purpose aroused all his powers, lifted him to a unique intellectual exuberance, and left him, before its com\u00ad pletion, exhausted and perhaps insane. But his \"long and delightful toil\" gave him a consuming happiness, and he poured into it all the devotion of a profoundly religious soul.\nHe chose for his work a philosophical rather than a poetic title-De Rerum Natura, \"On the Nature of Things\"-a simple translation of the Peri Physeos (\"About Nature\") which the pre-Socratics had used as a common name for their treatises. He offered it to the sons of Caius Memmius, praetor in 58, as a road from fear to understanding. He took as his model the Empedoclean epic of exposition, as his speech the quaint bluntness of Ennius, as his medium the mobile and versatile hexameter. And then, for\u00ad getting for a moment the distant carelessness of the gods, he began with a fervent apostrophe to Venus conceived, like Empedocles' Love, as a symbol of creative desire and the ways of peace:\nMother of Aeneas' race, delight of men and gods, 0 nurturing Venus! ... Through thee every kind of life is conceived and born, and looks upon the sun; before thee and thy corning the winds flee, and the clouds of the sl..-y depart; to thee the miraculous earth lifts up sweet fl.o'\\vers; for thee the waves of the sea laugh, and the peaceful heavens shine with overspreading light. For as soon as the springtime face of day appears, and the fertilizing south wind makes all things\nCHAP.VIII)  LITERATURE  UNDER THE REVOLUTION\t149\nfresh and green, then first the birds of the air proclaim thee and thy advent,0 divine one, pierced to the heart by thy power; then the wild herds leap over the glad pastures, and cross the swift streams; so, held captive by thy charm, each one follows thee wherever thou goest to lead. Then through seas and mountains and rushing rivers, and the leafy dwellings of the birds, and the verdant fields, thou strikest soft love into the breasts of all creatures, and makest them to propagate their generations after their kinds. Since, therefore, thou alone rulest the nature of things; since without thee nothing rises to the shining shores of light, nothing joyful or lovely is born; I long for thee as partner in the writing of these verses. . . . Grant to my words,0 goddess, an undying beauty. Cause, meanwhile, the savage works of war to sleep and be still. ...  As Mars reclines upon thy sacred form, bend thou around him from above, pour sweet coaxings from thy mouth, and beg for thy Romans the gift of peace.5\nDE RERUM NATURA\nIf we try to reduce to some logical fonn the passionate disorder of Lucretius' argument, his initial thesis lies in a famous line:\nTantum religio potuit suadere nralorum-\n\"to so many evils religion has persuaded men.\" 6 He tells the story of Iphigenia in Aulis, of countless human sacrifices, of hecatombs offered to gods conceived in the image of man's greed; he recalls the terror of sitn\u00ad plicity\u00b7and youth lost in a jungle of vengeful deities, the fear of lightning and thunder, of death and Hell, and the subterranean horrors pictured in\nEtruscan art and Oriental mysteries. He reproaches mankind for preferring sacrificial ritual to philosophical understanding:\n0 miserable race of men, to impute to the gods such acts as these, and such bitter wrath! What sorrow did men [through such creeds] prepare for themselves, what wounds for us, what tears for our chil\u00ad dren! For piety lies not in being often seen turning a veiled head to stones, nor in approaching every altar, nor in lying prostrate ... before the temples of the gods, nor in sprinkling altars with the blood of beasts ...\tbut rather in being able to look upon all things with amind at peace.1\nThere are gods, says Lucretius, but they dwell far off in happy isolation from the thought or cares of men. There, \"beyond the flaming ramparts of the world\" (extra fianmumtia moenia nmndi),8 beyond the reach of our sacrifices and prayers, they live like followers of Epicurus, shunning worldly\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIS r\t(CHAP. VII1\naffairs, content with the contemplation of beauty and the practices of friend\u00ad ship and peace.9 They are not the authors of creation, nor the causes of events; who would be so unfair as to charge them with the wastefulness, the disorder, the sufferings, and the injustices of earthly life? No, this infinite universe of many worlds is self-contained; it has no law outside itself; nature does everything of her own accord. \"For who is strong enough to rule the sum of things, to hold in hand the mighty bridle of the unfathomable deep?\n-who to turn all the heavens around at once . . . to shake the serene sky with thunder, to launch the lightning that often shatters temples, and cast the bolt that slays the innocent and passes the guilty by?\" 10 The only god is Law; and the truest worship, as well as the only peace, lies in learning that Law and loving it. \"This terror and gloom of the mind must be dispelled not by the sun's rays ...  but by the aspect and law of nature.\" 11\nAnd so, \"touching with the honey of the Muses\" the rough materialism of Democritus, Lucretius proclaims as his basic theorem that \"nothing exists but atoms and the void\" 12-i.e., matter and space. He proceeds at once to a cardinal principle (and assumption) of modem science-that the quantity of matter and motion in the world never varies; no thing arises out of nothing, and destruction is only a change of fonn. The atoms are indestructible, unchangeable, solid, resilient, soundless, odorless, tasteless, colorless, infinite. They interpenetrate one another to produce endless com\u00ad binations and qualities; and they move without cease in the seeming stillness of motionless things.\nFor often on a hill ... woolly sheep go creeping wherever the dew-sparkling grass tempts them, and the well-fed lambs play and butt their heads in sport; yet in the distance all these are blurred to\u00ad gether and seem but a whiteness resting on a green hill. Sometimes great arrr:ics cover wide fields in maneuvers mimicking war; the bril\u00ad liant bronze of their shields illumines the countryside and is mirrored in the sky; the ground trembles and thunders under their marching feet and their galloping steeds; and the mountains, buffeted by the sound, hurl it back to the very stars: and yet there is a place on the peaks from which these armies appear to be motionless, a little bright\u00ad ness resting on the plain.13\nThe atoms * have pans-minima, or \"least things\"-each mininnmz being solid, indivisible, ultimate. Perhaps because of the different arrangement of these pans, the atoms vary in size and shape, and so make possible the re\u00ad freshing diversity of nature. The atoms do not move in straight or uniform\nLucretius never uses this word, but calls his primordial panicles primordia, elementa, or"]
[0.6984636187553406, -12.859231948852539, "Only one officer emerged from these campaigns with credit. Gaius Marius, born like Cicero at Arpinurn, son of a day laborer, had enlisted in the army at an early age, had won his scars at Nurnantia, had married an aunt of Caesar, and despite, or because of, his lack of education or manners, had been chosen a tribune of the plebs. In the fall of 108  he returned from his\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE AGRARIAN REVOLT\tI 19\nservices as lieutenant to the incompetent Quintus Metellus in Africa, and ran for the consulate on a platform proposing that he should replace Metellus and bring the Jugurthine \\Var to a successful end. He was elected, took command, and forced Jugurtha's surrender (106). The people did not learn at this time that the chief agent of this victory was a reckless young aristocrat, Lucius Sulla; they would hear from him later. Marius enjoyed a splendid tri\u00ad umph, and was so loved that the Assembly, ignoring a dying constitution, elected him consul year after year ( 104-100). Thebusiness classes sup\u00ad ported him partly because his victories opened new fields for their enter\u00ad prises, partly because he was clearly the only man who could repel the Celtic hordes. Rome already recognized in Caesar's uncle the uses of Caesar\u00ad ism; the dictatorship of a popular leader backed by a devoted army seemed to many weary Romans the only alternative to the oligarchic abuses of liberty.\nAfter their victory at Arausio, the Cimbri had reprieved Rome by cross\u00ad ing the Pyrenees and ravaging Spain. But in 102 they returned to Gaul, greater in number than before, and entered into an agreement with the T eutones for a simultaneous assault by separate routes upon the rich plains of northern Italy. To meet the peril Marius resorted to a new form of mili\u00ad tary enrollment, which revolutionized first the army and then the state. He invited the enlistment of any citizen, property owner or not; offered attrac\u00ad tive pay, and promised to release volunteers, and give them lands, after a completed campaign. The army now formed was composed chiefly of the city proletariat; its sentiments \u00b7were hostile to the patrician Republic; it fought not for its country, but for its general and for booty; in this way, probably without knowing it, Marius laid the military basis of the Caesarian revolution. He was a soldier, not a statesman; he had no time to weigh distant political consequences. He led his recruits over the Alps, hardened their bodies with marches and drills, and developed their courage with attacks upon objectives that could be easily won; until they were trained he could not risk an engagement. The T eutones marched unhindered by his camp, asking the Romans derisively if they had messages for their wives in Rome, with whom the invaders proposed soon to refresh themselves; the number of the Teutones could be judged from the si'{ days they took to pass the Roman camp. \\Yhen they had all filed by, Marius ordered his army to fall upon their rear. In the great battle that ensued at Aquae Sextiae (Aix in Provence), the new legions slew or captured 100,000 men ( 102). \"They say,\" Plutarch reports, \"that the inhabitants of Marseilles made fences round their vineyards with the bones, and that the soil, after the bodies had rotted and the winter rains had fallen, was so fertilized with the putrefied matter which sank into it, that in the following se:ison it yielded an unprecedented\n120\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\ncrop.\" 15 After resting his army for several months, Marius led it back into Italy, and met the Cimbri at Vercellae, near the Po ( 1 o1), on the very field where Hannibal had won his first battle against Rome. The barbarians, to show their strength and courage, went naked in the snow, climbed over ice and through deep drifts to summits from which they tobogganed gaily along steep descents, using their shields as sleds.16 In the battle that followed they were nearly all slain.\nMarius was received in the rejoicing capital as a \"second Camillus\" who had turned back a Celtic invasion, and another Romulus who had refounded Rome. Part of the spoils he brought was bestowed upon him as a personal reward; thereby he became a rich man, with estates big \"enough for a kingdom.\" In 100  he was elected consul for the sixth time. His colleague was Lucius Saturninus, a fiery radical who was resolved to achieve the goals of the Gracchi by law if possible, otherwise by force. He pleased Marius with a bill that bestowed colonial lands upon the veterans of the recent campaign, and Marius raised no' objection when he lowered the price of state-doled corn from six and one third asses (thirty-nine cents) to five sixths of an as (five cents) per modius, or peck. The Senate sought to pro\u00ad tect the Treasury and itself by having a tribune forbid the submission of these measures to a vote, but Saturninus proceeded with the voting neverthe\u00ad less. Violence :flared up on both sides. \\Vhen Saturninus' bands killed Caius Memmius, one of the most respected of the aristocracy, the Senate took its final resort and, by a se11atusconsultmn de re publica defendenda, ordered Marius, as consul, to suppress the revolt.\nMarius faced the bitterest choice of his life. It seemed a miserable end to his long career of service to the common people of Rome that he should now attack their leaders and his former friends. And yet he too distrusted the appeal to violence, and saw in revolution more ills than it could cure. He led a force against the rebels, let S:iturninus be stoned to death, and then\n:fled to a gloomy retirement, despised alike by the people he had championed and the aristocracy he had saved.\nTHE  REVOLT OF ITALY\nThe revolution was now passing into civil war. Vvhen the Senate asked for help against the Cimbri from the eastern kings allied with Rome, Nicomedes of Bithynia replied that all men of military value in his kingdom had been sold into slavery to satisfy the extortions of the Roman tax collectors. Preferring an army for the moment, the Senate decreed that all males enslaved for unpaid taxes should be freed. Hearing of this order, hundreds of slaves in Sicily, many of\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  AGRARIAN  REVOLT\t12 I\nthem Greeks from the Hellenistic East, l'.'.:t their masters and, gathering before the palace of the Roman praetor, demanded their freedom. Their owners pro\u00ad tested, and the praetor suspended the operation of the decree. The slaves or\u00ad ganized themselves under a religious impostor, Salvius, and attacked the town of l\\1organtia. The citizens there secured the loyalty of most of their slaves by promising to liberate them if they repelled the attack; they repelled it, but were not freed; and many of them joined the revolt. About the same time ( 1 o3), some 6000 slaves in the western end of the island rose under Athenian, a man of educa\u00ad tion and resolution. This force defeated army after army sent against it by the praetor, and moving eastward, merged with the rebels under Salvius. Together they mastered an army dispatched from Italy, but Salvius died in the moment of victory. Still other legions crossed the straits, under the consul Manius Aquilius (10 r); Athenian engaged him in single combat and was killed; the leaderless slaves were overwhelmed; thousands of them died in the field, thousands were returned to their masters, hundreds were shipped to Rome to fight wild beasts in the games that celebrated Aquilius' triumph. Instead _of fighting, the slaves plunged their knives into one another's hearts until all lay dead.\nA few years after this Second Servile war all Italy was in arms. For almost two centuries now Rome-a tiny nation between Cumae and Caere, between the Apennines and the sea-had ruled the rest of Italy as subject states. Even some cities close to Rome, like Tibur and Praeneste, had no representation in the government that ruled them. The Senate, th1;: assemblies, and the consuls meted out decrees and laws to the Italian communities with the same high hand as to alien and conquered provinces. The resources and man power of the \"allies\" were drained by wars whose chief effect was to enrich a few families in Rome. Those states that had remained loyal to Rome in the ordeal with Hannibal had received scant reward; those that had helped him in any way had been punished with so servile a subjection that many of their freemen joined the slave revolts. A few rich men in the cities had been granted Roman citizenship; and the power of Rome had everywhere been used to support the rich against the poor. In r 26 the Assembly forbade the inhabitants of the Italian towns to migrate to Rome; and in 95 a decree of the jealous capital expelled all residents whose citizenship was not Roman but merely Italian.\nA member of the aristocrac\u2022y paid with his life for try. inba to improve this situa- tion. 1\\1. Livius Drusus was the son of the tribune who had rivaled Tiberius\nGracchus; since his adopted son became the father-in-law of Augustus, the family bound the beginnings of the revolution with its end. Elected tribune in 91, he proposed three measures: (1) to divide more state lands among the poor;\n( z) to restore to the Senate its exclusive jury rights, but at the same time add 300 equites, or businessmen, to the Senate; and (3) to confer Roman citizenship upon all the freemen of Italy. The Assembly passed the first bill with pleasure, the second with indifference; the Senate rejected both and declared them void. The third never reached a vote, for an unknown assassin stabbed Drusus to death in his home.\n122\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\nAroused to hope by Drusus' bill, and convinced by his fate that neither the Senate nor the Assembly would ever peaceably consent to share its privileges, the Italian states prepared for revolt. A federal republic was formed, Corfinium was named the capital, and the government was vested in a senate of 500 men chosen from all the Italian tribes except the Etruscans and Umbrians, who re\u00ad fused to join. Rome at once declared war upon the secessionists. All parties in the capital co-operated in what seemed to them a defense of the union; and every Roman dreaded the revenge the rebel states would take if they won this fratricidal \"Social War.\"* Marius emerged from his solitude, took command, and won victory after victory while all other Roman generals but Sulla met defeat. In three years of war 300,000 men fell, and central Italy was devastated. When Etruria and Umbria were on the verge of going over to the rebels, Rome pacified them by a grant of full Roman citizenship; and in 90 the Roman franchise was offered to all Italian freemen or freedmen who would swear fealtv to Rome. These belated concessions weakened the allies; one town after anoth r laid down its arms; and in 89 this ferocious and costly war ended in a sullen peace. The Romans nullified the franchise they had granted by enrolling the new citizens in ten new tribes, which voted only after the existing thirty-five, and therefore usually to no use; besides, only a few of the new citizens could attend the assem\u00ad blies in Rome. The deceived and desolate communities bided their time. Forty years later they would open their gates in welcome to a Caesar who offered them citizenship in a democracy that was dead.\nSULLA THE HAPPY\nAfter a few years of peace the strife ofltalians against k:lians was resumed, merely changing its name from \"Social\" to \"Civil,\" and its scene from the towns to Rome. Lucius Cornelius Sulla was chosen one of the consuls for 88, and took command of the army that was being prepared to march against Mithridates of Pontus. Sulpicius Rufus, a tribune, unwilling to put a conservative like Sulla in charge of so powerful a force, persuaded the Assembly to transfer the command to Marius, who, though fat and sixty\u00ad nine, was still rumbling with military ambition. Sulla refused to let his long\u00ad awaited chance for lead rship slip by through what seemed to him the whim of an assembly spellbound by a demagogue and bribed, he was sure, by the merchants who liked Marius. He fled to Nola, won the army to his support, and marched at its head against Rome.\nSulla was unique in his origins, character, and fate. Born poor, he became the defender of the aristocracy, as the aristocratic Gracchi, Drusi, and\nThis is the rime-honored mistranslation of Bel/um Sociale-the War of the Allies (socii)\nagainst Rome.\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE\tAGRARIAN  REVOLT\t123"]
[0.5637863278388977, -9.129788398742676, "114\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\n'\nlands that had been sold or leased to private individuals should be returned\nto the state for the purchase or rental price plus an allowance for improve\u00ad ments made.; and (3) that the returned lands should be divided into twenty\u00ad acre lots among poor citizens, on condition that they agree never to sell their allotment, and to pay an annual tax on it to the Treasury. It was not a utopian scheme; it \"\\Vas merely an attempt to implement the Licinian laws passed in 367 B.c., which had never been repealed and never enforced. \"The beasts of the field and the birds of the air,\" said Tiberius to the poorer plebeians in one of the epochal orations in Roman history,\nhave their holes and their hiding places; but the men who fight and die for Italy enjoy only the light and the air. Our generals urge their soldiers to fight for the graves and shrines of their ancestors. The appeal is idle and false. You cannot point to a paternal altar. You have no ancestral tomb. You fight and die to give wealth and luxury to others.You are called the masters of the world, but there is not a foot of ground that you can call your own.7\nThe Senate denounced the proposals as confiscatory, charged Tiberius with seeking a dictatorship, and persuaded Octavius, another tribune, to prevent by his veto the submission of the bills to the Assembly. Gracchus thereupon moved that any tribune who acted contrary to the wishes of his constituents should be immediately deposed. The Assembly passed the measure, and Octavius was forcibly removed from the tribune's bench by the lictors of Tiberius. The original proposals were then voted into law; and the Assem\u00ad bly, fearing for Gracchus' safety, escorted him home.8\nHis illegal overruling of the tribunician veto, which the Assembly itself had long ago made absolute, gave his opponents a handle with which to frustrate him. They declared their purpose to impeach him at the end of his one-year term, as having violated the constitution and used force against a tribune. To protect himself he flouted the constitution further by seeking re-election to the tribunate for 132. As Aemilianus and Laelius and other senators who had defended his proposals now withdrew their support, he turned more completely to the plebs. He promised, if re-elected, to shorten the term of military service, to abolish the exclusive right of senators to act as jurors, and to admit the Italian allies to Roman citizenship. Meanwhile the Senate refused funds to the agrarian commission that had been appointed to execute Tiberius' laws. \\Vhen Attalus III cf Pergamum bequeathed his kingdom to Rome ( I 33), Gracchus proposed to the Assembly that the personal and movable property of Attalus should be sold and the proceeds distributed to the recipients of state bnds to finance the equipment of their farms. The proposal infuriated the Senate, which saw its authority over the\nCHAP, VI)\tTHE   AGRARIAN  REVOLT\nprovinces and the public purse being transferred to an unmanageable and unrepresentative Assembly largely of servile origin and alien stock. When election day came, Gracchus appeared in the Forum with armed guards and in mourning costume, implying that his defeat would mean his impeachment and death. As the voting proceeded, violence broke out on both sides. Scipio Nasica, crying that Tiberius wished to make himself king, led the senators, armed with clubs, into the Forum. The supporters of Gracchus, awed by patrician robes, gave way; Tiberius w s killed by a blow on the head, and several hundred of his followers perished with him. When his younger brother Caius asked permission to bury him he w2s refused, and the bodies of the dead rebels were thrown into the Tiber, while Cornelia mourned.\nThe Senate sought to mollify the bitter plebs by consenting to the enforce\u00ad ment of the Gracchan laws. An increase of 76,000 in the register of citi\u00ad zens from 1 3 1 to 1 2 5 suggests th:::t a large number of land allotments was actually m:!de. But the agrarian commission found itself faced by many difficulties. l\\1uch of the land in question had been obtained from the state years or generations back and its present possessors claimed rights estab\u00ad lished and sanctified by time. Many parcels had been bought by new owners, for a substantial price, from those who had bought them cheaply from the government. The landowners in Italian allied states, whose squatter rights were imperiled by the laws, appealed to Scipio Aemilianus to defend them against the land board; and through his influence its operations were sus\u00ad pended. Public opinion flamed out against him; he was denounced as a traitor to the already sacred memory of Gracchus; and one morning in 129 he was discovered dead in his bed, apparently the victim of an assassin, who was never found.\nCAIUS GRACCHUS\nRuthless gossip accused Comeli:i of conspiring with her daughter, Scipio's deformed and unloved wife, to murder him. In the face of these calamities she sought consolation by devoting herself to her surviving son, the last of her \"jewels.\" The murder of Tiberius aroused in Caius no mere spirit of vengeance, but a resolve to complete his brother's work. He had served with intelligence and courage under Aeinilianus at Numantia, and he had won the admiration of all groups by the integrity of his conduct and the simplicity of his life. His passionate temperament, all the more vehement on occasion because so long controlled, made him the greatest of Roman orators before Cicero, and opened almost any office to him in a society where eloquence served only next to bravery in the advancement of men. In the fall of 124 he was elected tribune.\n116\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\nMore realistic than Tiberius, Caius understood that no reform can endure which is opposed by the balance of economical or political power in the state. He aimed to bring five classes to his support: the peasantry, the army, the proletariat, and the businessmen. He ,von the first by renewing the agrarian legislation of his brother, extending its application to state-owned land in the provinces, restoring the land board, and personally attending to its operations. He fed the ambitions of the middle classes by establishing new colonies in Capua, Tarentum, Narbo, and Carthage, and by developing these as thriving centers of trade. He pleased the soldiers by passing a bill that they should be clothed at the public expense. He gained the grati\u00ad tude of the urban masses by his lex frnmentarict, or corn law, which com\u00ad mitted the government to distribute wheat at six and one third asses per modius (thirty-nine cents a peck-half the market price) to all who asked for it. It was a measure shocking to old Roman ideas of self-reliance, and destined to play a vital.role in Roman history. Caius believed that the grain dealers were charging the public twice the cost of production, and that his measure, through the economy of unified operation, would involve no loss to the state. In any case, the law turned the poor freemen of Rome from client supporters of the aristocracy into def enders of the Gracchi, as later of Marius and Caesar; it was the foundation stone of that democratic move\u00ad ment which would reach its peak in Clodius, and die at Actium.\nCaius' fifth measure sought to assure the power of his party by ending the tradition whereby the richer classes in the Centuria! Assembly voted first; hereafter the centuries were on each occasion to vote in an order determined by lot. He appeased the business class by giving them the exclu\u00ad sive right to serve as jurors in trials for provincial malfeasance; i.e., they were hereafter to be in large measure their own judges. He ,vhetted their appe\u00ad tites by proposing a tax of one tenth, to be collected by them, on all the produce of Asia Minor. He enriched contractors, and reduced unemploy\u00ad ment, by a program of road building in every part of Italy. Altogether these laws, despite the political trickery that colored some of them, formed the most constructive body of legislation offered to Rome before Caesar.\nArmed with such varied support, Caius was able to override custom and win election to a second and successive tribunate. Probably it was now that he sought to \"pack\" the Senate by adding to its 300 members 300 more to be chosen from the business class by the Assembly. He proposed also to extend the full franchise to all the freemen of Latium, and a partial franchise to the remaining freemen of Italy. This, his boldest move toward a broader democracy, was his first strategic error. The voters showed no enthusiasm for sharing their privileges, even with men of whom only a small minority could have attended their assemblies in Rome. The Senate acted on its\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  AGRARIAN  REVOLT\t117\nopportunity. Almost ignored by Caius, and reduced to apparent impotence, it saw in the brilliant tribune only a demagogic tyrant extending his personal power through the reckless distribution of state property and funds. Sud\u00ad denly finding an ally in the jealous proletariat of Rome, and taking advantage of Caius' absence in establishing his colony at Carthage, the Senatorial party suggested to another tribune, Marcus Livius Drusus, that he should win over the new peasantry by a bill canceling the tax laid upon their lands in the Gracchan laws; and that he should at once please and weaken the proletariat by proposing the formation of twelve new colonies in Italy, each to take 3000 men from Rome. The Assembly readily passed the bills; and when Caius returned he found his leadership challenged at every step by the popular Drusus. He sought a third term as tribune but was defeated; his friends charged th2t he had been elected but that the ballots had been falsified. He counseled his followers against violence and retired to private life.\nIn the following year the Senate proposed the abandonment of the colony at Carthage; all sides interpreted the measure, openly or privately, as the first move in a campaign to repeal the Gracchan laws. Some of Caius' adher\u00ad ents attended the Assembly armed, and one of them cut down a conservative who threatened to lay hands upon Caius. On the morrow the senators appeared in full battle array, each with two armed slaves, and attacked the popular party entrenched on the Aventine. Caius did his best to quiet the tumult and avert further violence. Failing, he fled across the Tiber; over\u00ad taken, he ordered his servant to kill him; the slave obeved and then killed himself. A friend cut off Caius' head, filled it with molt;n lead, and brought it to the Senate, which had offered a reward of its weight in gold.9 Of Caius' supporters 2 50 fell in the fight, 3000 more were put to death by Senatorial decree. The city mob that he had befriended made no protest when his corpse, and those of his followers, were flung into the river; it was busy plundering his house.10 The Senate forbade Cornelia to wear mourning for her son.\nMARIUS\nThe triumphant aristocracy devoted its subtlest intelligence to undoing the constructive, rather than the demagogic, elements in Caius' legislation. It did not dare eject the business class from the juries, or the contractors and publicans from their happy hunting ground in Asia; and it allowed the corn dole to stand as insurance against revolution. Into an otherwise attrac\u00ad tive measure it inserted a clause permitting the recipients of the new lands to sell them; soon thousands of holders sold to the great slaveowners, and\nII8\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VJ\nthe latifundia resumed their growth. In 1 18 the land board w s abolished. The masses in the capital raised' no objection; they had decided that to eat state corn in the city was better than to sweat on the land or toil in pioneer colonies. Sloth combined with superstition (for the soil of Carthage had been cursed) to frustrate till Caesar the attempt to miti3ate urban poverty by emigration.Wealth mounted, but it did not spread; in 104 B.C. a moderate democrat reckoned that only 2000 Roman citizens owned properry.11 \"The condition of the poor,\" says Appian, \"became even worse than before.... The plebeians lost everything. . . . The number of citizens and soldiers continued to decline.\" 12 More and more the legions had to be filled out with conscripts from the Italian states; but these men had no stomach for fighting or no love for Rome. Desertions multiplied, discipline deteriorated, and the defense of the Republic sank to its lowest ebb.\nConsequently it was soon attacked, almost at the same time, on north and south. In 113 two Celtic tribes, the Cimbri and the Teutones, as if to give Rome a foretaste of its final fare, rolled down through Germany in a frightening avalanche of covered wagons-300,000 fighting men, with their wives, children, and animals. Perhaps the word had gone up over the Alps that Rome was in love with wealth and weary of war. The newcomers were tall and strong and fearless, so blond that the Italians described the children as having the white hair of old men. They met a Roman army at Noreia (now Neumarkt, in Carinthia) and destroyed it. They crossed the Rhine and defeated another Roman army; they poured west into southern Gaul and overcame a third, fourth, and fifth Roman army; at .{\\.rausio (Orange) 80,000 legionnaires and 40,000 camp followers were left dead on the field.13 All Italy lay open to the invaders; and a terror rose in Rome such as it had not known since Hannibal.\nAlmost at the same time war broke out in Numidia. \\Vhen Jugurtha, grandson of Masinissa, tortured his brother to death, and tried to deprive his cousins of their share in the kingdom, the Senate declared war upon him ( 111) , with a view to making N umidia a province and opening it to Roman commerce and capital. Jugurtha bought patricians to defend his cause and crimes before the Senate, and bribed the generals sent against him into harmless activities or a favorable peace. Summoned to Rome, he opened his royal purse more lavishly, and was able to return unhindered to his capital.14"]
[0.20363886654376984, -13.252138137817383, "The program on which he proposed to unite the heterogeneous elements of revolution was simple: novae tabulae-\"new records\"-i.e., a clean sweep and abolition of all debts. He labored for this purpose with all the energy of a Caesar; indeed, for a time he had the sympathy, if npt the secret support, of Caesar. \"There was nothing,\" said Cicero, \"that he could not undergo, no pains that he would spare of co-operation, vigilance, and toil. He could bear cold, hunger, and thirst.\" 42 We are assured by his enemies that he organized a band of 400 men who planned to kill the consuls and seize the government on the first day of 65. The day came, and nothing unusual transpired. At the end of 64 Catiline stood against Cicero for the consulate and waged a vigor\u00ad ous campaign.* Capital took fright and began to leave Italy. The upper classes united in support of Cicero; for a year the concordia ordinum that he had asked for was a reality, and he was its perfect voice.\nBlocked politically, Catiline turned to war. Secretly his followers organ\u00ad ized an army of 20,000 men in Etruria, and gathered together in Rome a group of conspirators that included representatives of every class from senators to slaves, and two urban praetors-Cethegus and Lentulus. In the following October Catiline again ran for the consulate. To make sure of his election, conservative historians tell us, he planned to have his rival mur\u00ad\ndered during the campaign, and to have Cicero assassinated at the same time. Claiming that he had been apprised of these pl:ms, Cicero filled the Field of Mars with armed guards and superintended the voting. Despite the enthusi\u00ad astic support of the proletariat, Catiline was again defeated. On November 7, says Cicero, several conspirators knocked 2t his door, but were driven away by his guards. On the morrow, seeing Catiline in the Senate, Cicero flung at him that superb excoriation which once every schoolboy mouthed. As the oration proceeded, the seats around Catilin were emptied one by one, until he sat alone. Silently he bore the torrent of accusations, the sharp, relentless phrases falling like whips upon his head. Cicero played upon every emotion; he spoke of the nation as the common father, and of Catiline as in intent a parricide; he charged him-not with evidence given, but by innuendo and\nt was in this campaign that Cicero's brotl}er Quintus drew up for him a manual of electl >neering technique. '\"Be lavish in your pro::'..ises,\" Ccintus adv:sed; \"men prefer a false pronuse to a flat refusal   Contrive to get some new scandal aired against your rivals for\ncrime, corruption, or immorality.\" 43\n144\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.VII\nimplication-with conspiracy against the state, with theft, adultery, and sexual abnormality; finally he petitioned Jove to protect Rome, and to de\u00ad vote Catiline to eternal punishment. lVhen Cicero had finished, Catiline walked out unhindered, and joined his forces in Etruria. His general, L. Manlius, sent a last appeal to the Senate:\nWe call gods and men to witness that it is not against our country that we have taken up arms, nor against the safety of our fellow citizens. We, wretched paupers, who through the violence and cruelty of u urers are without a country, condemned to scorn and indigence, are actuated by only one wish: to guarantee our person;:il security against wrong. We demand neither pmver nor wealth, those great and external causes of strife among mankind. \\Ve only ask for freedom, a treasure that no man will surrender except with life itself. We implore you, senators, have pity on your miserable fellow citizens! 44\nThe next day, in a second oration, Cicero described the rebel's following as centering around a coterie of perfumed perverts, and indulged without stint his genius for sarcasm and invective, ending again on a religious note. In the following weeks he presented evidence to the Senate purporting to\nshow that Catiline had tried to stir up revolution in Gaul. On December 3 he had Lentulus, Cethegus, and .five other adherents of Catiline arrested. In a third oration he declared their guilt, announced their imprisonment, and told the Senate and the people that the conspiracy was broken and that they might retire to their homes in security and peace. On December 5 he con\u00ad voked the Senate and asked what should be done ,vith the prisoners. Silanus voted that they should be executed. Caesar advised mere imprisonment, recalling that the execution of a Roman citizen was forbidden by the Sem\u00ad pronian Law. In a fourth oration Cicero gently advised death. Cato gave the opinion the sanction of his philosophy, and death won the day. Some young aristocrats tried to kill Caesar as he left the senate chamber, but he escaped. Cicero, with armed men, went to the jail and had the sentence carried out with a minimum of delay. Marcus Antonius, co-consul with Cicero...and father of a famous son, was sent north with an army to destroy Catiline's force. The Senate promised pardon and 200,000 sesterces to every man who would leave the rebel ranks; but, says Sallust, \"not one deserted from Catiline's camp.\" On the plains of Pistoia battle was joined (6 I). The 3000 insurgents, far outnumbered, fought to the end around their treasured standards, the eagles of Marius. Nor.ie surrendered or took flight; every one\nof them died on the field, among them Catiline.\nBeing essentially a man of thought rather than of action, Cicero was sur-\nCHAP. VII)\tTHE  OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\t145\nprised and impressed by the skill and courage he had shown in suppressing a dangerous revolt. \"The direction of so great an enterprise,\" he told the Senate, \"seems scarcely possible to merely human wisdom.\" 45 He com\u00ad pared himself with Romulus, but considered it a greater deed to have pre\u00ad served Rome than to have founded it.46 Senators and magnates smiled at his language, but they knew that he had saved them. Cato and Carolus hailed him as pater patriae, father of his country. When, at the end of 63, he laid down his office, all the propertied classes in the community, he tells us, gave him thanks, named him immortal, and escorted him in honor to his home.47 The proletariat did not join in these demonstrations. It could not forgive him for violating the laws of Rome by putting citizens to death without appeal; it felt that he had made no effort to remove the causes of Catiline's revolt, or to mitigate the poverty of the masses. It refused to let him address the Assembly on that last day, and listened in anger when he swore that he had preserved the city. The revolution was not over. With Caesar's consulate it would begin again.\nCHAPTER VIII\nLiterature Under the Revolution\n145-30 B.C.\nLUCRETIUS\nj\\MID this turbulent transformation of  economy,  government,  and\n\u00a31. morals, literature was not forgotten, and did not quite escape the fever\nand stimulus of the age. Varro and N epos found safety in antiquarian scholar\u00ad ship or historical research; Sallust retired from his campaigns to defend his party and disguise his morals with brilliant monographs; Caesar stooped from empire to grammar and continued his wars in his Commentaries; Catul\u00ad lus and Calvus sought refuge from politics in the pursuit and poetry of love; timid and sensitive spirits like Lucretius hid themselves in the gardens of philosophy; and Cicero retreated now and then from the heat of the Forum to cool his blood with books. But not one of them found peace. War and revolution touched them with pervasive infection; and even Lucretius must have known the restlessness which he describes:\nThere is a weight on their minds, and a mountain of misery lies on their hearts    For each, not knowing what he wants, seeks ahrnys\nto change his place, as if he could drop his burden. Here is one who, bored to death at home, goes forth every now and then from his palace; but feeling no better abroad, suddenly returns. Off he courses, driving his nags to his country house in headlong haste. . . . He has hardly crossed the threshold when he yawns, or seeks oblivion in a heavy sleep, or even hurries back to the city. So each man flees from himself; but, as one might expect, the self which he cannot escape cleaves to him all the more against his will. He hates himself because, a sick man, he does not know the cause of his complaint. Any man who could see that clearly would cast aside his business, and before all else would seek to understand the nature of things.1\nHis poem is our only biography of Titus Lucretius Carus; it is proudly reticent about its author; and outside of it, barring a few allusions, Roman literature is strangely silent about one of its greatest men. Tradition placed his birth at 99 or 95, his death at 55 or 51, B.c. He lived through half a century of the Roman revolution: through the Social War, Marian massacres,\n146"]
[-1.6101136207580566, -17.296825408935547, "\\Vhen Tiberius' son Drusus died, Rome whispered that Sejanus had poi\u00ad\nsoned him.\nOvercome with disappointment and bitterness, Tiberius, now a lonely and melancholy man of sixty-seven, left the hectic capital and removed to the inaccessible privacy of Capri. But gossip followed him without impediment. People said that he wished to conceal his emaciated figure and scrofulous face, and to indulge himself in drink and unnatural vice.16 Tiberius drank considerably, but was no drunkard; the story of his vices was probably calumny;17 most of his companions on Capri, says Tacitus, \"were Greeks distinguished in nothing but literature.\" 18 He continued to administer care\u00ad fully the affairs of the Empire, except that he communicated his views and desires to officials and the Senate through Sejanus. Since the Senate increas\u00ad ingly feared him, or Sejanus, or the hovering Guard, it accepted the wishes\nAgrippina, daughter of Julia by Agrippa, was Tiberius' stepdaughter through his marriage with Julia, and his daughter-in-law through his adoption of Gennanicus. Her son Nero was the uncle, her daughter Agrippina the Younger the mother, of the Emperor Nero.\n264\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII]\nof the Emperor as commands; and without any change in the constitution, and with no clear insincerity on Tiberius' part, the principate became a monarchy under the man who had proposed to restore the Republic.\nSejanus took advantage of his position to exile more of his enemies by having them accused under the \"law of majesty,\" and the weary Emperor no longer interfered. If we may believe Suetonius, Tiberius was now often guilty of cruelty;19 and we have the word of the unreliable Tacitus that he asked and obtained the death penalty for Poppaeus Sabinus on the ground that spies had overheard him plot against the government.20 A year later\n( 27) Livia died, sad and lonely in the home of her former husband; Tiberius, who had seen her but once since leaving Rome, did not attend her funeral. Freed from the restraint that the \"Mother of her Country\" might have exercised, Sejanus now persuaded Tiberius that Agrippina and her son Nero had been involved in the conspiracy of Sabinus. The mother was banished to Pandateria, and the son to the island of Pontia, where shortly afterward he killed himself.\nHaving won everything else, Sejanus now reached for the throne. Irked by a letter which Tiberius had written to the Senate recommending Gaius, son of Agrippina, as successor to the principate, Sejanus formed a plot to kill the Emperor (3 r). Tiberius was saved by Germanicus' mother, Antonia, who risked her life to send him a warning. The old Prince, not yet destitute of resolution, secretly placed a new prefect over the Praetorians, had Se\u00ad janus arrested, and accused him to the Senate. Never had that body so gladly complied with the imperial wishes. It condemned Sejanus with expedition and had him strangled that very night. A reign of terror followed, led partly by senators whose interests, relatives, or friends had been injured by Sejanus, and partly by Tiberius, whom fear and anger, topping an accumulation of disillusionments, had plunged into a fury of revenge. Every important agent or supporter of Sejanus was put to death; even his young daughter was con\u00ad demned; and since the law forbade the execution of a virgin, she was first deflowered and then strangled. Apicata, his divorced wife, committed sui\u00ad cide, but only after she had sent Tiberius a letter assuring him that Antonia's daughter Livilla had joined with Sejanus in peiisoning her husband Drusus, the Emperor's son. Tiberius ordered Livilla tried, but she refused food until she died. Two years later (33) Agrippina killed herself in exile; and another of her sons, having been imprisoned, starved himself to death.\nTiberius lingered for six years after the fall of Sejanus. Probably his mind was now disordered; only on this supposition can \u00b7we explain the incredible cruelties attributed to him. \\Ve are told that he now supported, instead of checked, accusations for maiestas; all in all sixty-three persons were indicted on this charge during his reign. He begged the Senate to provide protection\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\t265\nfor \"an old and lonely man.\" In 37 he left Capri after nine years of self\u00ad imprisonment, and visited some cities in Campania. While stopping at Lucul\u00ad lus' villa in Misenum he fell in a fainting fit, and seemed dead. The courtiers at once flocked about Gaius, soon to be Emperor, and then were shocked to learn that Tiberius was recovering. A friend of all concerned ended the embarrassment by smothering Tiberius with a pillow (37).21\nHe was, said Mommsen, \"the ablest ruler the Empire ever had.\" 22 Almost every misfortune had come to him during his life; and after his death he fell upon the pen of Tacitus.\nGAIUS\nThe populace celebrated the old Emperor's passing with cries of \"Tibe\u00ad rius to the Tiber!\" and hailed the Senate's ratification of Gaius Caesar Ger\u00ad manicus as his successor. Born to Agrippina as she was accompanying Germanicus on his northern campaigns, Gaius had been brought up among soldiers, had imitated their dress, and had been affectionately named Caligula, or Little Boot, from the half boot (caliga) worn in the army. He now an\u00ad nounced that he would follow the principles of Augustus in his policy and would co-operate respectfully with the Senate in everything. He distributed among the citizens the 90,000,000 sesterces that Livia and Tiberius had be\u00ad queathed them, and added a gift of 300 sesterces to each of the 200,000 re\u00ad cipients of state com. He restored to the comitia the power to choose the magistrates, promised low taxes and rich games, recalled the banished vic\u00ad tims of Tiberius, and brought his mother's ashes piously to Rome. He seemed to be in all ways the opposite of his predecessor-prodigal, cheerful, humane. Within three months of his accession the people had sacrificed 160,000 victims to the gods in gratitude for so charming and beneficent a prince.23\nThey had forgotten his lineage. His father's mother was the daughter of Antony, his mother's mother was the daughter of Augustus; in his blood the war between Antony and Octavian was renewed, and Antony won. Caligula was proud of his skill as a dueler, a gladiator, and a charioteer; but he was \"troubled with the falling sickness,\" and at times was \"hardly able to walk or collect his thoughts.\" 24 He hid under the bed when it thundered, and fled in terror from the sight of Aetna's flames. He found it hard to sleep and would wander through his enormous palace at night crying for the dawn. He was tall, huge, hairy, except for a bald crown; his hollow eyes and temples made him look forbidding, to his delight; he \"practiced all kinds of fearsome expressions before a mirror.\" 25 He had received a good schooling, was an eloquent orator, had a keen wit, and a sense of humor that knew no scruple and no law. Infatuated with the theater, he subsidized many per-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nformers and himself privately acted and danced; desiring an audience, he summoned the leaders of the Senate as if to some vital conference, and then displayed his steps before them.26 A quiet life of responsible labor might have steadied him, but the poison of power made him mad. Sanity, like gov\u00ad ernment, needs checks and balances; no mortal can be omnipotent and sane. When Caligula's grandmother Antonia gave him some advice he rebuked her with the remark, \"Remember that I have the right to do anything to anybody.\" In the midst of a banquet he reminded his guests that he could have them all killed where they reclined; and while embracing his wife or mistress he would say pleasantly, \"Off comes this beautiful head whenever I give the word.\" 27\nSoon therefore the young Prince who had been so respectful of the Senate began to give it orders and exact an Oriental subservience. He let senators kiss his feet in homage, and senators thanked him for the honor.28 He ad\u00ad mired Egypt and its ways, introduced many of these to Rome, and longed to be worshiped, Pharaoh-like, as a god. He made the religion of Isis one of the official cults of the Roman state. He did not forget that his great-grand\u00ad father had planned to unite the Mediterranean region under an Oriental monarchy; he too thought of making his capital at Alexandria, but distrusted the wit of its people. Suetonius describes him as living in \"habitual incest with all his sisters\";29 it seemed to him an excellent Egyptian custom. Ill, he made his sister Drusilla heir to his throne; when she married he made her divorce her husband, and \"treated her as his lawful wife.\" 30 To other desired women he sent letters of divorce in their husbands' names, and invited them to his embraces; there was scarcely one woman of rank whom he did not approach. Amid these and some homosexual amours he found time for four marriages. Attending the wedding of Livia Orestilla and Gaius Pisa, he took the bride to his own house, married her, and in a few days divorced her. Hearing that Lollia Paulina was very beautiful, he sent for her, divorced her from her husband, married her, divorced her, and forbade her to have rela\u00ad tions with any man thereafter. His fourth wife, Caesonia, was pregnant by her husband when he married her. She was neither young nor fair, but he loved her faithfully.\nIn this imperial frolic government was an aside, and could usually be left\nto inferior minds. Caligula ably revised the roster of the business class and promoted its best members to the Senate. But his extravagance soon ex\u00ad hausted the full treasuries left him by Tiberius. He took his baths not in water but in perfumes; on one banquet he spent 10,000,000 sesterces.31 He built great pleasure barges with colonnades, banquet halls, baths, gardens, fruit trees, and gem-set sterns. He had his engineers span Baiae's bay with a bridge resting on so many boats that Rome suffered famine for lack of ships\nCHAP. XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MON ARCHY\nto import corn. When the bridge was completed a great celebration took place, illuminated by flood lights in the modern manner; the people drank merrily, boats overturned, and many were drowned. From the roof of the Basilica Julia he would scatter gold and silver coins among the people below and watch with glee their fatal scrambling. He was so devoted to the green faction at the races that he gave a charioteer 2,000,000 sesterces. He built a marble stall and an ivory manger for the race horse Incitatus, invited it to dinner, and proposed to make it consul.\nTo raise funds for his lifelong Saturnalia, Caligula restored the custom of presenting gifts to the emperor; he accepted these in person, on his palace terrace, from all who came to give. He encouraged citizens to name him heir in their wills. He levied taxes upon everything: a sales tax on all food, a tax on all legal processes, a twelve and a half per cent tax on the wages of porters. \"On the earnings of prostitutes,\" Suetonius avers, he laid a tax of \"as much as each received for one embrace; and the law provided that those who had ever been prostitutes should remain subject to this tax even after they married.\" 32 He had rich men accused of treason and condemned to death as an aid to the Treasury. He personally auctioned off gladiators and slaves, and forced aristocrats to attend and bid; when one of these slept, Caligula interpreted his nods as bids, so that the sleeper, waking, found him\u00ad self richer by thirteen gladiators and poorer by 9,000,000 sesterces.33 He compelled senators and knights to fight as gladiators in the arena.\nAfter three years a conspiracy was formed to end this humiliating buf\u00ad foonery. Caligula detected it and revenged himself by a reign of terror en\u00ad hanced by his maniac joy in inflicting pain. The executioners were instructed to kill his victims \"by numerous slight wounds, so that they may feel that they are dying.\" 34 If we may believe Dio Cassius, he forced his saintly grandmother Antonia to kill herself.35 Suetonius recounts that when meat ran short for feeding the beasts kept for gladiatorial games, Caligula ordered \"all bald-headed\" prisoners to be fed to the animals for the public good; that he had men of high rank branded with irons, condemned to mines, thrown to beasts, or shut up in cages and then sawn in two.36 These are stories that we have no means of disproving and must record as the tradi\u00ad tion; but Suetonius loved gossip, the senator Tacitus hated the emperors, and Dio Cassius wrote two centuries after the event.37 More credible is the report that Caligula began the war between the principate and philosophy by exiling Carrinas Secundus and sentencing two other teachers to death. The young Seneca was marked for execution, but was spared because he was sickly and might be relied upon to die without prodding. Claudius, uncle of Caligula, escaped because he was, or pretended to be, an insignificant book-ridden dolt."]
[4.835938453674316, -7.953906059265137, "VllI. D01\\UTIAN\nOf Domitian it is harder to paint an objective portrait than even of Nero. Our chief sources for his reign are Tacitus and the younger Pliny; they prospered under him, but belonged to the senatorial party that engaged with him in a war almost of mutual extermination. To set against these hostile witnesses we have the poets Statius and Martial, who ate or sought Domitian's bread and literally praised him to the skies. Perhaps all four\nwere right, for the last of the Flavians, like many of the Julio-Claudians,\nbegan like Gabriel and ended like Lucifer. In this respect Domitian's soul walked with his body: in youth he was modest, graceful, handsome, tall; in later years he had \"a protruding belly, spindle legs, and a bald head\"- though he had written a book On tbe C\u00abre of tin H air.103 In adolescence he composed poetry; in obsolescence he distrusted his own prose and let others write his speeches and proclamations. He might have been happier had not Titus been his brother; but only the noblest spirits can bear with\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nequanimity the success of their friends. Domitian's jealousy soured into a taciturn gloom, then into secret machinations against his brother; Titus had to beg his father to forgive the younger son. \\Vhen Vespasian died, Domitian claimed that he had been left partner in the imperial power but that the Emperor's will had been tampered with. Titus replied by asking him to be his partner and successor; Domitian refused, and continued to plot. When Titus fell ill, says Dio Cassius, Domitian hastened his death by packing him about with snow.104 We cannot assess the truth of these stories, nor of those tales of sexual license that have come down to us-that Domitian swam with prostitutes, made the daughter of Titus one of his concubines, and \"was most profligate and lewd toward women and boys alike.\" 105 All Latin historiography is present politics, a partisan blow struck for con\u00ad temporary ends.\n\"\\Vhen we come to the actual policies of Domitian we find him, in his\nfirst decade, surprisingly puritan and competent. As Vespasian had modeled himself on Augustus, s-o Domitian seemed to take over the policies and ID8.nners of Tiberius. Having made himself censor for life, he stopped the publication of scurrilous lampoons (though he winked at the epigrams of Martial), enforced the Julian laws against adultery, tried to end child prosti\u00ad tution and reduce unnatural vi e, forbade the performance of pantomimes because of their indecency, ordered the execution of a Vestal Virgin con\u00ad victed of incest or adultery, and put an end to the practice of castration, which had spread with the rising price of eunuch slaves. He shrank from any form of bloodshed, even the ritual sacrifice of oxen. He was honorable, liberal, and free from avarice. He refused legacies from those who had children, canceled all tax arrears more than five years old, and discounte\u00ad nanced delation. He was a strict but impartial judge. He had freedmen secretaries, but kept them on their good behavior.\nHis reign was one of the great ages of Roman building. The fires of 79\nand 82 having caused much destruction and destitution, Domitian organ\u00ad ized a program of public works to provide employment and distribute wealth.106 He, too, hoped to reanimate the old faith by beautifying or multiplying its shrines. He raised the Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva once more, and spent $22,000,000 on its gold-plated doors and gilded roof; Rome admired the result and mourned the extravagance. When Domitian built for himself and his administrative staff an enormous palace, the Domus Flavia, the citizens reasonably complained of the cost; but they raised no voice against the expensive games with which he sought to moderate his Tiberian unpopularity. He dedicated a temple to his father and his brother; he restored the Baths and Pantheon of Agrippa, the Portico of Octavia,\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\t291\nthe temples of Isis and Serapis; he added to the Colosseum, finished the Baths of Titus, and began those that were completed by Trajan.\nAt the same time he did his dour best to encourage arts and letters. Flavian portrait sculpture reached its zenith in his principate; his coins are of outstanding excellence. To stimulate poetry he established in 86 the Capitoline games, which included contests in literature and music; and for these he built a stadium and a music hall in the Field of Mars. He gave modest help to the modest talent of Statius and the immodest talent of Martial. He rebuilt the public libraries, which had been destroyed by fire, and had their contents renewed by sending scribes to copy the manuscripts in Alexandria\n-another proof that the great library there had lost only a small part of its treasures in the fire started by Caesar.\nHe managed the Empire well. He had Tiberius' grim resolution as an administrator, pounced upon peculation, and kept strict watch on all ap\u00ad pointees and developments. As Tiberius had restrained Germanicus, so Domitian withdrew Agricola from Britain after that enterprising general had led his armies, and pushed the frontier, to Scotland; apparently Agricola wished to go farther, and Domitian demurred. The recall was attributed to jealousy, and the Emperor paid a heavy price for it when the history of his reign was written by Agricola's son-in-law. He was equally unfortunate\nin war. In 86 the Dacians crossed the Danube, invaded the Roman province of Moesia, and defeated Domitian's generals. The Prince took command,\nplanned his campaign well, and was about to enter Dacia when Antoninus Saturninus, Roman governor of Upper Germany, persuaded two legions at Mainz to proclaim him emperor. The revolt was suppressed by Domitian's aides, but it disconcerted his strategy by allowing the enemy time to pre\u00ad pare. He crossed the Danube, met the Dacians, and apparently suffered a reverse. He made peace with Decebalus, the Dacian king, sent him an annual douceur, and returned to Rome to celebrate a double triumph over the Chatti and the Dacians. He contented himself thereafter with th/building of a limes, or fortified road, between the Rhine and the Danube, and another between the northward turn of the Danube and the Black Sea.\nThe revolt of Saturninus was the turning point in Domitian's reign, the dividing line between his better and worse selves. 'He had always been coldly severe; now he slipped into cruelty. He was capable of good govern\u00ad ment, but only as an autocrat; the Senate rapidly lost power under him; and his tenacious authority as censor made that body at once subservient and vengeful. Vanity, which flourishes even in the humble, had no check in Domitian's status: he filled the Capitol with statues of himself, announced the divinity of his father, brother, wife, and sisters as well as his own, organized a new order of priests, the Flawales, to tend the worship of these\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nnew deities, and required officials to speak of him, in their documents, as Donnnus et Deus Noster-\"Our Lord and God.\" He sat on a throne, en\u00ad couraged visitors to embrace his knees, and established in his ornate palace the etiquette of an Oriental court. The Principate had become, through the power of the army and the decay of the Senate, an unconstitutional monarchy.\nAgainst this new development rebellion rose not only in the aristocracy but among the philosophers and in the religions that were flowing into Rome from the East. The Jews and the Christians refused to adore the godhead of Domitian, the Cynics decried all government, and the Stoics, though they accepted kings, were pledged to oppose despots and honor tyrannicides. In 89 Domitian expelled the philosophers from Rome, in 95 he banished them from Italy. The earlier edict applied also to the astrologers, whose predictions of the Emperor's death had brought new terrors to a mind empty of faith and open to superstition. In 93 Domitian executed some Christians for refusing to offer sacrifice before his image; according to tradition these included his nephew Flavius Clemens.107\nIn the last years of his reign the Emperor's fear of conspiracy became almost a madness. He lined with shining stone the walls of the porticoes under which he walked, so that he might see mirrored in them whatever went on behind him. He complained that the lot of rulers was miserable since no man believed them when they alleged conspiracy, unless the con\u00ad spiracy succeeded. Like Tiberius he listened more readily to informers as he grew older; and as the delatores multiplied, no citizen of any prominence could feel safe from spies, even in his home. After Saturninus' revolt indict\u00ad ments and convictions rapidly increased; aristocrats were exiled or killed, suspected men were tortured, even by having \"fire inserted into their private pans.\" 108 The terrified Senate, including the Tacitus who recounts these events most bitterly, was the agent of trial and condemnation; and at each execution it thanked the gods for the salvation of the Prince.\nDomitian made the mistake of frightening his own household. In 96 he ordered the death of his secretary Epaphroditus because, twenty-seven years before, he had helped Nero to commit suicide. The other freedmen of the imperial household felt themselves threatened. To protect themselves they resolved to kill Domitian, and the Emperor's wife Domitia joined in the plot. On the night before his last he leaped from his bed in fright. \\Vhen the appointed moment came, Domitia's servant struck the first blow; four others took part in the assault; and Domitian, struggling madly, met death in the forty-fifth year of his age and the fifteenth of his reign (96). \\Vhen the news reached the senators they tore down and shattered all images of\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE\tOTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\t293\nhim in their chamber, and ordered that all statues of him, and all inscrip\u00ad tions mentioning his name, should be destroyed throughout the realm."]
[-6.360940933227539, -5.320586204528809, "CHAP. XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t341\nto mark the junction and origin of several consular roads; on it were inscribed the major towns reached and their distances from Rome. Along the south\u00ad west side ran the Sacra Via, or Sacred \\,Vay, which led up to the temples of Jupiter and Saturn on the Capitoline hill. North of this Forum the visitor would find a larger one, the Forum lulium, built by Caesar to relieve the older area; near by were additional forums laid out for Augusms and Vespasian; and soon Trajan would clear and adorn the greatest of them all.\nEven in so hasty a circuit the ancient tourist would have felt the crowded diversity of the city's population and the tortuous inadequacy of its hap\u00ad hazard streets. A few of these were from sixteen to nineteen feet wide; most of them were meandering alleys in the Oriental style. Juvenal complained that carts rumbling over the uneven pavements at night made sleep im\u00ad possible, while the jostling crowds made daytime walking a form of war. \"Hurry as we may, we are blocked by a surging host in front, and by a dense mass of people pressing upon us from behind. One digs an elbow into me, another a sedan pole; one bangs a beam, another a wine cask, against my head. My legs are beplastered with mud; huge feet trample upon me from every side; a soldier plants his hobnail boot squarely upon my toes.\" 4 The main thoroughfares were paved with large pentagonal blocks of lava stone, sometimes so firmly set in concrete that a few have remained in place till our time. There was no street lighting; whoever ventured out after dark carried a lantern, or followed a torchbearing slave; in either case he ran the gauntlet of many thieves. Doors were fastened with locks and keys; windows were bolted at night, and those on the ground floor were guarded-as now\u00ad by iron bars. To these perils Juvenal adds the objects, solid or liquid, thrown from upper-floor windows. All in all, he thought, only a fool would go out to dinner without making his will.5\nSince there were no public vehicles to transport workers from their homes to their toil, most of the plebs lived in brick tenements near the heart of the town, or in rooms behind or above their shops. A tenement usually covered an entire square, and was therefore called an insula, or island. Many of these buildings were six or seven stories high, and so flimsily built that several collapsed, killing hundreds of occupants. Augustus limited the frontal height of buildings to seventy Roman feet, but apparently the law permitted greater elevations in the rear, for Martial tells of \"a poor devil whose attic is 200 steps up.\" 6 Many tenements had shops on the ground floor; some had balconies on the second; a few were connected at the top with tenements across the street by arched passages containing additional rooms-precarious penthouses for particular plebeians. Such insulae almost filled the Nova Via, the Clivus Victoriae (Victory Hillfon the Palatine, and the Subura-a noisy\n342\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVI\nbrothel-ridden district between the Viminal and the Esquiline. In them dwelt the longshoremen of the Emporium, the butchers of the Macellum, the fishmongers of the Farum Piscatorium, the cattlemen of the Farum Boarium, the vegetable vendors of the Forum Holitorium, and the workers in Rome's factories, clerkships, and trades. The slums of Rome lapped the edges of the Forum.\nThe streets off the Farum were lined with shops and resounded with labor and bargaining. Fruit sellers, booksellers, perfumers, milliners, dyers, florists, cutlers, locksmiths, apothecaries, and other caterers to the needs, foibles,\nand vanities of mankind blocked the thoroughfares with their projecting booths. Barbers plied their trade in the open air, where all could hear; wine taverns were so numerous that Rome seemed to Martial one vast saloon.7 Each trade tended to center in some quarter or street and often gave the locality a name; so the sandalmakers were gathered in the Viens Sandalarius, the harnessmakers in the Viens Lorarius, the glassblowers in the Vicus Vitrarius, the jewelers in the Vicus Mai-garitarius.\nIn such shops the artists of Italy did their work-all but the greatest of them, who drew high fees and lived in peripatetic luxury. Lucullus gave Arcesilaus a million sesterces to make a statue of the goddess Pelicitas, and Zenodorus received 400,000 for a colossus of J\\1ercury.8 Architects and sculptors were ranked with physicians, teachers, and chemists as pursuing crr'tes liberales, arts of freemen; but the men who did most of the artwork of Rome were or had been slaves. Some owners had their bondsmen trained in carving, painting, and like skills, and sold their products in Italy and abroad. In such shops labor was sharply divided: some specialized in votive figures, others in decorative cornices; some cut glass eyes for statues; dif\u00ad ferent painters made arabesques or flowers or landscapes or animals or men, and worked in tum on the same picture. Several artists were expert forgers, producing antiques of any marketable age.9 The Romans of the last century\nB.C. were easily deceived in these matters, for, like most nouveaux riches,\nthey tended to value objects according to cost and rarity rather than by beauty and use. During the Empire, when it was no longer a distinction to be wealthy, taste improved, and a sincere love of excellence brought to many thousands of families a refinement of utensils and ornaments such as only a very few had known in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Greece. Art was to antiquity what industry is to modernity. Men could not then enjoy the lavish abundance of useful products now poured forth by our machines; but they could, if they cared enough, gradually surround themselves with objects whose zealously finished form gave to all who lived with them the subtle and quiet happiness of beautiful things.\nCHAP. XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t343\nm. THE HOMES OF THE GREAT\nThe visitor seeking to study the dwellings of the middle class would have found them away from the city's center on the main diverging roads. Their brick-and-stucco exteriors were still built, as before, in the plain and solid style dictated by insecurity and heat; the Roman bourgeois wasted no art on passers-by. Few houses rose to more than two stories. Cellars were rare; roofs sparkled with red tiles; windows were fitted with shutters or, occasionally, panes of glass. The entrance was usually a double door, each half turning on metal pivots. Floors were of concrete or tile, often of mosaic squares; there were no carpets. Around the central atrium were grouped the main rooms of the house: this is the archi\u00ad tectural origin of the cloister and the college quadrangle. In the richer houses one or more rooms would be used for bathing, usually in tubs much like our own. Plumbing was carried by the Romans to an excellence unmatched before the twentieth century. Lead pipes brought water from the aqueducts and mains into most tenements and homes; fittings and stopcocks were of bronze, and some were molded into highly ornamental designs.10 Leaders and gutters of lead carried rain from the roof. Most rooms were heated, if at all, by portable charcoal braziers; a few homes, many villas and palaces, and the public baths enjoyed central heating from wood- or charcoal-burning furnaces supplying hot air to various rooms through tile pipes or passages in floors and walls.*\nIn the early Empire a Hellenistic addition was made to the rich Roman's house.\nTo provide a privacy not always possible in the atrium, he built behind it a peristylium, a court open to the sky, planted with flowers and shrubs, adorned by statues, surrounded by a portico, and centering about a fountain or a bathing pool. Around this court he raised a new set of rooms: a triclinium or dining room, an oecus (\"house\") for the women, a pinacotbeca for his art collection, a biblio\u00ad theca for his books, and a lararimn for his household gods; there might also be extra bedrooms, and little alcoves called exedrae-\"sitting-out\" nooks. Less ex\u00ad pensive homes substituted a garden for the peristyliwn; and if even that could find no ground, the Romans placed flower boxes in the windows or grew flowers and shrubs on the roof. Some large roofs, says Seneca, had grape arbors, fruit trees, and shade trees planted in boxes of soil;12 not a few had solaria for baking bellies in the sun.\nMany Romans wearied of the roar and rush of Rome and fled to the peace and boredom of the countryside. Rich and poor alike developed a feeling for nature beyond anything discernible in ancient Greece. Juvenal thought a man foolish to live in the capital when, for the annual rental of a dark garret in Rome, he might buy a pretty house in some quiet Italian town and surround it with \"a trim garden fit to feast a hundred Pythagoreans.\" 13 The well to do moved out of\n\" Vitruvius describes these bypoccrusta as introduced about 100 B.c.11 By A.D. 10 they were fairly common, particularly in the north, and even in Britain, which is slowly recapturing the idea.\n344\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nRome in early spring to villas in the foothills of the Apennines or on the shores of lakes or the sea. The younger Pliny has left us a pleasant description of his country house at Laurenrum on the coast of Latium. He calls it \"large enough for my convenience, without being expensive to maintain\"; but as he goes on we suspect a pose in his modesty. He describes \"a small porch sheltered by glazed windows and overhanging eaves ...  a handsome dining room gently washed by the edge of the last breakers,\" and so bright with spacious windows as to give \"a view in three directions, as if of three different seas\"; an atrium \"whence the prospect ends in woods and mountains\"; two drawing rooms; a \"semicircular library whose windows receive the sun all day long\"; a bedchamber, and several rooms for servants. In an opposite wing were \"an elegant parlor,\" a second dining room, and four small rooms; a bathroom suite consistiGg of \"a pleasant undressing room,\" a frigidarium or cold bath, a tepidarium with three pools heated to dif\u00ad ferent degrees, and a calidarium or hot bath; all centrally heated by hot-air pipes. Outside were a swimming pool, a ball court, a storehouse, a variegated garden, a private study and banquet hall, and an observation tower with two apartments and a dining room. \"Tell me now,\" Pliny concludes, \"ha,\u00b7e I not just cause to bestow my time and affection upon this agreeable retreat?\" 14\nIf a senator could have such a villa on the sea, and another on Como, we may begin to imagine the sprawling luxury of Tiberius' estate at Capri, or Domitian's at Alba Longa-not to speak of the one that Hadrian would soon build at Tibur. To match this cubicular extravagance the visitor would have to find entry to the palaces of millionaires and emperors on the Palatine. In domestic architecture the Romans did not care to imitate classic Greece, where homes were modest and only temples were great; they modeled their palaces upon the residences of the half-Orientalized Hellenistic kings; Ptolemaic styles came to Rome with Cleopatra's gold, and royal architecture accompanied monarchical politics. The palace of Augustus, receiving the name from the hill it stood on, spread with extensions as the administrative functions of the imperial household increased. Most of his successors built additional palaces for themselves and their staffs: Tiberius his donnts Tiberi\u00ad a11,1, Caligula his domus ,Gaiana, Nero his dounts aurea.\nThis Golden House became the passing wonder of Rome. Its buildings alone covered 900,000 square feet, and yet were but a small part of a mile\u00ad square villa that overflowed from the Palatine upon the neighboring hills. A great park surrounded the palace, with gardens, meadows, fish ponds, game preserves, aviaries, vineyards, streams, fountains, waterfalls, lakes, im\u00ad perial galleys, pleasure houses, summerhouses, flower houses, and porticoes\n3000 feet long. An angry wit scratched a representative comment on a wall: \"Rome has become the habitation of one man. It is time, citizens, to emigrate to Veii-unless, indeed, Veii itself is to be comprised in Nero's home.\" i:;\nCHAP. xvi)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t345\nThe interior of the palace gleamed with marble, bronze, and gold, with the gilded metal of countless Corinthian capitals, and with thousands of statues, reliefs, paintings, and objects of art bought or looted from the classic world; among them was the Laocoon. Some of the walls were inlaid with mother\u00ad of-pearl and various costly gems. The ceiling of the banquet hall was covered with ivory flowers from which, at a nod of the emperor, a perfumed spray would fall upon his guests. The dining room had a spherical ceiling of ivory painted to _represent the sky and the stars, ,vhich was kept in constant slow rotation by hidden machines. A suite of rooms provided hot baths, cold baths, tepid baths, salt-water baths, and sulphur baths. \\Vhen the Roman architects Celer and Severus had nearly finished the immense struc\u00ad ture and Nero moved in, he remarked, \"At last I am lodged.\" A generation later this Roman Versailles, too costly and dangerous to maintain amid sur\u00ad rounding poverty, had fallen into neglect. Over its ruins Vespasian built the Colosseum, Titus and Trajan their enormous public baths."]
[-2.7232658863067627, -10.007750511169434, "\u00b7When Marcus died Rome had reached the apex of her curve and was already touched with decay. Her boundaries had been extended beyond the Danube, into Scotland and the Sahara, into the Caucasus and Russia, and to the gates of Parthia. She had accomplished for that confusion of peoples and faiths a unity not of language and culture, but at least of economy and law. She had woven it into a majesnc commonwealth, within which the exchange of goods moved in unprecedented plenty and freedom; and for two centuries she had guarded the great realm from barbarian inroads and had given it security and peace. All the white man's world looked to her as the center of the universe, the omnipotent and eternal city. Never had there been such wealth, such splendor, or such power.\nNevertheless, amid the prosperity that made Rome brilliant in this second century, all the seeds were germinating of the crisis that would ruin Italy in the third. Marcus had contributed heavily to the debacle by naming Commodus his heir and by wars that centralized ever more authority in the hands of the Emperor. Commodus kept in peace the prerogatives ;ssumed by Aurelius in war. Private and local independence, initiative, and pride withered as the power and functions of the state increased; and the wealth of nations was drained away by ever-rising taxation to support a self\u00ad multiplying bureaucracy and the endle offensives of defense. The mineral wealth of Italy was diminishing,71 pestilence and famine had taken bitter toll, the system of tillage by slaves was failing, governmental expenditures and doles had exhausted the Treasury and debased the currency. Italian industry was losing its markets in the provinces through provincial compe\u00ad tition, and no economic statesmanship appeared to make up for a languish\u00ad ing foreign trade by a wider distribution of buying power at home. 1\"1ean\u00ad while the provinces had recovered from the exactions of Sulla, Pompey, Caesar, Cassius, Brutus, and Antony; their ancient skills had revived, their industries were flourishing, their new wealth was financing science, philos\u00ad ophy, and art. Their sons replenished the legions, their generals led them; soon their armies would hold Italy at their mercy and make their generals\n.,\n;,\nFIG. 30-Altar Found at Ostia\n1vluseo delle Terme, Rome\n \t\n, .\n-, ,.\ni  1:',\n,,--\n'\n \t\n....,.\u00b7'\nFIG. 31-Arch of Trajan at Be11e,:e11to\nCHAP. XX)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t449\nemperors. The process of conquest was finished and was to be reversed; hencefonh the conquered would absorb the conquerors.\nAs if conscious of these omens and problems, the mind of Rome, at the close of the Antonine age, sank into a cultural and spiritual fatigue. The practical disfranchisement of first the assemblies and then the Senate had removed the mental stimulus that comes from free political activity and a widespread sense of libeny and power. Since the prince had almost all authority, the citizens left him almost all responsibility. More and more of them, e.ven in the aristocracy, retired into their families and their prirnte affairs; citizens became atoms, and society began to fall to pieces internally precisely when unity seemed most complete. Disillusionment with democ\u00ad racy was followed by disillusionment with monarchy. The \"Golden Thoughts\" of Aurelius were often leaden thoughts, weighted <;iown with the suspicion that Rome's problems could not be solved, that the multiply\u00ad ing barbarians could not long be held back by a sterile and pacific breed. Stoicism, which had begun by preaching strength, was ending by preaching resignation. Almost all the philosophers had made their peace with religion. For 400 years Stoicism had been to the upper classes a substitute for re\u00ad ligion; now the substitute was put aside, and the ruling orders turned back from the books of the philosophers co the altars of the gods. And yet pagan\u00ad ism, too, was dying. Like Italy, it was flushed only with governmental aid and was nearing exhaustion. It had conquered philosophy; but already its temple precincts heard reverently the names of invading deities. The age was heavy with the resurrection of the provinces and the incredible victory of Christ.\nBOOK IV\nTHE\tEMPIRE\n146B.C.-A.D. 19 2\nCHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE\nB.C.\n1200: Goidelic Celts invade England 900: Brythonic and Belgic Celts invade\nEngland"]
[-13.665305137634277, -7.854485511779785, "in the arena.116\nOn the eve of their combat they were given a rich banquet. The rougher ones ate and drank heartily; others took sad leave of their \\Vives and chil\u00ad dren; those who were Christians joined in a last agape, or \"supper of love.\" The next morning they entered the arena in festal dress and paraded from one end of it to the other. They were usually armed with swords, or spears, or knives, and armored with bronze helmets, shields, shoulderplates, breast\u00ad plates, and greaves. They were classified according to their weapons: reticrrii, who entangled their opponents with nets and dispatched them with daggers; secutores, skilled in pursuit with shield and sword; laqueatores, slingshooters; dimachae, with a short sword in each hand; essedarii, who fought in chariots; bestiarii, who contended with beasts. Besides these enter\u00ad prises the gladiators engaged in duels, in pairs or in groups. If a dueler in a single combat was seriously wounded, the provider of the games asked the spectators for their will; they held thumbs up-or waved handkerchiefs-as signs of mercy, or turned thumbs down (po/lice 'Verso) to signify that the victor was to kill the defeated forthwith.117 Any combatant who betrayed a reluctance to die aroused the resentment of the people and was prodded to\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN  ROME\nbravery by hot irons.118 Richer slaughter was furnished by mass battles in which thousands of men fought with desperate ferocity. In the eight spectacles given by Augustus 10,000 men took part in such wholesale con\u00ad flicts. Attendants in the garb of Charon probed the fallen with sharp rods to see if they were feigning death, and killed such actors with mallet blows on the head. Other attendants, dressed like Mercury, dragged the bodies away with hooks, while Moorish slaves gathered up the bloodied ground in shovels and spread fresh sand for the next death.\nMost Romans defended the gladiatorial games on the ground that the victims had been condemned to death for serious crimes, that the sufferings they endured acted as a deterrent to others, that the courage with which the doomed men were trained to face wounds and death inspired the people to Spartan virtues, and that the frequent sight of blood and battle accustomed Romans to the demands and sacrifices of war. Juvenal, who denounced everything else, left the games unscathed; the younger Pliny, a highly civil\u00ad ized man, praised Trajan for providing spectacles that impel men \"to noble wounds and the scorn of death\"; 119 and Tacitus reflected th;1t the blood spilled in the arena was in any case vile sanguis-the \"cheap gore\" of com\u00ad mon men.120 Cicero was revolted by the slaughter; \"what entertainment,\" he asks, \"can possibly arise, to a refined and humanized spirit, from seeing a noble beast struck to the heart by its merciless hunter, or one of our own weak species cruelly mangled by an animal of far greater strength?\" But, he added, \"when guilty men are compelled to fight, no better discipline against suffering and death can be presented to the eye.\" 121 Seneca, drop\u00ad ping in at the games during the noon recess, when most of the assemblage had left for luncheon, was shocked to see hundreds of criminals driven into the arena to amuse the remaining audience with their blood.\nI come home more greedy, more cruel and inhuman, because I have been among human beings. By chance I attended a midday exhibi\u00ad tion, expecting some fun, wit, and relaxation . . . whereby men's eyes may have respite from the slaughter of their fellow men. But it was quite the contrary.    These noon fighters are sent out with\nno armor of any kind; they are exposed to blows at all points, and no one ever strikes in vain.    In the morning they throw men to\nthe lions; at noon they throw them to the spectators. The crowd demands that the victor who has slain his opponent shall face the man who will slay him in turn; and the last conqueror is reserved for another butchering    This sort of thing goes on while the stands\nare nearly empty.... Man, a sacred thing to man, is killed for sport and merriment.122\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nTHE NEW FAITHS\nReligion accepted the games as proper forms of religious celebration and inaugurated them with solemn processions. The Vestal Virgins and the priests occupied seats of honor in the theaters, at the circus, and before the arena. The emperor who presided was the high priest of the state religion. Augustus and his successors h:1d done everything they could to revitalize the old faith, except to live moral lives; even the declared atheists among them, like Caligula and Nero, had carried out all the ritual traditionally due the official gods. The Luperci priests still danced through the streets on their festival day; the Arval Brethren still mumbled prayers to Mars in old Latin that no one could understand. Divination and augury were assidu\u00ad ously practiced and widely trusted; all but a few philosophers believed in astrology, and the emperors who banished astrologers consulted them. Magic and sorcery, witchcraft and superstition, charms and incantations, \"portents\" and the interpretation of dreams were deeply woven into the tissue of Roman life. Augustus studied his dreams with the diligence of a modern psychologist; Seneca saw women sitting on the steps of the Capitol waiting the pleasure of Jupiter because their dreams had told them they were desired of the god.123 Every consul celebrated his inauguration by sacrificing steers; Juvenal, who could laugh at everything else, piously slit the throats of two lambs and a young ox in gratitude for the safe voyage of a friend. Temples were rich with gold and silver offerings; candles burned before the altars; the lips, hands, and feet of divine images were worn by the kisses of the devout. The old religion seemed still vigorous; it created new gods like Annona (gatherer of the world's corn for Rome), put new life into the worship of Fortuna and Roma, and gave powerful support to law, order, and tyranny. If Augustus had returned a year after his death he might well have claimed that his religious revival had proved a happy\nsuccess.\nDespite these appearances the ancient faith was diseased at the bottom and at the top. The deification of the emperors revealed not how much the upper classes thought of their rulers, but how little they thought of their gods. Among educated men philosophy was whittling away belief even while patronizing it. Lucretius had not been without effect; men did not mention him, but merely because it was easier to practice epicureanism than to study Epicurus or his passionate expositor. The rich youths who went to Athens, Alexandria, and Rhodes for higher education found no sustenance there for the Roman creed. Greek poets made fun of the Roman pantheon, and Roman poets leaped to imitate them. The poems of Ovid\nCHAP. XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\nassumed that the gods were fables; the epigrams of Martial assumed that they were jokes; and no one seems to have complained. Many of the mimes ridiculed the gods; one whipped Diana off the stage, another showed Jove making his will in expectation of death.124 Juvenal, like Plato five centuries before him and ourselves eighteen centuries after him, noted that the fear of a watchful deity had lost its power to discourage perjury.125 Even on the tombstones of the poor we note increasing skepticism, and some candid sensuality. Non fui, fui, non sum, non curo, reads one-\"I was not, I was, I am not, I care not\"; and another, Non fueram, non sum, nescio-\"I had not been, I am not, I know not\"; and another, \"\\Vhat I have eaten and drunk is my own; I have had my life.\" 126 \"I believe in nothing beyond the grave,\" says one tombstone; \"There is no Hades, no Charon, no Cerberus,\" assetts another. \"Now,\" a harassed soul wrote, \"I need never fear hunger, need never pay rent, and am at least free from gout\"; and a somber Lucretian writes of the buried flesh: \"The elements out of which he was formed take possession of their own 2gain. Life is only lent to man; he cannot keep it forever. By his death he pays his debt to Nature.\" 127\nBut doubt, how ver honest, cannot long take the place of belief. Amid all its pleasures this society had not found happiness. Its refinements wearied it, its debaucheries exhausted it; rich and poor were still subject to pain and grief and death. Philosophy-least of all so coldly superior a doctrine as Stoicism-could never give the common man a faith to grace his poverty, encourage his decency, solace his sorrows, and inspire his hopes. The old religion had fulfilled the first of these functions; it had failed in the rest. Men wanted revelation, and it gave them ritual; they wanted immortality, and it gave them games. Men who had come, enslaved or free, from other states felt excluded from this nationalistic worship; therefore they brought their own gods with them, built their own temples, practiced their own rites; in the very heart of the West they planted the religions of the Eas1s Between the creeds of the conquerors and the faith of the defeated a war took form in which the weapons of the legions were useless; the needs of the heart would determine the victory.\nThe new deities came with war captives, returning soldiers, and mer\u00ad\nchants. Traders from Asia and Egypt set up temples in Puteoli, Ostia, and\n. Rome for the cult of their traditional gods. The Roman government treated these alien faiths for the most part with toleration; since it would not admit foreigners to its own worship it preferred that they should practice their imported rites rather than have no religion at all. In return it required that each new faith should exercise a similar talerance towards other creeds, and should include in its ritual some obeisance to the emperor's \"genius\" and the goddess Roma, as an expression of loyalty to the state. Encouraged\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVIl\nby this lenience, the Oriental faiths already domiciled in Rome became major religions of the populace. Hoping to civilize the cult, Claudius re\u00ad moved the restrictions that had harassed the worship of the Great Mother; he allowed Romans to become her ministrants, and established her feast around the vernal equinox, from March 1 5 to 2 7. Her chief rival in this first Christian century was Isis, the Egyptian goddess of motherhood, fer\u00ad tility, and trade. Again and again the government had forbidden the cult in Rome, but it always returned; the piety of the devotees overcame the power of the state, and Caligula marked the surrender by building with public funds an immense shrine to her in the Field of Mars. Otho and Domi\u00ad tian took part in the lsiac festivals; Commodus, with shaven head, walked humbly behind the priests, holding reverently in his arms a statue of Anubis, the Egyptian monkey god.\nThe divine invasion swelled from year to year. From southern Italy came the worship of Pythagoras-vegetarianism and reincarnation. From Hierap\u00ad olis came Atargatis, known to the Romans as dea Syria, \"the Syrian goddess,\" Aziz the \"Zeus of Doliche,\" and other strange gods; their worship was spread by Syrian merchants and slaves; and at last a young priest of a Syrian Baal ascended the throne as Elagabalus-worshiper of the god of the sun. From hostile Parthia came the cult of another sun-god, .Mithras; its devotees were enlisted as soldiers in the great cosmic war of Light against Darkness, of Good against Evil; it was a virile faith that won men rather than women, and pleased the Roman legions stationed on distant frontiers where they could hardly hear the voices of their native gods. From Judea came Yahweh, an uncompromising monotheist who commanded the most difficult life of piety and regulation, but gave his followers a moral code and courage that supported them well in tribulation, and clothed with a certain nobility the life of the humblest poor. Among the Roman Jews who prayed to him were ome, as yet obscurely distinguished from the rest, who worshiped his incarnate and resurrected son.\nCHAPTER XVIII\n14\tll.C.-A.D. 19 2"]
[1.63845694065094, 1.1402547359466553, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXIV\npolyglot empire through one law and one faith. When Jason went about these matters with insufficient haste Antiochus replaced him with Menelaus, who gave him larger promises and a fatter bribe.\"' Under Menelaus Yahweh was identified with Zeus, Temple vessels were sold to raise funds, and in some Jewish communities sacrifices were offered to Hellenic deities. A gymnasium was opened in Jerusalem, and Jewish youths, even priests, took part, naked, in athletic games; some young Jews, in the ardor of their Hel\u00ad lenism, underwent operations to remedy the physiological shortcomings that might eveal their race.1\"\nShocked by these developments, and feeling their religion challenged in its very existence, the majority of the Jewish people went over to the side and view of the Chasidim. When Antiochus IV was expelled from Egypt by Popilius ( 1 68), the news reached Jerusalem in the form of a report that: he had been killed. The rejoicing Jews deposed his appointees, massacred the leaders of the Hellenizing party, and cleansed the Temple of what they felt to be pagan abominations. Antiochus, not dead but humiliated, money\u00ad less, and convinced that the Jews had obstructed his campaign against Egypt and were conspiring to return Judea to the Ptolemies,11 marched up to Jerusalem, slaughtered Jews of either sex by the thousand, desecrated and looted the Temple, appropriated for the royal coffers its golden altar, its vessels, and its treasuries, restored Menelaus to supreme power, and gave orders for the compulsory Hellenization of all Jews (167). He commanded that the Temple be rededicated as a shrine to Zeus, that a Greek altar be built over the old one, and that the usual sacrifices be re\u00ad placed with a sacrifice of swine. He forbade the keeping of the Sabbath or the Jewish festivals, and made circumcision a capital crime. Throughout Judea the old religion and its rites were interdicted, and the Greek ritual was made compulsory on pain of death. Every Jew who refused to eat pork, or who was found possessing the Book of the Law, was to be jailed or killed, and the Book wherever found was to be burned.18 Jerusalem itself was put to the flames, its walls were destroyed, and its Jewish population was sold into slavery. Foreign peoples were brought in to resettle the site, a new fortress was built upon Mt. Zion, and a garrison of troops was left in it to rule the city in the name of the King.\"\" At times, it seems, Antiochus thought of establishing and requiring the worship of himself as a god.\"\u00b0\nThe orgy of persecution became intensified as its proceeded. There is\nalways, in any society, a minority whose instincts rejoice in the permission co persecute; it is a release from civilization. The agents of Antiochus, having put an end to all visible expression of Judaism in Jerusalem, passed like a searching fire into the towns and villages. Everywhere they gave\nCHAP.XXIV)\tHELLENISM  AND THE  ORIENT\nthe people a choice between death and participation in Hellenic worship, which included the eating of sacrificial swine.\"'- All synagogues and Jew\u00ad ish schools were closed. Those who refused to work on the Sabbath were outlawed as rebels. On the day of the Bacchanalia the Jews were com\u00ad pelled to deck themselves with ivy like the Greeks, to take part in the processions, and to sing wild songs in honor of Dionysus. Many Jews conformed to the demands, waiting for the storm to pass. Many others fled into caves or mountain retreats, lived on clandestine gleanings from the fields, and resolutely carried on the ordinances of Jewish life. The Chasidim circulated among them, preaching courage and resistance. A detachment of royal troops, coming upon some caves in which thousands of Jews-men, women, and children-were hiding, ordered them to come forth. The Jews refused; and because it was the Sabbath, they would not move the stones that might have blocked the entrance to the caves. The soldiers attacked with fire and sword, killing many of the refugees and asphyxiating the remainder with smoke.\" Women who had circumcized their newborn sons were cast with their infants over the city walls to death.\" The Greeks were surprised to find the strength of the old faith; not for centuries had they seen such loyalty to an idea. The stories of martyrdom went from mouth to mouth, filled books like the First and Second Maccabees, and gave to Christianity the prototypes of its martyrs and its martyrology. Judaism, which had been near assimilation, became intensified in religious and national consciousness, and withdrew into a protective isolation.\nAmong the Jews who in those days fled from Jerusalem were Mattathias\n-of the family of Hasmonai, of the tribe of Aaron-and his five sons\u00ad Johannan Caddis, Simon, Judas, Eleazar, and Jonathan. When Apelles, an agent of Antiochus, came to Modin, where these six had sought refuge, he summoned the inhabitants to repudiate the Law and sacrifice to Zeus. The aged Mattathias came forward with his sons and said: \"Even should all the people in the kingdom obey the order to depart from the faith of their fathers, I and my sons will abide by the Covenant of our ancestors.\" As one of the Jews approached the altar to make the required sacrifice Mattathias slew him, and slew also the King's commissioner. Then he said to the people: ''Whoever is zealous for the Law, and wishes to support the Covenant, let him follow me.\"\"' Many of the villagers retired with him and his sons to the mountains of Ephraim; and there they were joined by a small band of young rebels, an\u00b7d by such of the Chasidim as were still alive.\nSoon afterward Mattathias died, having designated as captain of his band\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIV\nhis son Judas, called Maccabee.\u2022 Judas was a warrior whose courage equaled his piety; before every battle he prayed like a saint, but in the hour of battle \"he was like a lion in his rage.\" The little army \"lived in the mountains after the manner of beasts, feeding on herbs.\" Every now and then it descended upon a neighboring village, killed backsliders, pulled down pagan altars, and \"what children soever they found uncircumcized, those they circumcized valiantly.\"\" These things being reported to An\u00ad tiochus, he sent an army of Syrian Greeks to destroy the Maccabean force. Judas met them in the pass of Emmaus; and though the Greeks were trained mercenaries fully armed, and Judas' band was poorly armed and clad, the Jews won a complete victory (166). Antiochus sent a larger force, whose general was so confident that he brought slave pierchants with him to buy the Jews whom he expected to capture,\u00b7and posted in the towns the prices that he would ask.\"\u00b0 Judas defeated these troops at Mizpah, and so decisively that Jerusalem fell into his hands without resist\u00ad ance. He removed all pagan altars and ornaments from the Temple, cleansed and rededicated it, and restored the ancient service amid the ac\u00ad\nclaim of the returning orthodox Jews (164).t\nAs the regent Lysias advanced with a new army to recapture the capi\u00ad tal, the news came-this time true-that Antiochus was dead (163). De\u00ad siring to be free for action elsewhere, Lysias offered the Jews full religious freedom on condition that they lay down their arms. The Chasidim con\u00ad sented, the Maccabeans refused; Judas announced that Judea, to be safe from further persecutions, must achieve political as well as religious lib\u00ad erty. Intoxicated with power, the Maccabeans now took their turn at persecution, pursuing the Hellenizing faction vengefully not only in Jerusalem but in the -cities that bordered the frontier.\"' In 161 Judas de\u00ad feated Nicanor at Adasa, and strengthened himself by making an alliance with Rome; but in the same year, fighting against great odds at Elasa, he was slain. His brother Jonathan carried on the war bravely, but was him\u00ad self killed at Acco (143). The only surviving brother, Simon, supported by Rome, won from Demetrius II, in 142, an acknowledgment of Judean independence. By popular decree Simon was appointed both high priest and general; and as these offices were made hereditary in his family, he became the founder of the Hasmonean dynasty. The first year of his reign was counted as the beginning of a new era, and an issue of coinage proclaimed the heroic rebirth of the Jewish state.\nUsually but uncertainly interpreted as \"The Hammer.\"\nt The anniversary of this Rededication (Hanukkah} is still celebrated in nearly every\nJewish home.\nCHAPTER  :XXV\nEgypt and the West\nTHE KINGS' REGISTER\nHE smallest but richest morsel of Alexander's legacy was allotted to the ablest and wisest of his generals. With characteristic loyalty\u00ad perhaps as a visible sanction of his authority-Ptolemy, son of Lagos, brought the body of the dead king to Memphis, and had it entombed in a sarcophagus of gold.* He brought with him also Alexander's occasional mistress Thais, married her, and had by her two sons. He was a plain, blunt soldier, capable both of generous feeling and of realistic thinking. While other inheritors of Alexander's realm spent half their lives in war, and dreamed of undivided sovereignty, Ptolemy devoted himself to con\u00ad solidating his position in an alien country, and to promoting Egyptian agriculture, commerce, and industry. He built a great fleet, and made Egypt as secure against naval attack as nature had made it almost unassail\u00ad able by land. He helped Rhodes and the Leagues to preserve their inde\u00ad pendence of Macedon, and so won the title of Soter. Only \u00b7when, after eighteen years of labor, he had firmly organized the political and economic life of his new realm did he call himself king (305). Through him and his successor Greek Egypt established its rule over Cyrene, Crete, the Cy\u00ad clades, Cyprus, Syria, Palestine, Phoenicia, Samos, Lesbos, Samothrace, and the Hellespont. In his old age he found time to write astonishingly truth\u00ad ful commentaries on his campaigns, and to establish, about 290, the Mu\u00ad seum and Library that were to make the fame of Alexandria. In 285, feeling his eighty-two years, he appointed his second son, Ptolemy Philadelphus, to the throne, yielded the government to him, and took his place as a subject\nin the young king's court. Two years later he died.\nAlready the fertile valley and delta had poured great wealth into the royal treasury. Ptolemy I, to give a dinner to his friends, had had to bor\u00ad row their silver and rugs; Ptolemy II spent $2,500,000 on the feast that climaxed his coronation.\" The new Pharaoh was a convert to the philoso-\nPtolemy Philadelphus had the sarcophagus removed to Alexandria. Ptolemy Cocces melted down the gold for his use, and exposed the mortal remains of Alexander in a glass coffin.'\n586\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, XXV"]
[7.689011096954346, 10.49626350402832, "Comedy prospered as tragedy decayed, and took over something of the subtlety, refinement, and subject matter of the Euripidean stage. This Middle Comedy (400-323) lost its taste or courage for political satire pre\u00ad cisely when politics most needed a \"candid friend\"; possibly such satire was forbidden or the audience was weary of politics now that Athens was ruled by second-rate men. The general retirement of the fourth-cen\u00ad tury Greek from public to private life inclined his interest from affairs of state to those of the home and the heart. The comedy of manners ap\u00ad peared; love began to dominate the scene, and not always by its virtue; the ladies of the demimonde mingled on the boards with fishwives, cooks, and bewildered philosophers-though the honor of the protagonists and the dramatist was saved by a marriage at the end. These plays were not coars\u00ad ened by Aristophanes' vulgarity and burlesque, but neither were they\n482\nCHAP. XX)   LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t483\nvitalized by his exuberance and his imagination. We know the names, and have none of the works, of thirty-nine poets of the Middle Comedy; but we may judge from their fragments that they did not write for the ages. Alexis of Thurii wrote 245 plays, Antiphanes 260. They made hay while the sun shone, and died with its setting.\nIt was a century of orators. The rise of industry and trade turned men's minds to realism and practicality, and the schools that once had taught the poems of Homer now trained their pupils in rhetoric. Isaeus, Lycurgus, Hypereides, Demades, Deinarchus, Aeschines, Demosthenes were orator\u00ad politicians, leaders of political factions, masters of what the Germans have called the Advokatenrepublik. Similar men appeared in the democratic interludes of Syracuse; the oligarchic states did not suffer them. The Athenian orators were clear and vigorous in language, averse to ornate eloquence, capable, now and then, of noble patriotic flights, and given to such dishonesty of argument and abusiveness of speech as would not be tolerated even in a modern campaign. The heterogeneous quality of the Athenian Assembly and the popular courts had a debasing as well as a stimulating effect upon Greek oratory, and through it upon Greek litera\u00ad ture. The Athenian citizen enjoyed bouts of oratorical invective almost as much as he enjoyed a prize fight; when a duel was expected between such word warriors as Aeschines and Demosthenes, men came from dis\u00ad tant villages and foreign states to hear them. Often the appeal was to pride and prejudice; Plato, who hated oratory as the poison that was killing democracy, defined rhetoric as the art of governing men by addressing their feelings and passions.\nEven Demosthenes, with all his vigor and nervous intensity, his frequent ascent to passages of patriotic fervor, his withering fire of personal attack, his clever and relieving alternation of narrative and argume.nt, the care\u00ad fully rhythmic quality of his language, and the overwhelming torrent of his speech-even Demosthenes strikes us as a little less than great. He laid the secret of oratory in acting (hypocrisis), and so believed this that he rehearsed his speeches patiently, and recited them before a mirror. He dug himself a cave and lived in it for months, practicing secretly; in these periods he kept one half of his face shaved to deter himself from leaving his retreat.1 On the rostrum he contorted his figure, whirled round and round, laid his hand upon his forehead as in reflection, and often raised his voice to a scream.\u2022 All this, says Plutarch, \"was wonderfully pleasing to the common people, but by well-educated persons, as, for.example, by Demetrius of Phalerum, it was looked upon as mean, humiliating, and\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XX\nunmanly.\" We are amused by Demosthenes' histrionics, amazed by his self-esteem, confused by his digressions, and appalled by his ungracious scurrility. There is little wit in him, little philosophy. Only his patriotism redeems him, and the apparent sincerity of his despairing cry for freedom. The historic climax of Greek oratory came in 330. Six years before, Ctesiphon had carried through the Council a preliminary proposal to award Demosthenes a crown or wreath in appreciation not only of his states\u00ad manship but of his many financial gifts to the state. To keep this honor from his rival, Aeschines indicted Ctesiphon on the ground (technically correct) of having introduced an unconstitutional proposal. The case of Ctesiphon, repeatedly postponed, finally came to trial before a jury of five hundred citizens. It was, of course, a cause celebre; all who could came, even from afar, to hear it; for in effect the greatest of Athenian orators was fighting for his good name and his political life. Aeschines spent little time attacking Ctesiphon, but turned his assault upon the character and career of Demosthenes, who replied in kind with his famous speech On the Crown. Every line of the two orations still vibrates with excitement, and is hot with the hatred of enemies brought face to face in war. Demosthenes, knowing that offense is better than defense, charged that Philip had chosen the most corruptible of the orators as his mouthpieces in Athens. Then\nhe etched in acid a life portrait of Aeschines:\nI must let you know who this man really is who embarks upon vituperation so glibly . . . and what is his parentage. Virtue? You renegade!-what have you or your family to do with virtue? ... Where did you get your right to talk about education? . . . Shall I relate how your father was a slave who kept an elementary school near the Temple of Theseus, and how he wore shackles on his legs and a timber collar round his neck, or how your mother practiced daylight nuptials in an outhouse? . . . You helped your father in the drudgery of a grammar school, grinding the ink, sponging the benches, sweeping the room, holding the position of a menial. ... After getting yourself enrolled on the register of your parish-no one knows how you managed it, but let that pass-you chose a most gentlemanly occupation, that of clerk and errand-boy to minor officials. After committing all the offenses with which you reproach other people, you were relieved of that employment\tYou en\u00ad\ntered the service of those famous players, Simylus and Socrates, bet\u00ad ter known as the Growlers. You played small parts to their lead, picking up figs and grapes and olives, and making a better living out of those missile than by all the battles you fought for dear life.\nCHAP, XX)\tLETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t485\nFor there was no truce or armistice in the warfare between you and your audience....\nCompare, then, Aeschines, your life and mine. You taught read\u00ad ing, I attended school. You danced, I was choragus.... You were a public scribe, I a public orator. You were a third-rate actor, I a spectator at the play. You failed in your part, and I hissed you.\u2022\nIt was a powerful speech; not a model of order and courtesy, but so eloquent with passion that the jury acquitted Ctesiphon by a vote of five to one. In the following year the Assembly voted Demosthenes the dis\u00ad puted crown. Aeschines, unable to pay the fine that was automatically levied upon so unsuccessful a persecution, fled to Rhodes, where he made a precarious living by teaching rhetoric. An old tradition says that Demos\u00ad thenes sent him money to alleviate his poverty.'\n!SOCRATES\nThis duel of oratory has been loudly lauded and devoutly studied in every generation. But in truth it represents almost the nadir of Athenian politics; we cannot see nobility in this street-corner contest in vituperation, this mean quarrel for public praise between two secret recipients of foreign gold. Isocrates is a little more attractive, and carries down into the fourth century something of the grandeur of the fifth. Born in 436, he lived till 338, and died with Greek liberty. His father had made a fortune by manufacturing flutes; he gave his son every educational advantage, even sending him to study rhetoric with Gorgias in Thessaly. The Peloponnesian War, and the example of Alcibi\u00ad ades, ruined the flute business, and destroyed the family fortune; Isocrates had to go forth and earn his living by the sweat of his pen. He began by writing speeches for others, and thought of becoming an orator. But he suffered from shyness and a weak voice, and a strong distaste for the crudities of political strife. He abominated the demagogues who had captured the Assembly, and shrank for a time into a quiet pedagogic life.\nIn 391 he opened the most successful of Athenian schools of rhetoric. Stu\u00ad dents came to him from all the Greek world; perhaps their variety of origin and outlook helped to form his Panhellenic philosophy. He thought that all other teachers were on the wrong track. In a pamphlet Against the Sophists he denounced both those who professed to turn any numbskull into a pundit for three or four minac;, and those who, like Plato, hoped to prepare men for government by training them in science and metaphysics. As for him elf, he admitted that he could get results only when the student possessed some natural talent. He would not teach metaphysics or science, for these, he argued, were\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XX\nhopeless inquiries into insoluble mysteries. Nevertheless, he gave the name of philosophy to the instruction provided in his school. The curriculum centered upon the arts of writing and speaking, but these were taught in connection with literature and politics;\u2022 Isocrates offered, as we should say, a cultural course as opposed to the mathematical course given in Plato's Academy. The art of c,peech was the goal, as being then the chief medium of public advancement; the Athenian state was governed by argument. So Isocrates taught his pupils the use of words: how to arrange them in the clearest order, in rhythmic but not metrical sequence, in polished but not ornate diction, in smooth transitions of sound and thought,\u2022 in balanced clauses and cumulative periods; such prose,\n:1e believed, would please the refined ear as much as poetry. Out of this school came many leaders of the Demosthenic age: Timotheus the general, Ephorus and Theopompus the historians, Isaeus, Lycurgus, Hypereides, and Aeschines the orators, Speusippus the successor of Plato, and, some say, Aris\u00ad totle himself.'\nIsocrates was not content with forming great men; he wished to play some part in the affairs of his time. Unable to be either an orator or a statesman, he became a pamphleteer. He addressed long speeches to the Athenian public, to leaders like Philip, or to the assembled Greeks at the Panhel'enic games; in\u00ad stead of delivering these he published them, and thereby unconsciously invented the essay as a literary form. Twenty-nine of his discourses remain, and rank among the most interesting survivals of Greek antiquity. His first great pro\u00ad nouncement, the Panegyricus,t struck the theme of all his thought-the theme of his old master Gorgias-a call to Greece to forget its little sovereignties, and become a state. Isocrates was a proud Athenian-\"So far has our city distanced the rest of mankind in thought and speech that her pupils have become the teachers of all the world.\" But he was a prouder Greek; to him, as to the Hellenistic age, Hellenism meant not membership in a race, but participation in a culture; and that culture, he felt, was the finest that men had yet created '.mywhere.' But all around this culture were \"barbarians\"-in Italy, Sicily, Africa, Asia, and what we should now call the Balkans. It saddened him to see the barbarians becoming stronger, and Persia consolidating her control of ronia, while the Greek states consumed themselves in civil war.\nFor many as are the ills that are incident to the nature of man, we have ourselves invented more than those that nature lays upon us, by engendering wars and factions among ourselves   Against\nthese ills no one has ever protested; and people are not ashamed to weep over the calamities that have been fabricated by the poets,\nE.g., Isocrates-and most Greek writers after him-counted it a literary sin to end one word, and begin the next, with a vowel."]
[-2.207329034805298, 5.649778842926025, "36o: Praxiteles of Athens and Scopas of Paros, sculptors; Ephorus of Cyme and Theopompus of Chios, histo\u00ad rians\n359: Philip II regent in Macedonia\n357-46: War between Athens and Macedonia 357-46: Exile of Dionysius II\n356-46: Second Sacred War\n356: Birth of Alexander the Great; burn\u00ad ing of second temple at Ephesus; Isocrates' On the Peace\n355: Isocrates' Areopagiticus\nB,C,\n354: Assassination of Dion\n353-49: The Mausoleum at Halicarnassus 351: Demosthenes' Philippic I\n349: Philip attacks Olynthus; Demos\u00ad thenes' Olynthiacs I and II\n348: Heracleides of Pontus, astronomer; Speusippus succeeds Plato as head of the Academy\n3\u00a2: Demosthenes' On the Peace; lsoc\u00ad rates' Letter to Philip\n344: Timoleon rescues Syracuse; Demos\u00ad thenes' Philippic II\n343: Trial and acquittal of Aeschines 341-38: Aristotle tutor of Alexander\n340: Timoleon defeats the Carthaginians 338: Philip defeats Athenians at Chaero\u00ad\nnea; death\u00b7of lsocrates\n336: Assassination of Philip; accession of Alexander and Darius III\n335: Alexander burns down Thebes, and begins his Persian campaigns\n334: Aristotle opens the Lyceum; battle of the Granicus; choragic monu\u00ad ment of Lysicrates\n333: Battle of lssus\n331: Siege and capture of Tyre; surrender of Jerusalem; foundation of Alex\u00ad andria\n331: Battle of Gaugamela (Arbela); Alex\u00ad ander at Babylon and Susa\n330: Apelles of Sicyon, painter; Lysip\u00ad pus of Argos, sculptor; Aeschines' Against Ctesiphon; Demosthenes' On the Crown\n319-8: Alexander invades central Asia 317: Deaths of Cleitus and Callisthenes\n317-5: Alexander in India 315: Voyage of Nearchus 324: Exile of Demosthenes"]
[-6.71269416809082, 8.488133430480957, "roamed the great god Pan.\nIn southern Arcadia the Eurotas almost meets a yet more famous river. Swiftly the Alpheus wears its way through the Parrhasian range, meanders leisurely into the plains of Elis, and leads the traveler to Olympia. The Elians, Pausanias tells us,.. were of Aeolic or Pelasgic origin, and came from Aetolia across the bay. Their first king, Aethlius, was father of that Endymion whose beauty so allured the moon that she closed his eyes in a perpetual sleep, sinned at leisure, and had by him half a hundred daugh\u00ad ters. Here, where the Alpheus joins the Cladeus flowing from the north, was the holy city of the Greek world, so sacred that war seldom disturbed it, and the Elians had the boon of a history in which battles were replaced by games. In the angle of the merging streams was the Altis, or hallowed precinct, of Olympian Zeus. Wave after wave of invaders stopped here to worship him; periodically, in later days, their delegates returned to be\u00ad seech his help and enrich his fane; from generation to generation the tem\u00ad ples of Zeus and Hera grew in wealth and renown, until the greatest archi\u00ad tects and sculptors of Greece were brought together, after the triumph over Persia, to restore and adorn them in lavish gratitude. The shrine of Hera went back to 1000 B.c.; its ruins are the oldest temple remains in Greece. Fragments of thirty-six columns and twenty Doric capitals sur\u00ad vive to show how often and how variously the pillars were replaced. Orig\u00ad inally, no doubt, they were of wood; and one shaft of oak still stood when Pausanias came there, notebook in hand, in the days of the Antonines.\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\nFrom Olympia one passes by the site of the ancient capital, Elis, into Achaea. Hither some of the Achaeans fled when the Dorians took Argos and\u00b7Mycenae. Like Arcadia it is a land of mountains, along whose slopes patient shepherds drive their flocks up or down as the seasons change. On the western coast is the still-thriving port of Patras, of whose women Pausanias said that they were \"twice as numerous as the men, and devoted to Aphrodite if any women are.\"\" Other cities huddled against the hills along the Corinthian Gulf-Aegium, Helice, Aegira, Pellene-now almost forgotten, but once alive with men, women, and children, every one of whom was the center of the world.\nCORINTH\nA few more mountains, and the traveler re-enters, in Sicyon, the area of Dorian settlement. Here, in 676, one Orthagoras taught the world a trick of politics that aftercenturies would use. He explained to the peasants that they were of Pelasgic or Achaean stock, while the landowning aristocracy that exploited them was descended from Dorian invaders; he appealed to the racial pride of the dispossessed, led them in a successful revolution, made himself dictator, and established the manufacturing and trading classes in power.\u2022 Under his able successors, Myron and Cleisthenes, these classes made Sicyon a semi-industrial city, famous for its shoes and its pottery, though still named from the cucumbers that it grew.\nFarther east is the city that should have been, by all geographic and economic omens, the richest and most cultured center in Greece. For Corinth, on the isthmus, had an enviable position. It could lock the land door to or upon the Peloponnesus; it could serve and mulct the overland trade between northern and southern Greece; and it had harbors and ship\u00ad ping on both the Saronic and the Corinthian Gulf. Between these seas it\nbuilt a lucrative Diolcos (\"a slipping through\")-a wooden tramway along which ships were drawn on rollers over four miles of land.t Its fortress was the impregnable Acrocorinthus, a mountain peak two thousand feet\nhigh, watered by its own inexhaustible spring. Strabo has described for us the stirring sight from the citadel, with the city spread out on two bright\nSo in 1789 Camille Desmoulins, from his cafe rostra, urged the Gauls to ovenhrow their German (Frankish) aristocracy.\nt The Diolcos was a grateful alternative to merchants who distrusted the rough waters oft\nCape Malea on the sea route to the western Mediterranean. The tramway was sturdy enough to carry the usual trading vessel of Greek times; indeed, Augustus transported his fleet over the Diolcos in pursuit of Antony and Cleopatra after the battle of Actium, and a Greek squadron was similarly carried over as late as A.D. 883.'18 Periander planned in his day to cut die canal that now joins the two gulfs, but bis engineers found it too great a task.18\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.IV\nterraces below, the open-air theater, the great public baths, the colonnaded market place, the gleaming temples, and the protective walls that reached to the port of Lechaeum on the northern gulf. At the very summit of the mount, as if to symbolize a major industry of the city, was a temple to Aphrodite.\"\"\nCorinth had a history stretching back to Mycenaean times; even in Homer's day it was famous for its wealth.81 After the Dorian conquest kings ruled it, then an aristocracy dominated by the family of the Bacchia\u00ad dae. But here, too, as in Argos, Sicyon, Megara, Athens, Lesbos, Miletus, Samos, Sicily, and wherever Greek trade flourished, the business class, by revolution or intrigue, captured political power; this is the real meaning of the outbreak of \"tyrannies\" or dictatorships in seventh-century Greece. About 655 Cypselus seized the government. Having promised Zeus the entire wealth of Corinth if he succeeded, he laid a ten per cent tax on all property each year, and gave the proceeds to the temple, until, after a decade, he has fulfilled his vow, while leaving the city as rich as before.\"' His popular and intelligent rule, through thirty years, laid the basis of Corinthian prosperity.\u2022\nHis ruthless son, Periander, in one of the longest dictatorships in Greek history (625-585), established order and discipline, checked exploitation, encouraged business, patronized literature and art, and made Corinth for a time the foremost city in Greece. He stimulated trade by establishing a state coinage,.. and promoted industry by lowering taxes. He solved a crisis of unemployment by undertaking great public works, and establishing colonies abroad. He protected small businessmen from the competition of large firms by limiting the number of slaves that might be employed by one man, and forbidding their further importation.\"\" He relieved the wealthy of their surplus gold by compelling them to contribute to a colos\u00ad sal golden statue as an ornament for the city; he invited the rich women of Corinth to a festival, stripped them of their costly robes and jewels, and sent them home with half their beauty nationalized. His enemies were numerous and powerful; he dared not go out without a heavy guard, and his fear and seclusion made him morose and cruel. To protect himself against revolt he acted on the cryptic advice of his fellow dictator Thrasy\u00ad bulus of Miletus, that he should periodically cut down the tallest ears of corn in the field.\u2022\u2022 His concubines preyed upon him with accusations of his wife, until in a temper he threw her downstairs; she was pregnant, and died of the shock. He burnt the concubines alive, and banished to Corcyra\nCf. the periodical \"purges\" in Communist Russia, 1935-38.\nCHAP. IV)\tSPARTA\nhis son Lycophron, who so grieved for his mother that he would not speak to his father. When the Corcyreans put Lycophron to death Per\u00ad iander seized three hundred youths of their noblest families and sent them to King Alyattes of Lydia, that they might be made eunuchs; but the ships that bore them touched at Samos, and the Samians, braving Periander's anger, freed them. The dictator lived to a ripe old age, and after his death was numbered by some among the Seven Wise Men of ancient Greece...\nA gerteration after him the Spartans overthrew the dictatorship at Cor\u00ad inth and set up an aristocracy-not because Sparta loved liberty, but be\u00ad cause she favored landowners against the business classes. Nevertheless it w2s. upon trade that the wealth of Corinth was based, helped now and then by the devotees of Aphrodite, and the Panhellenic Isthmian games. Courtesans were so numerous in the city that the Greeks often used cor\u00ad inthiazomai as signifying harlotry... It was a common matter in Corinth to dedicate to Aphrodite's temple women who served her as prostitutes, and brought their fees to the priests. One Xenophon (not the leader of the Ten Thousand) promises the goddess .fifty hetairai, or courtesans, if she will help him to victory in the Olympic games; and the pious Pindar, celebrating this triumph, refers to the vow without flinching.88 \"The Tem\u00ad ple of Aphrodite,\" says Strabo,\"' \"was so rich that it owned more than a thousand temple slaves, courtesans whom both men and women had dedicated to the goddess. And therefore it was also on account of these women that the city was crowded with people and grew rich; for instance, the ship captains freely squandered their money here.\" The city was grateful, and looked upon these \"hospitable ladies\" as public benefactors. \"It is an ancient custom at Corinth,\" says an early author quoted by Athen\u00ad aeus,01 \"whenever the city addresses any supplication to Aphrodite ... to employ as many courtesans as possible to join in the supplication.\" The courtesans had a religious festival of their own, the Aphrodisia, which they celebrated with piety and pomp... St. Paul, in his First Epistle to the Corinthians,\"\" denounced these women, who still in his time plied there their ancient trade.\nIn 480 Corinth had a population of .fifty thousand citizens and sixty thou\u00ad\n-;and slaves-an unusually high proportion of freemen to slaves.N The quest for pleasure and gold absorbed all classes, and left little energy for literature and art. We hear of a poet Eumelus in the eighth century, but Corinthian names seldom grace Greek letters. Periander welcomed poets at his court, and brought Arion from Lesbos to organize music in Corinth. In the eighth century the pottery and bronzes of Corinth were famous;\n92\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\nin the sixth her vase painters were at the top of their profession in Greece. Pausanias tells of a great cedar chest, in which Cypselus hid from the Bacchiadae, and upon which artists carved elegant reliefs, with inlays of ivory and gold.\"\" Probably it was in the age of Periander that Corinth raised to Apollo a Doric temple famous for its seven monolithic columns, five of which still stand to suggest that Corinth may have loved beauty in more forms than one. Perhaps tirm and chance were ungrateful to the city, and her annals fell to be written by men of other loyalties. The past would be startled if it could see itself in the pages of historians.\nMEGARA"]
[13.99380111694336, 9.154704093933105, "per year; the current estimate is fifty.\nWe have displaced from his chronological position between Aristarchus and Hipparchus a scholar whose ecumenical erudition won him the nick\u00ad names of Pentathlos and Beta-because he attained distinction in many fields, and ranked second only to the best in each. Tradition gave Eratosthenes of Cyrene exceptional teachers: Zeno the Stoic, Arcesilaus the skeptic, Cal\u00ad limachus the poet, Lysanias the grammarian. By the age of forty his repu\u00ad tation for varied knowledge was so great that Ptolemy III made him head of the Alexandrian Library. He wrote a volume of verse, and a history of comedy. His Chronog;raphia sought to determine the dates of the major events in Mediterranean history. He wrote mathematical monographs, and devised a mechanical method for finding mean proportions in continued proportion between two straight lines. He measured the obliquity of the ecliptic at 23 \u00b0 51', an error of one half of one per cent. His greatest achieve\u00ad ment was his calculation of the earth's circumference as 24,662 miles;80 we compute it at 24,847. Observing that at noon on the summer solstice the sun at Syene shone directly upon the deep surface of a narrow well, and learning that at the same moment the shadow of an obelisk at Alexandria,\nsome five hundred miles north, showed the sun to be approximately 7\u00bd0\naway from the zenith as measured on the meridian of longitude that con-\nH it was not taken from his Babylonian predecessor Kidinnu.\"\"\nt The equinoxes (lit., equal nights) are those two days of the year when the sun in its annual apparent motion crosses the equator northward (our vernal, Argentina's autumnal, equinox), or southward (our autumnal equinox), making day and night equal for a day. The equinoctial points are those points in the sky where the equator of the celestial sphere inter\u00ad\nsects the ecliptic.\nCHAP. XXVIII)  THE  CLIM AX OF GREEK  SC IE NC E\nnected the two cities, he concluded that an arc of 7\u00bd0 on the earth's cir\u00ad cumference equaled five hundred miles, and that the entire circumference would equal 360+7.5 X500, or 24,000 miles.\nHaving measured the earth, Eratosthenes proceeded to describe it. His\nGeographica brought together the reports of Alexander's surveyors, of travelers like Megasthenes, voyagers like Nearchus, and explorers like Pytheas of Massalia, who, about 320, had sailed around Scotland to Nor\u00ad way, and perhaps to the Arctic Circle..,. Eratosthenes did not merely depict the physical features of each region, he sought to explain them through the action of water, fire, earthquake, or volcanic eruption.\"\" He bade the Greeks abandon their provincial division of mankind into Hellenes and barbarians; men should be divided not nationally but individually; many Greeks, he thought, were scoundrels, many Persians and Hindus were refined, and the Romans had shown a greater aptitude than the Greeks for social order and competent government... He knew little of northern Europe or northern Asia, less of India south of the Ganges, nothing of south Africa; but he was, so far as we know, the first geographer to mention the Chinese. \"If,\" said another significant passage, \"the extent of the Atlantic Ocean were not an obstacle, we might easily pass by sea from Iberia (Spain) to India, keeping in the same parallel.'\"'\nIV. THEOPHRASTUS, HEROPHILUS, ERASISTRATUS\nZoology never rose again in antiquity to the level that it had reached in Aris\u00ad totle's History of Animals. Probably by an agreed division of labor his successor Theophrastus wrote a classic treatise, The History of Plants, and a more theo\u00ad retical discussion called The Causes of Plants. Theophrastus loved gardening, and knew every aspect of his subject. In many ways he was more scientific than his master, more careful of his facts, and more orderly in his exposition; a book without classification, he said, was as untrustworthy as an unbridled horse.\u2022 He divided all plants into trees, bushes, shrubs, and herbs, and distinguished the chief parts of a plant as root, stem, branch, twig, leaf, flower, and fruit-a classifica\u00ad tion not improved on till A.O. 1561.88 \"A plant,\" he wrote, \"has the power of germinaticn in all its parts, for it has life in them all   The methods of genera\u00ad\ntion of plants are these: spontaneous, from a seed, a root, a piece tom off, a branch, a twig, pieces of wood cut up small, or from the trunk itself.\"aT He had no clear idea of sexual reproduction in plants, except in a few species like the fig tree or the date palm; here he followed the Babylonians in describing fertiliza\u00ad tion and caprification. He discussed the geographical distribution of plants, their industrial uses, and the climatic conditions most conducive to their health. He\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVIIl\nstudied the minutiae of half a thousand species with an accuracy of detail aston\u00ad ishing in an age that had no microscope. Twenty centuries before Goethe he recognized that the flower is a metamorphosed leaf... He was a naturalist in more ways than one, stoutly rejecting the supernatural explanations current in his day for certain curiosities of botany... He had all the inquisitiveness of a scientist, and did not think it beneath his dignity as a philosopher to write monographs on stones, minerals, weather, winds, weariness, geometry, astronomy, and the physi\u00ad cal theories of the pre-Socratic Greeks... \"If there had been no Aristotle,\" says Sarton, \"this period would have been called the time of TheophrastUs.'\"1\nTheophrastus' ninth \"book\" summarized all that the Greeks knew about the medicinal properties of plants. One passage hinted at anesthesia in describing \"dittany, a plant especially useful for labor in women; people say that either it makes labor easy, or it stops the pains.\"'\" Medicine progressed rapidly in this age, perhaps because it had to keep pace with the novel and multiplying diseases of a complex urban civilization. The Greek study of Egyptian medical lore stimu\u00ad lated a fresh advance. The Ptolemies were ruthlessly helpful; they not only per\u00ad mitted the dissection of animals and cadavers, but turned over some condemned criminals for vivisection.'\" Under these encouragements human anatomy be\u00ad came a science, and the absurdities into which Aristotle had fallen were substan\u00ad tially reduced.\nHerophilus of Chalcedon, working at Alexandria about 285, dissected the eye and gave a good account of the retina and the optic nerves. He dissected the brain, described the cerebrum, the cerebellum, and the meninges, left his name in the torcular Herophili,\u2022 and restored the brain to honor as the seat of thought. He understood the role of the nerves, originated their division into sensory and motor, and separated the cranial from the spinal nerves. He distinguished arteries from veins, discerned the function of the arteries as carrying blood from the heart to various parts of the body, and in effect discovered the circulation of the blood nineteen centuries before Harvey.\" Following a suggestion of the Coan physician Praxagoras, he included the taking of the pulse in diagnosis, and used a water clock to measure its frequency. He dissected and described the ovaries, the uterus, the seminal vesicles, and the prostate gland; he studied the liver and the pancreas, and gave to the duodenum the name that it still bears.\"' \"Science and art,\" wrote Herophilus, \"have nothing to show, strength is incap\u00ad able of effort, wealth is useless, and eloquence is powerless, where there is no health.\"..\nHerophilus was, so far as we can now judge, the greatest anatomist of an\u00ad tiquity, and Erasistratus was the greatest physiologist. Born in Ceos, Erasistratus studied in Athens, and practiced medicine in Alexandria about 258 B.c. He dis-\nA confluence of blood sinuses in the dlll'll mater, or outer membrane of the brain,\nCHAP.XXVIII)  THE  CLIMAX  OF GREEK  SCIENCE\t639\ntinguished more carefully than Herophilus between cerebrum and cerebellum, and made experiments on living subjects to study the operation of the brain. He described and explained the working of the epiglottis, the lacteal vessels of the mesentery, and the aortic and pulmonary valves of the heart. He had some no\u00ad tion of basal metabolism, for he devised a crude respiration calorimeter.\" Every organ, said Erasistratus, is connected with the rest of the organism in three ways-by artery, vein, and nerve. He sought to account for all physiological phenomena by natural causes, rejecting any reference to mystical entities. He discarded the humoral theory of Hippocrates, which Herophilus had retained. He conceived the art of medicine as prevention through hygiene rather than as cure through therapy; he opposed the frequent use of drugs and bloodletting, and relied upon diet, bathing, and exercise.'\"\nSuch men made Alexandria the Vienna of the ancient medical world. But there were great schools of medicine also at Tralles, Miletus, Ephesus, Per\u00ad gamum, Taras, and Syracuse. Many cities had a municipal medical service; the physicians so employed received a modest salary, but were honored for making no distinction between rich and poor, free and slave, and for devoting themselves to their work at any time and risk. Apollonius of Miletus fought the plague in near-by islands without reward; when all the doctors of Cos were laid low by an epidemic which they had labored to control, others came to their rescue from neighboring towns. Many public decrees of gratitude were issued to Hellenistic physicians; and though ancient jests railed at mercenary incompetence, the great profession kept high that standard of ethics which had come down to it from Hippocrates as its most precious inheritance.\nCHAPTER  XXIX\nThe Surrender of Philosophy"]
[5.107872486114502, 16.833297729492188, "Lycon,\nDelphis when I beheld with Eudanippus advancing:\nBlonder of cheek and chin were the youths than yellowing ivy, Yea, and their breasts far brighter of sheen than thou,0 Selene, Showing they just had come from the noble toil of the wrestlers.\nThink on my love, and think whence it came, thou Lady Selene.\nI, when I saw, how I raged, how the flame took hold of my bosom, Burned my love-lost heart! My beauty waned, and no longer Watched I the pomp as it passed; nor how I returned to my home-\nstead\nKnew I, for some fell bane, some parching disease had undone me. Ten days, stretched on my bed, and ten nights dwelt I in anguish. Think on my love, and think whence it came, thou Lady Selene.\nOften the bloom of my flesh grew dry and yellow as dye-wood, Yea, and the hairs of my head fell off, and of all that I once was Naught but skin was left, and bones; and to whom did I not tum, Whose road left I unsought where an old crone chanted a love-\ncharm?\nStill no solace I found, and time sped ever a-flying.\nThink on my love, and think whence it came, thou Lady Selene.\nThe third idyl introduces us to the nymph Amaryllis, and her unattain\u00ad able charms; the fourth to the shepherd Corydon, the seventh to the poetic goatherd Lycidas-names destined to be invoked by a thousand poets again from Virgil to Tennyson. These rustics are idealized, and speak the most\n611\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, XXVI\nexquisite Greek; any one of them can sing hexameters loveli r than Homer's; but we learn to accept their incredible gifts as a tolerable con\u00ad vention when we surrender to the plaintive lilt of their songs. Theocritus redeems their reality with the smell of their jackets and the occasional obscenity of their thoughts; a lusty vein of humor salts their sentiment, and makes them men. All in all, this is the most perfect Greek poetry writ\u00ad\nten after Euripides, the only extant Hellenistic verse that has the breath of life.\nPOLYBIUS\nIf the Hellenistic age inspired but one great poet, it produced an un\u00ad precedented quantity and variety of prose. It invented the imaginary con\u00ad versation, the essay, and the encyclopedia; it continued the tradition of writing brief and vivid biographies; and in the Roman sequel Greek litera\u00ad ture would add the sermon and the novel. Oratory was a dying mode, for it had depended upon the game of politics, litigation before popular courts, and the democratic right to talk. The letter became a favorite vehicle, for both communication and literature; now were established the epistolary forms and phrases that we find in Cicero, and even the famous exordium dear to our grandfathers: \"Hoping that this finds you as well as it leaves me.',.\nHistoriography flourished. Ptolemy I, Aratus of Achaea, and Pyrrhus of Epirus wrote memoirs of their campaigns, establishing a tradition that cul\u00ad minated in Caesar. The Egyptian high priest Manetho wrote in Greek an Aigyptiaka, or Annals of Egypt, which bundled the Pharaohs somewhat arbitrarily into those dynasties that classify them to this day. Berosus, high priest of the Chaldeans, dedicated to Antiochus I a history of Babylon based upon the cuneiform records. Megasthenes, ambassador of Seleucus I to Chandragupta Maurya, startled the Greek world, about 300, with a book on India. \"There is among the Brahmans,\" said a suggestive passage, \"a sect of philosophers who ... hold that God is the Word, by which they mean not articulate speech but the discourse of reason\";\"\"' here again was that doctrine of Logos which was destined to make such an impress upon Christian theology. Timaeus af Tauromenium (Taormina), having been exiled from Sicily by Agathocles ( 3r 7), traveled widely in Spain and Gaul, and then settled down in Athens to write a history of Sicily and the West. He was an industrious student, so anxious to include everything that some of his rivals called him \"an old ragpicker.\".. He labored to arrive at\nCHAP, XXVI)\tBOOKS\t613\nan accurate chronology, and hit upon the scheme of dating events by Olympiads. He criticized his predecessors severely, and was lucky enough to die before seeing the brutal attack made upon his work by Polybius.\"\nThe greatest of the Hellenistic historians, and the only Greek fit to make a triad with Herodotus and Thucydides, was born at Megalopolis, in Arcadia (208). His father, Lycortas, was one of the leading men of the Achaean League, being ambassador to Rome in 189 and strategos in 184. The boy was brought up in the odor of politics, was trained as a soldier under Philopoemen, fought in the Roman campaign against the Gauls in Asia Minor, was associated with his father on an embassy to Egypt (181), and was made the League's hipp\u00abrchos, or commander of the cavalry, in\n169.12 He paid for his prominence: when the Romans punished the League for supporting Perseus against them they took a thousand leading Achaeans to Rome as hostages, and Polybius was among them (167). For sixteen years he suffered exile, and at times, he tells us, \"utter loss of spirit and paralysis of mind.\".. But the younger Scipio befriended him, introduced him to the Scipionic circle of educated Romans, and persuaded the Sen\u00ad ate, when it was scattering the other exiles throughout Italy, to let Polybius live with him in Rome. He accompanied Scipio on many campaigns, gave him valuable military advice, explored for him the coasts of Spain and Africa, and stood beside him at the burning of Carthage (146). He had received his freedom in 1 51, and m 149 he was employed as the represen\u00ad tative of Rome in arranging a modus vivendi between the cities of Greece and their distant master, the Roman Senate. He must hav performed this ungrateful task well, for several cities honored him with monuments\u00ad though one can never tell in what tense man's gratitude is felt. Having lived through sixty full years of action, he retired to write a Treatise on Tactics, a Life of Philopoemen, and his immense Histories. He died like a gentleman by falling from his horse as he was returning from a hunt, at the age of eighty-two.\nNo man ever wrote history from a wider background of education, travel, and experience. His work was conceived on a grand scale, and pro\u00ad posed to tell the story, not only of Greece but of \"the whole world\" (i.e., the Mediterranean nations) from 221 to 146 B.c. \"Such is the plan I propose; but all depends upon Fortune's granting me a life long enough to execute it.\"\"' He rightly felt that the center of political history, in the pe\u00ad riod which he covered, lay in Rome; he gave his book unity by making Rome the focus of its events, and studying with a diplomat's curiosity the methods by which Rome, with British casualness, had mastered the Medi-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVI\nterranean world... He admired the Romans intensely, for he had seen them in their greatest epoch, and had known chiefly the best of them in Scipio's group; they had, he felt, just those qualities that were fatally lacking in Greek character and government. Himself an aristocrat, and befriended by aristocrats, he had no sympathy with what seemed to him mere mob rule in the later stages of Greek democracy. Political history appeared to him to be a repetitious cycle of monarchy (or dictatorship), aristocracy, oligarchy, democracy, and monarchy. The best escape from this cycle, he thought, was through a \"mixed constitution\" like that of Lycurgus or Rome-an enfranchised but limited citizenry choosing its own magistrates, but checked by the power of a continuous and aristocratic senate... It was from this viewpoint that he wrote down the record of his times."]
[-5.053397178649902, 5.922141075134277, "1283: ? Coming of Pelops into Elis\n1261-1209: ? Heracles\n1250: Theseus at Athens; Oedipus at Thebes; Minos and Daedalus at Cnossus\n1250-1183: \"Sixth city\" of Troy; age of the Homeric heroes\n1225: ? Voyage of the Argonauts\n1213: ? War of the Seven against Thebes\n1200: ? Accession of Agamemnon\n1192-1183: ? Siege of Troy\n1176: ? Accession of Orestes\n1104: ? Dorian invasion of Greece\nCHAPTER I\nCrete\nTHE MEDITERRANEAN\nJ\\ S we enter the fairest of all waters, leaving behind us the Atlantic and Gibraltar, we pass at once into the arena of Greek history. \"Like\nfrogs around a pond,\" said Plato, \"we have settled down upon the shores of this sea.\"' Even on these distant coast3 the Greeks founded precarious, barbarian-bound colonies many centuries before Christ: at Hemeroscopium and Ampurias in Spain, at Marseilles and Nice in France, and almost every\u00ad where in southern Italy and Sicily. Greek colonists established prosperous towns at Cyrene in northern Africa, and at Naucratis in the delta of the Nile; their restless enterprise stirred the islands of the Aegean and the coasts of Asia Minor then as in our century; all along the Dardanelles and the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea they built towns and cities for their far\u00ad venturing trade. Mainland Greece was but a small part of the ancient Greek world.\nWhy was it that the second group of historic civilizations took form on the Mediterranean, as the first had grown up along the rivers of Egypt,\nMesopotamia, and India,\u00b7as the third would flourish on the Atlantic, and as the fourth may appear on the shores of the Pacific? Was it the better climate of the lands washed by the Mediterranean? There, then as now: winter rains nourished the earth, and moderate frosts stimulated men; there, almost all the year round, one might live an open-air life under a warm but not enervating sun. And yet the surface of the Mediterranean coasts and islands is nowhere so rich as the alluvial valleys of the Ganges, the Indus, the Tigris, the Euphrates, or the Nile; the summer's drought may begin too soon or last too long; and everywhere a rocky basis lurks under the thin crust of the dusty earth. The temperate north and the tropic south are both more fertile than these historic lands where patient peasants, weary of coaxing the soil, more and more abandoned tillage to grow olives and the vine. And at any moment, along one or another of a hundred faults, earthquakes might split the ground beneath men's feet, and frighten them into a fitful piety. Climate did not draw civilization to Greece; probably it has never made a civiliza\u00ad tion anywhere.\n3\n4\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. I\nWhat drew men mto the Aegean was its islands. The islands were beauti\u00ad ful; even a worried mariner must have been moved by the changing colors of those shadowed hills that rose like temples out of the reflecting sea. To\u00ad day there are few sights lovelier on the globe; and sailing the Aegean, one begins to understand why the men who peopled those coasts and isles came to love them almost more than life, and, like Socrates, thought exile bitterer than death. But funher, the mariner was pleased to find that these island jewels were strewn in all directions, and at such short intervals that his ship, whether going between east and west or between north and south, would never be more than forty miles from land. And since the islands, like the mainland ranges, were the mountaintops of a once continuous territory that had been gradually submerged by a pertinacious sea,8 some welcome peak always greeted the outlook's eye, and served as a beacon to ships that had as yet no compass to guide them. Again, the movements of wind and water conspired to help the sailor reach his goal. A strong central current flowed from the Black Sea into the Aegean, and countercurrents flowed nonhward along the coasts; while the nonheasterly etesian winds blew regularly in the summer to help back to their southern ports the ships that had gone to fetch grain, fish; and furs from the Euxine Sea.\u2022 Fog was rare in the Mediter\u00ad ranean, and the unfailing sunshine so varied the coastal winds that at almost any harbor, from spring to autumn, one might be carried out by a morning, and brought back by an evening, breeze.\nIn these propitious waters the acquisitive Phoenicians and the amphibious Greeks developed the an and science of navigation. Here they built ships for the most pan larger or faster, and yet more easily handled, than any that had yet sailed the Mediterranean. Slowly, despite pirates and harassing uncertainties, the water routes from Europe and Africa into Asia-through Cyprus, Sidon, and Tyre, or through the Aegean and the Black Sea-became cheaper than the long land routes, arduous and perilous, that had carried so much of the commerce of Egypt and the Near East. Trade took new lines, multiplied new populations, and created new wealth. Egypt, then Meso\u00ad potamia, then Persia withered; Phoenicia deposited an empire of cities along the African coast, in Sicily, and in Spain; and Greece blossomed like a watered rose.\nThe Greeks called the Mediterranean Ho Pontos, the Passage or Road, and euphemisti\u00ad cally termed the Black Sea Ho Pontos Euxeinos-the Sea Kindly to Guests-perhaps because it welcomed ships from the south with adverse currents and winds. The broad rivers that fed it, and the frequent mists that reduced its rate of evaporation, kept the Black Sea at a higher level than the Mediterranean, and caused a powerful current to rush through the narrow Bosporus (Ox-ford) and the Hellespont into the Aegean. The Sea of Marmora was the Propomis, Before the Sea.\nCHAP, I)\tCRETE\t5\nD. THE REDISCOVERY OF CRETE\n''There is a land called Crete, in the midst of the wine-dark sea, a fair, rich land, begirt with water; and therein are many men past counting, and ninety cities.\"' When Homer sang these lines, perhaps in the ninth century before our era,\u2022 Greece had almost forgotten, though the poet had not, that the island whose wealth seemed to him even then so great had once been wealthier still; that it had held sway with a powerful fleet over most of the Aegean and part of mainland Greece; and that it had developed, a thousand years before the siege of Troy, one of the most artistic civilizations in his\u00ad tory. Probably it was this Aegean culture-as ancient to him as he is to us\u00ad that Homer recalled when he spoke of a Golden Age in which men had been more civilized, and life more refined, than in his own disordered time."]
[-4.301877498626709, 8.551811218261719, "58\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.m\n'Twixt the black ships and the river of Xanthus glittered the watch- fires\nBuilt by the horse-taming Trojans by Ilium.\nMeanwhile the war-wearied horses, champing spelt and white barley, Oose by their chariots, waited the coming of fair-throned Dawn...\nNestor, King of Elian Pylus, advises Agamemnon to restore Briseis to Achilles; he agrees, and promises Achilles half of Greece if he will rejoin the siege; but Achilles continues to pout. (x) Odysseus and Diomed make a two\u00ad man sally upon the Trojan camp at night, and slay a_dozen chieftains. (xx) Agamemnon leads his army valiantly, is wounded, and retires. Odysseus, sur\u00ad rounded, fights like a lion; Ajax and Menelaus cleave a path to him, and save him for a bitter life. (xn-xm) When the Trojans advance to the walls that the Greeks have built about their camp (xxv) Hera is so disturbed that she resolves to rescue the Greeks. Oiled, perfumed, ravishingly gowned, and bound with Aphrodite's aphrodisiac girdle, she seduces Zeus to a divine slu.mber while Poseidon helps the Greeks to drive the Trojans back. (xv) Advantage fluc\u00ad tuates; the Trojans reach the Greek ships, and the poet rises to a height of fervid narrative as the Greeks fight desperately in a retreat that must mean death.\n(xvx) Patroclus, beloved of Achilles, wins his permission to lead Achilles' troops against Troy; Hector slays him, and (xvn) fights Ajax fiercely over the body of the youth. (xvm) Hearing of Patroclus' death, Achilles at last resolves to fight. His goddess-mother Thetis persuades the divine smithy, Hephaestus, to forge for him new arms and a mighty shield. (xix) Achilles is reconciled with Agamemnon, (xx) engages Aeneas, and is about to kill him when Poseidon rescues him for Virgil's purposes. (xx1) Achilles slaughters a host of Trojans, and sends them to Hades with long genealogical speeches. The gods take up the fight: Athena lays Ares low with a stone, and when Aphrodite, going for a soldier, tries to save him, Athena knocks her down with a blow upon her fair breast. Hera cuffs the ears of Artemis; Poseidon and Apollo content them\u00ad selves with words. (xxn) All Trojans but Hector fly from Achilles; Priam and Hecuba counsel Hector to stay behind the walls, but he refuses. Then sud\u00ad denly, as Achilles advances upon him, Hector takes to his heels. Achilles pur\u00ad sues him three times around the walls of Troy; Hector\u00b7 makes a stand, and is killed.\n(xxm) In the subsiding finale of the drama Patroclus is cremated with ornate ritual. Achilles sacrifices to him many cattle, twelve captured Trojans, and his own long hair. The Greeks honor Patroclus with games, and (xxxv) Achilles drags the corpse of Hector behind his chariot three times around the pyre. Priam comes in state and sorrow to beg for the remains of his son. Achilles\nCHAP.m)\tTHE  HEROIC  AGE\t59\nrelents, grants a truce of twelve days, and allows the aged king to take the\ncleansed and anointed body back to Troy.\nTHE HOME-COMING\nHere the great poem suddenly ends, as if the poet had used up his share of a common-story, and must leave the rest to another minstrel's lay. We are told by the later literature how Paris, standing beside the battle, slew Achilles with an arrow that pierced his vulnerable heel, and how Troy fell at last through the stratagem of the wooden horse.\nThe victors themselves were vanquished by their victory, and returned in weary sadness to their longed-for homes. Many of them were ship\u00ad wrecked, and some of these, stranded on alien shores, founded Greek col\u00ad onies in Asia, the Aegean, and Italy... Menelaus, who had vowed that he would kill Helen, fell in love with her anew when the \"goddess among women\" came to him in the calm majesty of her loveliness; gladly he took her back to be his queen again in Sparta. When Agamemnon reached Mycenae he \"clasped his land and kissed it, and many were the hot tears that streamed from his eyes.\"\" But during his long absence Clytaemnestra had taken his cousin Aegisthus for husband and king; and when Agamem\u00ad non entered the palace they slew him.\nSadder still was the home-coming of Odysseus; and here probably an\u00ad other Homer has tgld the tale in a poem less powerful and heroic, gentler and pleasanter, than the Iliad.\u2022 Odysseus, says the Odyssey, is shipwrecked on the island of Ogygia, a fairyland Tahiti, whose goddess-queen Calypso holds him as her lover for eight years while secretly he pines for his wife Penelope and his son Telemachus, who pine for him at Ithaca.\nAthena persuades Zeus to bid Calypso let Odysseus depart. The goddess flies to Telemachus, and hears with sympathy the youth's simple tale: how the princes of Ithaca and its vassal isles are paying court to Penelope, seeking through her the throne, and how meanwhile they live gaily in Odysseus' palace, and consume his substance. (n) Telemachus bids the suitors disperse, but they laugh at his youth. Secretly he embarks upon the sea in search of his father, while Penelope, mourning now for both husband and son, holds off the suitors\nVery probably the narrative in this instance has less basis in history than the Iliad. The legend of the long-wandering mariner or warrior, whose wife cannot recognize him on his return, is apparently older than the story of Troy, and appears in almost every literature.\" Odvsseus is the Sinuhe, the Sinbad, the Robinson Crusoe, the Enoch Arden of the Greeks. The geography of the poem is a mystery that still exercises leisurely minds.\n6o\tTHE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t\nby promising to wed one of them when she has completed her web-of which she unweaves at night as much as she has woven by day. (m) Telemachus visits Nestor at Pylus and (iv) Menelaus at Sparta, but neither can tell him where to find his father. The poet paints an attractive picture of Helen settled and subdued, but still divinely beautiful; she has long since been forgiven her sins, and remarks that when Troy fell she had grown tired of the city anyway.\u2022\n(v) Now for the first time Odysseus enters the tale. \"Sitting on the shore\" of Calypso's isle, \"his eyes were dry of tears, and his sweet life ebbed away, as he longed moumfully for his return. By night indeed he would sleep by Calypso's side perforce in the hollow caves, unwilling beside the willing nymph, but by day he would sit on the rocks and the sands, rocking his soul with tears and groans, and looking over the unresting sea.\"'18 Calypso, having detained him one night more, bids him make a raft and set out alone.\n{VI) After many straggles with the ocean, Odysseus lands in the mythical country of Phaeacia (possibly Corcyra-Corfu), and is found by the maiden Nausicaa, who leads him to the palace of her father, King Alcinous. The lass falls in love with the strong-limbed, strong-hearted hero, and confides to her companions: \"Listen, my white-armed maidens  Erewhile this man seemed\nto me uncomely, but now he is like the gods that keep wide heaven. Would that such a one might be called my husband, dwelling here, and that it might please him here to abide.\"\"' (vu-VIII) Odysseus makes so good an impression that Alcinous offers him Nausicaa's hand. Odysseus excuses himself, but is glad to tell the story of his return from Troy.\n(ix) His ships (he tells the King) were home off their course to the land of the Lotus-Eaters, who gave his men such honey-sweet lotus fruit that many forgot their homes and their longing, and Odysseus had to force them back to their ships. There they sailed to the land of the Cyclopes, one-eyed giants who lived without law or labor on an island abounding in wild grain and fruit. Caught in a cave by the Cyclop Polyphemus, who ate several of his men, Odysseus saved the remnant by lulling the monster to sleep with wine, and then burning out his single eye. (x) The wanderers took again to the sea, and came to the land of the Laestrygonians; but these, too, were cannibals, and only Odysseus' ship escaped them. He and his mates reached next the isle of Aenea, where the lovely and treacherous goddess Circe lured most of them into her cave with song, drugged them, and turned them into ine. Odysseus was about to slay her when he changed his mind and accepted her love. He and his comrades, now restored to human formt remained with Circe a full year.\nAfter her death, said Greek tradition, she was worshiped as a goddess. It was a common belief in Greece that those who spoke ill of her were punished by the gods; even Homer's blindness, it was hinted, came upon him because he had lent his song to the calmnnious notion that Helen had eloped to Troy, instead of being snatched off to Egypt against her will.\"\nCHAP.fl)\tTHE  HEROIC  AGE\nSetting sail again, they came to a land perpetually dark, which proved to be the entrance to Hades; there Odysseus talked with the shades of Agamem\u00ad non, Achilles, and his mother. (xu) Resuming their voyage, they passed the island of the Sirens, against whose seductive strains Odysseus protected his men by putting wax into their ears. In the straits (Messina?) of Scylla and Charyb\u00ad dis his ship was wrecked, and he alone survived, to live for eight long years on Calypso's isle."]
[1.7640080451965332, 11.648157119750977, "Zephyrinus, Roman Pope (ca. 198-ca. 218),\n617\nZerubbabel, Hebrew prince (fl. 520 B.c.), 533 Zeugma, 511\nZeus, 61, 63, 353, 390, 487, 495-496; Zeus Pan\nhellenicos, 418; Zeus the Olympian, 418\nZeus, 461\nZeus (Pheidias), 486\nZeuxis, Greek painter (fl. 430 a.c.), 351\nZion, 535\nzodiac, 298\nZola, Emile, French novelist (1840-1902), 412\nzoological gardens, 384\nZoro.1scrianism, 524-515, 529-530, 537,540, 558,\n595, 596, 600 , 606,639,654; see also ,\\lithras Zosimus, Greek h.istonan (fl. 5th cenrury),\n663\nA\tNOTE\tABOUT\tTHE\tAUTHOR\n1-Vill Dura11t's childhood rwas spe-ut at North Adams, Mass., and Kearny,\nN. J. He was educated i11 the Catholic parochial schools of tbese cities, and thereafter at St. Peter's (Jesuit) College, Jersey City, and Columbia Uni\u00ad versity, New York. For a summer be served as cuh reporter 011 tbe New York Journal, i111907; but finding the work too exciting for bis temperament he contented bimself rwitb teacbi11g Latin, Frencb, English, and otber sub\u00ad jects at Seton Hall College, South Orange, N. J. ( 1907-11 ). He entered tbe semiuary tbere i11 1909, but rwitbdrew in 1911, for reasous wbicb he bas described in bis book, Transition. He passed from a seminary to tbe radical circles i11 New\tYork,aud became the teacher of the Ferrer School ( 1911-13), an experiment i11 libertarian education. Ju 1912 be toured Europe at tbe expense of Alden Freeman,'z:.:bo bad befrieuded bim and bad undertaken to broaden bis borders. In 1913 be gave himself over to graduate studies at Columbia University, specializing in biology under Morgan and Calkins, and in p/Jilosopby under lVoodbridge and Deru:ey. He received tbe Pb.D.. degree tbere in 1917, and taugbt pbilosopby at Columbia U11iversity for one year. In 1914 be began, in a Presbyterian clntrcb at Fourteenth Street and Second Avenue, New York, tbose lectures on tbe_ bistory of pbilosopby and literature wbicb prepared bim for The Story of Philosophy and The Story of Civilization; for his audiences there were mostly working;men and wome11, wbo demanded complete clarity, and some co11te111porary signifi\u00ad cance to all historical material considered v.:ortby of study. In 1921 be organ\u00ad ized tbe Labor Temple Scbool, wbicb became one of tbe most successful of recent experiments in adult education. He retired in 1s::7 to de,vote him\u00ad self to The Story of Civilization. He toured Europe again in 1927; v.Jent\n.rrouud tbe world for a study of Egypt, tbe Near East, India, China, and\nJapa11 i11 1930; a11d circled tbe globe again in 1932 to visit Japan, :Hancburia, Siberia, and Russia. These trar,;els r..:;e11t to \u2022ards making Our Oriental Heritage, the first '.JOlume of The Story of Civilization, tbe magisterial \".;.:ork it is. Before embarking 011 tbe writing of the second 'i..'olzmze, The Life of Greece, Dr. Durant speut a long szmrmer in Greece, i\u00b7isiting tbe famous sites and examining tbe remains of H elle11ic ci'\".lili::;,.1tio11. His Mediterranean travels bai\u00b7e enriched tbe backgro1t11d of Caesar and Christ, tbe tbird part of The Story of CiYilization.\n.,;. ......\t....\t71,0fl.(\n,,.,,,,r.\u2022:\u2022\n,,,,,,,,,\nodo.....\tI\t, .\n,,\tR\tx:,;,i\";,-,;;,,,,:;,:\t_;\t('t\u2022)\t;\t'1\t1"]
[1.627142071723938, 5.121626377105713, "The story was based upon a letter purporting to have been written by one Aristeas in the first century A.D. The letter was proved spurious by Hody of Oxford in 168+\u2022\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXV\nREVOLT\nThe lesson of Ptolemaic socialism is that even a government may ex\u00ad ploit. Under the first two Ptolemies the system worked reasonably well: great engineering enterprises were completed, agriculture was improved, marketing was brought into order, the overseers behaved with a modest measure of injustice and partiality, and though the exploitation of mate\u00ad rials and men was thorough, its profits went in large degree to develop and adorn the country, and to finance its cultural life. Three factors ruined the experiment. The Ptolemies went to war, and spent more and more of the people's earnings upon armies, navies, and campaigns. After Philadel\u00ad phus there was a rapid deterioration in the quality of the kings; they ate and drank and mated, and allowed the administration of the system to fall into the hands of rascals who ground every possible penny out of the poor. The fact that the exploiters were foreigners was never forgotten by the Egyptians, nor by the priests who dreamed of the fleshpots of Egypt that their class had enjoyed before the Persian and Greek domination.\nThe Ptolemaic conception of socialism was essentially one of intensified production rather than of wide distribution. The fellah received enough of his product to keep him alive, but-not enough to encourage him in his work or in the business of rearing a family. Generation after generation the government's exactions grew. The system of detailed national control became intolerable, like the relentlessly watchrul eye of a despotic parent. The state lent seed-corn to the peasant to plant his crop, and then bound him to the farm until the harvest was in. No peasant might use any of his own product until all his debts had been paid to the state. The fellah was patient, but even he began to grumble. By the second century a substantial part of the soil had been abandoned for lack of peasants to work it; the cleruchs or lessees of royal land could get no tenants to till it for them; they tried to do it themselves, but were not up to the task; gradually the desert crept back upon civilization. In the gold mines of Nubia the slaves worked naked in dark and narrow galleries, in cramping positions, loaded with chains, and encouraged by the whip of the overseer; their food was poor, not even enough to keep them alive; thousands of them succumbed from malnutrition and fatigue; and the only welcome event in their lives was death.\" The common laborer in the factories received one obol (nine cents) a day, the skilled worker two or three. Every tenth day was a day of rest.\nComplaints multiplied, and strikes grew more frequent: strikes among\nCHAP. XXV)\tEGYPT  AND  THE  WEST\t597\nthe miners, the quarrymen, the boatmen, the peasants, the artisans, the tradesmen, even the overseers and the police; strikes seldom for better pay, since the toilers had ceased to hope for this, but of simple exhaustion and despair. \"We are worn out,\" says a papyrus record of one strike; \"we will run away\"-i.e., seek sanctuary in a temple.'\" Nearly all the exploiters were Greeks, nearly all the exploited were Egyptians or Jews. The priests clandestinely appealed to the religious feelings of the natives, while the Greeks resented any colleession made to Jews or Egyptians by the gov\u00ad ernment. In the capital the populace was bribed by state bounties and spectacles, but it was excluded from the royal quarter, was watched by a large military force, and was allowed no voice in national affairs; in the end it became an irresponsible and violent mob.'\" In 216 the Egyptians revolted, but were put down; in 189 they revolted again, and the mutiny continued for five years. The Ptolemies won for a time by the force of their army, and by raising their contributions to the priests; but the situation had be\u00ad come impossible. The country had been milked to depletion, and even the exploiters felt that nothing remained.\nDisintegration set in on every side. The Ptolemies passed from natural to unnatural vice, from intelligence to stupidity; they married with a free\u00ad dom and haste that for\u00a3eited the esteem of their people; luxury unfitted them for war or government, at last even for thought. Lawlessness and dishonesty, incompetence and hopelessness, the absence of competition and of the stimulus that comes from ownership, lowered year by year the productivity of the land. Literature waned, creative art died; after the third century Alexandria added little to either. The Egyptians lost respect for the Greeks; the Greeks, if such a thing can be believed, lost respect for themselves. Year by year they forgot their own language, and spoke a corrupt mixture of Greek and Egyptian; more and more of them married their sisters, after native custom, or married into Egyptian families and were absorbed; thousands of them worshiped Egyptian gods. By the second century the Greeks had ceased to be the dominant rade even politi\u00ad cally; the Ptolemies, to preserve their authority, had adopted the Egyptian faith and ritual, and had increased the power of the priests. As the kings sank into epicurean ease the clergy reasserted its leadership, and won back year by year the lands and privileges which the earlier Ptolemies had taken away.\"\u00b0 The Rosetta Stone, dated 196 B.c., describes the coronation cere\u00ad monies of Ptolemy V as following almost completely the Egyptian forms. Under Ptolemy V (203-181) and Ptolemy VI (181-145) dynastic feuds absorbed the energies of the royal house, while Egyptian agriculture and\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXV\nindustry decayed. Order and peace were not restored until Caesar, as a mere incident in his career, took Egypt with hardly a blow, and Augustus made it a province of Rome (30 B.c.);\nSUNSET IN SICILY\nThe Hellenistic age faced east and south, and almost ignored the west. Cy\u00ad rene prospered as usual, having learned that it is better to trade than to war; out of it, in this period, came Callimachus the poet, Eratosthenes the philosopher, and Cameades the philosopher. Greek Italy was worried and weakened by the double challenge of multiplying natives and rising Rome, while Sicily lived in daily fear of the Carthaginian power. Twenty-three years after the coming of Timoleon a rich man's revolution suppressed the Syracusan democracy, and put the government into the hands of six hundred oligarchic families ( 320). These divided into factions, and were in tum overthrown by a radical revolution in which four thousand persons were killed and six thousand of the well to do were sent into banishment. Agathocles won dictatorship by promising a can\u00ad cellation of debts and a redistribution of the land.1n So, periodically, the concen\u00ad tration of wealth becomes extreme, and gets righted by taxation or by revolu\u00ad tion.\nAfter forty-seven years of chaos, during which the Carthaginians repeatedly invaded the island, and Pyrrhus came, won, lost, and went, Syracuse by un\u00ad merited good fortune fell into the power of Hieron II, the most beneficent of the many dictators thrown up by the passions and turbulence of the Sicilian Greeks. Hieron ruled for fifty-four years, says the astonished Polybius, \"with\u00ad out killing, exiling, or injuring a single citizen, which indeed is the most remark\u00ad able of all things.\".. Surrounded by all the means of luxury, he led a modest and temperate life, and lived to the age of ninety. On several occasions he wished co resign his authority, but the people begged him to retain it.\"\" He had the good judgment to make an alliance with Rome, and thereby kept the Carthaginians at bay for half a century. He gave the city order and peace, and considerable free\u00ad dom; he executed great public works, and without oppressive taxation left a full treasury at his death. Under his protection or patronage Archimedes brought ancient science to its culmination, and Theocritus sang, in the last perfect Greek, the loveliness of Sicily and the expected bounty of its king. Syracuse became now the most populous and prosperous city in Hellas.\"'\nHieron amused his leisure by watching his artisans, under the supervision of Archimedes, construct for him a pleasure boat that embodied all the shipbuilding art and science of antiquity. It was half a stadium (407 feet) in length; it had a sport deck with a gymnasium and a large marble bath, and a shaded garden deck\nCHAP.XXV)\tEGYPT  AND  THE  WEST\t599\nwith a great variety of plants; it was manned by six hundred seamen in twenty groups of oars, and could carry in addition three hundred passengers or marines; it had sixty cabins, some with mosaic floors, and doors of ivory and precious woods; it was elegantly furnished in every part, and was adorned with paintings and statuary. It was protected against attack by armor and turrets; from each of the eight turrets great beams extended, with a hole at the end through which large stones could be dropped upon enemy vessels; throughout its length Archi\u00ad medes constructed a great catapult capable of hurling stones of three talents' weight (174 pounds), or arrows twelve cubits (eighteen feet) long. It could carry 3900 tons of cargo, and itself weighed a thousand tons. Hieron had hoped to use it in regular service between Syracuse and Alexandria; but finding it too large for his own docks, and extravagantly expensive to maintain, he filled it with com and fish from Sicily's abounding fields and seas, and sent it, vessels and con\u00ad tents, as a gift to Egypt, which was suffering an unusual dearth of com.\"\"\nHieron died in 2 1 6. He had wished to establish a democratic constitution be\u00ad fore his death, but his daughters prevailed upon his dotage to bequeath his power to his grandson.  Hieronymus turned out to be a weakling and a scoun\u00ad\ndrel; he abandoned the Roman alliance, received envoys from Carthage, and permitted them to become in effect the rulers of Syracuse. Rome, not abounding in corn, prepared to fight Carthage for the wealth of_ an island that had never learned to govern itself. All the Mediterranean world, like a decaying fruit, pre\u00ad pared to fall into the hands of a greater and more ruthless conqueror than Greek history had ever known.\nCHAPTER  :X:XVI\nBooks\nLIBRARIES AND SCHOLARS\nN every .field of Hellenistic life except the drama we find the same phenomenon-Greek civilization not destroyed but dispersed. Athens was dying, and the Greek settlements of the west, barring Syracuse, were in decay; but the Greek cities of Egypt and the East were at their material and cultural zenith. Polybius, a man of wide experience, historical knowl\u00ad edge, and careful judgment, spoke, about 148 B.c., of \"the present day, when the progress of the arts and sciences has been so rapid\";' the words have a familiar ring. Through the dissemination of Greek as a common tongue a cultural unity was now established which would last in the east\u00ad ern Mediterranean for nearly a thousand years. All men of education in the new empires learned Greek as the medium of diplomacy, literature, and science; a book written in Greek could be understood by almost any edu\u00ad\ncated non-Greek in Egypt or the Near East. Men spoke of the oikoumene, or inhabited world, as one civilization, and developed a cosmopolitan out\u00ad look less stimulating but perhaps more sensible than the proud and narrow nationalism of the city-state.\nFor this enlarged audience thousands of writers wrote hundreds of thou\u00ad sands of books. We know the names of eleven hundred Hellenistic au\u00ad thors; the unknown are an incalculable multitude. A cursive script had developed to facilitate writing; indeed, as early as the fourth century B.c. we hear of systems of shorthand whereby \"certain vowels and consonants can be expressed by strokes placed i various positions.\"\" Books were writ\u00ad ten on Egyptian papyrus until Ptolemy VI, hoping to check the growth of the library at Pergamum, forbade the export of the material from Egypt. Eumenes II countered by encouraging the mass production of the treated skins of sheep and calves, which had long been used for writing purposes in the East; and soon \"parchment,\" from the city and the name of Perga\u00ad mum, rivaled paper as a vehicle of communication and literature."]
[14.502805709838867, 0.6036389470100403, "With little and great lights mixed together: how great art thou, King above all for ever!\nNor is anything done upon the earth apart from thee: nor in the firmament, nor in the seas:\nSave that which the wicked do: by their own folly.\nBut thine is the skill to set even the crooked straight: what is with\u00ad out fashion is fashioned and the alien akin before thee.\nThus hast thou fitted together all things in one: the good with the evil:\nThat thy word should be one in all things: abiding for ever.\nLet folly be dispersed from our souls: that we may repay thee the honor wherewith thou hast honored us:\nSinging praise of thy works for ever: as becometh the sons of men.\"'\nMan is to the universe as microcosm to macrocosm; he too is an organism with a material body and a material soul. For whatever moves or influences the body, or is moved or influenced by the body, must be corporeal. The soul is a fiery breath or pneu1na diffused through the body, just as the world soul is diffused through the world. At death the soul survives the body, but only as an impersonal energy. At the final conflagration the soul will be reabsorbed, like Atman into Brahm n, into that ocean of energy which is God.\nSince man is a part of God or Nature, the problem of ethics can be easily solved: goodness is co-operation with God, or Nature, or the Law of the World. It is not the pursuit or enjoyment of pleasure, for such pursuit sub\u00ad ordinates reason to passion, often injures the body or the mind, and seldom satisfies us in the end. Happiness can be found only through a rational ad\u00ad justment of our aims and conduct to the purposes and laws of the universe. There is no contradiction between the good of the individual and the good of the cosmos, for the law of well-being in the individual is identical with the law of Nature. If evil comes to the good man it is only temporary, and\nis not really evil; if we could understand the whole we should see the good\nCHAP,XXIX)  THE  SURRENDER OF PHILOSOPHY\t655\nbehind whatever evil appears in the parts.\u2022 The wise man will study science only sufficiently to find the law of Nature, and will then adapt his life to that Law. Zen kata physin, to live according to Nature-this is the pur\u00ad pose and sole excuse of science and philosophy. Almost in Newman's words Cleanthes surrenders his will to God's:\nLead me,0 God, and thou my Destiny,\nTo that one place which you will have me fill. I follow gladly. Should I strive with thee,\nA recreant, I needs must follow still.\u2022\nThe Stoic, therefore, will shun luxury and complexity, economic or po\u00ad litical strife; he will content himself with little, and will accept without complaint the difficulties and disappointments of life. He will be indiffer\u00ad ent to everything but virtue and vice-to sickness and pain, good or ill re\u00ad pute, freedom or slavery, life or death. He will suppress all feelings that may obstruct the course or question the wisdom of Nature: if his son dies he will not grieve, but will accept Fate's decree as in some hidden way the best. He will seek so complete an apatheia, or absence of feeling, that his peace of mind will be secure against all the attacks and vicissitudes of for\u00ad\ntune, pity, or love.t He will be a hard teacher and a stem administrator.\nDeterminism does not imply indulgence; we must hold ourselves, and others, morally responsible for every action. When Zeno beat his slave for steal\u00ad ing, and the slave, having a little learning, said, \"But it was fated that I should steal,\" Zeno answered, \"And that I should beat you.\"11 The Stoic looks upon virtue as its own reward, and as an absolute duty or categorical impera\u00ad tive, derived from his participation in divinity; and he will console himself, in misfortune, by remembering that in following the divine law he becomes an incarnate god.\"\" When he is tired of life, and can leave it without injur\u00ad ing others, he will have no scruples against suicide. Cleanthes, having reached his seventieth year, entered upon a long fast; and then, saying that he would not go back after coming halfway, continued it until he died...\nThe Stoic, however, is not unsocial, neither so proud of poverty as the Cynic, nor so enamored of solitude as the Epicurean. He accepts marriage and the fainily as necessary, though he has no praise for romantic love; he\nWars, said Chrysippus, are a useful corrective of overpopulation, and bedbugs do us the service of preventing us from oversleeping.\u2022\nt Chrysippus proposed to limit the care of dead relatives to the simplest and quietest burial; it would be still better, he thought, to use their flesh as food.\u2022\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\ndreams of a utopia in which all women will be in common.\"' He accepts the state, even monarchy; he has no fond memories of the city-state, and con\u00ad siders the average man a dangerous simpleton; he prefers the Antigonids to King Mob. In truth he cares little for any government; he wishes that all men might be philosophers, so that laws would be unnecessary; he thinks of perfection not, as Plato and Aristotle did, in terms of the good society, but in terms of the good man. He may take part in political affairs, and will support every move, however modest, toward human freedom and dignity; but he will not fetter his happiness to place or power. He may give his life for his country, but he will reject any patriotism that hinders his loyalty to all mankind; he is a citizen of the world. Zeno, in whose veins, as we have seen, there probably flowed both Greek and Semitic blood, longed like Alexander for a breaking down of racial and national barriers, and his in\u00ad ternationalism reflects Alexander's passing unification of the eastern Medi\u00ad terranean world. Ultimately, Zeno and Chrysippus hoped, all those war\u00ad ring states and classes would be replaced by one vast society in which there would be no nations, no classes, no rich or poor, no masters or slaves; in which philosophers would rule without oppression, and all men would be brothers as the children of one God.1111\nStoicism was a noble philosophy, and proved more practicable than a modem cynic would expect. It brought together all the elements of Greek thought in a final effort of the pagan mind to create a system of morals ac\u00ad ceptable to the classes that had abandoned the ancient creed; and though it naturally won only a small minority to its standard, those few were every\u00ad where the best. Like its Christian counterparts, Calvinism and Puritanism, it produced the strongest characters of its time. Theoretically it was a mon\u00ad strous doctrine of an isolated and pitiless perfection. Actually it created men of courage, saintliness, and good will like Cato the Younger, Epictetus, and Marcus Aurelius; it influenced Roman jurisprudence in building a law of nations for non-Romans; and it helped to hold ancient society together until a new faith came. The Stoics lent countenance to superstition, and had an injurious effect upon science; but they saw clearly the basic prob\u00ad lem of their age-the collapse of the theological basis of morals-and they made an honest attempt to bridge the gap between religion and philosophy. Epicurus won the Greeks, Zeno won the aristocracy of Rome; and to the end of pagan history the Stoics ruled the Epicureans, as they always will. When a new religion took form out of the intellectual and moral chaos of the dying Hellenistic world, the way had been prepared for it by a philoso-"]
[0.22866906225681305, 7.241392135620117, "442\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.:XVIll\nenormous sum of fifty talents ($300,000). About the same time (429) his sister and his two legitimate sons died of the plague. The Athenians, find\u00ad ing no leader to replace him, recalled him to power (429); and, to show their esteem for him, and their sympathy i.n his bereavement, they over\u00ad rode a law that he himself had passed, and bestowed citizenship upon the son that ,l\\spasia had borne to him. But the aging statesman had himself been infected by the plague; he grew weaker day by day, and died within a few months after his restoration to office. Under him Athens had reached her zenith; but because that height had been attained in part through the wealth of an unwilling Confederacy, and through a power that invited almost universal hostility, the Golden Age was unsound in its foundations, and was doomed to disaster when Athenian statesmanship failed in the strategy of peace.\nPerhaps, as Thucydides suggests, Athens might have come through to victory nevertheless, if it had pursued to the end the Fabian policy laid down by Pericles. But his successors were too impatient to carry out a program that required a proud self-control. The new masters of the demo\u00ad cratic party were merchants like Cleon the dealer in leather, Eucrates the rope seller, Hyperbolus the lampmaker; and these men demanded an active war on land as well as sea. Cleon was the ablest of them, the most elo\u00ad quent, unscrupulous, and corrupt. Plutarch describes him as \"the first ora'\u00ad tor among the Athenians that pulled off his cloak and smote his thigh when addressing the people\";\"' Cleon made it a point, says Aristotle, to appear on the rostrum in the garb of a workingman.11 1-{e was the first in a long line of demagogues that ruled Athens from the death of Pericles to the loss of Athenian independence at Chaeronea (338).\nCleon's ability was proved in 425 when the Athenian fleet besieged a Spartan army on the island of Sphacteria, near Messenian Pylus. No admiral seemed capable of taking the stronghold; but when the Assembly gave Cleon charge of the siege (half hoping that he would be killt>d in action), he surprised all by carrying through the attack with a skill and courage that forced the Lacedaemonians to an unprecedented surrender. Sparta, humbled, offered peace and alliance in return for the c_aptured men, but Cleon's oratory persuaded the Assembly to reject the offer and con\u00ad tinue the war. His hold on the populace was strengthened by a proposal, easily carried, that the Athenians should henceforth pay no taxes to the support of the war, but should finance it by raising the tribute exacted of the subject cities in the Empire (424). In these cities, as in Athens, the policy of Cleon was to get as much money out of the rich as he could find.\nCHAP, XVIII)\tTHE   SUICIDE  OF GREECE\t443\nWhen the upper classes of Mytilene rebelled, overthrew the democracy, and declared Lesbos free of allegiance to Athens (429), Cleon moved that all adult males in the disaffected city be . put to death. The Assembly\u00ad perhaps a mere quorum-agreed, and sent a ship with orders to that effect to Paches, the Athenian general who had put down the revolt. When word of the ruthless edict got about Athens the steadier heads called for another meeting of the Assembly, secured the repeal of the decree, and dispatched a second ship which reached Paches just in time to prevent a massacre. Paches sent to Athens a thousand ringleaders, who, at Cleon's suggestion, and in accordance with the custom of the age, were all put to death.\"\nCleon redeemed himself by dying in battle against the Spartan hero Brasidas, who was capturing one after another of the cities subject or allied to Athens in the mainland north. It was in this campaign that Thucydides lost his naval commission and his Athenian residence by coming up too tardily to the relief of Amphipolis, which commanded the gold mines of Thrace. Brasidas having died in the same campaign, Sparta, left leaderless in the face of a threatened Helot revolt, offered peace again; and Athens, for once taking the advice of the oligarchic leader, signed the Peace of Nicias {421). The rival cities not only declared the war ended, but signed an alliance for .fifty years; and Athens committed herself to go to the help of Sparta should the Helots rise.115\nALCIBIADES\nThree factors turned this pledge of a half century of friendship into a brief truce of six years: the diplomatic corruption of the peace into \"war by other means\"; the rise of Alcibiades as the leader of a faction that favored renewed hostilities; and the attempt of Athens to conquer the Dqrian colonies in Sicily. Sparta's allies refused to sign the agreement; they fell away from Sparta as now a weakened state, and transferred their alliance to Athens. Alcibiades,\u00b7 while keeping Athens formally at peace, maneuvered them into a war with Sparta, and united them in battle against her at Mantinea (418). Sparta won, and Greece relapsed into an angry truce.\nMeanwhile Athens sent a fleet to the Dorian isle of Melos to demand its entrance as a subject state into the Athenian Empire {416). According to Thucydides, who here probably sinks the historian into the sophistical philosopher or the revengeful exile, the Athenian envoys gave no other\n444\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t( CHAP. XVIII\nreason for their action than that might is right. \"Of the gods we believe, and of men we know, that by a necessary law of their nature they rule wherever they can. And it is not as if we were the first to make this law, or to act upon it; we found it existing before, and shall leave it to exist forever after us; all we do is to make use of it, knowing that you and everybody else, having the same power as we have, would do the same as we do.\"'\" The Melians refused to yield, and announced that they would put their trust in the gods. Later, as irresistible reinforcements came to the Athenian fleet, they surrendered at the discretion of the conquerors. The Athenians put to death all adult males who fell into their hands, sold the women and children as slaves, and gave the island to five hundred Athenian colonists. Athens rejoiced in the conquest, and prepared to illus\u00ad trate in a living tragedy the theme of her dramatists, that a vengeful nemesis pursues all insolent success.\nAlcibiades was one of those who, in the Assembly, defended the reso\u00ad lution condemning the male population of Melos to death.\" His support for any motion usually sufficed to carry it, for he was now the most famous man in Athens, admired for his eloquence, his good looks, his versatile genius, even his faults and crimes. His father, the rich Cleinias, had been killed at the battle of Coronea; his mother, an Alcmaeonid and near rela\u00ad tive of Pericles, had persuaded the statesman to bring up Alcibiades in his home. The boy was troublesome, but intelligent and brave; at twenty he fought beside Socrates at Potidaea, and at twenty-six at Delium (424). The philosopher seems to have felt a warm attachment for the youth, and . called him to virtue, says Plutarch, with words that \"so overcame Alci\u00ad biades as to draw tears from his eyes, and disturb his very soul. Yet some\u00ad times he would abandon himself to flatterers, when they proposed to him varieties of pleasure, and would desert Socrates, who would then pursue him as if he had been a fugitive slave.\"18\nThe wit and pranks of the young man became the shocked and fas\u00ad cinated gossip of Athens. When Pericles reproved his immodest dogma\u00ad tism by saying that he too had talked cleverly in his youth, Alcibiades answered, \"Pity I couldn't have known you when your brain was at its best.'m Purely to meet the challenge of his fellow roisterers, he publicly struck in the face one of Athens' richest and most powerful men, Hip\u00ad ponicus. The next morning he entered the house of the frightened mag\u00ad nate, bared his body, and begged Hipponicus to scourge him in punishment. The old man was so overwhelmed that he gave the youth his daugh\u00ad ter Hipparete in marriage, with a dowry of ten talents; Alcibiades per-\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE   SUICIDE  OF GREECE\t445\nsuaded him to double it, and spent most of it on himself. He lived on a scale of luxury never known in Athens before. He filled his home with costly furniture, and engaged artists to paint pictures on the walls. He kept a stud of racing horses, and often won the chariot race at Olympia; once his entries took the first, second, and fourth prizes in one contest, whereupon he feasted the whole Assembly.20 He fitted out triremes, and paid the expenses of choruses; and when the state called for war contribu\u00ad tors his donations topped all the rest. Free from any inhibition of con\u00ad science, convention, or fear, he frolicked through youth and early manhood with such animal spirits that all Athens seemed to enjoy his happiness. He lisped a little, but with a charm that made all fashionable young men lisp; he wore a new cut of shoe, and soon all the gilded youth of the city were, wearing \"Alcibiades shoes.\" He violated a hundred laws and injured a hundred men, but no one dared bring him before a court. His popularity with the hetairai was so general that he wore on his golden shield an Eros with a thunderbolt, as if to announce his victories in love.11 His wife, after bearing his infidelities with patience, returned to her father's house, and prepared to sue for divorce; but when she appeared before the archon Alcibiades caught her up in his arms and carried her home through the market place, no one venturing to oppose him. Thereafter she gave him full freedom, and contented herself with the crumbs of his love; but her early death suggests a heart broken by his inconstancy.\nEntering politics after the death of Pericles, he found only one rival\u00ad the rich and pious Nicias. But Nicias favored the aristocracy, a11d peace; therefore Alcibiades set himself to favor the commercial classes, and preached an imperialism that touched Athenian pride; the Peace of Nicias was sufficiently discredited in his eyes by bearing his rival's name. In 420 he was elected one of the ten generals, and began those ambitious schemes that led Athens back into war. When the Assembly acclaimed him Timon the misanthrope rejoiced, predicting great calamities.\"\nTHE SICILIAN ADVENTURE\nIt was the imagination of Alcibiades that ruined the work of Pericles. Athens had recovered from the plague and the war, and trade was again bringing her the wealth of the Aegean. But the law of every being' is self\u00ad development;_no ambition, no empire, is ever content. Alcibiades dreamed of carving out a new realm for Athens in the rich cities of Italy and Sicily; there Athens would find grain, materials, and men; there she would control\n446\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVIll\nthe foreign food supply of the Peloponnesus; there she might double the tribute that was making her the greatest city in Greece. Only Syracuse could rival her; and that was a thought hard for Athens to bear. If she could take Syracuse all the western Mediterranean would fall into her lap, and a splendor would come to Athens such as even Pericles had not con\u00ad ceived.\nIn 427 Sicily, imitating the mainland, had divided into warring camps, one led by Dorian Syracuse, the other by Ionian Leontini. Leontini sent Gorgias to Athens to seek help, but Athens was then too weak to respond. Now, in 416, Segesta dispatched envoys to Athens to say that Syracuse was planning to subjugate all Sicily, make the island Dorian in government, and supply food and money to Sparta should the great war be renewed. Alcibiades leaped to his opportunity. He argued that the Sicilian Greeks were hopelessly divided, even within each city; that it would be a simple matter-given a little courage-to annex the whole island to the Empire; that the Empire must continue to grow, or begin to decay; and that a little war now and then was a necessary training for an imperial race.\" Nicias pied with the Assembly not to listen to any man whose personal extrava\u00ad gance tempted him to wild schemes of aggrandizement; but the eloquence of Alcibiades and the imagination of a people now dangerously free from moral scruples won the day. The Assembly declared war against Syra\u00ad cuse, voted funds for a vast armada, and, as if to ensure defeat, divided the command between Alcibiades and Nicias.\nPreparations went on with the characteristic fever of war, and the occa\u00ad sion of the fleet's departure was awaited as a patriotic festival. But shortly before this appointed day a strange occurrence shocked a city that had lost much of its piety but none of its superstitions. Some unknown per\u00ad sons, under cover of night, had knocked off the noses, ears, and phalli from the figures of the god Hermes that stood before public buildings and many private dwellings as an emblem of fertility and a guardian of the home. An excited investigator brought forward the unreliable evidence of aliens and slaves that the prank had been perpetrated by a drunken party of Alci\u00ad biades' friends, led by Alcibiades himself. The young general protested his innocence, and demanded to be tried at once, that he might be con\u00ad victed or cleared before the departure of the fleet; but his enemies, fore\u00ad seeing his acquittal, succeeded in postponing the trial. And so in 415 the great flotilla set sail, led by a timid pacifist who hated war, and by an audacious militarist whose genius of leadership was frustrated by the di-\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE   SUICIDE  OF GREECE\t447\nvided command, and the dread, among the crews, that he had incurred the enmity of the gods."]
[-0.9461610317230225, 16.500362396240234, "was so pleased with the artist's busts of him that he made him the official royal\nsculptor, as he had given the exclusive right to Apelles to paint his likeness, and to Pyrgoteles to engrave it upon gems.\nSome of the finest sculptural remains of the fourth century are anony-\nOther artists, said Lysippus, in a sentence that would have pleased Manet. made men as\nthey were. while he made them \"as they appeared.\"18\nCHAP. xx)   LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE  FOURTH CENTURY\t499\nmous: the bronze statue of a youth found in the sea near Marathon, an ancient copy of a fourth-century Hermes of Andros, and a modest, pen\u00ad sive, delicate Hygiaea found at Tegea*-all three in the Athens Museum; and in the Boston Museum, from Chios, a profoundly beautiful Head of a Girl. To this period, so far as we can make out, belong most of the Niobid figures that came to Rome from Asia Minor in the days of Augus\u00ad tus, and are now scattered among the museums of Europe. And perhaps to this age must be assigned the originals of three Aphrodites in the Praxit\u00ad elean tradition: the hesitant Venus of Capua in the Naples Museum, the Vatican's Crouching Venus, and the modest Venus of Arles in the Louvre. Greater than these in mature beauty and quiet depth of feeling is the seated Demeter found at Cnidus in 1858, and now among the noblest fig\u00ad ures in the British Museum. The subject is uncertain; perhaps it is merely the finest funerary piece that has come down to us from antiquity; per\u00ad haps it represents the corn goddess as a mater dolorosa, silently mourning the rape of Persephone. The emotion is conveyed with classic restraint; all the tenderness of motherhood, and its silent resignation, are in the face and eyes. This and the Hermes, and not those ingratiating Aphrodites, are the living sculptural masterpieces of fourth-century Greece.\n\" This lovely head, which has been used as symbol and first illustration for this volume, was stolen from the little museum at Tegea, and, after nine years' search, was found in a granary in a village of Arcadia by Alexandre Philadelpheus, the gracious curator of the National Museum at Athens. Both the subject and the period are uncertain; but the Prax\u00ad itelean style seem to date it in the fourth century. M. Philadelpheus considers it \"the pearl of the National Musewn.\"\nCHAPTER  XXI\nTheZenith  of Philosophy\nI.  THE SCIENTISTS\nOMPARED with the bold advance of the fifth century, and the revolu\u00ad\ntionary achievements of the third, science in the fourth marked time, and contented itself, in great part, with recording its accumulations. Xenocrates wrote a history of geometry, Theophrastus a history of natural philosophy, Menon a history of medicine, Eudemus histories of arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy.1 The problems of religion, morals, and politics appearing to be more vital and pressing than the problems of nature, men turned with Socrates from the objective study of the material world to a consideration of the sou] and the state.\nPlato loved mathematics, dipped his philosophy into it deeply, dedicated the Academy to it, almost, in Syracuse, gave a kingdom for it. But arithmetic was for him a half-mystical theory of number; geometry was not a measuring of the earth, it was a discipline of pure reason, a portal to the mind of God. Plu\u00ad tarch tells of Plato's \"indignation\" at Eudoxus and Archytas for carrying on experiments in mechanics, \"as the mere corruption and annihilation of the one good of geometry, which was thus shamefully turning its back upon the un\u00ad embodied objects of pure intelligence to recur to sensation, and to ask help ... from matter.\" In this way, Plutarch continues, \"Mechanics came to be sepa\u00ad rated from geometry, and, repudiated or neglected by philosophers, took its place as a military art.\"\" Nevertheless, in his own abstract way, Plato served mathematics well. He redefined the point as the beginning of a line,\" formu\u00ad lated a rule for finding square numbers that are the sum of two squares,' and invented or developed mathematical analysis\"-i.e., the proof or disproof of a proposition by considering the results that follow from assuming it; the reductio ad absurdum is one form of this method. The emphasis on mathematics, in 'the curriculum of the Academy, helped the science if only by training such crea\u00ad tive pupils as Eudoxus of Cnidus and Heracleides of Pontus.\nPlato's friend Archytas, besides being seven times chosen strategos of Taras, and writing several tracts of Pythagorean philosophy, developed the mathe\u00ad matics of music, doubled the cube, and wrote the first known treatise on me\u00ad chanics. Antiquity credited him with three epochal inventions-the pulley, the screw, and the rattle; the first two laid the foundations of machine industry, the\n500\nCHAP.XX!)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t501\nthird, says the grave Aristotle, \"gave children something to occupy them, and so prevented them from breaking things about the house.\"\" In this same age Dinostratus \"squared the circle\" by using the quadratrix curve. His brother Menaechmus, a pupil of Plato, founded the geometry of conic sections,\u2022 doubled the cube, formulated the theoretical construction of the five regular solids,t advanced the theory of irrational numbers, and gave the world a famous phrase. \"0 King,\" he said to Alexander, \"for traveling over the country there are both royal roads and roads for common citizens; but in geometry there is\none road for all.\"t8\nThe great name in fourth-century science is Eudoxus, who helped Praxiteles to give Cnidus a niche in history. Born there about 408, he set out at the age of twenty-three to study medicine with Philistion at Locri, geometry with Archytas at Taras, and philosophy with Plato at Athens. He was poor, and lived cheaply at the Piraeus, whence he walked to the Academy every scholastic day. After a stay in Cnidus he went to Egypt and spent sixteen months study\u00ad ing astronomy with the priests of Heliopolis. We find him next in Propontine Cyzicus, lecturing on mathematics. At the age of forty he moved with his pupils to Athens, opened there a school of science and philosophy, and for a time rivaled Plato. Finally he returned to Cnidus, set up an observatory, and was entrusted with the task of giving the city a new code of laws.9\nHis contributions to geometry were fundamental. He invented the theory of proportion,\u00a7 and most of the propositions, transmitted to us in the fifth book of Euclid; and he devised the method of exhaustion which made it possible to calculate the area of the circle and the volume of the sphere, the pyramid, and the cone; without this preliminary work Archimedes would have been im\u00ad possible. But the absorbing interest of Eudoxus was in astronomy. We catch the spirit of the scientist in his remark that he would gladly be consumed like Phaethon if he might thereby discover the nature, size, and form of the sun.'\u00b0 The word astrology was then used to include what we call astronomy, but Eudoxus advised his pupils to ignore the Chaldean theory that a person's for\u00ad tune could be told by noting the position of the stars at the time of his birth. He longed to reduce all celestial motions to fixed laws; and in his Phainomena\u00ad which antiquity considered its greatest book on astronomy-he laid the founda\u00ad tion for the scientific predicton of the weather.\nThe Greeks defined conic sections as the figures-ellipse, parabola, and hyperbola-pro\u00ad duced by cutting an acute-angled, a right-angled, and an obtuse-angled cone with a plane perpendicular to an element.' Modem mathematics adds the circ;;le and intersecting lines.\nt The tetrahedron (pyramid), hexahedron (cube), octahedron, dodecahedron, and icosa\u00ad\nhedron-convex solids enclosed by four, six, eight, twelve, or twenty regular polygons.\n:j: The Royal Roads, or King's Highways, usually referred to the great roads of the Persian F.mpire. The story is told also of Euclid and Ptolemy l.88"]
[-1.3778295516967773, -5.8298187255859375, "A ROMAN HOLIDAY\nTbe Stage\nHaving many gods to worship, and many provinces to milk, Rome had many holidays, once solemn with religious pageantry, now gay with secular delight. In summer many of the poor fled from the humid heat to suburban or riverside taverns or groves, drinking, dining, dancing, and loving in the open air. Those who could afford it might go to the bathing resorts that lined the western coast, or sport with the rich on Baiae's bay. In winter it was the ambition of every caste-conscious Roman to go south, if possible to Rhegium or Tarentum, and return with a coat of tan as a certificate of class. But those who stayed in Rome found entertainment plentiful and cheap. Recitations, lectures, concerts, mimes, plays, athletic contests, prize fights, horse races, chariot races, mortal combats of men with men or beasts, not-quite-sham naval battles on artificial lakes-never was a city more bountifully amused. In the early Empire there were in the Roman year seventy-six festival days on which Judi were performed. Of these, fifty-five were Judi scenici,\nApicius squandered a huge fortune in extravagant living; then, being reduced to_10,000,000 sesterces ($1,500,000), he committed suicide.w Two hundred years later a classic of gas\u00ad tronomy-De re coquinaria-was attributed to him by a device permitted in antiquity.\n378\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\ndevoted to plays or mimes; twenty-two were games in the circus, the stadium, or the amphitheater. The number of Judi increased until by A.D. 354 they were presented on 175 days in the year.91 This meant no growth in the Roman drama; on the contrary, the drzma decayed while the stage prospered. Original dramas were now written to be read rather than played; the theater contented itself with old Roman and Greek tragedies, old Roman comedies, and mimes. Stars dominated the stage and made huge fortunes. Aesopus the tragedian, after a life of assiduous extravagance, left 20,000,- 000 sesterces. Roscius the comic actor made 500,000 sesterces a year and became so rich that for several seasons he acted without pay-a scorn of money that made this ex-slave the lion of aristocratic gatherings. The games of the circus and the amphitheater absorbed the interest and coarsened the taste of the public, and the Roman drama died in the arena, another martyr to Roman holidays.\nThrough emphasis on acting and scenery rather than plot or thought, the drama gradually yielded the stage to mimes and pantomimes. The mime contained little dialogue, chose its themes from lowly life, and relied on character sketches presented with skillful mimicry. Freedom of speech, hav\u00ad ing disappeared from the assemblies and the Forum, survived for a moment in these brief farces, when a mime would risk his head to earn applause by a double-entendre aimed at an emperor or his favorites. Caligula had an actor burned alive in the amphitheater for such an allusion.92 On the day when the parsimonious Vespasian was buried a mime imitated the obsequies. During the procession the corpse sat up and asked how much this funeral was costing the state. \"Ten million sesterces,\" was the answer. \"Give me 100,000,\" said the imperial cadaver, \"and throw me into the Tiber.\" 93 The mime alone admitted women as actors; and as these were thereby auto\u00ad matically classed as prostitutes, they had nothing to lose by obscenity. On special occasions like the Floralia the audience called upon these performers to remove every garment.9-1 Both sexes attended these performances, as in our time. Cicero found brides there, and they found him.\nBy suppressing speech altogether, and raising the theme to subjects from classic literature, the pantomime (\"all mimicry\") was evolved out of the mime. There was a profit in foregoing language; the polyglot population of Rome, of which a considerable pan could understand only the simplest Latin, followed the acticn better when unburdened with words. In 21 B.C. two actors, Pylades of Cilicia and Bathyllus of Alexandria, came to Rome and introduced the pantomime-already popular in the Hellenistic East\u00ad by performing one-act plays composed only of music, action, gesture, and dance. Tired of dramas in ancient and pompous verse, Rome welcomed the new an, thrilled to the grace and skill of the actors, enjoyed the gorgeousness\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN  ROME\t379\nof their costumes, the splendor or humor of their masks, the trained and dieted perfection of their figures, the Oriental expressiveness of their hands, their quick znd versatile impersonation of diverse characters, their sensuous enactment of erotic scenes. Audiences divided into frantic cliques and claques in support of rival favorites; women of high station fell in love with the actors, and pursued them vvith gifts\u00b7and embraces, until one literally lost his head over Domitian's wife. The pantomime gradually drove all rivals but the mime from the Roman stage. The drama succumbed to the ballet.\nRoman .Music\nSuch a triumph was made possible by the high development of music and the dance. Under the Republic dancing had been looked upon as disgraceful; the younger Scipio had compelled the closing of schools that taught music and dancing,95 and Cicero had remarked that \"only a lunatic would dance when sober.\" 96 But the pantomimes made dancing a fashion, then a passion; nearly every private home, says Seneca, had a dancing platform, echoing to the feet of men and women; rich households now had a dancing master, as well as a chef and a philosopher, as part of their equipment. As practiced in Rome the dance involved the rhythmical movement of the hands and the upper body even more than of legs and feet. \\Vomen cultivated the art not only for its own attractiveness, but because it gave them flexibility and grace. The Romans loved music only less than power, money, women, and blood.\nLike nearly everything else in Rome's cultural life, her music came from Greece and had to fight its way against a conservatism that identified art with degeneration. In 1 r 5 B.C. the censors had forbidden the playing of any instrument except the short Italian flute. A century later the elder Seneca still considered music unmanly; but meanwhile Varro had devoted a book to De Musica, and this treatise, together with its Greek sources, became the support of many Roman works on musical theory.97 Finally the rich and sensuous Greek modes and instruments won the day over Roman awkward\u00ad ness and simplicity, and music became a regular element in the education of women, and frequently of men. By A.D. 50 it had captured all classes and sexes; men as well as women spent whole days in hearing, composing, or singing airs; at last even emperors climbed and descended scales, and the philosophic Hadrian, as well as the effeminate Nero, was proud of his skill on the lyre. Lyric poetry was intended to be sung with music, and music was seldom composed except for poetry; ancient music was subordinated to the verse, whereas with us the music tends to overwhelm the words. Choral music was popular and was frequently heard at weddings, games,\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nreligious ceremonies, and funerals. Horace was deeply moved by the sight and sound of youths and maidens singing his ccrmen saeculare. In such choruses all the voices sang the same note, though in different octaves; part singing was apparently unknown.\nThe basic instruments were the flute and the lyre. Our wind and string orchestras are still variations of these forms: the most heroic symphony is a judicious combination of puffing, plucking, scraping, and beating. The flute accompanied drama and was supposed to arouse emotion; the lyre attended song and was expected to elevate the soul. The flute1 was long, had many openings, and a greater range of expression than the modern instru\u00ad ment. The lyre and the cithara were like our harp, but took a greater variety of shapes. Among the Greeks they had been of modest size, but the Romans magnified them until Ammianus described citharas \"as large as carriages\"; 98 in general the Roman instruments, like ours, improved upon earlier ones chiefly in sonorousness and size. The strings of the lyre were made of gut or sinew and numbered up to eighteen; they were plucked with a plectrum or with the fingers-which alone could execute the quicker runs. From Alexandria, early in the first century, came the hydraulic organ, with several registers, stops, and orders of pipes. Nero fell in love with it, and the calm Quintilian was impressed by its versatility and power.\nFormal concerts were given, and musical contests played a part in some public games. Even modest dinners required a bit of music; Martial promises his guest at least a flute player;99 as for Trimalchio's feast, the tables are wiped in rhythm with song. Caligula h::id an orchestra and a chorus on his pleasure boat. At the pantomimes sy111pboniae were performed-i.e., a chorus sang and danced to the accompaniment of an orchestra. Sometimes the actcr would sing the solo parts, sometimes a professional singer (cantor) sang the words while the actor gestured or danced. It was not unheard of for a panto\u00ad mime to be accompanied by 3000 singers and 3000 dancers.100 The orchestra was led by flutes, aided by lyres, cymbals, pipes, trumpets, \"syringes,\" and scabella-boards fastened to the players' feet and capable of producing a pandemonium even more frightful than that of a modern orchestra at the height of its powers. Seneca mentions harmony in the playing of indi\u00ad viduals,101 but there is no sign that ancient orchestras used harmony con\u00ad trapuntally. The accompaniment was usually on a higher note than the song, but it did not, so far as we know, pursue a distinct sequence.\nVirtuosi were plentiful and minor performers abounded. Talent con\u00ad verged from all provinces upon the center of the world's gold, while the institution of slavery permitted the training of choruses and orchestras on a large but inexpensive scale. 1\\lany rich establishments had their own musi\u00ad cians, and sent the most promising to famous teachers for advanced instruc-\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\ntion. Some became citbaroedi and gave concerts in which they sang and played the lyre; some specialized in singing, usually composing their own songs; some gave concerts on the organ or the flute like Cannus, who boasted, in the style of Beethoven, that his music could alleviate sorrow, increase joy, elevate piety, and fan the flame of love.102 These professionals went on extended concert tours throughout the Empire, earning plaudits, fees, public monuments, and infatuations; some, says Juvenal, sold their love for an added honorarium.103 \"\\Vomen fought for the plectra with which famous players had touched the strings, and offered sacrifice at the altars for the victory of their musical favorites in the Neronian and Capitoline games. We can faintly picture the imposing scene when musicians and poets from all the realm competed before great throngs, and the breathless winners re\u00ad ceived the crown of oak leaves from the emperor's hands.\n\"\\Ve do not know enough of Roman music to describe its quality. Ap\u00ad parently it was louder, fuller, wilder than the Greek; a weird Oriental quality had entered it from Egypt, Asia .Minor, and Syria. Old men mourned that recent composers were abandoning the restraint and dignity of the classic style, and were disordering the soul and nerves of youth with extrava\u00ad gant airs and noisy instruments. Certainly no people ever loved music more. The songs of the stage were caught up by a lively and volatile populace and rang through the streets and windows of Rome; the complex airs of the pantomimes were so fondly remembered that devotees could tell from the first notes of a strain to what play and scene it belonged. Rome made no real contribution to music, except perhaps through the better organiza\u00ad tion of performers into larger groups. But it honored music with exuberant usage and resilient response; it gathered the musical heritage of the ancient world into its t-emples, theaters, and homes; and when it passed it left to the Church the instruments and elements of the music that moves and deepens us today.\nTbe Games\nNow that war seemed banished, the great games were the most exciting event of the Roman year. They took place chiefly in celebration of religious festivals-of the Great Mother, of Ceres, of Flora, of Apollo, of Augustts; they might be the \"Plebeian Games\" to appease the plebs, or \"Roman Games\" in honor of the city and its goddess Roma; they might be offered in connection with triumphs, candidacies, elections, or imperial birthdays; they might, like the ludi saeculares, commemorate some cycle in Roman history. Like the games of Achilles in honor of Patroclus, those of Italy had originally been offered as a sacrifice to dead men. At the funeral of\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nBrutus Pera in 264 B.c. his sons gave a \"spectacle\" of three duels; at the funeral of Marcus Lepidus in 216 B.C. twenty-two comb2ts were fought; and in 174 B.c. Titus Fbminius celebrated his father's death with gladiatorial games in which seventy-four men fought."]
[5.319239616394043, -16.865833282470703, "Almost any kind of argument might be made by the advocate. He could show the court pictures of the alleged crime, painted on canvas or wood; he could hold a child in his arms while arguing a point; he could bare the scars of an accused soldier or the wounds of a client. Defenses were con\u00ad trived against these weapons. Quintilian tells how one attorney, when his opponent illustrated a summation by bringing his client's children into court, threw dice among them; the children scrambled for the tesserae and ruined a peroration.43 The slaves of either party to a suit might be tortured to elicit evidence, but such evidence was not admissible against their owners. Hadrian decreed that slaves should be tortured for evidence only as a last resort and under the strictest regulations, and he warned the courts that evidence secured by torture could never be trusted. Legal torture neverthe\u00ad less persisted, and was extended in the third century to freemen.44 The jury voted by depositing marked tablets in an urn; a majority sufficed for a decision. In most cases the loser might appeal to a higher court, and finally, if he could afford it, to the emperor.\nPenalties were fixed by law rather than left to the discretion of the judge. They varied with the rank of the offender, being severest for the slave; he might be crucified, the citizen might not; and no Roman citizen, as every reader of the Acts of the Apostles knows, could be scourged, tortured, or put to death over his appeal to the emperor. Different penalties were laid upon bonestiores and bunziliores for the same crime; they varied also accord\u00ad ing as the offender was freeborn or freeman, solvent or bankrupt, soldier or civilian. The simplest punishment was a fine. Since the value of currency changed more rapidly than the penalties named in the law, certain anomalies ensued. The Twelve Tables exacted a fine of twenty-five asses (originally twenty-five pounds of copper) for striking a freeman; when rising prices\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVIII\nhad lowered the as to six cents Lucius Veratius went about striking freemen in the face, followed by a slave who counted out nventy-five asses to each victim.45 Some offenses resulted in infamia (\"speechlessness\"), chiefly the inability to appear, or be represented by another, in an action at law. A more stringent punishment was loss of civic rights (capitis de-minutio), which took the progressive forms of incapacity to inherit, deportation, and enslavement. Deportation was the harshest form of exile: the condemned man was put in chains, confined in some inhospitable place, and deprived of all his property. Exilium was milder in allowing the victim to live in freedom wherever he pleased outside of Italy; relegatio, as in the case of Ovid, involved no con\u00ad fiscation, but compelled the outcast to stay in a specified town, usually far from Rome. Imprisonment was seldom used as a permanent punishment, but men might be condemned to menial labor on public works, or in the mines, or in the quarries of the state. Under the Republic a freeman sentenced to death could escape the penalty by leaving Rome or Italy; under the Empire the death penalty was imposed with increasing frequency and ruthlessness. Prisoners of war, and in some cases other condemned men, might be thrown into the Career Tullianzmz, to die of starvation, rodents, and lice in under\u00ad ground darkness and irremovable filth.46 There Jugurtha died, and Simon Ben-Giora, heroic defender of Jerusalem against Titus. There, said tradition, Peter and Paul had languished before their crucifixion, and had written their last addresses to the young Christian world.\nTHE  LAW OF THE  NATIONS\nThe most difficult problem of Roman law was to adjust itself as an intelli\u00ad gent master to the varied codes and customs of the lands that Roman arms or diplomacy had won. J\\1any of these states were older than Rome; what they had lost in military courage they made up in proud traditions and a jealous fondness for their peculiar ways. Rome met the situation ably. A praetor peregrinus was appointed at first for the foreigners in Rome, then for Italy, then for the provinces; and power was given him to make some viable union between Roman and local law. The annual edicts of this praetor and the provincial governors and aediles gradually created the ius gentium by which the Empire was ruled.\nThis \"Law of the Nations\" was not an international law-not a body of commitments accepted by the generality of states as governing their i ter\u00ad relations. In a sense not much more tenuous than today there was in antiquity an international law, insofar as certain common customs were honored in peace and war-the mutual safeguarding of international merchants and\nCHAP. xvm)\tROMAN  LAW\ndiplomats, the granting of truce for the burial of the\u00b7dead,.abstention from the use of poisoned arrows, etc. The jurists of Rome, by a patriotic ,fiction, described the ius gentium as law common to all nations. But they were too modest about Rome's part in it. Actually it\u00b7was local law adapted to Roman sovereignty, and designed to govern the peoples of Italy and the provinces without giving them Roman citizenship and the other rights of the ius civile. By a corresponding fiction the philosophers attempted to identify the Law of the Nations with the ''Law of Nature.\" The Stoics defined the latter as a moral code implanted in man by \"natural reason.\" Nature, they held, was a system of reason, a logic and order in all things; this order, spontaneously developing in society, and coming to consciousness in man, was natural law.\nCicero phrased the fancy in a famous passage:\nTrue law is. right reason in agreement with nature, world-wide in scope, unchanging, everlasting.... We may not oppose or alter that law, we cannot abolish it, we cannot be freed from its obligations by any legislature, and we need not look outside ourselves for an ex\u00ad pounder of it. This law does not differ for Rome and for Athens, for the present and for the future; . . . it is and will be valid for all nations and all times. . . . He who disobeys it denies himself and his own nature.47\nIt was a perfect statement of an ideal that grew in force as Stoicism reached the throne in the Antonines. Ulpian developed it into the far-reaching prin\u00ad ciple that class distinctions and privileges are accidental and artificial; and from this it was but a step to the Christian conception of all men as funda\u00ad mentally equal. But when Gaius defined the ius ge11tiu111 as simply \"the law which natural reason has established among all mankind,\" 48 he was mis\u00ad taking Roman anus for Divine Providence. Roman law was the logic and economy of force; the great codes of ius civile and ius gentiunz were the rules by which a wise conqueror gave order, regularity, and time's sanctity to a sovereignty based upon the legions' strength. They were natural, but only in the sense that it is natural for the strong to use and abuse the weak.\nNevenheless, there is something noble in this imposing architecture of government called Roman law. Since the victor must rule, it is a boon that the rules of his mastery should be clearly expressed; in this sense law is the consistency of power. It was natural that the Romans should create the greatest system of law in history: they loved order and had the means to enforce it; upon the chaos of a hundred diverse nations they laid an imperfect but sublime authority and peace. Other states had had laws, and legislators like Hammurabi and Solon had issued small bodies of humane legislation; but no people had yet achieved that immense co-ordination, unification, and\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVIII\ncodification which occupied the highest legal minds of Rome from the Scaevolas to Justinian.\nThe flexibility of the ius gentium facilitated the transmission of Roman law to medieval and modem states. It was a happy accident that while the chaos of barbarian invasion was mutilating the legal heritage in the West, the Code, Digest, and Institutes of Justinian were collected and formulated in Constantinople, in the comparative security and continuity of the Empire in the East. Through those labors, and a hundred lesser channels, and the silent tenacity of useful ways, Roman law entered into the canon law of the medieval Church, inspired the thinkers of the Renaissance, and became the basic law of Italy, Spain, France, Germany, Hungary, Bohemia, Poland, even-within the British Empire-of Scotland, Quebec, Ceylon, and South Africa. English law itself, the only legal edifice of comparable scope, took its rules of equity, admiralty, guardianship, and bequests from Roman canon law. Greek science and philosophy, Judeo-Greek Christianity, Greco-Ro\u00ad man democracy, Roman law-these are our supreme inheritance from the ancient world.\nThe Philosopher Kings\nA.D. 96-1 So\nNERVA\nITH the assassination of Domitian the principle of heredity disap\u00ad peared for a century from Roman monarchy. The Senate had never recognized inheritance as a source of sovereignty; now, after 12 3 years of submission, it reasserted its authority; and as in Rome's beginnings it had chosen the king, now it named one of its own members princeps and im\u00ad perator. It was an act of courage intelligible only when we remember that the vigor of the Flavian family was exhausted in that same generation which had seen the vitality of the Senate renewed by Italian and provincial blood. Marcus Cocceius Nerva was sixty-six when supremacy surprised him.\nThe colossal Nerva of the Vatican shows a handsome and virile face; no one would suppose that this was a respectable jurist with a bad stomach, a mild and amiable poet who had once been hailed as \"the Tibullus of our time.\" 1 Perhaps the Senate had chosen him for his gray harmlessness. He consulted it on all policies, and kept his pledge never to be the cause of death to any of its members. He recalled Domitian's exiles, restored their property, and moderated their revenge. He distributed 60,000,000 sesterces' worth of lands among the poor, and established the alimenta-a state fund to encourage and finance parentage among the peasantry. He annulled many taxes, low\u00ad ered the inheritance dues, and freed the Jews from the tribute that Vespasian had laid upon them. At the same time he repaired the finances of the state by economy in his household and his government. With reason he thought that he had been just to all classes, and remarked that \"I have done nothing that could prevent me from laying down the imperial office and returning to private life in safety.\" 2 But a year after his accession the Praetorian Guard, which had been forestalled in his nomination and resented his economy, besieged his palace, demanded the surrender of Domitian's assassins, and killed several of Nerva's councilors. He offered his throat to the swords of the soldiers, but they spared him. Humiliated, he wished to abdicate, but his friends persuaded him, instead, to return to Augustus' example and adopt as his son and successor a man acceptable to the Senate and capable of ruling\n4\u00b07\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nnot only the Empire, but the Guard as well. The greatest debt that Rome owed Nerva was that he chose Marcus Ulpius Traianus to succeed him. Three months later, after a reign of sixteen months, he passed away (98).\nThe principle of adoption thus accidentally restored meant that each emperor, as he felt his powers decline, would associate with himself in rule the ablest and fittest man he could find, so that when death came there would be neither the absurdity of a Praetorian elevation, nor the risk of a natural but worthless heir, nor a civil war among competitors for the throne. It was a lucky chance that no son was born to Trajan, Hadrian, or Antoninus Pius, and that each could apply the adoptive plan without slighting his offspring or his own parental love. While the principle was maintained it gave Rome \"the finest succession of good and great sovereigns the world has ever had.\" 3"]
[-5.424875259399414, -14.9208984375, "But his triumph did not deceive him; he knew that the problem of Ger-\u2022 many had not been solved. Convinced that further invasions could be pre\u00ad vented only by an active policy of extending the frontier to the mountains of Bohemia, he set forth with Commodus, in 178, on the Third Marcoman\u00ad nic War. Crossing the Danube, he again defeated the Quadi after a long and arduous campaign. No resistance remained, and he was about to annex the lands of the Quadi, the Marcomanni, and the Sarmatians (roughly Bo\u00ad hemia and Danubian Galicia) as new provinces, when sickness struck him down in his camp at Vindobona (Vienna). Feeling death's hand, he called Commodus to his side and warned him to carry through the policy which was now so near fulfillme t, and realize the dream of Augustus by pushing the boundary of the Empire to the Elbe.* Then he refused all further food or drink. On the sixth day he rose with his last strength and presented Com\u00ad modus to the army as the new emperor. Returning to his couch he covered his head with the sheet and soon afterward died. vVhen his body reached Rome the people had already begun to worship him as a god who for a while had consented to live on the earth.\n\"\\Ve must not merely acknowledge the resolution and tenacity of the ruler\" says the impartial Mommsen, \"but must also admit that he did what right policy enjoined/' 62\nCHAPTER  XX\nLife and Thought in the Second Century\nTACITUS\nHE policies of Nerva and Trajan liberated the suppressed mind of Rome, and gave to the literature of their reigns a note of fierce resent\u00ad\nment against a despotism that had gone but might come again. Pliny's Pane\u00ad gyric voiced it in welcoming the first of three great Spaniards to the throne; Juvenal seldom sang any other note; and Tacitus, the most brilliant of historians, became a delator temporis acti, an accuser of times past, and excoriated a century with his pen.\nWe do not know the date or place of Tacitus' birth, nor even his given name. Probably he was the son of Cornelius Tacitus, procurator of imperial revenue in Belgic Gaul; through this man's advancement the family was raised from the equestrian class into the new aristocracy.1 Our first definite fact about the historian is his own statement: \"Agricola, during his consul\u00ad ship (78) ...\tagreed to a marriage between myself and his daughter, who might certainly have looked for a prouder connection.\" 2 He had re\u00ad ceived the usual education, and had learned to the full those oratorical arts which enliven his style, that skill in pros and cons which marks the speeches in his histories. The younger Pliny often heard him in the courts, admired his \"stately eloquence,\" and acclaimed him as the greatest orator in Rome.3 In 88 Tacitus was praetor; thereafter he sat in the Senate and con\u00ad fesses with shame 4 that he failed to speak out against tyranny, and joined in the Senatorial condemnation of Domitian's Senatorial victims. Nerva made him consul (97), and Trajan appointed him proconsul of Asia. He was evidently a man of affairs and practical experience; his books were the aftenhought of a full life, the product of a leisurely old age, and of a mature and profound mind.\nOne theme unites them-hatred of autocracy. His Dialogue on Orators (if it is his) attributes the decline of eloquence to the suppression of libeny. His Agricola-the most perfect of those brief monographs to which the\n433\n434\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nancients confined biography-proudly recounts the achievements of his father-in-law as general and governor, and then bitterly records Domitian's dismissal and neglect of him. The little essay On the Situation and Origin of the Germans contrasts the virile virtues of a free people with the degenera\u00ad tion and cowardice of Romans under the despots. \\Vhen Tacitus praises the Germans for considering infanticide an infamy, and giving no advantage to childlessness, he is not describing Germans but denouncing Romans. The philosophical purpose destroys the objectivity of the study, but allows a remarkable breadth of view in a Rom:m official praising the German power of resisting Rome.5 *\nThe success of these essays induced Tacitus to illustrate the evils of\ntyranny by indicting the reccrd of the despcts in ruthless detail. He began with what was freshest in his memory and in the tes:imony of his older friends-the period from Galba to the death cf Dcmitian; and when these Historiae were acclaimed by a grateful aristccracy as the best historical writing since Livy, he continued his story a fronte by describing, in the Annales, the reigns of Tiberius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero. Of the four\u00ad teen (some say thiny) \"books\" of the Histories four and a h:1lf remain, all devoted to the years 69 and 70; of the Annals twelve books survive from an original sixteen or eighteen. Even in this mutilated form they are the most powerful works in extant Roman prose; we may vaguely imagine the grandeur and impress of the whole. Tacitus had hoped to chronicle also the reigns of Augustus, Nerva, and Trajan, mitigating the gloom of his published works with some commemoration of constructive statesmanship. But the years were not given him; and posterity has judged him, as he judged the past, from a somber aspect alone.\n\"The chief duty of the historian,\" he thought, \"is to judge the actions of men, so that the good may meet with the reward due to virtue, and perni\u00ad cious citizens may be deterred by the condemnation that awaits evil deeds at the tribun:11 of posterity.\" 6 It is a strange conception, which turns history into a Last Judgment and the histori:m into God. So conceived, history is a sermon-ethics teaching by horrible examples-and falls, as Tacitus\u00b7 as\u00ad sumed, under the rubric of rhetoric. It is easy for indi211ation to be eloquent but hard for it to be fair; no moralist should write history. Tacitus re- membered tyranny too intim tely to view tyrants calmly; he saw nothing in Augustus but th destrucuon of freedom and supposed that all Roman genius had ended with Actiu .7 Heseems never to hwe thought of temper\u00ad ing his indictments by ecordmg the exc_ellent_ administration and growing prosperity of the provinces under the imperial monsters; no one would\nIt was probably written in 98, before Trajan's campaign against the Dacians.\nCHAP.XX)   LIFE  IN THE SECOND CENTURY\t435\nsuspect, from reading him, that Rome was an empire as well as a city. Per\u00ad haps the lost \"books\" viewed the provincial world; those that remain make T acirus a deceptive guide, who never lies but never reveals the truth. He often cites, and sometimes critically examines, hissources-histories, speeches, letters, Acta Diurna, Acta Senatus, and the traditions of old families; but for the most'part he has heard only the stories of the persecuted nobility, and never imagines that'the executions of senators and the assassinations of emperors were incidents in a long contest between vicious, cruel, and com\u00ad petent monarchs and a decadent, cruel, and incompetent aristocracy. He is fascinated by striking personalities and events rather than by forces, causes, ideas, and processes; he draws the most brilliant and unjust character por\u00ad traits in history, but he has no conception of economic influences upon po\u00ad litical events, no interest in the life and industry of the people, the stream of trade, the conditions of science, the status of woman, the vicissitudes of be\u00ad lief, the achievements of poetry, philosophy, or art. In T acirus Seneca, Lucan, and Petronius die, but they do not write; the emperors kill, but they do not build. Perhaps the great historian was limited by his audience; prob\u00ad ably he read parts of his work-following the custom of the time-to the aristocratic friends whom Pliny describes as crowding to his receptions; he would have told us that these men and women knew Roman life, ind1:stry, literature, and art, and did not have to be reminded of them; what they wanted to hear, again and again, was the exciting story of the evil emperors, the heroic deeds of stoic senators, the long war of their noble class against tyrannical power. We cannot condemn T acirus for not succeeding in what he did not attempt; we can only regret the narrowness of his great purpose and the limitations of his powerful mind.\nHe does not pretend to be a philosopher. He praises Agricola's mother for dissuading her son, who \"had acquired a keener zest for philosophy than became a Roman and a senator.\" 8 His imagination and art, like Shakespeare's. were too creatively active to let him ponder quietly the meaning and possi\u00ad bilities of life. He is as rich in illuminating comment as in unverified scandal: but it is difficult to find in him any consistent view of God, or man, or the state. He is cautiously ambiguous on matters of faith, and suggests 9 that it is wiser to accept one's native religion than to try to replace it with knowl\u00ad edge. He rejects most astrologers, auguries, portents, and miracles, but accepts some; he is too much of a gentleman to deny the possibility of what so many have affirmed. In general, events seem to prove \"the inaifference of the gods to good and bad alike,\" 10 and the existence of some unknown, perhaps capricious, force that drives men and states fatallv onward to their destiny 11-urgentibus i-mperii fatis.12 He hopes tliat Agricola has departed\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nto a happy life, but he obviously doubts it, and contents himself with the last delusion of great minds-an immortality of fame.13\nNor does any utopian aspiration console him. \"Most plans of reforma\u00ad tion are at first embraced with ardor; but soon the novelty ceases, and the scheme ends in nothing.\" 14 Matters are temporarily better in his time, he reluctantly admits; but not even the genius of Trajan will prevent renewed deterioration.15 Rome is rotten literally to the core, in the hearts of men, of a populace whose disorder of soul has made an anarchy of freedom,16 a rabble \"fond of innovation and change, and ever ready to shift to the side of the strongest.\" 17 He mourns the \"malignity of the human mind,\" 18 and scorns like Juvenal the alien stocks in Rome. After blackening the Empire he does not dream of returning to the Republic, but hopes that the adoptive emperors will reconcile the Principate with liberty.19 In the end, he thinks, character is more important than government; what makes a people great is not its laws but its men.\nIf, despite our surprise in finding a sermon and a drama where we had looked for history, we must nevertheless rank Tacitus among the greatest of historians, it is because the povver of his art redeems the limitations of his view. Above all he sees intensely, sometimes deeply, always vividly. The portraits he draws stand out more clearly, stride the stage more livingly, than any others in historical literature. Here, too, however, there are blemishes.Tacitus composes speeches for his varied personages, all in his own fashion and majestic prose; he describes Galba as a simpleton and makes him talk like a sage.20 And he does not rise to the difficult art of making his char\u00ad acters develop in time. Tiberius is the same at the beginning of his reign as at the end; and if he appeared to be human at the outset it was, Tacitus thinks, pure dissimulation.\nFirst and last in Tacitus is the splendor of his style. No other author has ever said so much so compactly. This does not mean that he is brief; on the contrary, he is desultory and diffuse and takes 400 pages of the Histories to chronicle two years of time. Sometimes the condensation is extreme to the point of affectation or obscurity; every second word then requires a sentence to translate it; verbs and conjunctions are disdained as crutches for crippled minds. his is the culmination of Sallust's concise rapidity, of Seneca's pithy epigrams, of the balanced clauses taught in the schools of rhetoric. In a long work such a style, unrelieved with passacres of a more even tenor, becomes an exhausting excitement to the reader, , ho neverthe\u00ad less returns to it with mounting fascination. This martial brusqueness, more economical of words than of men, this scorn of the props of syntax, this\npassion off eeling and cle1mess of visualization, this tang of a nm;el vocabu\u00ad lary and murderous pungency of unhackneyed phrase, give to the writing"]
[9.961587905883789, 1.447083592414856, "ing as a guest\" in the human frame.37 He speaks hopefully of a life beyond death, where knowledge and virtue will be perfected; 38 and again he calls immortality \"a beautiful dream.\" 39 In truth Seneca has never thought these matters out to a consistent (or public) conclusion; he talks of them with the cautious inconsistency of a politician who agrees with everybody. He has followed too successfully his father's oratorical lessons, and expresses every point of view with irresistible eloquence.\nThe same hesitations mar and grace his moral philosophy. He is too Stoic to be practical, and too lenient to be Stoic. He sees about him an immorality that exhausts the body and debases the soul, never satisfying either; avarice and luxury have destroyed peace and health, and power has made man only an abler brute. How shall one free himself from this ignominious agitation?\nI read in Epicurus today: \"If you would enjoy real freedom you must be the slave of philosophy.\" The man who submits to her is emancipated there and then.... The body, once cured, often ails again . . . but the mind, once healed, is healed for good and all. I shall tell you what I mean by health: if the mind is content and con\u00ad fident; if it understands that those things for which all men pray, all the benefits that are sought or bestowed, are of no importance in relation to a life of happiness   Ishall give you a rule by which to\nmeasure yourself and your development: in that day you will come into your own when you realize that the successful are of all men\nmost miserable.40\nPhilosophy is the science of wisdom, and wisdom is the art of living. Happiness is the goal, but virtue, not pleasure, is the road. The 'old ridiculed maxims are correct and are perpetually verified by experience; in the long run honesty, justice, forbearance, kindliness, bring us more happiness than ever comes from the pursuit of pleasure. Pleasure is good, but only when consistent with virtue; it cannot be a wise man's goal; those who make it their end in life are like the dog that snaps at every piece of meat thrown to it, swallows it whole, and then, instead of enjoying it, stands with jaws agape anxiously awaiting more.41\nBut how does one acquire wisdom? By practicing it daily, in however\nmodest a degree; by examining your conduct of each day at its close; by being harsh to your own faults and lenient to those of others; by associating with those who e _cel you in wisdom and virtue; by taking some acknowl\u00ad edged sage as your invisible counselor and judge. You will be helped by reading the philosophers; not outline stories of philosophy, but the original\n\u00b7works; \"give over hoping that you can skim, by me:ins of epitomes, the wisdom of distinguished men.\"H  \"Every one of these men will send you\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP, XIV\naway happier and more devoted, no one of them will allow you to depart empty-handed. . . . What happiness, and what a noble old age, await him who h given himself into their patronage!\" 45 Read good books many times, rather than many books; travel slowly, and not too much; \"the spirit can\u00ad not mature into unity unless it has checked its curiosity and its wander\u00ad ings.\" 46 \"The primary sign of a well-ordered mind is a man's ability to remain in one place and linger in his own company.\" 47 Avoid crowds. \"Men are more wicked together than separately. If you are forced to be in a crowd, then most of all you should withdraw into yourself.\" 48\nThe final lesson of the Stoic is contempt and choice of death. Life is not\nalways so joyful as to merit continuance; after life's fitful fever it is well to sleep. \"What is baser than to fret at the threshold of peace?\" 49 If a man finds life grievous, and can leave it without serious injury to others, he should feel free to choose his own time and way. Seneca preaches suicide to Lucilius as if he were Lucilius' heir:\nThis is one reason why we cannot complain of life; it keeps no one against his will.... You have had veins cut for the purpose of re\u00ad ducing your weight. If you would pierce your heart, a gaping wound is not necessary; a lancet will open the way to freedom, and tranquil\u00ad lity can be purchased at the cost of a pinprick.50 \u2022\u2022\u2022\tWherever you look, there is an end to troubles. Do you see that precipice?-it is a descent to liberty. Do you see that river, that cistern, that sea?\u00ad freedom is in their depths.51 \u2022\u2022\u2022  But I am running on too long. How can a man end his life if he cannot end a letter? 52 \u2022 \u2022 \u2022 As for me, my dear Lucilius, I have lived long enough. I have had my fill. I await death. Farewell.53\nLife took him at his word. Nero sent a tribune to seek his answer to the charge that he had plotted to make Piso emperor; Seneca replied that he was no longer interested in politics, and sought nothing but peace and the opportunity to attend to \"a weak and crazy constitution.\" \"He showed no symptom of fear,\" reported the tribune, \"no sign of sorrow ... his words and looks bespoke a mind serene, erect, and finn.\" \"Return,\" said Nero, \"and tell him to die.\" \"Seneca heard the message,\" says Tacitus, \"with calm composure.\" He embraced his wife, and bade her be comforted by the honorableness of his life and the lessons of philosophy. But Paulina refused to outlive him; when his veins were opened she had hers opened too. He called for a secret ry and ictated a letter of arewell to the Roman people. He asked and received a dnnk of hemlock, as1f resolved to die like Socrates. As the physician placed him in a warm bath to ease his pain he sprinkled the nearest servants with the water, saying \"a libation to Jove the Deliverer\"; and after much suffering he passed away (65). At Nero's command the\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE\tSILVER  AGE\nphysician forcibly bound Paulina's wrists and stopped the flow of her blood; she survived her husband a few years, but her perpetual pallor re- called her stoic resolution.\t\"\nDeath glorified Seneca and made one generation forget his poses and his inconsistencies. Like all Stoics he underestimated the power and value of feeling and passion, exaggerated the worth and reliability of reason, and trusted too much to a nature in whose soil grow all the flowers of evil as well as of good. But he made Stoicism human, brought it down livably within the scope of men, and formed it into a spacious vestibule to Christi\u00ad anity. His pessimism, his condemnation of the immorality of his time, his counsel to return anger with kindness,54 and his preoccupation with death 55 made Terrullian call him \"ours,\" 56 and led Augustine to exclaim, \"\\Vhat more could a Christian say than this pagan has said?\" 57 He was not a Christian; but at least he asked for an end to slaughter and lechery, called men to a simple and decent life, and reduced the distinctions between free\u00ad man, freedman, and slave to \"mere titles born of ambition or of wrong.\" 68 It was a slave in Nero's court, Epictetus, who profited most from his teach\u00ad ing. Nerva and Trajan were in some measure molded by his writings and inspired by his example to conscientious and humanitarian statesmanship. To the end of antiquity and through the Middle Ages he remained popular; and when the rebirth came Petrarch placed him next to Virgil and upon Seneca's prose devotedly modeled his own. Montaigne's brother-in-law translated him into French, and Montaigne quoted him as fondly as Seneca quoted Epicurus. Emerson read him again and again 59 and became an Amer\u00ad ican Seneca. There are few original ideas in him; but that may be forgiven,\nfor in philosophy all truth is old, and only error is original. With all his\nfaults he was the greatest of Rome's philosophers and, at least in his books, one of the wisest and kindliest of men. Next to Cicero he was the most lovable hypocrite in history.\nROMAN SCIENCE\nTherefore we have given him too much space; nevertheless, we have not finished with him yet, for he was also a scientist. In those fertile years between his retirement and his death he amused himself with Quaestiones Naturales, and sought natural explanations of rain, hail, snow, wind, comets, rainbows, earth\u00ad quakes, rivers, springs. In his drama ':'[! ea e ha s gg ste he existence of n\u00ad other continent beyond the Atlantic. With similar mtmt10n, contemplating the overwhelming multitude of stars, he wrote, \"How many an orb, moving in the depths of space, has never yet reached the eyes of men!\" 61 And he adds, clairvoyantly, \"How many things our sons will learn that we cannot now sus-\n308\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\npect!-what others await centuries when our names will be forgotten! ... Our de cendants will marvel at our ignorance.\" 62 We do. Seneca, though always\neloquent, adds little to Aristotle and Aratus, and borrows abundantly from Poseidonius. He believes in divination despite Cicero, lapses into ludicrous tele\u00ad ology despite Lucretius, and interrupts his science at every turn to inculcate morality; he passes skillfully from mussels to luxury, and from comets to de\u00ad generation. The Fathers of the Church liked this mixture of meteorology and morals, and made the Quaestiones N aturales the most popular textbook of science in the Middle Ages."]
[8.241487503051758, -3.8797683715820312, "No biting storm can bring it down,\nNo impotent north wind, not the unnumbered series Of the years, nor the swift course of time.\nI shall iiot wholly die.\nThe slandered crowd ignored the Odes, the critics denounced them as tiresome artifice, the puritans declaimed against the songs of love. Augustus pronounced the poems immortal, asked for a fourth group that would cele\u00ad brate the exploits of Drusus and Tiberius in Germany, and chose Horace to write the carmen saeculare for the Secular Games. Horace complied, but without inspiration. The effort of the Odes had exhausted him. In his final\nwork he relaxed into the conversational hexameters of the Satires and wrote his Epistles as from a? easy chair. He had always wanted to be a p'hilosopher;\nnow he abandoned himself to wisdom, even while remaining a causeur. Since\nCHAP.Xll)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t249\na philosopher is a dead poet and a dying theologian, Horace, old at forty-five, was ripe to discuss God and man, morals and literature and art.\nThe most foamous of these letters, named by later critics \"The Art of Poetry,\" was addressed Ad Pisones-to some uncertain members of the Piso clan; it was no formal treatise, but a bit of friendly advice on how to write. Choose a subject suited to your powers, Horace says; beware of laboring like a mountain and producing a mouse.47 The ideal book is that which at the same time instructs and entertains; \"he who has mingled the useful with the pleasant wins every vote\"-omne tztlit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci.48 Avoid words that are new, obsolete, or \"sesquipedalian\"\u00ad foot-and-a-half words. Be as brief as clarity allows. Go straight to the heart of the matter-in medias res. In writing poetry do not imagine that emotion is everything. It is true that you must feel an emotion yourself if you wish the reader to feel it (si vis me fiere, dolendum est priunmz ipsi tibi) .49 But art is not feeling; it is form (here again is the challenge of the classic to the romantic style).* To achieve form, study the Greeks day and night; erase almost as much as you write; delete every \"purple patch\" (purpureus pannus); submit your work to a competent critic, and beware of your friends. If it survives all this, put it away for eight years; if then you do not perceive the uses of oblivion, publish it, but remember that it can never be recalled except by time: verba volant, scripta manent. If you write drama let the action, not your words, tell the story and delineate the char\u00ad acters. Do not represent horror on the stage. Obey the unities of action, time, and place: let the story be one and occur within a brief time in one place. Study life and philosophy, for without observation and understand\u00ad ing even a perfect style is an empty thing. Sapere aude: dare to know.\nHorace himself had obeyed all these precepts but one-he had not learned to weep. Because his feelings were too hin, or had been stifled into silence, he seldom rose to the high art that gives form to sincere sympathy, or to \"emotion remembered in tranquillity.\" He was too urbane. Nil admirari, \"to marvel at nothing,\" 50 was poor advice; to the poet everything should be a miracle, even when, like the sunrise or a tree, it greets him every day. Horace obsen\u00b0ed life, but not too deeply; he studied philosophy, but kept so persistently an \"even mind\" 51 that only his Odes rise above a \"golden me\u00ad diocrity.\" 52 He honored virtue like a Stoic, and respected pleasure like an Epicurean. \"\\Vho, then, is free?\" he asks, and answers, like Zeno, \"The wise man, he who is lord over himself, whom neither poverty nor death\n. \u2022 Almost neglected in the Middle Ages, Horace came into his own in the seventeenth and e1ghtcent centuries, the age of modern classicism, when every statesman and pamphleteer, abo_ve all m England, turned the poet's phrases into prose cliches. Boileau's L'Art poetique renved Horace's Ad Pisones and formed and chilled the French drama till Hugo; Pope's Essay on Criticism attempted a similar refrigeration in England, but was thawed by Byron's fire.\n250\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Xll\nnor bonds a.ffright, who defies his passions, scorns ambition, and is in him\u00ad self a whole.\" 53 One of his noblest poems sings a Stoic strain:\nIustum et tenacem propositi viri si fractus inlabatur orbis\nimpavidum ferient ruinae-\n\"If a man is just and resolute, the whole world may break and fall upon him and find him, in the ruins, undismayed.\" 54 But despite all this he calls him\u00ad self, with engaging honesty, \"a pig from Epicurus' sty.\" 55 Like Epicurus he placed more store on friendship than on love; like Virgil he lauded the reforms of Augustus, and remained a bachelor. He did his best to preach religion, but he had none. Death, he felt, ends all.56\nHis last days were clouded with this thought. He had his share of pains\u00ad stomach trouble, rheumatism, and much else. \"The years as they pass,\" he mourned, \"rob us of all joys, one by one.\" 57 And to another friend: \"Alas, 0 Postumus, the fleeting years slip by; nor shall piety hold back our wrinkles, or pressing age, or indomitable death.\" 58 He recalled how, in his first satire, he had hoped, when his time came, to quit life contentedly, \"like a guest who\nhas had his .fill.\" 59 Now he told himself: \"You have played enough, eaten enough, drunk enough; it is time for you to go.\" 6\u00b0Fifteen years have passed\nsince he had told J\\faecenas that he would not long survive the financier.61 In 8 B.c. Maecenas died, and a few months later Horace followed him. He left his property to the Emperor, and was laid to rest near Maecenas' tomb.\nLIVY\nAugustan prose achieved no triumphs equal to those of Augustan verse. Oratory subsided as the making of laws and decisions passed in reality if not in form from Senate and assemblies to the secret chambers of the prince. Scholarship continued its quiet course, sheltered from present storms by its ghostly interests. It was only in the writing of history that the age achieved a masterpiece in prose.\nBorn in Patavium (Padua) in 59, Titus Livius came to the capital, de\u00ad voted himself to rhetoric and philosophy, and gave the last forty years of his life (2 3 B.C.-A.D. 17) to writing a history of Rome. That is all we know of him; \"Rome's historian has no history.\" 63 Like Virgil he came from the region of the Po, retained the old virtues of simplicity and piety, and\u00ad perhaps through the pathos of distance-developed a passionate reverence for the Eternal City. His work was planned on a majestic scale and was completed; of its 142 \"books\" only thirty-five have come down to us; as\nCHAP.XII)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t251\nthese fill six volumes we may judge the magnitude of the whole. Apparently it was published in parts, each with a separate title, and all under the general heading, Ab urbe condita-\"From the city's foundation.\" Augustus could forgive its republican sentiments and heroes, since its religious, moral, and patriotic tone accorded well with the Emperor's policies. He took Livy into his friendship and encouraged him as a prose Virgil who was beginning where the poet had left off. Halfway on his long journey from 753 to 9 B.C., Livy thought of stopping, on the ground that he had already won lasting fame; he went on, he says, because he found himself restless when he ceased to write.64\nRoman historians looked upon history as a hybrid child of rhetoric and philosophy: if we may believe them, they wrote to illustrate ethical pre\u00ad cepts with eloquent narrative-to-adorn a moral with a tale. Livy was trained as an orator; finding oratory censured and dangerous, \"he took to history,\" says Taine, \"so that he could still be an orator.\"();; He began with a stem preface, denouncing the immorality, luxury, and effeminacy of the age; he buried himself in the past, he tells us, to forget the evils of his time, \"when we can bear neither our diseases nor their remedies.\" He would set forth, through history, the virtues that had made Rome great-the unity and holi\u00ad ness of family life, the pietas of children, the sacred relation of men with the gods at every step, the sanctity of the solemnly pledged word, the stoic self-control and gravitas. He would make that stoic Rome so noble that its conquest of the Mediterranean would appear as a moral imperative, a divine order and law cast over the chaos of the East and the barbarism of the West. Polybius had ascribed Rome's triumph to its form of government; Livy would make it a corollary of the Roman character."]
[6.721585273742676, -5.217326641082764, "Soles occidere et redire possunt; nobis cum semel occidit brevis lux, nox est perpetua una dormienda.\nDa mi basia mille, deinde centum,\ndein mille altera, dein secunda centum\t,34\nCHAP.VIII)  LITERATURE  UNDER  THE  REVOLUTION\t157\nWe do not know how long this ecstasy lasted; probably his thousands wearied her, and she who had betrayed her husband for him found it a relief to betray him for another. Her benefactions now ranged so widely that Catullus madly fancied her \"embracing at once three hundred adul\u00ad terers.\" 35 In the very heat of his love he came to hate her (odi et amo 36) and rejected with a Keatsian image her protestations of fidelity:\nA woman's words to hungry lover said Should be upon the flowing winds inscribed, Upon swift streams engraved.37\n\\Vhen sharp doubt became dull certainty his passion turned to bitterness and coarse revenge; he accused her of yielding to tavern habitues, denounced her new lovers with obscene abandon, and meditated\u00b7suicide, poetically. At the same time he was capable of nobler feelings: he addressed to his friend Manlius a touching epithalamium or wedding song, envying him the whole\u00ad some comradeship of marriage, the security and stability of a home, and the happy tribulations of parentage. He snatched himself from the scene by accompanying Memmius to Bithynia, but he was disappointed in his hopes\nof restoring there his spirits or his purse. He went out of his way to find the grave of a brother who had died in the Troad; over it he performed reverently the ancestral burial rites; and soon afterward he composed tender lines that gave the world a famous phrase:\nDear brother, through many states and seas Have I come to this sorrowful sacrifice, Bringing you the last gift for the dead. . . . Accept these offerings wet with fraternal tears; And forever, brother, hail and farewell.*\nHis sojourn in Asia changed and softened him. The skeptic who had written of death as \"the sleep of an eternal night\" was moved by the old religions and ceremonies of the East. In the rich and flowing verse of his greatest poem, \"Atys,\" he described with vivid intensity the worship of Cybele, and caught an exotic fervor in the lament of the self-emasculated devotee over the joys and friends of his youth. In \"Peleus and Thetis\" he retold the tale of Peleus and Ariadne in hexameters of such melodious delicacy as even Virgil would hardly equal. In a small yacht bought at Amastris he sailed through the Black Sea, the Aegean, and the Adriatic, and\nMultas per genres et multa per aequora vectus advenio has miseras, frater, ad inferias,\nut te postremo donarem munere monis. . . . Accipe fraterno multum manantia fletu, atque in perpetuum, frater, ave atque vale.38\nCAESAR  AND CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\nup the Po to Lake Garda and his villa at Sinnio. \"Oh, what happier way is there to escape the cares of the world,\" he asked, \"than to return to our own homes and altars, and rest on our own beloved bed?\" 39 Men begin by seeking happiness and are content at last with peace.\nWe know Catullus more intimately than most Roman poets, because his subject is nearly always himself. These lyric cries of love and hate reveal a sensitive and kindly spirit, capable of generous feeling even for relatives, but unpleasantly self-centered, deliberately obscene, and merciless to his enemies. He published their most private peculiarities, their pederastic pro\u00ad pensities, their bodily odor. One of them washes his teeth with urine, after an old Spanish custom; 4-0 another is so foul of breath that if he should open his mouth all persons near him would fall dead.41 Catullus oscillates easily between love and offal, kisses and fundaments; he rivals Martial as a guide to the street-corner urology of Rome, and suggests in his contemporaries and his class a mixture of primitive coarseness with civilized refinement, as if educated Romans, however versed in the literature of Greece, could never quite forget the stable and the camp. Catullus pleads, like Martial, that he must salt his lines with dirt to hold his audience.\nHe atoned for these faults by the conscientious perfection of his verse. His hendecasyllabics leap with a naturalness and spontaneity that escape the artifices of Horace and occasionally rise above all the graces of Virgil. It took much art to conceal his art, and Catullus more than once refers to the painful toil and care that produced his quick intelligibility and apparent ease. His vocabulary helped him to this end; he molded the words of popular speech into poetry, and enriched the Latin of literature with affectionate diminutives as well as tavern slang. He avoided inversions and obscurities, and gave to his lines a limpid fluidity grateful to the ear. He pored over the poets of Hellenistic Alexandria and ancient Ionia: mastered the smooth technique and varied meters of Callimachus, the lusty directness of Archil\u00ad ochus, the vinous exuberance of Anacreon, the amorous ecstasy of Sappho; indeed, it is largely through him that we must guess how these poets wrote. He learned their lessons so thoroughly that he became, from their pupil, . their equal. He did for Latin poetry what Cicero did for Latin prose: he took it as crude potency and lifted it to an art that only Virgil would surpass.\nTHE  SCHOLARS\nHow were Latin books written, illustrated, bound, published, sold? For school exercises, short letters, transient commercial records, the Romans through antiquity wrote with a stylus upon waxed tablets and erased with the thumb.\nCHAP. vm)  LITERATURE  UNDER THE  REVOLUTION\t159\nTheoldest literary Latin known to us was written with quill and ink upon paper manufactured in Egypt from the pressed and glued leaves of the papyrus tree. In the first centuries of our era parchment made from the dried skins of animals began to rival papyrus as a receptacle of l:terature and important docu\u00ad ments. A folded sheet of membrane, or vellum, constituted a diploma, or two\u00ad fold. Usually a literary work was issued as a roll (volumen, \"wound up\"), and was read by unrolling as the reading progressed. The text was customarily written two or three narrow colzmmae to a page, often without punctuation of clauses or even separation of words. Some manuscripts were illustrated by ink drawings; Varro's Imagines, e.g., consisted of 700 portraits of famous men, each picture accompanied by a biographical note. Anyone could publish a manu\u00ad script by hiring slaves to make copies, and selling the copies. Rich men had clerks who copied for them any book they wished to own. Since copyists were fed rather than paid, books were cheap. First \"printings\" were usually of a thou\u00ad sand copies. Booksellers bought wholesale from publishers like Atticus, and sold at retail in arcade bookstalls. Neither publisher nor bookseller gave the author anything except courtesy and occasional gifts; royalties were unknown. Private libraries were now numerous; and about 40 B.C. Asinius Pollio made his great collection the first public library in Rome. Caesar planned a still larger one, and made Varro its director; but this, like so many of his ideas, waited upon Augustus for its fulfillment.\nStimulated by these facilities, Roman literature and scholarship began to equal the industry of the Alexandrians. Poems, pamphlets, histories, textbooks rivaled the Tiber's floods; every aristocrat adorned his escapades with verse, every lady composed words and music, every general wrote memoirs. It was an age of \"outlines\"; summaries on every subject struggled to meet the needs of a hurried commercial age. J\\Iarcus Terentius Varro, despite many military campaigns, found time during his eighty-nine years ( 116-26 B.c.) to synopsize nearly every branch of knowledge; his 620 \"volumes\" (some seventy-four books) constituted a one-man encyclopedia for his time. Fascinated by the pedigrees of words, he wrote an essay On the Latin Language, now our chief guide to early Roman speech. Perhaps in co-operation with the aims of Augustus, he tried in his treatise On Country Life (De Re Rustica, 36 B.c.) to encourage a return to the land as the best refut;e from the disorder of civil strife. '?vly eightieth year,\" said his introduction, \"warns me that I must pack up and prepare to leave this life\"; 42 he would make his last testament a guide to rural happiness and peace. He admired the sturdy women who were delivered of children in the fields and soon resumed work.43 He mourned the low native birth rate that was transforming the popula\u00ad tion of Rome; \"formerly the blessing of children was woman's pride; now she boasts with Ennius that she 'would rather face battle three times than bear one child.' \" In his Divine Antiquities he concluded that the fertility, order, and courage of a nation require moral commandments supported by religious belief. Adopting the distinction of the great jurist Q. Mucius Scaevola between two kinds of religion-one for philosophers and one for the people 44-he argued that\n160\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\nthe second must be upheld regardless of its intellectual defects; and though he himself accepted only a vague pantheism,\u2022 he proposed a vigorous attempt to restore the worship of Rome's ancient deities. Influenced by Cato and Polybius, he in his turn decisively affected the religious policy of Augustus and the pious ruralism of Virgil.\nAs if to complete the work of the elder Cato in every field, Varro continued the censor's Origines in his Life of the Roman People-a history of Roman civil\u00ad ization. It is a pity that time has scuttled this and nearly all of Varro's work, while preserving the schoolboy biographies of Cornelius Nepos. In Rome history was an art, never also a science; not even in Tacitus did it rise to a critical scrutiny and summary of sources. History as rhetoric, however, found in this age a bril\u00ad liant practitioner-Caius Sallustius Crispus (86-35 B.c.). He play:ed a vigorous role as politician and warrior on Caesar's side, governed Numidia, stole with skill, and spent a fortune on women; then he retired to a life of luxury and letters in a Roman villa that became famous for jts gardens and was to be the home of emperors. His books, like politics, were a continuation of war by other means; his Histories, ]ugurthine War, and Catiline were able defenses of the populares, powerful attacks upon the \"old guard.\" He exposed the moral decay of Rome,t charged the Senate and the courts with placing property rights above human rights, and put into the mouth of Marius a speech asserting the natural equality of all classes and demanding a career open to talent wherever born.46 He deepened his narratives with philosophical commentary and psychological analysis of char\u00ad acter, and carved out a style of epigrammatic compactness and vivid rapidity which became a model for Tacitus.\nThat style, like almost all Roman prose of Sallust's century and the next, took its color and tone from the oratory of the Forum and the courts. The develop\u00ad ment of the legal profession, and the growth of a talkative democracy, had widened the demand for public speaking. Schools of rhetoric were multiplying despite governmental hostility; \"rhetoricians,\" said Cicero, \"are everywhere.\" Great masters of the art appeared in the first half of the first century before Christ: Marcus Antonius (father of Mark), Lucius Crassus, Sulpicius Rufus, Quintus Hortensius. We may imagine the strength of their lungs when we hear of audiences that overflowed from the Forum into neighboring temples and balconies. The flamboyant eloquence and purchasable conscience of Hortensius made him the darling of the aristocracy and one of Rome's richest men; he left his heirs rn,ooo casks of wine.46b His delivery was so animated that famous actors like Roscius and Aesopus attended the trials at which he pleaded, to perfect their acting by studying his gestures and his delivery. Fallowing the example of old Cato, he revised and published his speeches-an art which his rival Cicero per\u00ad fected, and which furthered the influence of rhetoric upon all Roman prose. It"]
[6.828374862670898, -6.589966773986816, "\"The soul of the world is God, and its parts are the true di,-inities.\" 45\nt Varro claims_ that Sallust \"was taken in a?ultery by Annius i\\lilo, soundly beaten with thongs, and pernutted to escape only after paymg a sum of money\"; 46a but this, too, may be politics.\nCHAP.VIII)  LITERATURE  UNDER THE  REVOLUTION\tr6r\nwas through oratory that the Latin language reached its full height of colorful eloquence, masculine power, and almost Oriental grace. Indeed, the younger orators who came after Hortensius and Cicero condemned the luxurious adorn\u00ad ment and passionate turbulence of what they called the \"Asianic\" style; and Caesar, Calvus, Brutus, and Pollio pledged themselves to a calmer, chaster, sparer \"Attic\" speech. Here, so long ago, the battle lines formed between \"romanticism\" and \"classicism\"-between the emotional and the intellectual view of life and domination of style. Even in oratory, the young classicists complained, the East was conquering Rome.\nCICERO'S PEN\nProud of his speeches, and aware that they were making literature, Cicero felt keenly the criticism of the \"Attic\" school, and defended himself in a long series of treatises on oratorical art. In lively dialogues he sketched the history of Roman eloquence and laid down the rules for composition, prose rhythm, and delivery. He did not admit that his own style was \"Asian\"; he had modeled it, he claimed, upon that of Demosthenes; and he reminded the Atticiscs that their cold and passionless speech drove audiences to sleep or flight.\nThe fifty-seven orations that have come down to us from Cicero illustrate all the cricks of successful eloquence. They excel in the passionate presenta\u00ad tion of one side of a question or a character, the entertainment of the auditors with humor and anecdote, the appeal to vanity, prejudice, sentiment, patriot\u00ad ism, and piety, the ruthless exposure of the real or reported, public or private, faults of the opponent or his client, the skillful turning of attention from unfavorable points, the barrage of rhetorical questions framed to make answer difficult or damaging, the heaping up of charges, in periodic sen\u00ad tences whose clauses are lashes, and whose torrent ovenvhelms. These speeches do not pretend co be fair; they are defamations rather than declama\u00ad tions, briefs that take every advantage of that freedom of abuse which, though forbidden to the stage, was allowed in the Forum and the courts. Cicero does not hesitate to apply to his victims terms like \"swine,\" \"pest,\" \"butcher,\" \"filth\"; he tells Piso that virgins kill themselves to escape his lechery, and excoriates Antony for being publicly affectionate to his wife. Audiences and juries enjoyed such vituperation, and no one took it too seriously. Cicero corresponded amiably with Piso a few years after the brutal attack of the In Pisonem. It is to be admitted, further, that Cicero's orations abound rather in egotism and rhetoric than in moral sincerity, philosophical wisdom, or even legal acumen or depth. But what eloquence! Even Demos\u00ad thenes was not so vivid, vital, exuberantly witty, so full of the salt and tang of the human fray. Certainly no man before or after Cicero spoke a Latin so\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\nseductively charming and fluent, so elegantly passionate; this was the zenith of Latin prose. \"You have discovered all the treasures of oratory,\" said the generous Caesar in dedicating his book On Analogy to Cicero; \"and you have been the first to employ them. Thereby you have laid the Roman people under a mighty obligation, and you honor your fatherland. You have gained a triumph to be preferred to that of the greatest generals. For it is a nobler thing to enlarge the boundaries of human intelligence than those of the Roman Empire.\" 47\nThe speeches betray the politician; the letters of Cicero bare the man, and make even the politician forgivable. Nearly all of them were dictated to a secretary and never revised by Cicero; most of them were written with no thought of publication; seldom, therefore, has a man's secret soul been so completely exposed. \"He who reads these letters,\" said Nepos, \"will not much need a history of those times\";48 in them the most vital pan of the revolutionary drama is seen from within, all blinds removed. Usually their style is arrless and direct and dances with humor and \u00b7wit; 49 their language is an attractive mixture of literary grace and colloquial ease. They are the most interesting of Cicero's remains; indeed, of all extant Latin prose. It is natural that we should find in so large a correspondence (864 letters, ninety of them to Cicero) occasional contradictions and insincerities. There is no sign here of the religious piety and belief that appear so frequently in Cicero's essays or in those speeches in which he plays up the gods as his last trump. His private opinion of various men, especially of Caesar, does not always conform with his public protestation.50 His incredible vanity ap\u00ad pears more amiably here than in his orations, where he seems to be carrying his own statue with him wherever he goes; he smilingly confesses that \"my own applause has the greatest weight with me.\" 51 He assures us, with charm\u00ad ing innocence, that \"if ever any man was a stranger to vainglory it is my\u00ad self.\"52 We are amused to find so many letters about money and so much ado about so many homes. Besides modest villas at Arpinum, Astnrae, Puteoli, and Pompeii, Cicero had an estate at Formiae valued at 250,000, another at Tusculum worrh 500,000, and a palace on the Palatine that cost him 3,500,ooo sesterces.* Such comfort seems outrageous in a philosopher.\nBut which of us is so virtuous that his reputation could survive the publi\u00ad cation of his intimate correspondence? Indeed, as we continue to read these letters, we almost come to like the man. He had no more faults, perhaps no\nThis last sum had been raised by a loan from a diem; we do not know if it was repaid. Forbidden by law to re eive f es,,Iawyers received loans instead._ Another way of being paid was to be remembered m a chem s will. Through bequests of this sort or another Cicero in\u00ad herited 20,000,000 sesterces in thiny years.53 The constitutioa of man always rewrites the constitutions of states.\nCHAP.VIII)   LITERATURE  UNDER THE  REVOLUTION\t163\ngreater vanity, than we; he made the mistake of immortalizing them with perfect prose. At his best he was a hard worker, a tender father, a good friend. We see him in his home, loving his books and his children, and trying to love his wife, the rheumatic and irritable Terentia, whose wealth and eloquence equaled his own. They were too rich to be happy; their worries and quarrels were always in large figures; at last, in their old age, he divorced her over some financial dispute. Soon afterward he married Publilia, who attracted him by having more money than years; but when she showed dis\u00ad like for his daughter Tullia he sent Publilia away, too. Tullia he loved hu\u00ad manly beyond reason; he grieved almost to madness at her death and wished to build a temple to her as a deity. Pleasanter are the letters to and about Tiro, his chief secretary, who took his dictation in shorthand and managed his finances so ably and honestly that Cicero rewarded him with freedom. Most numerous are the letters to Atticus, who invested Cicero's savings, extricated him from financial difficulties, published his writings, and gave him excellent unheeded advice. To Atticus, wisely absent in Greece at the height of the revolution, Cicero writes a letter of typical cordiality and charm:\nThere is nothing of which I so much feel the want as of him with whom I can communicate everything that concerns me; who loves me, who is prudent; to whom I can speak without flattery, dissimulation, or reserve. My brother, who is all candor and kindness, is away. . .. And you, who have so often relieved my cares and anxieties by your counsel, who used to be my companion in public matters, my confi\u00ad dant in all private ones, the partaker of all my words and thoughts\u00ad where are you? 54\nIn those turbulent days when Caesar crossed the Rubicon, conquered Pompey, and made himself dictator, Cicero retired for a moment from politi\u00ad cal life and sought solace in reading and writing philosophy. \"Remember,\" he begged Atticus, \"not to give up your books to anybody, but to keep them, as you promised, for me. I entertain the strongest affection for them, as I now feel disgust for everything else.\"55 In his youth, defending the poet Archias in the most modest and amiable of his speeches, he had praised the study of literature as \"nourishing our adolescence, adorning our prosperity, and delighting our old age.\"56 Now he took his own counsel, and in little more than two years wrote almost a library of philosophy.* The dissolution of religious belief in the higher classes had left a moral vacuum, by which Rome seemed to be drawn into a disintegration of character and society.\nDe Republica, 54 B.c.; De Legibus, 52; Academica, De Consolatione, and De Finibur, 45; De Natura Deorum, De Divinatione, De Fato, De Virtutibus, De Officiis, De Amicitia, De 5enectute, De Glori:i, Disputatianes Tusculanae, all 4f B.c. In these same nvo years, .t5-44, Cicero wrote five books on oratory.\t\u2022\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. vm\nCicero dreamed that philosophy might serve as a substitute for theology in providing for these classes a guide and stimulus to right living. He resolved not to construct one more system, but to summarize the teachings of the Greek sages and offer them as his last gift to his people.51 He was honest enough to confess that he was for the most pan adapting, sometimes trans\u00ad lating, the treatises of Panaetius, Poseidonius, and other recent Greeks.58 But he transformed the dull prose of his models into limpid and graceful Latin, enlivened his discourse with dialogue, and passed quickly over the deserts of logic and metaphysics to the living problems of con'duct and statesmanship. Like Lucretius he had to invent a philosophical terminology; he succeeded, and put both language and philosophy heavily in his debt. Not since Plato had wisdom worn such prose.\nIt was from Plato above all that his ideas stemmed. He did not relish the dog\u00ad matism of the Epicureans, who \"talk of divine things with such assurance that you would imagine they had come directly from an assemblage of the gods\"; nor yet that of the Stoics, who so labor the argument from design that \"you would suppose even the gods had been made for human use\" 59-a theory that Cicero himself, in other moods, would not find incredible. His starting point is that of the New Academy-a lenient skepticism which denied all certainties and found probability sufficient for human life. \"In most things,'' he writes, \"my philosophy is that of doubt.60 \u2022\u2022\u2022  May I have your leave not to know what I do not know?\" 61 \"Those who seek to learn my personal opinion,\" he says, \"show an unreasonable degree of curiosity\"; 62 but his coyness soon yields to his talent for expression. He scorns sacrifices, oracles, and auguries, and devotes an entire treatise to disproving divination. Against the widespread cult of astrology he asks if all the men slain at Cannae had been born under the same star.63 He even doubts that a knowledge of the future would be a boon; the future may be as unpleasant as much else of the truth that we so recklessly chase. He vainly thinks to make short work of old beliefs by laughing them out of court: \"When we call com Ceres and wine Bacchus we use a common figure of speech; but do you imagine that anybody is so insane as to believe that the thing he feeds upon is a god?\" 63a Nevertheless, he is as skeptical of atheism as of any other dogma. He rejects the atomism of Democritus and Lucretius; it is as unlikely that unguided atoms-even in infinite time-could fall into the order of the existing world as that the letters of the alphabet should spontaneously form the Anna/es of Ennius.64 Our ignorance of the gods is no guarantee of their nonexistence; and indeed, Cicero argues, the general agreement of mankind establishes a balance of probability in favor of Providence. He concludes that religion is indispensable to private morals and public order and that no man of sense will attack it.65 Hence, while writing against divination, he continued to fulfill the functions of official augur. It was not quite hypocrisy; he would have called it statesmanship. Roman morals, society, and government were bound up with the old religion\nCHAP. vm)  LITERATURE  UNDER  THE  RE VOLUT ION\t165\nand could not safely let it die. (The emperors would reason so in persecuting Christianity.) When his beloved Tullia died, Cicero inclined more strongly than ever to the hope of personal immortality. Many years before, in the \"Dream of Scipio\" with which he ended his Rep11blic, he had borrowed from Pythagoras, Plato, and Eudoxus a complex and eloquent myth of a life beyond the grave, in which the good great dead enjoyed eternal bliss. But in his private correspond\u00ad ence-even in the letters that condoled with bereaved friends-there is no men\u00ad tion of an afterlife.\nKnowing the skepticism of his age, he based his moral and political treatises\non purely secular grounds, independent of supernatural sanctions. He begins (in De Finibus) by inquiring for the road to happiness, and hesitantly agrees with the Stoics that virtue alone suffices. Therefore (in De Officiis) he examines the way of virtue, and by the charm of his style succeeds for a time in making duty interesting. \"All men are brothers,\" he writes, and \"the whole world is to be considered as the common city of gods and men.\" 66 The most perfect morality would be a conscientious loyalty to this whole. More immediately a man owes it to himself and society, first of all, to establish a sound economic basis to his life, and then to fulfill his duties as a citizen. Wise statesmanship is nobler than the subtlest philosophy.67\nMonarchy is the best form of government when the monarch is good, the worst when he is bad-a truism soon to be illustrated in Rome. Aristocracy is good when the really best rule; but Cicero, as a member of the middle class, could not quite admit that the old entrenched families were the best. Democracy is good when the people are virtuous, which, Cicero thought, is never; besides, it is vitiated by the false assumption of equality. The best form of government is a mixed constitution, like that of pre-Gracchan Rome: the democratic power of the assemblies, the aristocratic power of the Senate, the almost royal power of the consuls for a year. Without checks and balances monarchy becomes despotism, aristocracy becomes oligarchy, democracy becomes mob rule, chaos,"]
[2.3264222145080566, -6.704841136932373, "He would have done well to take the advice for a time. His next publica\u00ad tion, the Epodes, or \"Refrains\" (29 B.c.), is the least worthy of his works: harsh and coarse, ungenerous, tastelessly and bisexually obscene, forgiv\u00ad able only as an experiment in the iambic meters of Archilochus. Perhaps his disgust with the \"smoke and wealth and noise of Rome\" 36 had mounted to bitterness; he could not bear the pressure of the \"ignorant and evil\u00ad thinking crowd.\" He pictures himself jostled and jostling in the human flotsam of the capital, and cries out: \"O rural home! when shall I behold you? \\Vhen shall I be able, now with the books of the ancients, now with sleep and idle hours, to quaff sweet forgetfulness of life's cares? \\Vhen will beans, the very brethren of Pythagoras, be served to me, and greens well larded with fat bacon?0 nights and feasts divine!\" 37 His stays in Rome be\u00ad came shorter; he spent so much time in his Sabine villa that his friends, even Maecenas, complained that he had cut them out of his life. After the heat and dust of the city he found the pure air, the peaceful routine, and the simple workmen on his farm a cleansing delight. His health was poor, and like Augustus he lived for the most part on a vegetarian diet. \".My stream of pure water, my few acres of woodland, my sure trust in a crop of com, bring me\u00b7more blessing than the lot of the dazzling lord of fertile Africa.\" 39 In him, as in the other Augustan poets, the love of country life finds a warm expression rare in the literature of Greece. Beatus ille qui procul negotiis-\nHappy is he who far from business cares, Even as the oldest race of men,\nTills ,vith his o,vn oxen his patrimonial fields, Freed from every debt....\nHow sweet it is to lie under the ancient ilex tree, Or on the matted grass,\nWhile the stream flows on benveen high banks, And the woodland birds sing,\nAnd springs with leaping ,vaters plash, Inviting to soft sleep! 40\nIt should be added, however, that these lines are put with Horatian irony into the mouth of a city moneylender, who, having uttered them, at once forgets them and loses himself in his coins.\nProbably it was in those quiet haunts that he labored with \"painstaking\nCHAP. xn)\tTHE   GOLDEN  AGE\t247\nhappiness\"-curiosa felicitas *-over those odes by which he knew that his name would live or die. He ,vas tired of hexameters, the endless march of their measured feet, the sharp caesura cleaving the line like some inexorable guillotine. He had enjoyed in his youth the subtle and vivacious meters of Sappho, Alcaeus, Archilochus, and Anacreon; he proposed now to trans\u00ad plant these \"sapphics\" and \"alcaics,\" these iambics and hendecasyllabics, into Roman lyric form, to express his thoughts on love and wine, religion and the state, life and death, in stanzas refreshingly new, epigrammatically com\u00ad pact, modeled for music, and teasing the mind with the complex skein of their weaving. He did not intend them for simple or hurried souls; indeed, he warned such away by the bluenosed opening of the third group:\nOdi profanum vulgus et arceo.\nFavete linguis. Carmina non prius audita Musarnm sacerdos\nvirginibus puerisque canto:-\n\"! hate and shun the profane crowd. Be silent! I, priest of the Muses, sing for maidens and youths songs never heard before.\"\nThe maidens, if they had cared to tread and skip their way through Horace's playful inversions of speech and desire, might have been pleasantly\n.shocked by the chiseled epicureanism of these odes. The poet pictures the pleasures of friendship, eating and drinking, and making love; one would hardly surmise from such lauds that their author was a recluse who ate little and drank less. ,vhy disturb ourselves with Roman politics and distant wars? he asks (anticipating the reader of these pages). \\Vhy plan so carefully a future whose shape will laugh at our plans? Youth and beauty touch us and flit away; let us enjoy them now, \"reclining under the pine trees, our gray locks garlanded with roses and perfumed with Syrian nard.\" 42 Even as we speak, envious time runs out; seize the occasion, carpe diem, \"snatch the day.\" 43 He intones a litany of loose ladies whom he claims to have loved: Lalage, Glycera, Neaera, Inacha, Cinara, Candia, Lyce, Pyrrha, Lydia, Tyndaris, Chloe, Phyllis, Myrtale. \\Ve need not believe all his protestations of guilt; these were literary exercises almost compulsory among the poets of the day; the same ladies or names had served other pens. The now virtuous Augustus was not deceived by these iambic fornications; he was pleased to find, among them, stately praises of his reign, his victories, his aides, his moral reforms, and the Augustan peace. Horace's famous drinking song-Nunc est bibendzmr 44-was composed on receipt of the news that Cleopatra was dead and Egypt taken; even his sophisticated soul thrilled at the thought of\n\" This is the curious and happy phrase applied to Horace by Petronius.41\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nthe Empire victorious and expanding as never before. He warned his readers that new laws could not take the place of old morals; mourned the spread of luxury and adultery, of frivolity and cynical unbelief. \"Alas!\" he says, ref erring to the latest war, \"the shame of our scars and crimes, and of brothers slain! \\Vhat have we of this hard generatioh shrunk from? ,vhat iniquity have we left untouched?\" 45 Nothing could save Rome but a return to the simplicity and steadfastness of ancient ways. The skeptic who found it difficult to believe anything bent his hoary head before the ancient altars, acknowledged that without a myth the people perish, and lent his pen graciously to the ailing gods.\nThere is nothing in the world's literature quite like these poems-delicate and yet powerful, exquisite and masculine, subtle and intricate, hiding their art with perfect art, and their toil with seeming ease. This is music in another scale than Virgil's, less melodious and more intellectual, meant not for youths and maidens but for artists and philosophers. There is rarely any passion here, or enthusiasm, or \"fine writing\"; the diction is simple even where the sentence stands on its head. But in the greater odes there is a pride and majesty of thought, as if an emperor were speaking and not in letters but in bronze:\nExegi monumentum aere perennius regalique situ pyramidum altius,\nquod non imber edax, non Aquilo impotens possit diruere, aut innumerabilis\nannorum series et fuga temporum.\nNon omnis moriar.46\nI have raised a monument more lasting than bronze, Loftier than the royal peak of pyramids;"]
[-0.8958491086959839, -10.700453758239746, "but to kill a despot was an excellent thing.\nRoman Stoicism had at first profited from the Principate; the limitations on political freedom had driven men from the forum to the study, and had inclined the finest of them to a philosophy that made the self-controlled subject more sovereign than the impassioned king. The government did not check freedom of thought or speech so long as these made no public attack upon the emperor, his family, or the official gods. But when the professors and their Senatorial patrons began to denounce tyranny, there arose between philosophy and au\u00ad tocracy a war that lasted till the adoptive emperors united them on the throne.\n\\Vhen Nero ordered Thrasea to die (65), he at the same time exiled Thrasea's friend Musonius Rufus, the most sincere and consistent of the Stoic philosophers\nin first-century Rome. Rufus had defined philosophy as inquiry into right conduct, and had taken his quest seriously. He denounced concubinaae despite\n0\nits legality, and demanded of men the same standard of sexual morality that they\nCHAP. XIY)\tTHE  SILVER  AGE\t301\nrequired of women. Sexual relations, said this ancient T olstoiari, were permis\u00ad sible only in marriage and for procreation. He believed in equal educational opportunities for both sexes and welcomed women to his lectures; but he bade them seek from education and philosophy the means of perfecting themselves as women.13 Slaves, too, attended his classes; one of them-Epictetus-honored his teacher by surpassing him. When civil war flared in Rome after Nero's death, Musonius went out to the attacking army and lectured it on the blessings of peace and the horrors of war. Antonius' troops laughed at him and resumed the ultimate arbitrament. Vespasian, in expelling the philosophers from Rome, ex\u00ad cepted Rufus; but he kept his concubines.\nSENECA\nThe Stoic philosophy found its most doubtful expression in the life, its most perfect expression in the writings, of Lucius Annaeus Seneca. Born at Corduba about 4 B.c., he was soon taken to Rome, and received all the education available there. He imbibed rhetoric from his father, Stoicism from Attalus, Pythagoreanism from Sotion, and practical politics from his aunt's husband, the Roman governor of Egypt. He tried vegetarianism for a year, then gave it up, but remained always abstemious in food and drink; he was a millionaire in his surroundings rather than in his habits. He suffered so much fro\u00b5i asthma and weak lungs that he often contemplated suicide. He practiced law, and was chosen quaestor about A.D. 33. Two years later he married Pompeia Paulina., with whom he lived in remarkable con\u00ad tinuity until his death.\nOn inheriting his father's fortune he abandoned the law and indulged himself in writing. \"\\Vhen Cremutius Cordus was forced by Caligula to kill himself (40), Seneca addressed to Cordus' daughter Marcia a consolatio\n-an essay of condolence which was a regularly practiced form in the schools of rhetoric and philosophy. Caligula wished to have him executed for his impertinence, but Seneca's friends saved his life by arguing that he would presently die of consumption in any case. Soon afterward Claudius accused him of improper relations with Julia, daughter of Germanicus; the Senate condemned him to death, but Claudius commuted this to exile in Corsica. On that rugged isle, amid a population as primitive as in Ovid's Tomi, the philosopher spent eight lonely years (41-49). At first he took his misfortune with true stoic calm, and comforted his mother with a touching Consolatio ad Helviam; but as the bitter years crawled on, his spirit broke, and he addressed to Claudius' secretary a Consolatio ad Polybium in a humble appeal for pardon. When this failed he tried to dull his sufferings by composing tragedies.\n302\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nThese strange productions, in which almost every character is an orator, were probably intended for the study rather than the stage; we do not hear of any of them being played; at most some brilliant episodes or resounding speeches were put to music and acted by a mime. The gentle philosopher incarnadines the stage with violence, as if he would rival in the theater the blood feasts of the games. Despite these heroic efforts he is too much of a thinker to be a good dramatist: he prefers ideas to men, and loses no chance for reflection, sentiment, or epigram. His plays contain some fine liIJes, but for the rest they may be forgotten with impunity. It should be added, however, that many good judges have not agreed with this verdict. Scaliger, lord of Renaissance critics, preferred Seneca to Euripides. When ancient literature came back to life it was Seneca who served as model for the first dramas in modern speech; from him came the classic form and unities that marked the plays of Corneille and Racine and dominated the French stage till the nineteenth century. In England, which felt his influence less, the translation of Seneca's dramas by Heywood ( 1 559) gave an exemplar to the first English tragedy, Gorboduc, and left its mark on Shakespeare.\nIn 48 the younger Agrippina replaced Messalina in power over Claudius and Rome. Anxious to turn her eleven-year-old son Nero into an Alexander, she looked about for an Aristotle and found him in Corsica. She had Seneca recalled and restored to his seat in the Senate. For five years he tutored the youth and for five more he guided the Emperor and the state. During this decade he wrote for the edification of Nero and sundry some genial exposi\u00ad tions of the Stoic philosophy-On Anger, On the Brevity of Life, On the Tranquillity of the Soul, On Clemency, On the Happy Life, On the Con\u00ad stancy of the Sage, On Benefits, On Providence. These formal treatises do not show him at his best. Like his plays they gleam with epigrams; but these, sent forth page after page in a staccato jet, at last weary the mind and lose their charm. Seneca's public, however, read these essays at intervals, and did not resent the gay wit that displeased the austere Quintilian,14 or the \"sugar plums\" and \"glaring patches\" that would offend Fronto's archaic taste; it was pleased that their rich premier spoke so amiably, and, like his pupil, tried so hard to win its applause. For many years Seneca was the leading author, statesman, and vinegrower of Italy.\nHe multiplied his patrimony by investments that apparently took full advantage of his official position and knowledge. If we may believe Dio, he lent money to provincials at such high interest that panic and insurrection broke out in Britain when he suddenly called in his loans there in the sum of 40,000,000 sesterces.15 His fortune, we are told, rose to 300,000,000 ($30,000,000).16 In 58 an old delator friend of Messalina, Publius Suilius, publicly attacked the premier as a \"hypocrite, an adulterer, and a wanton;\na man who denounces courtiers and never leaves the palace; who denounces\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  SIL VER  AGE\t3o3\nluxury, and displays 500 dining tables of cedar and ivory; who denounces wealth, and sucks the provinces dry by usury.\" 17 Like Caesar, Seneca con\u00ad tented himself with a rebuttal when he might have arranged an execution. In his essay On the Happy Life he repeated the charges, and replied that the sage is not bound to poverty; if wealth comes to him honestly he may take it; but he must be capable of abandoning it at any time without serious regret.18 Meanwhile he lived ascetically amid his fine furniture, slept on a hard mattress, drank only water, and ate so sparingly that when he died his body was emaciated through undernourishment.19 \"Abundance of food,\" he wrote, \"dulls the wits; excess of food strangles the soul.\" 2-0 The charges of sexual irregularity were probably true of his youth, but he was noted for his unfailing tenderness to his wife. In truth he never made up his mind which he loved better-philosophy or power, wisdom or pleasure; and he was never convinced of their incompatibility. He admitted that he was a very imperfect sage. \"I persist in praising not the life that I lead, but that which I ought to lead. I follow it at a mighty distance, crawling\" 21-of which of us is this not true? If he is not sincere in saying that \"mercy becomes no man so well as the king or the prince,\" 22 he at least phrases the sentiment almost as well as Portia. He condemned gladiatorial combats to the death,24 and Nero forbade them. He disarmed much criticism by what Tacitus calls \"the grace with which he imparted wisdom.\" 25 He did not demand, any more than he practiced, perfection.\nWe have seen that he ruled the Empire well, and that he tarnished his record by condoning the worst of Nero's crimes, \"letting much evil pass in order to have the power of doing a little good.\" 27 He felt disgraced, and longed to free himself from his imperial servitude; he described the Em\u00ad peror's palace as triste ergastulum-\"an unhappy prison for slaves.\" He began to wish that he had devoted all his life. to the study of wisdom and had shunned the dark labyrinths of power. \\Vith pleasure he would put aside, now and then, the cares of politics, and at sixty attend like an eager youth the lectures of Metronax on philosophy.28 In the year 62, aged sixty\u00ad six, he begged leave to resign his reduced place in the government, but Nero would not let him go. After the great fire of 64, when Nero asked all the Empire to send contributions for the rebuilding of Rome, Seneca donated the greater pan of his fortune. Gradually he succeeded in withdrawing from the coun; more and more he lived in his Campanian villas, hoping by an almost monastic seclusion to escape the attentions and spies of the Emperor. For a time he lived on wild apples and running water for fear of poison in his food.\nIt was in this atmosphere of leisurely terror that he wrote {63-65) his studies in natural science (Quaestiones Natura/es), and the most lovable\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nof his works, the Epistulae Morales. They were casual, intimate causeries addressed to his friend Lucilius-rich governor of Sicily, poet, philosopher, and frank Epicurean. There are few books in Roman literature more pleasant than these urbane attempts to adapt Stoicism to the n eds of a millionaire. Here begins the informal essay, which would be the favorite medium of Plutarch and Lucian, Montaigne and Voltaire, Bacon and Addi\u00ad son and Steele. To read these letters is to be in correspondence with an enlightened, humane, and tolerant Roman who has reached the heights and known the depths of literature, statesmanship, and philosophy. They are Zeno speaking with Epicurus' lenience and Plato's charm. Seneca apolo\u00ad gizes to Lucilius for the carelessness of his style (it is nevertheless delectable Latin): \"I want my letters to you to be just what my conversation would be if you and I were sitting or walking together.\" 30 \"I write this,\" he adds, \"not for the many but for you; each of us is sufficient audience to the other\" (satis magnum alter alteri thecttrum sunrus) 31-though the old dip\u00ad lomat doubtless hoped that posterity would eavesdrop on his talk. He de\u00ad scribes his asthma vividly but without self-pity; he cheerfully calls it \"practicing how to die\" by taking \"last gasps\" for an hour. He is sixty-seven now, but only in body: \"my mind is strong and alert; it takes issue with me on the subject of old age; it declares that old age is its period of bloom.\" 32 He rejoices that he has time at last to read the good books he has had so long to put aside. Apparently he now reread Epicurus, for he quotes him with a frequency and an enthusiasm scandalous in a Stoic. He is frightened by the excesses of individualism and self-indulgence in Caligula, Nero, and thousands more; he wishes to offer some counterweight to the temptations that beset minds liberated before moral maturity; and he seems resolved to confute the epicureans out of the mouth of the master whose name they abused and whose doctrine they dared not understand.\nThe first lesson of philosophy is that we cannot be wise about everything. We are fragments in infinity and moments in eternity; for such forked atoms to describe the universe, or the Supreme Being, must make the planets tremble with mirth. Therefore Seneca has little use for metaphysics or theology. One may prove out of his writings that he was a monotheist, a polytheist, a pantheist, a materialist, a Platonist, a monist, a dualist. Some\u00ad times God is to him a personal Providence who watches over all, \"loves good men,\" 33 answers their prayers, and helps them by divine grace; 34 in other passages God is the First Cause in an unbroken chain of causes and effects, and the ultimate force is Fate, \"an irrevocable cause which carries along human and divine affairs equally . . . leading the willing and dragging the unwilling along.\" 36 A like indecision obscures his conception of the soul: it is a finely material breath animating the body; but it is also \"a god dwell-\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE   SILVER  AGE"]
[5.04849100112915, -5.6055378913879395, "CHAP. XX)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t437\nof Tacitus a swiftness, color, and force which no ancient author has equaled. The color is dark, the mood is gloomy, the sarcasm stings, and the tone of the whole is that of a Dante without tenderness; but the cumulative effect is overwhelming. Along this black river of relentless exposure we are carried, despite our reservations and objections, by a narrative at once dignified and turbulent, stately and impetuous. Character after character rises upon the stage and is struck down; scene after scene rushes on until all Rome seems ruined and all the participants are dead. We can hardly believe, when we emerge from this chamber of horrors, that this period of despotism, coward\u00ad ice, and immorality flowed into the zenith of monarchy under Hadrian and the Antonines, and the quiet decency of Pliny's friends.\nTacitus was wrong in scorning philosophy-that is, perspective; all his faults were due to lack of it. If he could have disciplined his pen to the service of an open mind, he would have placed his name first on the list of those who have labored to give form and permanence to the memory and heritage of mankind.\nJUVENAL\nUnfortunately, Juvenal corroborates Tacitus. What the one writes in mordant prose about princes and senators, the other chants in bitter verse about women and men.\nDecimus Iunius Iuvenalis, son of a rich freedman, was born at Aquinum in Latium (59). He came to Rome for his education and practiced law there \"for his own amusement.\" His satires betray the shock of rural tastes struck by the loose turmoil of city life; yet he appears to have been friends with Martial, whose epigrams show no prejudice in favor of morality. Shortly before Domitian's death, says an uncertain tradition, Juvenal composed, and circulated among his friends, a satire on the influence of dancers at court; the pantomime actor Paris, we are told, took offense and had him exiled to Egypt. \\Ve cannot say if the story is true, nor when Juvenal re\u00ad turned; in any case he published nothing till after Domitian's death. The first volume of his sixteen satires appeared in rnr, the remainder in four volumes at intervals in a long life. Probably they were unforgiving memories of Domitian's time; but the indignation that makes them so vivid and un\u00ad reliable suggests that a few years of \"the good emperors\" had not cured the evils he denounced. Perhaps, again, he chose the satire as a characteristic Roman form, found models and some material in Lucilius, Horace, and Persius, and molded his fulminations and his wrath on the rhetorical prin\u00ad ciples that he had learned in the schools. We shall never know how darkly\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nour picture of imperid Rome has been colored ty the pleasures of <:enuncia\u00ad tion.\nJuvenal takes everything for his subject, and bs  no trouble in Ending\nin everything scme aspect that can bear condemning. \"\\Ve are arrived at the zenith of vice,\" he thinks, \"and posterity will never be able to surpas.5 us\"; 21 so far, so true. The root of the evil is the unscrupulous pursuit of wealth. He scorns the plebs that once ruled armies and unmade kings but can now be bought with panem et circenses, bread and circuses; 23 this is one of a hundred phrases to which Juvenal's vitality gave lasting life. He resents the influx of Oriental faces, dress, ways, smells, and gods; protests against the clannishness of the Jew, and likes least of all the \"greedy little Greek\" (Graeculus esuriens)-the degenerate descendant of a people once great but never honest. He loathes the informers who, like Pliny's Regulus, get rich by reporting \"unpatriotic\" remarks; the legacy hunters who flutter around childless old men; the proconsul living in lifelong luxury on the profits of a term in the provinces; the clever lawyers who spin out law\u00ad suits like an excreted web. He is disgusted above all by sexual excesses and perversions: by the roue who on marrying finds that his lechery has left him impotent; by the dandies whose manners, perfumes, and desires make them indistinguishable from women; and by the women who think that emancipa\u00ad tion means that they should be indistinguishable from men.\nHis sixth and bitterest satire is devoted to the gentler sex. Postumus is\nthinking of marriage; don't do it, Juvenal warns him; and then the poet por\u00ad trays the women of Rome as selfish, shrewish, superstitious, extravacrant, quarrelsome, haughty, vain, litigious, adulterous, equaling every mar;iage with a divorce, substituting lapdogs for children;24 going in for athletics, worse yet for literature, quoting Virgil at you, spoutinz rhetoric and phi\u00ad losophy 25-\"oh, may the gods save us from a learned wife!\" 26 He concludes that there is h:irdly a woman in the city wonh marrying. A good wife is a rare bird (rara avis), stranger than a white crow. He marvels that Postumus shquld think of marriage when \"there are so many halters to be had, so many high and dizzy windows are accessible, and the Aemilian Bridge is close at\nhand.\" No; stay single. And get out of this nerve-wearyina bedlam called\n.\t\u2022\tI:>\nRome and live in some qwet Italian town where you will meet honest men\nand be safe from criminals, poets, collapsing tenements, and Greeks.27 Put ambition behind you; the goal is not worth the striving, so long is labor and so brief is fame. Live simply, cultivate your garden, desire only so much as hunger and thirst, cold and heat demand;28 learn pity, be kind to children, keep a sane mind in a healthy body (mens sana in corpore sano 29). But only a fool will pray for a long life.\nCRAP. xx)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t439\n\\Ve can understand such a mood; it is pleas nt to contemplate the im\u00ad perfecticns cf our neighbors and the despicable inferiority of the world as compared with our dreams. Our enjoyment in this case is sharpened by Juvenal's street-comer vocabulary, his easy-moving colloquial hexameters, his grim humor, and his lusty style. But we must not take him literally. He was angry; he had not made his way in Rome as rapidly as he had hoped; it was sweet revenge to lay about him with the bludgeon of a hatred that never feigned to be fair. His moral standard was high and sound, though tinged with conservative prejudices and delusions about the virtuous past; by those standards, used without mercy or modesty, we could indict any generation anywhere. Seneca knew how old a pastime this is. \"Our fore\u00ad fathers,\" he wrote, \"complained, we complain, and our descendants will complain, that morals are corrupt, that wickedness holds sway, that men are sinking deeper and deeper into sinfulness, that the condition of mankind is going from bad to worse.\" 30 Around the immoral hub of any society is a spreading wheel of wholesome life, in which the threads of tradition, the moral imperatives of religion, the economic compulsions of the family, the instinctive love and care of children, the watchfulness of women and police\u00ad men, suffice to keep us publicly decent and moderately sane. Juvenal is the greatest of Roman satirists, as Tacitus is the greatest of Roman historians; but we should err as much in taking their picture as accurate as we should were we to accept without scrutiny the pleasant and civilized scene that rises before us as we read the letters of Pliny.\nA ROMAN GENTLEMAN\n\\Vhen he was born at Como in 61 he was named Publius Caecilius Secundus. His father owned a fann and villa near the lake and held high office in the town. Orphaned e::irly, Publius was adopted and educated first by Virginius Rufus, governor of Upper Germany, and then by his uncle Caius Plinius Secundus, author of the Natural History. This busy scholar made the boy his son and heir and died soon afterward. According to custom, the youth took his adoptive father's name, causing confusion for 2000 years. At Rome he studied under Quintilian, who formed his taste on Cicero and must receive some of the credit for the Ciceronian fluency of Pliny's style. At 18 he was admitted to the bar; at 39 he was chosen to deliver an address of welcome to Trajan. In the same year he was made consul; in 103, augur; in 105, \"Curator of the Bed and Banks of the Tiber and the City Sewers.\" He took no fees or gifts for his legal services, but he was a rich man and could afford to be magnanimous. He had properties in\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nEtruria, at Beneventum, Como, and Laurentum, and offered 3,000,000\nsesterces for another.31\nLike many aristocrats of his time, he amused himself by writing: at first a Greek tragedy, then some poems, lighthearted and occasionally obscene. Reproved by some, he confessed his fault impenitently, and proposed again \"to indulge in mirth, wit, and gaiety, and enter into the spirit of the most wanton muse.\" 32 Hearing his letters praised, he composed some for publica\u00ad tion and issued them at intervals from 97 to ro9. Intended not only for the public but for the pleasure of the circles he described, they avoided the darker aspects of Roman life and passed by as too serious for his purpose the larger problems of philosophy and statesma_nship. Their worth is in their graceful intimacy, and in the rosy light they shed upon Roman character and patrician ways.\nPliny reveals himself with half the candor and all the felicity of"]
[-4.381324291229248, -12.03133773803711, "TRAJAN\nTrajan received word of his accession while he was in charge of a Roman army in Cologne. It was characteristic of him that he went on with his work at the frontier and postponed his coming to Rome for nearly two years. He had been born in Spain of an Italian family long settled there; in him and in Hadrian Roman Spain arrived at political hegemony, asit had reached literary leadership in Seneca, Lucan, and Martial. He was the first in a long line of generals whose provincial birth and training seemed to give them the will-to\u00ad life that had gone from the native Roman stock. That Rome made no pro\u00ad test against this enthronement of a provincial was in itself an event and omen in Roman history.\nTrajan never ceased to be a general. His carriage was military, his presence commanding; his features were undistinguished but strong. Tall and robust, he was wont to march on foot with his troops and ford with full armament the hundred rivers they had to cross. His courage showed a stoic impartiality between life and death. Told that Licinius Sura was plotting against him, he went to Sura's house for dinner, ate without scrutiny whatever food was offered him, and had himself shaved by Sura's barber.4 He was not in any technical sense a philosopher. He used to take Dio Chrysostom, the \"golden\u00ad mouthed\" rhetor, with him in his chariot to discourse to him on philosophy, but he confessed that he could not understand a word of Dio's talk 5-the worse for philosophy. His mind was clear and direct; he uttered an amazing minimum of nonsense for a man. He was vain, like all human beings, but completely unassuming; he took no advantage of his office, joined his friends at table and the hunt, drank with them copiously, and induls-ed in occasional pederasty as if out of deference to the customs of his time. Rome thought it\nCHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t409\nworthy of praise that he never disturbed his wife Plotina by making love to another woman.\n\\Vhen, in the forty-second year of his age, Trajan reached Rome, he was at the height of his faculties. His simplicity, geniality, and moderation readily won a people so lately acquainted with tyranny. The younger Pliny was chosen by the Senate to pronounce the \"panegyric\" of greeting. About the same time Dio Chrysostom delivered before the Emperor a discourse on the duties of a monarch as viewed by the Stoic philosophy. Both Pliny and Dio distinguished between do-minatio and principatus: the prince was to be not lord of the state but its first servant, the executive delegate of the people, chosen through their representatives, the senators. I111peraturus 011mibus elegi debet ex omnibus, said Pliny: \"He who is to command all should be elected by all.\" 6 The general listened courteously.\nSuch fair beginnings were not new in history; what astonished Rome was that Trajan fulfilled their promise abundantly. He gave to his aides or asso\u00ad ciates the villas in which his predece5.5ors had stayed for a few weeks in the year; \"he regarded nothing as his own,\" said Pliny, \"unless his friends pos\u00ad sessed it\"; 7 as for himself he lived as simply as Vespasian. He asked the Sen\u00ad ate's opinion on all matters of moment, and discovered that he might wield nearly absolute power if he never used absolute speech. The Senate was willing to let him rule if he would observe the forms that maintained its dignity and prestige; like the rest of Rome, it now loved security too much to be capable of freedom. Perhaps also it was pleased to find Trajan a con\u00ad servative, who had no intention of mulcting the rich to appease the poor.\nTrajan was an able and tireless administrator, a sound financier, a just judge. To him the Digest of Justinian ascribes the principle, \"It is better that the guilty should remain unpunished than that the innocent should be con\u00ad demned.\" 8 By careful supervision of expenditures (arid some lucrative conquests) he was able to complete extensive public works without increas\u00ad ing taxation; on the contrary, he lowered taxes and published a budget to exp?s_e the revenues and outlays of the government to examination and cnt1 1 m. e required from the senators who enjoyed his comradeship an admm1strat1ve devotion almost as meticulous as his own. The patricians en\u00ad tered the bureaucracy and worked as well as played; Trajan's extant correspondence with them suggests how carefully they labored under his watchful and inspiring leadership. Many of the Eastern cities had misman\u00ad aged their finances to the point of bankruptcy, and Trajan sent curatores like the younger Pliny to help and check them. The procedure weakened municipal independence and institutions, but it was unavoidable; self-gov\u00ad ernment, by extravagance and incompetence, had brought its own end.\nNurtured on war, the Emperor was a frank imperialist who preferred\n410\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\norder to liberty and power to peace. Hardly a year after his arrival in Rome he set out for the conquest of Dacia. Roughly corresponding to the Romania of 1940, Dacia plunged like a fist into the hean of Germany, and would there\u00ad fore be of great military value in the struggle that Trajan foresaw between the Germans and Italy. Its annexation would give Rome control of the road that ran down the Save to the Danube and thence to Byz:mtium-an invalu\u00ad able land route to the East. Besides, Dacia had gold mines. In a campaign brilliantly planned and swiftly executed, Trajan led his legions through all obstacles and resistance to the Dacian capital, Sarmizegetusa, and forced its surrender. A Roman sculptor has left us an impressive ponrait of the Dacian king Decebalus-a face noble with strength and character. Trajan reinstated him as a client king and returned to Rome ( 102); but Decebalus soon broke his agreements and resumed his independent sway. Trajan marched his army back into Dacia ( 105), bridged the Danube with a structure that was one of the engineering marvels of the century, and again stormed the Dacian capi\u00ad tal. Decebalus was killed, a strong garrison was left to hold Sarmizegetusa, and Trajan went back to Rome to celebrate his victory with 10,000 gladiators (probably war captives) in r 2 3 days of public games. Dacia became a Roman province, received Roman colonists, married them, and corrupted the Latin language in its own Rumanian way. The gold mines of Transylvama were put under the direction of an imperial procurator and soon paid for the material cost of the war. To reimburse himself for his labors Trajan took out of Dacia a million pounds of silver and half a million pounds of gold\u00ad the last substantial booty that the legions would win for Roman sloth.\nWith these spoils the Emperor distributed 650 denarii ($260) to all such citizens as applied for the gift-probably some 300,000; and enough remained to remedy the unemployment of demobilization with the greatest program of public works, governmental aid, and architectural adornment that Italy had seen since Augustus. Trajan improved the older aqueducts and built a new one which isstill in operation. At Ostia he constructed a spacious harbor connected by canals with the Tiber and the harbor of Claudius, and deco\u00ad rated it with warehouses that were models of beauty as well as of use. His engineers repaired old roads, carried a new one across the Pontine marshes, and laid the Via T raiana from B neventum to Brundisium. They reopened the Claudian tunnel that had dramed the Fucine Lake, dredged harbors at Centumcellae and Ancona, gave Ravenna an aqueduct, and Verona an amphitheater. Trajan supplied the funds for new roads, bridges, and build\u00ad ings throughout the Empire. But he discouraged the architectural rivalry of the cities and urged them to spend their surplus on improving the condi\u00ad tion and environment of the poor. He was always ready to help any city that had suffered from earthquake, fire, or storm. He tried to promote agri-\nCHAP. XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t41l\nculture in Italy by requiring senators to invest a third of their capital in Italian land; and when he saw that this was extending the latifundia, he encouraged small proprietors by advancing them state funds at low interest for the purchase and improvement of their lands and homes.9 To raise the birth rate he enlarged the alimenta, or feeding fund: the state made mortgage loans at five per cent (half the usual rate) to Italian peasants, and allowed local charity boards to distribute the interest to poor parents at sixteen ses\u00ad terces ($1.60) monthly for each boy raised by them, and twelve for each girl. The sums seem small, but contemporary testimony indicates that from sixteen to twenty sesterces sufficed for a month's care of a child on a first\u00ad century Italian farm.10 \u00bd-ith a similar hope Trajan allowed the children of Rome to receive the corn dole in addition to that given to their parents. The system of alimenta was enlarged by Hadrian and the Antonines, was ex\u00ad tended to several parts of the Empire, and was supplemented by private phi\u00ad lanthropy; so the younger Pliny gave 30,000 sesterces a year as alimenta to the children of Comum, and Caelia Macrina left a million to like purpose for the children of T arracina in Spain.\nT rajm, like Augustus, favored Italy over the provinces, and Rome over Italy. He used to the full the architectural genius of Apollodorus, a Damas\u00ad cene Greek who had designed the new roads and aqueduct, and the Danube bridge. The Emperor now commissioned him to clear away large blocks of houses, cut 1 3o feet from the base of the Quirinal hill, lay out in this and the adjoining space a new forum equal in area to all preceding forums combined, and surround it with buildings of a majesty fit for a world capital that had reached the height of its power and opulence. The Forum Traiarrum was entered through the Triumphal Arch of Trajan. The interior, 370 by 354 feet, was paved with smooth stone and surrounded by a high wall and portico; east and west walls were indented with hemicycle exedrae formed of Doric columns. In the center rose the Basilica Ulpia, named after Trajan's clan and intended as an office building for commerce and finance; its ex\u00ad terior was adorned with fifty monolithic columns, its floor was of marble, its immense nave was enclosed by granite colonnades, its roof of massive be:.1ms was covered with bronze. Near the northern end of the new forum two libraries were built, one for Larin works, the other for Greek. Between them rose the column, behind them the temple, of Trajan. When the forum was complete it was accounted one of the architectural wonders of the world. The column, still standing, was first of all an achievement in transporta\u00ad tion. It was cut from eighteen cubes of marble, each w ighing some fifty tons; the blocks were brought by ship from the island of Paros, were trans\u00ad ferred to barges at Osria, were drawn against the current up the river, and were moved on rollers up the bank and through the streets to their site. The\n412\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XIX\ncubes were recut into thirty-two blocks. Eight formed the pedestal; three sides of this were decorated with sculptures; the fourth opened into a spiral stairway of 185 marble steps. The shaft, twelve feet in diameter at the bottom, and ninety-seven feet high, was composed of twenty-one blocks and was topped by a statue of Trajan holding a globe of the world. Before being raised into position the blocks were carved with reliefs picturing the cam\u00ad paigns in Dacia. These reliefs are the culmination of Flavian realism and of ancient historical sculpture. They do not aim at the calm beauty or idealized types of Greek sculpture; they seek rather to convey a vivid impression of living individuals in the actual scenes and turmoil of war; they are Balzac and Zola after Corneille and Racine. In the 2000 figures of these 1 24 spiral panels we follow the conquest of Dacia step by step: the Roman cohorts is\u00ad suing from their stations in full armor; the crossing of the Danube on a pon\u00ad toon bridge; the pitching of a Roman camp in the enemy's land; the confused conflict of spears, arrows, sickles, and stones; a Dacian village set to the torch, with women and children begging Trajan for mercy; Dacian women torturing Roman prisoners; soldiers displaying before the Emperor the heads of slain enemies; surgeons treating the wounded; the Dacian princes drinking one after another the cup of poison; the head of Decebalus brought as a trophy to Trajan; the long file of captive men, women, and children snatched from their homes into foreign settlement or Roman slavery-this and more the dark column tells in the most masterly narrative relief in.sculp\u00ad tural history. These artists and their employers were nor chauvinists; they showed Trajan's acts of clemency, but also they revealed the heroic aspects of a nation's struggle for freedom; and the finest figure in the scroll is the Dacian king. Ir is a strange document, too crowded for full effectiveness; some figures so crude that one wonders if a Dacian warrior carved them; superposition primitively substituted for perspective; and the whole ob\u00ad servable, like Pheidias' frieze, only by some skylark scorner of the ground. But it was an interesting deviation from a classic style whose placidity had never expressed the overwhelming energy of the Roman character. Its \"method of continuity\" 11-making each scene melt into the next-carried on the suggestio:1-s of Titus' ar h.and prep red for medieval reliefs. Despite its defects the spiral story was imitated agam and again, from the column of\nAurelius in Rome, and that of Arcadius in Constantinople, to the Napoleonic shaft in the Place Vendee in Paris.\nTrajan completed his building program by finishing in the grand manner the baths begun by Domitian. Meanwhile six ye:irs of peace had wearied him; administration was a task that did not awaken his reserve energies as war did; he did not feel alive in a palace. \\Vhy not take up Caesar's plans where Antony had failed, settle the Parthian question once and for all, establish\nCHAP. XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\na more strategic frontier in the East, and crepture control of the trade routes across Armenia and Parthia to Central Asia, the Persian Gulf, and India? After careful preparation he set out again with his legions ( r 1 3). A year later he had taken Armenia; yet another year and he had marched down through Mesopotamia, captured Ctesiphon, and reached the Indian Ocean\u00ad the first and last Roman general to stand before that sea. The population at home learned geography by following his victories; the Senate was amused to be informed, almost weekly, of another nation conquered or hastily sub\u00ad mitting: the Bosporus, Colchis, Asiatic Iberia, Asiatic Albania, Osrhoene, Messenia, Media, Assyria, Arabia Petrea, at last even Parthia. Parthia, Ar\u00ad menia, Assyria, and Mesopotamia were constituted proYinces, and the new Alexander had the glory of naming and crowning a client king ayer the ancient enemies of Rome. Standing on the shores of the Red Sea, Trajan mourned that he was too old to repeat the l\\1acedonian's advance to the Indus. He contentep himself with building a Red Sea fleet to control the passage and commerce to India; left garrisons at all strategic points, and\nturned back reluctantly toward Rome.\nLike Antony he had gone too fast and too far and had neglected to con\u00ad solidate his victories and his lines. On reaching Antioch he was informed that the Parthian king Osroes, whom he had deposed, had gathered another army and had reconquered central i\\lesopotamia; that rebellion had broken out in all the new provinces; that the Jews of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Cyrene were in revolt; and that disaffection was flaring up in Libya, Maure\u00ad tania, and Britain. The old wirrior wished to take the field again, but his flesh refused. He had worn himself out by living as actively in the hot East as in the \\Vest; dropsy set in, and a paralytic stroke left the great will helpless in a broken frame. Sadly he commissioned Lucius Quietus to put down the up\u00ad risings in Mesopotamia, sent i\\larcius Turba to suppress the Jews in Africa, and left his nephew Hadrian in command of the main Roman army in Syria. He had himself carried down to the Cilician coast, hoping to sail thence to Rome, where the Senate was preparing for him the greatest triumph since Augustus. He died at Selinus on the way ( 117), aged sixty-four, after a reign of nineteen years. His ashes were taken to the capital, and were buried under the great column that he had chosen as his tomb.\nHADRIA..\nTbe Ruler"]
[-13.688185691833496, -7.738182544708252, "The simplest public games were athletic contests, usually held in a stadium. The performers, mostly professionals and aliens, ran foot races, threw the discus, wrestled, and boxed. The Roman public, accustomed to sanguinary gladiatorial exhibitions, only mildly favored athletics, but relished the prize fights in which massive Greeks fought almost to the death with gloves re\u00ad inforced at the knuckles with an iron band three quarters of an inch thick. The gentle Virgil describes a milder pugilistic feast in almost modern terms:\nThen the son of Anchises brought out hide gloves of equal weight, and bound the hands of the antagonists. . . . Each took his stand, poised on tiptoe and raising one arm    Drawing their heads back\nfrom the blows they spar, hand against hand. They aim many hard blows, wildly pummeling each other's s des and chests, ears and brows and cheeks, making the air resound with their strokes.    Entellus\nputs forth his right; Dares slips aside in a nimble dodge   Entellus\nfuriously drives Dares headlong over the arena, redoubling his blows, now with the right hand, now with the left. . . . Then Aeneas put an end to the fray, Dares' mates led him to the ships with his knees shaking, his head swaying from side to side, his mouth spitting teeth and blood.104\nStill more exciting were the races at the Circus Maximus. On two suc\u00ad cessive days forty-four races were run, some of horses and jockeys, some of light two-wheeled chariots drawn by two, three, or four horses abreast. The cost was met by rival stables owned by rich men; the jockeys, drivers, and chariots of each stable were costumed or painted in distinctive colors\u00ad white, green, red, or blue; and all Rome, as the time for these contests ap\u00ad proached, divided into factions named from these colors, and particularly the red and the green. At home, in school, at lectures, in the forums, half the talk was about favorite jockeys and charioteers; their pictures were everywhere, their victories were announced in the Acta Diurna; some of them made great fortunes, some had statues raised to them in public squares. On the appointed day 180,000 men and women moved in festive colors to the enormous hippodrome. Enthusiasm rose to a mania. Excited partisans smelled the dung of the animals to assure themselves that the horses of their favorite drivers had been properly fed.105 The spectators passed by the shops and brothels that lined the outer walls; they filed through hund eds of en\u00ad trances and sorted themselves with the sweat of anxiety into the great horse\u00ad shoe of seats. Vendors sold them cushions, for the seats were mostly of hard\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN  ROME\nwood, and the program would last all day. Senators and other dignitaries had special seats of marble, ornamented with bronze. Behind the imperial box was a suite of luxurious rooms, where the emperor and his family might eat, drink, rest, bathe, and sleep. Gambling was feverish, and fortunes passed from hand to hand as the day advanced. From openings under the stands emerged the horses, the jockeys and drivers, and the chariots; and each faction shook the stands with applause as its favorite color appeared. The charioteers, mostly slaves, wore bright tunics and shining helmets; in one hand was a whip, and in their belts a knife to cut, in accident, the traces tied to their waists. Along the middle of the elliptical arena ran the spina (\"thorn,\" \"spine\"), an island a thousand feet long, adorned with statues and obelisks; at one end were the metae (\"measures\"), circular pillars that served as goals. The usual len3th of a chariot race was seven circuits, about five miles. The test of skill lay in making the turns at the goals as swiftly and sharply as safety would ::llow; collisions were frequent there, and men, chariots, and animals minrrled in fascinating tragedy. As the horses or chariots clattered to the final post the hypnotized audience rose like a swell\u00ad ing sea, gesticulated, waved handkerchiefs, shouted and prayed, groaned and cursed, or exulted in almost supernatural ecstasy. The applause that greeted the winner could be heard far beyond the limits of the city.\nThe most stupendous of all the spectacles offered at Roman celebrations was the sham naval battle. The first large naumachia was given by Caesar in a basin excavated for the purpose on the outskirts of the city. Augustus marked the dedication of his temple to Mars the AYenger by presenting\n3000 fighters in a replica of the battle of Salamis on an artificial lake 1800\nby r 200 feet. Claudius, as already noted, celebrnted the completion of the Fucine tunnel with a conflict of triremes and quadriremes involving 19,000 men. They fought with a disappointing courtesy, and soldiers had to be sent among them to ensure a proper shedding of blood.106 At the dedication of the Colosseum Titus had its arena flooded, and reproduced that battle of the Corinthians and Corcyreans whic'1 had brought on the Peloponnesian\n\\Var. The combatants in these engagements were war captives or con\u00ad demned criminals. They butchered one another until one side or the other was killed off; the victors, if they had cut bravely, might be granted freedom.\nThe games reached their climax in the contests of animals and gladiators in the amphitheater-after Vespasian, in the Colosseum. The arena was an immense wooden floor strewn with sand; parts of this floor could be lowered and then quickly raised with a change of scene; and at brief notice the whole floor could be covered with water. Large chambers beneath it held the animals, machines, and men scheduled for the program of the day. Just above\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nthe arena's guard wall was a podium or marble terrace on whose ornate seats sat senators, priests, and high officials; above this was the suggestum, a high loge where the emperor and empress sat on thrones of ivory and gold, sur\u00ad rounded by their family and retinue. Behind this aristocratic circle sat the equestrian order, in twenty tiers of seats. A lofty intervening wall, decorated with statuary, separated the upper orders from the lower classes in the stands above. Any free person, male or female, could come, and apparently no admission was charged. The crowd took advantage of the emperor's presence, here and at the circus, to shout its wishes to him-for the pardon of a prisoner or a fallen fighter, the emancipation of a courageous slave, the appearance of favorite gladiators, or some minor reform. From the topmost wall awnings could be unrolled to the arena railing to shade such parts of the assemblage as might suffer from the sun. Here and there fountains threw up jets of scented water to cool the air. When noon came most of the spectators hurried below to eat lunch; concessionaires were on hand to sell them food and sweets and drinks. On occasion the entire multitude might be fed by the order and bounty of the emperor, or dainties and presents might be scattered among the scrambling crowd. If, as sometimes occurred, contests were presented at night, a circle of lights could be lowered over the arena and the spectators. Bands of musicians performed in the interludes and accompanied the crises of the combats with exciting crescendo strains. The simplest event in the amphitheater was an exhibition of exotic animals.\nGathered from all the known world, elephants, lions, tigers, crocodiles, hippopotami, lynxes, apes, panthers, bears, boars, wolves, giraffes, ostriches, stags, leopards, antelopes, and rare birds were kept in the zoological gardens of emperors and rich men, and were trained to skillful exploits or merry pranks; apes were taught to ride dogs, drive chariots, or act in plays; bulls let boys dance on their backs; sea lions were conditioned to bark in answer to their individual names; elephants danced to cymbals struck by other elephants, or they walked a rope, or sat down to table, or wrote Greek or Latin letters. Animals might be merely paraded in bright or humorous costumes; usually, however, they were made to fight one another, or with men, or they were hunted to death with arrows and javelins. In one day, under Nero, 400 tigers fought with bulls and elephants; on another day, under Caligula, 400 bears were slain; at the dedication of the Colosseum 5000 animals died.107 If the animals wished to compromise they were stung to combat by lashes, darts, and hot irons. Cbudius made a division of the Praetorian Guard fight panthers; Nero made them fight 400  bears and\n300  lions.108\nCombats of a bull with a man, long popular in Crete and Thessaly, were\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN  ROME\nintroduced into Rome by Caesar and were a frequent spectacle in the amphitheater.109 Condemned criminals, sometimes dressed in skins to re\u00ad semble animals, were thrown to beasts made ravenous for the occasion; death in such cases came with all possible agony, and wounds were so deep that physicians used such men to study internal anatomy. All the world knows the story of Andrades, the runaway slave; captured, he was flung into the arena with a lion; but this lion, we are told, remembered that Andrades had once drawn a thorn from its paw, and refused to injure him. Andrades was pardoned, and made a living by exhibiting his civilized lion in taverns.110 The condemned man was sometimes required to play in no make-believe way some famous tragic role: he might represent Medea's rival, and be garbed in a handsome robe that would suddenly burst into flame and consume him; he might be burned to death on a pyre as Heracles; he might (if we may believe Tertullian) be publicly castrated as Atys; he might play Mucius Scaevola and hold his hand over burning coals until it was shriveled up; he might be Icarus and fall from the sky into no merciful ocean but a crowd of wild beasts; he might be Pasiphae, and bear the embraces of a bull. One victim was dressed as Orpheus; he was sent with his lyre into an arena set as a pleasant grove of trees and brooks; suddenly hungry animals emerged from recesses and tore him to pieces.111 Laureolus, a robber, was crucified in the arena for the amusement of the populace; bur as he took too long in dying, a bear was brought in and was persuaded to eat him, piece by piece, as he hung upon the cross. Martial describes the spectacle with fascination and approval.112\nThe supreme events were the combats of armed men, in duels or en masse. The contestants were war captives, condemned criminals, or disobedient slaves. The right of victors to slaughter their prisoners was generally ac\u00ad cepted throughout antiquity, and the Romans thought themselves generous in giving captives a chance for their lives in the arena. Men convicted of capital crimes were brought to Rome from all parts of the Empire, were sent to gladiatorial schools, and soon appeared in the games. If they fought with exceptional bravery the.y might win immediate freedom; if they merely survived they had to fight again and again as holidays recurred; if they lasted three years they were released into slavery; if then they satisfied their masters for two years they were freed. Crimes entailing condemnation to a gladiatorial career were limited to murder, robbery, arson, sacrilege, and mutiny, but sedulous governors responsive to imperial needs might override these restrictions if the arena ran short of men.113 Even knights and senators might be sentenced to fight as gladiators, and sometimes a passion for ap\u00ad plause led members of the equestrian order to offer themselves as volunteers.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nNot a few men, under the lure of adventure and danger, enlisted in the gladiatorial schools.\nSuch schools had existed in Rome as early as 105 B.C. Under the Empire there were four of them there, several more in Italy, and one in Alexandria. Rich men, in Caesar's day, had their own schools for preparing slaves to be gladiators. They used the graduates as bodyguards in peace and as aides in war, hired them out to fight at private banquets, and lent them to the games. On entering a professional gladiatorial school many a novice took an oath \"to suffer himself to be whipped with rods, burned with fire, and killed with steel.\" 114 Training and discipline were rigorous; diet was supervised by physicians, who prescribed barley to develop muscle; violation of rules was punished by scourging, branding, and confinement in chains. Not all of these candidates for death were discontented with their lot. Some were elated with victories and thought of their prowess rather than their peril; some complained that they were not allowed to fight often enough; 115 such men hated Tiberius for giving so few games. They had the stimulus and consolation of fame; their names were daubed by admirers upon public walls; women fell in love with them, poets sang of them, painters portrayed them, sculptors carved for posterity their iron biceps and terrifying frowns. Many, however, were despondent at their imprisonment, their brutalizing routine, and their brief expectation of life. Several committed suicide; one\nby stuffing his throat with a sponge used to clean privies, another by insert\u00ad ing his head between the spokes of a moving wheel, several by hara-kiri"]
[-2.1290149688720703, 14.258041381835938, "The sculptural masterpiece of the period was the great mausoleum dedi\u00ad cated to King Mausolus of Halicarnassus. Nominally a satrap of Persia, Mausolus had extended his personal sway over Caria and pans of Ionia and Lycia, and had used his rich revenues to build a fleet and beautify his capi\u00ad tal. When he died (353), his devoted sister and wife, Artemisia, held a famous oratorical contest in his honor, and summoned the best artists of Greece to collaborate upon a tomb that should be a fitting memorial to his genius. She was a queen by nature as well as by marriage; when the Rho\u00ad dians took advantage of the King's death to invade Caria, she' defeated them by clever strategy, captured their fleet and their capital, and soon brought the rich merchants to terms.\"\" But her grief over the death of Mausolus weakened her, and she died two years after him, before she could see the completed monument that was to give a word to every Western tongue. Slowly Scopas, Leochares, Bryaxis, and Timotheus raised a rectangular tomb of white marble slabs over a base of bricks, covered it with a pyram\u00ad idal roof, and adorned it with thirty-six columns and a wealth of statu\u00ad ary and reliefs. A statue of Mausolus,\u2022 calm and strong, was found among the ruins of Halicarnassus by the English in 1857. Still more finished in workmanship is a frieze\"\" showing again the struggle of Greeks and Ama\u00ad zons. These men, women, and horses are among the cbefs-d'oeuvres of the world's bas-,reliefs. The Amazons are not masculine females built for battle; they are women of a voluptuous beauty that should have tempted the Greeks to something gentler than war. The Mausoleum took its place, with the third temple at Ephesus, among the Seven Wonders of the World. In many respects sculpture now reached its apogee. It lacked the stimu\u00ad lus of religion, and fell short of the majestic power of the Parthenon pedi\u00ad ments; but it took a new inspiration from feminine grace, and achieved a loveliness never equaled before or since. The fifth century had modeled nude men and draped women; the fourth preferred to carve nude women and clothed men. The fifth century had idealized its types, and had cast or chiseled the harassed life of man into an emotionless repose; the fourth century tried tc realize in stone something of human individuality and\nNow in the Brirish Museum.\nCHAP. XX)   LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t49S\nfeeling. In male statuary the head and face took on more importance, the body less; the study of character replaced the idolatry of muscle; portraits in stone became the fashion for any subject who could pay. The body abandoned its stiff, straight pose, and leaned at ease upon a stick or tree; and the surface was modeled to let in the living play of light and shade. Anxious for realism, Lysistratus of Sicyon, apparently first among the Greeks, fitted a plaster mold upon the subject's face, and made a preliminary cast.88\nThe representation of sensuous beauty and grace came to perfection in Praxiteles. All the world knows that he conned Phryne, and gave a lasting form to her loveliness, but no one knows when he was born or when he died. He was both the son and father of sculptors named Cephisodotus, so that we picture him as the climax of a family tradition of patient anistry. He worked in bronze as well as marble, and won such repute that a dozen cities competed for his services. About 360 Cos commissioned him to carve an Aphrodite; with Phryne's help he did, but the Coans were scandalized to find the goddess quite nude. Praxiteles mollified them by making an\u00ad other Aphrodite, clothed, while Cnidus bought the first. King Nicomedes of Bithynia offered to pay the heavy public debt of the city in return for the statue, but Cnidus preferred immortality. Tourists came from every nook of the Mediterranean to see the work; critics pronounced it the finest statue yet made in Greece, and gossip said that men had been stirred to amorous frenzy by viewing it.*\"'\nAs Cnidus achieved fame through the Aphrodite, so the little town of Thespiae in Boeotia, binhplace of Phryne, attracted travelers because Phryne had dedicated there a marble Eros by Praxiteles. For she had asked of him, as a proof of his love, the most beautiful of the works in his studio. He wished to leave the choice to her; but Phryne, hoping to discover his own estimate, ran to him one day with news that his studio was on fire;\nwhereupon he cried out, \"I am lost if my Satyr and my Eros are burned.\"88 Phryne chose the Eros, and gave it to her native town.t Eros, once the cre\u00ad\nator god of Hesiod, became in Praxiteles' conception a delicate and dreamy youth, symbolizing the power of love to capture the soul; he had not yet become the mischievous and sportive Cupid of Hellenistic and Roman an. Presumably the Satyr of the Capitoline Museum in Rome, known to us\nA Roman copr in the Vatican corresponds to the representation of the statue on ex\u00ad humed Cnidian coms.\nt Nero had it brought to Rome, where it perished in the conflagration of A.O. 6+ The\nVatican Cupid of Centocelle may be a copy.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XX\nas Hawthorne's Mtrrble Faun, is a copy of the work that Praxiteles pre\u00ad ferred to his Eros. Some have thought that a torso in the Louvre is part of the original itself... The satyr is represented as a well-formed and happy lad, whose only animal element is his long and pointed ears. He is resting lazily against a tree trunk, with one foot crossed behind the other. Seldom has marble conveyed so fully the sense of idle ease; all the charming care\u00ad lessness of boyhood is in the relaxed limbs and trustful face. Perhaps the limbs are too rounded and soft; Praxiteles looked too long at Phryne to be able to model a man. The Apollo Sauroctonus-Apollo the Lizard-Killer\u00ad is so feminine that we are half inclined to class him with the hermaphrodites that abound in Hellenistic statuary.\nPausanias remarks with regrettable brevity that among the statues in the Heraeum at Olympia was \"a stone Hermes carrying Dionysus as a babe, by Praxiteles.\".. German excavators digging on the site in 1877 crowned their labors by finding this figure, buried under centuries of rub\u00ad bish and clay. Descriptions, photographs, and casts miss the quality of the work; one must stand before it in the little museum at Olympia, and clandestinely pass the fingers over its surface, to realize the smooth and living texture of this marble flesh. The messenger god has been entrusted with the task of rescuing the infant Dionysus from the jealousy of Hera, and taking him to the nymphs who are to rear him in secret. Jiermes pauses on the way, leans against a tree, and holds up a cluster of grapes before the child. The infant is crudely done, as if the inspiration of the artist had been exhausted on the older god. The right arm of the Hermes is gone, and parts of the legs have been restored; the remainder is appar\u00ad ently as it came from the sculptor's hand. The firm limbs and broad chest show a healthy physical development; the head is in itself a masterpiece, with its aristocratic shapeliness, its chiseled refinement of features, and its curly hair; and the right foot is perfect where perfection in statuary is rare. Antiquity considered this a minor work; we may judge from this the artistic wealth of the age.\nAnother passage in Pausanias88 describes a marble group set up by Praxit\u00ad eles in Mantinea. Excavation has found the base alone, bearing the figures of three Muses, carved probably by the pupils rather than by the master. If we put together the references in extant Greek writings to statues by Praxiteles, we find some forty major works;'\u00b0 and these were doubtless but a part of his abundant production. We miss in the remains the sublimity and strength, the dignity and reverence of Pheidias; the gods have made way for Phryne, and the great issues of national life have been put aside\nCHAP. xx)  LETTERS AND ARTS IN THE FOURTH CENTURY\t497\nfor private love. But no sculptor has ever surpassed the sureness of Praxit\u00ad eles' technique, the almost miraculous power to pour into hard stone ease and grace and the tenderest sentiment, sensuous delight and woodland joyousness. Pheidias was Doric, Praxiteles is Ionic; in him again we have a premonition of that cult\u00b5ral conquest of Europe which was to follow Alexander's victories.\nSCOPAS AND LYSIPPUS\nScopas played Byron to Pheidias' Milton and Praxiteles' Keats. We know nothing about his life except through his works, which are the real biography of any man; but even of his works we know none with certainty. The stocky and pugnacious heads of the statues that are attributed to him, or of the copies that are ascribed to his originals, stamp him as a man of passionate individuality and force. At Tegea, as we have seen, he served as both archi\u00ad tect and sculptor, showing a versatility and power unsurpassed in all the cen\u00ad turies between Pheidias and Michelangelo. Excavations have found only a few fragments of a pediment, chiefly two badly damaged heads marked by a brachy\u00ad cephalic roundness, and a moody distant look, which are typical of Scopas' work; together with a battered and masculine figure of Atalanta. Strangely like these remains is the Meleager head in the Villa Medici at Rome; here again are the full cheeks, the sensual lips, the brooding eyes, the slightly projecting ridge of the forehead above the nose, and the half-disheveled curly hair; perhaps it is a Roman copy of a Me/eager set up by Scopas as part of a group represent\u00ad ing the Calydonian hunt. Another head, in the Metropolitan Museum at New York, is almost surely by Scopas, or copied from him; blunt and powerful, and yet handsome and intelligent, it is one of the most characterful remains of ancient statuary.\nAt Elis, says Pausanias,'\u00b0 Scopas cast \"a brazen statue of the Pandemian Aphrodite sitting on a brazen he-goat.\" At Sicyon he made a marble Heracles, of which, perhaps, we have a Roman copy in the Lansdowne House at London: the body a relapse into Polycleitan stylized musculature, the head small and round_a5-l.lsual, the face almost as refined as in Praxiteles. He paused long enough at Megara, Argos, Thebes, and Athens to make statues that Pausanias saw there five centuries later; and perhaps he had a hand in rebuilding the sanc\u00ad tuary at Epidaurus. Crossing the Aegean, he made an Athena and a Dionysus for Cnidus, and played a major role in the sculptures of the Mausoleum. Going north, he carved one of the column drums of the third temple at Ephesus. At Pergamum he made a colossal seated Ares; at Chrysa in the Troad he set up an Apollo Smintheus to scare mice from the fields. He contributed to the fame\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XX\nof Samothrace with an Aphrodite; and in far-off Byzantium he carved a Bac\u00ad chrmte of which the Dresden Albertinum may have a Roman copy in the Raging Maenad. This marble statuette, though only eighteen inches high, is worthy of a great artist-powerful in :figure, magnificent in drapery, unique in pose, alive with anger, and beautiful from every side. Pliny refers to many other statues by Scopas, which in his day stood in the palaces of Rome: an Apollo probably copied in the Apollo Citharoedus of the Vatican; a group of Poseidon, Thetis, Achilles, and Nereids, \"an admirable piece of workmanship,\" says Pliny, \"even if it had taken a whole life to complete it\"; and a \"naked Aphrodite, sufficient to establish the renown of any city.\"4\nAll in all, these works, if a judgment may be based upon a few hypothetical survivals, suggest for Scopas a rank\u00b7very near to Praxiteles. Here is originality without extravagance, strength without brutality, and a dramatic portrayal of impulse, emotion, and mood, without disfigurement by any strained intensity. Praxiteles loved beauty, Scopas was drawn to character; Praxiteles wished to reveal the grace and tenderness of womanhood, the buoyant health and gaiety of youth; Scopas chose to portray the pains and tragedies of life, and ennobled them with artistic representation. Perhaps, if we had more of his works, we should place him second only to Pheidias.\nLysippus of Sicyon began as a humble artisan in brass. He longed to be an artist, but could not afford a teacher; he took courage, however, when he heard Eupompus the painter announce that for his part he would imitate nature her- self, not any artist.411 Lysippus thereupon turned his face to the study of living beings, and formed a new canon of sculptural proportions to replace the stem rule of Polycleitus; he made the legs longer and the head shorter, extended the limbs into the third dimension, and gave the figure more vitality and ease. His Apoxyomenos is a vagrant son of the Diadumenos; Polycleitus' athlete bound a :fillet above his brow, Lysippus' scrapes the oil and dust from his arm with a bronze strigil, and achieves a greater slenderness and grace. More attractive and alive, if we judge from the marble copy in the Delphi Museum, was his portrait of Agias, a young Thessalian nobleman. Once free, Lysippus struck out into new fields, abandoning the type for the individual, the conventional for the impressionistic,\u2022 and almost creating portrait sculpture among the\nGreeks. Philip interrupted his wars and amours to sit for Lysippus; Alexander  4"]
[-3.6959617137908936, 4.426893711090088, "JET us, before facing the melancholy spectacle of the Peloponnesian War, L  glance at the Greek world outside of Attica. Our knowledge of these other states in this period is so fragmentary that we are left to assume-what we cannot prove-that they shared to a minor degree in the cultural blossoming of the Golden Age.\nIn 459 Pericles, anxious to control Egyptian grain, sent a great fleet to expel the Persians from Egypt. The expedition failed, and thereafter Pericles adopted the policy of Themistocles-to win the world by commerce rather than by war. Throughout the fifth century Egypt and Cyprus continued under Per\u00ad sian rule. Rhodes remained free, and the merger of its three cities into one in 408 prepared it to become in the Hellenistic period one of the richest commer\u00ad cial centers in the Mediterranean. The Greek cities of Asia preserved their independence, won at Mycale in 479, until the destruction of the Athenian Empire left them helpless again before the tribute collectors of the Great King. The Greek colonies in Thrace and on the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Euxine prospered under Athenian domination, but were impoverished by the Peloponnesian War. Under Archelaus Macedonia passed out of barbarism and became one of the powers of the Greek world: good roads were laid down, a disciplined army was formed out of the hardy mountaineers, a handsome new capital was built at Pella, and many Greek geniuses, like Timotheus, Zeuxis, and Euripides, found welcome at the court. Boeotia in this period produced Pindar, and gave to Greece, in the Boeotian Confederacy, an unappreciated example of how independent states might live in peace and co-operation.\nIn Italy the Greek cities suffered from frequent wars, and from Athenian ascendancy in maritime trade. In 443 Pericles sent out a group of Hellenes, gathered from different states, to establish near the site of Sybaris the new col\u00ad ony of Thurii, as an experiment in Panhellenic unity. Protagoras drew up a code of laws for the city, and Hippodamus the architect laid out the streets on a rectangular plan that was to be widely imitated in the following centuries. Within a few years the colonists divided into factions according to their origin, and most of the Athenians, probably including Herodotus, went back to Athens.\n437\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVID\nSicily, always turbulent but always fertile, continued to grow in wealth and culture. Selinus and Acragas built massive temples; and under Theron Acragas became so rich that Empedocles remarked: \"The men of Acragas devote them\u00ad selves wholly to luxury as if they were to die tomorrow, but they furnish their houses as if they were to live forever.'n Gelon I, when he died in 478, left Syracuse a system of administration almost as effective as that which Napoleon bequeathed to modern France. Under his brother and successor, Hieron I, the city became a center not only of trade and wealth, but of literature, science, and art. There, too, luxury reached dizzy heights: Syracusan banquets became a byword for extravagance, and \"Corinthian girls\" were so numerous in the city that any man who slept at home was considered a saint.9 The citizens were quick of mind and sharp of tongue; they enjoyed good oratory to their ruin, and crowded to hear, in their magnificent open-air theater, the comedies of Epicharmus and the tragedies of Aeschylus.\u2022 Hieron was a tyrant of bad temper and good will, cruel to his enemies and generous to his friends. He opened his court and purse to Simonides, Bacchylides, Pindar, and Aeschylus, and with their help made Syracuse for a moment the intellectual capital of Greece.\nBut man cannot live on art alone. The Syracusans thirsted for the wine of freedom, and after the death of Hieron they deposed his brother and set up a limited democracy. The other Greek cities in the island took courage and likewise expelled their dictators; the trading classes overthrew the landowning aristocracies, and established a commercial democracy superimposed upon a system of ruthless shivery. After some sixty years, war ended this interlude of liberty as it had ended another through Gelon I. In 409 the Carthaginians, who had kept alive through three generations the memory of Hamilcar's defeat at Himera, invaded Sicily with an armada of fifteen hundred ships and twenty thousand men under Hamilcar's grandson, Hannibal. He laid siege to Selinus, which had become pacific under prosperity, and had neglected to keep its defenses in repair. The surprised city appealed for help to Acragas and Syra\u00ad cuse, whose comfortable citizens responded with Spartan leisureliness. Selinus was taken, all the survivors were massacred and mutilated, and the city became a part of the Carthaginian Empire. Hannibal proceeded to Himera, captured it with ease, and put three thousand prisoners to torture and death to appease the shade of his grandfather. A plague decimated his troops and took off Hanni\u00ad bal himself as they besieged Acragas, but his successor mollified the gods of Carthage by burning alive his own son as an offering. The Carthaginians took the city, took Gela and Camarina, and marched on toward Syracuse. The terrified Syracusans, interrupted in their banquets, gave absolute power to their ablest\nThe theater was probably built under Hieron I (478-67), and rebuilt under Hieron II (270-16). Much of it survives; and many ancient Greek dramas have been staged in it in our century.\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE   SUICIDE  OF GREECE\t439\ngeneral, Dionysius. But Dionysius made peace with the Carthaginians, ceded to them all southern Sicily, and used his troops to establish a second dictator\u00ad ship (405). It was not all treachery. Dionysius knew that resistance was use\u00ad less; he surrendered everything but his army and his city, and resolved to strengthen both until he too, like Gelon, could expel the invaders from Sicily.\nHOW THE GREAT WAR BEGAN\nJust as the simple soul must picture deity in the form of a man, so the simple citizen must conceive the causes of war to be personal-usually one person. Even Aristophanes, like some gossips of his time, would have it that Pericles brought on the Peloponnesian War by attacking Megara, because Megara had offended Aspasia.1\nIt is probable that Pericles, who had not hesitated to conquer Aegina, had dreamed of completing Athens' control of Greek trade by dominating not only Megara but Corinth, which was to Greece what Istanbul is to the eastern Mediterranean today-a door and a key to half a continent's trade. But the basic cause of the war was the growth of the Athenian Empire, and the development of Athenian control over the commercial and political life of the Aegean. Athens allowed free trade there in time of peace, but only by imperial sufferance; no vessel might sail that sea without her consent. Athenian agents decided the destination of every vessel that left the grain ports of the north; Methone, starving with drought, had to ask Athens' leave to import a little corn.' Athens defended this domination as a vital necessity; she was dependent upon imported food, and was deter\u00ad mined to guard the routes by which that food came. In policing the ave\u00ad nues of international trade Athens performed a real service to peace and prosperity in the Aegean, but the process became more and more irksome as the pride and wealth of the subject cities grew. The funds that these had contributed for defense against Persia were being used for the adorn\u00ad ment of Athens, even for the financing of Athenian wars upon other Greeks.\" Periodically the assessment had been increased until it was now, in 432, some 460 talents ($2,300,000) per year. Athens reserved to Athe\u00ad nian courts the right to try all cases, arising within the Confederacy, that involved Athenian citizens or major crimes. If any city resisted, it was reduced by force; so Pericles with efficient dispatch suppressed rebellions in Aegina (457), Euboea (446), and Samos (440). If we may believe Thucydides, the democratic leaders at Athens, while making liberty the idol of their policy among Athenians, frankly recognized that the Con-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVDI\nfederacy of free cities had become an empire of force. \"You should re\u00ad member,\" says Thucydides' Cleon to the Assembly (427), \"that your empire is a despotism exercised over unwilling subjects who are always con\u00ad spiring against you; they do not obey in return for any kindness which you do them to your own injury, but only in so far as you are their master; they have no love for you, but they are held down by force.,,a The inherent contradiction between the worship of liberty and the despotism of empire co-operated with the individualism of the Greek states to end the Golden Age.\nThe resistance to Athenian policy came from nearly every state in Greece.' Boeotia fought off at Coronea (447) the attempt of Athens to include it in the Empire. Some subject cities, and others that feared to become subject, appealed to Sparta to check the Athenian power. The Spartans were not eager for war, knowing the strength and valor of the Athenian fleet; but the old racial antipathy between Dorian and Ionian inflamed them, and the Athenian custom of establishing in every city democracies dependent upon the Empire seemed to the landowning oli\u00ad garchy of Sparta a threat to aristocratic government everywhere. For a time the Spartans contented themselves with supporting the upper classes in every city, and slowly forging a united front against Athens.\nSurrounded by enemies abroad and at home, Pericles worked for peace and prepared for war. The army, he calculated, could protect Attica, or all of Attica s population gathered within Athens' walls; and the navy could keep open the routes by which Euxine or Egyptia1_1 grain might enter Athens' walled port. It was his judgment that no real concessions could be made without endangering that supply of \u00b7food; it seemed to him, as now to England, a choice between empire and starvation. Nevertheless he sent envoys to all the Greek states, inviting them to an Hellenic Con\u00ad ference which would seek a peaceful solution of the problems that were leading to war. Sparta refused to attend, feeling that her acceptance would be construed as an acknowledgment of Athenian hegemony, and at her secret suggestion' so many other states rejected the invitation that the project fell through. Meanwhile, says Thucydides, in a sentence that ex\u00ad plains much history, \"The Peloponnesus and Athens were both full of young men whose inexperience made them eager to take up arms.'\"'\nThese basic factors being present, the coming of war awaited some provocative incident. In 435 _Corcyra, a Corinthian colony, declared itself independent of Corinth; and presently she joined the Athenian Confeder\u00ad acy for protection. Corinth sent a fleet to reduce the island; Athens, ap-\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE  SUICIDE  OF GREECE\t441\npealed to by the victorious democrats of Corcyra, sent a fleet to help them. An indecisive battle took place, in which the navies of Corcyra and Athens fought against those of Megara and Corinth. In 432 Potidaea, a city in Chalcidice tributary to Athens but Corinthian in blood, attempted to expel the Athenian power. Pericles sent an army to besiege it, but its resistance continued for two years, and weakened the military resources and prestige of Athens. When Megara gave further help to Corinth Pericles ordered all Megarian products excluded from the markets of Attica and the Empire. Megara and Corinth appealed to Sparta; Sparta proposed to Athens a repeal of this Megarian decree; Pericles agreed on condition that Sparta permit foreign states to trade with Laconia. Sparta refused; instead, she laid down as a prerequisite to peace, that Athens should acknowledge the full inde\u00ad pendence of all Greek cities-i.e., that Athens should surrender her Em\u00ad pire. Pericles persuaded the Athenians to reject this -demand; and Sparta declared war.20\nFROM THE PLAGUE TO THE PEACE\nNearly all Greece ranged itself on one or the other side. Every state in the Peloponnesus except Argos supported Sparta; so did Corinth, Megara, Boeotia, Locris, and Phocis. Athens, at the outset, had the half-hearted help of the Ionian and Euxine cities and the Aegean isles. Like the World War of our own time, the first phase of the struggle was a contest between sea power and land power. The Athenian fleet laid waste the coastal towns of the Peloponnesus, while the Spartan army invaded Attica, seized the crops, and ruined the soil. Pericles called the population of Attica within the walls of Athens, refused to let his troops go out to battle, and advised the excited Athenians to bide their time and wait for their navy to win the war.\nHis calculations were strategically sound, but they ignored a factor that almost decided the conflict. The crowding of Athens led (430) to a plague\n-probably malaria11-which raged for nearly three years, killing a fourth of the soldiers and a great number of the civilian population.\u2022 The people, desperate with the combined sufferings of epidemic,and war, accused Peri\u00ad cles of responsibility for both. Cleon and others indicted him on the charge of misusing public funds; since he had apparently employed state money to bribe the Spartan kings to peace, he was unable to give a satis\u00ad factory accounting; he was convicted, deposed from office, and fined the\n\u2022Cf.Lucretius' powerful description of this plague in De ReTUm Natura, vi, 1138-1286."]
[-9.115901947021484, 6.395840167999268, "In the end the discontent in the army verged on open mutiny. When\nthe King announced that he would send back to Macedon the oldest of the soldiers, each richly paid for his services, t he was shocked to hear many\nmuttering that they wished he would dismiss them all, since, being a god, he had no need of men to realize his purposes. He ordered the leaders of the sedition executed, and then addressed to his troops an affecting (but probably apocryphal) speech\"' in which he reminded them of all that they had done for him, and he for them, and asked which of them could show more scars than he, whose body bore the marks of every weapon used in war. Finally he gave them all permission to go home: \"Go back and report\nThere are conflicting stories about his guilt and his death.IT He left three main works: Hellenica, a history of Greece from 387 to 337; a History of the Sacred War, and a History of Alexander.\nt Each of them, Arrian assures us, received a talent in addition to his pay-which continued\ntill he reached his home.118\nL\"HAP. :xxn)\tALEXANDER\t551\nthat you deserted your king and left him to the protection of conquered foreigners.\" Then he retired to his rooms, and refused to see anyone. His soldiers, stricken with remorse, came and lay down before the palace, say\u00ad ing that they would not leave till he had forgiven them and reaccepted them into his army. When at last he appeared they broke into tears and insisted on kissing him; and after being reconciled with him they went back to their camp shouting a song of thanksgiving.\nDeceived by this show of affection, Alexander dreamed now of further campaigns and victories; he planned the subjugation of hidden Arabia, sent a mission to explore the Caspian regions, and thought of conquering Europe to the Pillars of Hercules. But his strong frame had been weak\u00ad ened by exposure and drink, and his spirit by the conspiracies of his officers and the mutinies of his men. While the army was in Ecbatana his dearest companion, Hephaestion, fell sick and died. Alexander had loved him so much that when Darius' queen, entering the conqueror's tent, bowed first to Hephaestion, thinking him Alexander, the young King said, graciously, \"Hephaestion is also Alexander\"'0-as if to say that he and Hephaestion were one. The two often shared one tent, and drank from one cup; in battle they fought side by side. Now the King, feeling that half of him had been torn away, broke down in uncontrolled grief. He lay for hours upon the corpse, weeping; he cut off his hair in mourning, and for days refused to take food. He sentenced to death the physician who had left the sick youth's side to attend the public games. He ordered a gigantic funeral pile to be erected in Hephaestion's memory, at a cost, we are told, of ten thousand talents ($60,000,000), and sent to inquire of the oracle of Ammon whether it was permitted to worship Hephaestion as a god. In his next campaign a whole tribe was slain, at his orders, as a sacrifice to Hephaestion's ghost. The thought that Achilles had not long survived Patroclus haunted him like a sentence of death.\nBack in Babylon, he abandoned himself more and more to drink. One night, reveling with his officers, he proposed a drinking match. Promachus quaffed twelve quarts of wine, and won the prize, a talent; three days later he died. Shortly afterward, at another banquet, Alexander drained a goblet containing six quarts of wine. On the next night he drank heavily again; and cold weather suddenly setting in, he caught a fever, and took to his bed. The fever raged for ten days, during which Alexander continued to give orders to his army and his fleet. On the eleventh day he died, being in the thirty-third year of his age ( 32 3). When his generals asked him to whom he left his empire he answered, \"To the strongest.\"\"\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXll\nLike most great men he had been unable to find a successor worthy of him, and his work fell unfinished from his hands. Even so his achievement was not only immense, but far more permanent than has usually been sup\u00ad posed. Acting as the agent of historical necessity, he put an end to the era of city-states, and, by sacrificing a substantial measure of local freedom, created a larger system of stability and order than Europe had yet known. His conception of government as absolutism using religion to impose peace upon diverse nations dominated Europe until the rise of nationalism and democracy in modern times. He broke down the barriers between Greek and \"barbaria\u00b0n,\" and prepared for the cosmopolitanism of the Hellenistic age; he opened Hither Asia to Greek colonization, and established Greek settlements as far east as Bactria; he united the eastern Mediterranean world into one great web of commerce, liberating and stimulating trade. He brought Greek literature, philosophy, and art to Asia, and died before he could realize that he had also made a pathway for the religious victory of the East over the West. His adoption of Oriental dress and ways was the beginning of Asia's revenge.\nIt was just as well that he died at his zenith; added years would almost surely have brought him disillusionment. Perhaps if he had lived he might have been deepened by defeat and suffering, and might have learned-as he was beginning-to love statesmanship more than war. But he had under\u00ad taken too much; the strain of holding his swollen realm together, and watching all its parts, was probably disordering his brilliant mind. Energy is only half of genius; the other half is harness; and Alexander was all energy. We miss in him-though we have no right to expect-the calm maturity of Caesar, or the subtle wisdom of Augustus. We admire him as we admire Napoleon, because he stood alone against half the world, and because he encourages us with the thought of the incredible power that lies potential in the individual soul. And we feel a natural sympathy for him, despite his superstitions and his cruelties, because we know that he was at least a generous and affectionate youth, as well as incomparably able and brave; that he fought against a maddening heritage of barbarism in his blood; and that through all battles and all bloodshed he kept before his eyes the dream of bringing the light of Athens to a larger world.\nIV. THE END OF AN AGE\nWhen the news of his death reached Greece, revolts against the Mace\u00ad donian authority broke out everywhere. Theban exiles in Athens organized\nCHAP.XXII)\tALEXANDER\t553\na force of patriots, and besieged the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmeia. In Athens itself, where many had prayed for an end to Alexander, the anti\u00ad Macedonian party, feeling that its prayers had been heard, crowned them\u00ad selves with garlands and feasted over the death of him whom they had courted as a god-singing, says Plutarch, \"triumphant songs of victory, as if by their own valor they had vanquished him.\"\"\nFor a moment Demosthenes was in his glory. He had not fared well dur\u00ad ing Alexander's campaigns: he had been convicted of accepting a heavy bribe from Harpalus, and had been flung into jail; he had been allowed to escape, and had lived nine months of fretting exile in Troezen. Now he was recalled, and was sent as envoy to the Peloponnesus to raise allies for Athens in a war of liberation. A united force marched north, met Antipa\u00ad ter at Crannon, and was destroyed. The old soldier, who lacked Alexan\u00ad der's sensitivity to Athenian culture, laid the most arduous terms upon the city, requiring it to pay the cost of the war, to receive a Macedonian gar\u00ad rison, to abandon its democratic constitution and courts, to disfranchise and deport to colonial settlements all citizens (12,000 out of 2 1 ,ooo) possessing less than two thousand drachmas' worth of property, and to surrender Demosthenes, Hypereides, and two other anti-Macedonian orators. De\u00ad mosthenes fled to Calauria and took refuge in a temple sanctuary. Sur\u00ad rounded by Macedonian pursuers, he drank a phial of poison, and died be\u00ad fore he could drag himself out of the sacred court.\nThe same tragic year saw the end of Aristotle. He had long been un\u00ad popular in Athens: the Academy and the school of Isocrates disliked him as a critic and a rival, while the patriots looked upon him as a leader of the pro-Macedonian party. Advantage was taken of Alexander's death to bring an accusation of impiety against Aristotle; heretical passages from his books were brought in as evidence; he was charged with having offered divine honors to the dictator Hermeias, who, being a slave, could not have been a god. Aristotle quietly left the city, saying that he would not give Athens a chance to sin a second time against philosophy.\"' He withdrew to the home of his mother's family in Chalcis, leaving the Lyceum in the care of Theophrastus. The Athenians passed sentence of death upon him, but had neither opportunity nor need to execute it. For either through a stomach illness aggravated by his flight, or, as some say,\" by taking poison, Aristotle died a few months after leaving Athens, in the sixty-third year of his age. His will was a model of kindly consideration for his second wife, his family, and his slaves.\n554\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.:XXII\nThe death of Greek democracy was both a violent and a natural death, in which the fatal agents were the organic disorders of the system; the sword of Macedon merely added the final blow. The city-state had proved incapable of solving the problems of government: it had failed to preserve order within, and defense without; despite the appeals of Gorgias, Isocrates, and Plato for some Dorian discipline to tame Ionian freedom, it had dis\u00ad covered no way of reconciling local autonomy with national stability and power; and its love of liberty had seldom interfered with its passion for empire. The class war had become bitter beyond control, and had turned democracy into a contest in legislative looting. The Assembly, a noble body in its better days, had degenerated into a mob hating all superiority, rejecting all restraint, ruthless before weakness but cringing before power, voting itself every favor, and taxing property to the point of crushing initiative, industry, and thrift. Philip, Alexander, and Antipater did not destroy Greek freedom; it had destroyed itself; and the order that they forged preserved for centuries longer, and disseminated through Egypt and the East, a civilization that might otherwise have died of its own tyrannous anarchy.\nAnd yet, had oligarchy or monarchy done any better? The Thirty had committed more atrocities against life and property in the few months of their power than the democracy in the preceding hundred years.'\" And while democracy was producing chaos in Athens, monarchy was producing chaos in Macedonia-a dozen wars of succession, a hundred assassinations, and a thousand interferences with freedom-with no redeeming glory of literature, science, philosophy, or art. The weakness and smallness of the state in Greece had been a boon to the individual, if not in body, certainly in soul; that freedom, costly though it was, had generated the achieve\u00ad ments of the Greek mind. Individualism in the end destroys the group, but in the interim it stimulates personality, mental exploration, and artistic creation. Greek democracy was corrupt and incompetent, and had to die. But when it was dead men realized how beautiful its heyday had been; and all later generations of antiquity looked back to the centuries of Pericles and Plato as the zenith of Greece, and of all history.\nBOOK  V\nTHE\tHELLENISTIC  DISPERSION\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE FOR BOOK V"]
[11.379838943481445, 3.3258965015411377, "CHAP. XXIX)\tTHE\tSUR RENDER  OF PHILOSOPHY\nphy that acknowledged the necessity of faith, preached an ascetic doctrine of simplicity and self-restraint, and saw all_ things in God.\nIV, THE RETURN TO RELIGION\nThe conflict between religion and philosophy had now seen three stages: the attack on religion, as in the pre-Socratics; the endeavor to replace re\u00ad ligion with a natural ethic, as in Aristotle and Epicurus; and the return to religion in the Skeptics and the Stoics-a movement that culminated in Neo-Platonism and Christianity. A like sequence has occurred more than once in history, and may be taking place today. Thales corresponds to Galileo, Democritus to Hobbes, the Sophists to the Encyclopedists, Protag\u00ad oras to Voltaire; Aristotle to Spencer, Epicurus to Anatole France; Pyrrho to Pascal, Arcesilaus to Hume, Carneades to Kant, Zeno to Schopenhauer, Plotinus to Bergson. The chronology resists the analogy, but the basic line of development is the same.\nThe age of the great systems gave way to doubt in the ability of reason either to understand the world or to control the impulses of men into order and civilization. The skeptics were such not in the Humian but in the Kantian sense: they doubted philosophy as well as dogma, sapped the foundations of materialism, and advised a quiet acceptance of the ancient cult; in Pyrrho, as in Pascal, skepticism led not from but to religion, and Pyrrho himself ended as the venerated high priest of his city. The Epi\u00ad curean abandonment of politics for ethics, the flight from the state to the soul, could only represent a moment in the return of the pendulum; and the concentration on individual salvation paved the way for a religion that would appeal to the individual rather than to the state. There were many who could not find in life the consolations that had satisfied Epicurus; poverty, misfortune, disease, bereavement, revolution, or war overtook them, and all the counsels of the sage left them empty-souled. Hegesias of Cyrene, though he started like Epicurus from the standpoint of the Cyre\u00ad naics, concluded that life has in it more pain than pleasure, more grief than joy, and that the only logical outcome of a naturalistic philosophy is suicide.\u2022 Philosophy, like a prodigal daughter, after bright adventures and dark disillusionments, gave up the pursuit of truth and the quest of happi\u00ad ness, returned repentant to her mother, religion, and sought again in faith the foundations of hope and the sanctions of charity.\nHe argued the point so eloquently that a wave of suicides rose in Alexandria, and Ptole\u00ad my II had to banish him from Egypt.08\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\nStoicism, while seeking to construct a natural ethic for the intellectual classes, sought to preserve the old supernatural aids for the morality of the common man, and, as time went on, gave a more and more religious color to its own metaphysical and ethical thought. Zeno denied any real existence to the popular gods,.., but a generation later Cleanthes proposed to prosecute Aristarchus for heresy. Zeno offered no personal immortality, but Seneca spoke of heavenly bliss in terms almost identical with those of the Eleusinian and Christian faiths.1111After Zeno Stoicism became a theology rather than a philosophy, and nearly every proposition in it took a theological form. The greater part of the system was composed of arguments about the ex\u00ad istence and nature of God, the emanation of the world from God, the real\u00ad ity of Providence, the correspondence of virtue with the divine will, the brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of God, and the final return of the world to God. In this philosophy we find the sense of sin that was to play so stern a role in primitive and in Protestant Christianity, the lofty in\u00ad clusiveness that as in the new religions welcomed all races and ranks, and a celibate asceticism that derived from the Cynics and culminated in a long line of Christian monks. From Zeno of Tarsus to Paul of Tarsus was but a step, which would be taken on the road to Damascus.\nMany components of the Stoic creed were Asiatic in origin, some were\nspecifically Semitic. In essentials Stoicism was one elemental phase of the Oriental triumph over Hellenic civilization. Greece had ceased to be Greece before it was conquered by Rome.\nCHAPTER  XXX\nThe Coming of Rome\nI. PYRRHUS\n\"WHO is so worthless or indolent,\" Polybius demands to know, \"as\nnot to wish to understand by what means and under what system of polity the Romans in less than fifty-three years have succeeded in sub\u00ad jecting the whole inhabited world to their sole government-a thing unique in history? Who is so passionately devoted to other studies as to regard anything of greater moment than the acquisition of this knowledge?\"' It is a permissible inquiry, which may engage us later; but there have been so many conquests since Polybius wrote that we cannot spend much time on any of them. We have tried to show that the essential cause of the Roman conquest of Greece was the disintegration of Greek civilization from within. No great nation is ever conquered until it has destroyed itself. Deforesta\u00ad tion and the abuse of the soil, the depletion of precious metals, the migration of trade routes, the disturbance of economic life by political disorder, the corruption of democracy and the degeneration of dynasties, the decay of morals and patriotism, the decline or deterioration of the population, the replacement of citizen armies by mercenary troops, the human and physical wastage of fratricidal war, the guillotining of ability by murderous revo\u00ad lutions and counterrevolutions-all these had exhausted the resources of Hellas at the v.ery time when the little state on the Tiber, ruled by a ruthless and farseeing aristocracy, was training hardy legions of landowners, con\u00ad quering its neighbors and competitors, capturing the food and minerals of the western Mediterranean, and advancing year by year upon the Greek settlements in Italy. These ancient communities, once proud of their wealth, their sages, and their arts, had been impoverished by war, by the depredations of Dionysius I, and by the growth of Rome as a rival center\nof trade. The native tribes that, centuries before, had been enslaved by the\nGreeks or pushed back into the hinterland, increased and multiplied while their masters cultivated comfort through infanticide and abortion. Soon the native stocks were contesting the control of southern Italy. The Greek cities turned to Rome for help; they were helped, and absorbed.\n659\n660\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXX\nTaras, frightened by the growth of Rome, called to its aid the dashing young king of Epirus. In that picturesque and mountainous country, known to us as southern Albania, Greek culture had kept a precarious fnoting ever since the Dorians had raised a shrine to Zeus at Dodona.\u2022 In 295 Pyrrhus, who traced his ancestry to Achilles, became king of the Molossians, the dominant Epirote tribe. He was handsome and brave, a despotic but popular ruler. His subjects thought that he could cure the spleen by pressing \u00b7his right foot upon their prostrate backs; nor was anyone so poor as to be refused his ministrations.\u2022 When the Tarentines appealed to him he saw an alluring opportunity: he would conquer Rome, the danger in the West, as Alexander had conquered Persia, the danger in the East; and he would prove his genealogy by his courage. In 281 he crossed the Ionian (Adriatic) Sea with 25,000 infantry, three thousand horse, and twenty elephants; the Greeks had taken elephants as well as mysticism from India. He met the Romans at Heracleia, and won a \"Pyrrhic victory\": his losses were so great, and his resources in men and materials were now so small, that when an aide complimented him on his success he created an historic phrase by replying that another such triumph would ruin him.\u2022 The Romans sent Caius Fabricius to treat with him for an exchange of prisoners. At supper, says Plutarch,\namongst all sorts of things that were discoursed of, but more par\u00ad ticularly Greece and its philosophers, Cineas [the Epirote diplomat] spoke of Epicurus, and explained the opinions his followers hold about the gods and the commonwealth, and the objects of life, plac\u00ad ing the chief happiness of man in pleasure, and declining public affairs as an injury and disturbance of a happy life, removing the gods afar off both from kindness or anger, or any concern for us at all, to a life wholly without business and flowing in pleasures. Before he had done speaking, \"O Hercules!\" Fabricius cried out to Pyrrhus, \"may Pyrrhus and the Samnitest entertain themselves with opinions as long as they are at war with us.'\"\nImpressed by the Romans, and despairing of adequate aid from the Greeks of Italy, Pyrrhus dispatched Cineas to Rome to negotiate peace. The Senate was about to agree when Appius Claudius, blind and dying, had himself carried into the senate house and protested against making peace with a foreign army on Italian soil. Frustrated, Pyrrhus fought again, won another suicidal victory at Asculum, and then, hopeless of success against Rome, sailed to Sicily with he generous resolve to free it from the Carthaginians. There he drove the Cartha\u00ad ginians back with reckless heroism; but whether it was that the Sicilian Greeks\nItalian archeologists in 1929 unearthed at Butrinto (the ancient Buthrotum) numerous architectural and sculptural remains of Greek and Roman civilization, including a Greek theater of the third century B.c.\nt The strongest of Rome's enemies in Italy.\nCHAP.XXX)\tTHE  COMING  OF ROME\t661"]
[11.051783561706543, 9.11868953704834, "Books having grown to such numbers, libraries became a necessity. These had existed before as the luxury of Egyptian or Mesopotamian\n600\nCHAP. XXVI)\tBOOKS\t601\npotentates; but apparently Aristotle's library was the first extensive pri\u00ad vate collection. We may conjecture its size and worth from the fact that he paid $18,000 for that part of it which he bought from Plato's successor Speusippus. Aristotle bequeathed his books to Theophrastus, who be\u00ad queathed them (287) to Neleus, who took them to Scepsis in Asia Minor, where they were buried, says tradition, to escape the literary cupidity of the Pergamene kings. After almost a century of this damaging interment the volumes were sold about I oo n.c. to Apellicon of T eos, an Athenian philosopher. Apellicon found that many passages had been eaten away by the damp; he made new copies, filling in the gaps as intelligently as he could;\" this may explain why Aristotle is not the most fascinating philoso\u00ad pher in history. When Sylla captured Athens (86) he appropriated Apelli\u00ad con's library and transported it to Rome. There the Rhodian scholar Andronicus reordered and published the texts of Aristotle's works'-an event almost as stimulating in the history of Roman thought as the redis\u00ad covery of Aristotle was to prove in the awakening of medieval philosophy. The adventures of this collection suggest the debt that literature owes to the Ptolemies for establishing and maintaining, as part of the Museum, the famous Alexandrian Library. Ptolemy I began it, Ptolemy II com\u00ad pleted it, and added a smaller library in the suburban sanctuary of Serapis. By the end of Philadelphus' reign the number of rolls had reached 532,000\n-making probably 100,000 books in our sense of this word.\" For a time\nthe enlargement of this collection rivaled the strategy of power in the affections of the Egyptian kings. Ptolemy III ordered that every book brought to Alexandria should be deposited with the Library; that copies should be made, the owner to receive the copy, the Library to retain the original. The same autocrat asked Athens to lend him the manuscripts of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, and deposited $90,000 as security for their return; he kept the originals, sent back copies, and told the Athenians to keep his money as a forf eit.6 The ambition to possess old books became so widespread that men arose who specialized in dyeing and spoiling new manuscripts to sell them as antiquities to collectors of first editions.'\nThe Library soon eclipsed the rest of the Museum in importance and interest. The office of librarian was one of the highest in the king's gift, and included the obligation of tutoring the crown prince. The names of these librarians have been preserved, with variations, in different manu\u00ad scripts; the latest list\" gives, as the first six, Zenodotus of Ephesus, Apol\u00ad lonius of Rhodes, Eratosthenes of Cyrene, Apollonius of Alexandria, Aris\u00ad tophanes of Byzantium, and Aristarchus of Samothrace; their diversity of\n602\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVI\norigin suggests again the unity of Hellenistic culture. Quite as important as these was the poet and scholar Callimachus, who classified the collec\u00ad tion in. a catalogue running to one hundred and twenty rolls. We picture a corps of copyists, presumably slaves, making duplicates of precious orig\u00ad inals, and a hive of scholars separating the materials into groups. Some of these men wrote histories of various departments of literature or science, others edited definitive editions of the masterpieces, others composed com\u00ad mentaries on these texts for the enlightenment of laity and posterity. Aristophanes of Byzantium effected a literary revolution by separating the clauses and sentences of the ancient writings with capitals and marks of punctuation; and it was he who invented the accents that so disturb us in reading Greek. Zenodotus began, Aristophanes advanced, Aristarchus completed, the recension of the Iliad and the Odyssey, establishing the present text, and illuminating its obscurities in learned scholia. By the end of the third century the Museum, the Library, and their scholars had made Alexandria, in everything but philosophy, the intellectual capital of the Greek world.\nDoubtless other Hellenistic cities had libraries. Austrian archeologists have exhumed the remains of an ornate municipal library at Ephesus, and we hear of a great library being consumed in the destruction of Carthage by Scipio. But the only one that evoked comparison with Alexandria's was that of Pergamum. The kings of this transient state looked with enlightened envy upon the cultural enterprises of the Ptolemies. In 196 Eumenes II established the Pergamene Library, and brought to its halls some of the finest scholars of Greece. The collection grew rapidly; when Antony presented it to Cleopatra to replace that part of the Alexandrian Library which was burned in the uprising against Caesar in 48 B.c., it num\u00ad bered some 200,000 rolls. Through this library, and the Attic taste of the Attalid kings, Pergamum became, towards the end of the Hellenistic pe\u00ad riod, the center of a purist school of Greek prose, which considered no word clean that had not come down from classic days. To the enthusiasm of these classicists we owe the preservation of the chef-d'oeuvres of Attic prose.\nIt was above all an age of intellectuals and scholars. Writing became\na profession instead of a devotion, and generated cliques and coteries whose appreciation of talent varied inversely as the square of its distance from themselves. Poets began to write for poets, and became artificial; scholars began to write for scholars, and became dull. Thoughtful men felt that the creative inspiration of Greece was nearing exhaustion, and that the\nCHAP.XXVI)\tBOOKS\nmost lasting service they could render was to collect, shelter, edit, and expound the literary achievements of a bolder time. They established the methods of textual and literary criticism in almost all its forms. They tried to sift out the best from the mass of existing manuscripts, and to guide the reading of the people; they made lists of \"best books,\" the \"four heroic poets,\" the \"nine historians,\" the \"ten lyric poets,\" the \"ten orators,\" etc.\" They wrote biographies of great writers and scientists; they gathered and saved the fragmentary data which are now all that we know concerning these men. They composed outlines of history, literature, drama, science, and philosophyt some of these \"shon cuts to knowledge\" helped to pre\u00ad serve, some replaced and unwittingly obliterated the original works that they summarized. Saddened by the degeneration of Attic Greek into the Orientalized \"pidgin\" Greek of their time, Hellenistic scholars compiled dictionaries and grammars, and the Library of Alexandria, in the manner of the French Academy, issued edicts on the correct usage of the ancient tongue. Without their learned and patient \"ant industry\" the wars, revo\u00ad lutions, and catastrophes of two thousand years would have destroyed even those \"precious minims\" which have been transmitted to us as the ship\u00ad wrecked legacy of Greece.\nTHE BOOKS OF THE JEWS\nThrough all the turmoil of the time the Jews maintained their traditional love of scholarship, and produced more than their share of the lasting literature of the age. To this period belong some of the finest portions of the Bible. Near th close of the third century a Jewish poet (or poetess?) composed the lovely Song of Songs: here is all the artistry of Greek verse from Sappho to Theocritus, but with something undiscoverable in any Greek author of the time-an intensity of imagination, a depth of feeling, and an idealist devotion strong enough to welcome the body, as well as the soul, of love, and to turn the flesh itself into spirit. Panly in Jerusalem, mostly in Alexandria, partly in other cities of the eastern Mediterranean, Hellenistic Jews wrote-in Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek-such masterpieces as Ecclesiastes, Daniel, pan of Proverbs and Psalms, and most of the greater Apocrypha. They composed histories like Chronicles, novelettes like Esther and Judith, and idyls of family life like the Book of Tobit. The Soferim changed the Hebrew script from the old Assyrian to the square Syrian style, which has remained to this day.11 Since most of the Jews in the Near East now spoke Aramaic rather than Hebrew, the scholars explained\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVI\nthe Scriptures in brief Aramaic T argums, or interpretations. \u2022Schools were opened for the study of the Torah, or Law, and the explanation of its moral code to growing youth; such explanations, commentaries, and illus\u00ad trations, handed down from teacher to pupil across the generations, sup\u00ad plied in a later age most of the material of the Talmud.\nBy the close of the third century the scholars of the Great Assembly had completed the editing of the older literature, and had closed the canon of the Old Testament;\"' it was their judgment that the age of the prophets was ended, and that literal inspiration had ceased. The result was that many works of this epoch, full of wisdom and beauty, lost the chance of divine collaboration, and fell into the unfortunate category of Apocrypha.* The two books of Esdras may owe something of their literary excellence to King James' translators; but these can hardly be credited with the touch\u00ad ing account of how Esdras asked the angel Uriel to explain why the wicked prosper, the good suffer, and Israel is in bondage; to which the angel an\u00ad swers, in powerful similes and yet simple speech, that it is not given to the part to understand or judge the whole.\nThe prologue of Ecclesiasticus describes it as a Greek translation, com\u00ad\npleted in 1 32, of discourses written in Hebrew two generations before by the translator's grandfather, Jesus the son of Sirach. This Joshua hen Sirach was both a scholar and a man of affairs; after seeing something of the world through travel he had settled down to make his home a school for students; and to them he delivered these essays on the wisdom of life.:ia He denounces the rich Jews who have abandoned their faith to cut a better figure in the Gentile world; he warns youth against the courtesans who wait for it every\u00ad where; and he offers the Law as still the best guide amid the evils and pit\u00ad falls of the world. But he is no puritan. Unlike the Chasidim he has a good word to say for harmless pleasure; and he protests against the mystics who reject medicine on the ground that all maladies, having come from God, can be cured by God alone. The book is rich in epigrams, of which the most renowned brings together the rod and the child. \"The number of whippings laid to his account,\" said Renan, \"must be incalculable.'\"\" It is a noble book, wiser and kinder than Ecclesiastes.\nThe Old Testament Apocrypha (lit. hidden) are those books that were excluded from the Jewish canon of the Old Testament as uninspired, but were included in the Roman Catholic Vulgate-i.e., the Latin translation, by St. Jerome, of the Hebrew and Greek texts of the Bible. The chief O. T. Apocrypha are Ecclesiasticus, I and II Esdras, and I and Maccabees. The apocalyptic (i.e., revealing) books are those that purport to contain pro\u00ad phetic divine revelations; sucli writinl?S began to appear about 250 u.c., and continued into the Christian era. Some apocalypses, like the Book of Enoch, are considered apocryphal and uncanonical; others, like the Book of Revelation, are considered canonical.\nCHAP.XXVI)\tBOOKS\t605\nIn the twenty-fourth chapter of Ecclesiasticus we are told that \"Wisdom is the first product of God, created from the beginning of the world.\" Here and in the first chapter of Proverbs are the earliest Hebrew forms of the doctrine of the Logos-Wisdom as a \"demiurge,\" or intermediate creator, delegated by God to design the world. This hypostatizing of Wisdom as personified intelligence becomes a dominating idea of Jewish theology in the last centuries before Christ. Alongside of it runs increasingly the con\u00ad ception of personal immortality. In the Book of Enoch, written appar\u00ad ently by several authors in Palestine between 170 and 66 B.c., the hope of heaven has become a vital need; the success of wicked power and the mis\u00ad fortunes of a pious and loyal people could no longer be borne unless that hope might be entertained; without it life and history seemed to be the work of Satan rather than of God. A Messiah will come who will estab\u00ad lish the Kingdom of Heaven on earth, and will reward the virtuous with everlasting happiness after death.\nIn the Book of Daniel the whole terror of the age of Antiochus IV finds a voice. About 166, when the faithful had been persecuted to the death for their beliefs, and ever larger enemies were advancing upon the Macca\u00ad bean band, one of the Chasidim, probably, undertook to rekindle the cour\u00ad age of the people by describing the sufferings and prophecies of Daniel in the days of Nebuchadrezzar in Babylon. Copies of the book passed secretly among the Jews; it was given out as the work of a prophet who had lived three hundred and seventy years before, had borne greater trials than any Jew under Antiochus, had emerged victorious, and had predicted a like triumph for his race. And even if the virtuous and faithful found indifferent fortune here, their reward would come at the Last Judgment, when the Lord would welcome them into a heaven of unending happiness, and plunge their persecutors into everlasting hell."]
[-9.438411712646484, 12.051666259765625, "(XI11) Alcinous is so moved with sympathy by Odysseus' tale that he bids his men row Odysseus to Ithaca, but to blindfold him lest he learn and reveal the location of their happy land. On Ithaca the goddess Athena guides the wanderer to the hut of his old swineherd Eumaeus, who (xiv), though not recognizing him, receives him with Gargantuan hospitality. (xv) When Telem\u00ad achus is led by the goddess to the same hut Odysseus (XVI) makes himself known to his son, and both \"wail aloud vehemently.\" He unfolds to Telem\u00ad achus a plan for slaying all the suitors. (XVII-XVIII) In the guise of a beggar he enters his palace, sees the wooers feasting at his expense, and rages inwardly when he hears that they lie with his maidservants at night even while court\u00ad ing Penelope by day. (xix-xx) He is insulted and injured by the suitors, but he defends himself with vigor and patience. (xx1) By this time the wooers have discovered the trick of Penelope's web, and have forced her to finish it. She agrees to marry whichever of them can string Odysseus' great bow-which hangs on the wall-and shoot an arrow through the openings of twelve axes ranged in line. They all try, and all fail. Odysseus asks for a chance, and suc\u00ad ceeds. (xxu) Then with a wrath that frightens everyone, he casts off his dis\u00ad guise, turns his arrows upon the suitors, and, with the 'help of Telemachus, Eumaeus, and Athena, slays them all. (xxm) He finds it hard to convince Penelope that he is Odysseus; it is difficult to surrender twenty suitors for one husband. (niv) He meets the attack of the suitors' sons, pacifies them, and\n.re-establishes his kingdom.\nMeanwhile in Argos the greatest tragedy in Greek legend was pursuing its course. Orestes, son of Agamemnon, grown to manhood and aroused by his bitter sister Electra, avenged their father by murdering their mother and her paramour. After many years of madness and wandering Orestes ascended the throne of Argos-Mycenae (ca. 1176 B.c.) and later added Sparta to his kingdom.\u2022 But from his accession the house of Pelops began to decline. Perhaps .the decline had begun with Agamemnon, and that\nSir Arthur Evans has found, in a Mycenaean tomb in Boeotia, engravings representing a\n,:oung man attacking a sphinx, and a youth killing an older man and a woman. He believes i:hat these refer to Oedipus and Orestes; and as he ascribes these enFvings to ca. 1450 B.C.e he argues for a date for Oedipus and Orestes some two centuries earlier than the epoch tenta\u2022 tively assigned to these characters in the text.80\n62\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. III\nvacillating chieftain had used war as a means of uniting a realm that was already falling to pieces. But his victory completed his ruin. For few of his chieftains ever returned, and the kingdoms of many others had lost all loyalty to them. By the end of the age that had opened with the siege of Troy the Achaean power was spent, the blood of Pelops was exhausted. The people waited patiently for a saner dynasty.\nTHE DORIAN CONQUEST\nAbout the year 1104 u.c. a new wave of immigration or invasion came flown upon Greece from the restlessly expanding north. Through lliyria \"nd Thessaly, across the Corinthian Gulf at Naupactus, and over the Isthmus t Corinth, a warlike people, tall, roundheaded, letterless, slipped or marched or poured into the Peloponnesus, mastered it, and almost com\u00ad pletely destroyed Mycenaean civilization. We guess at their origin and their route, but we know their character and their effect. They were still in the herding and hunting stage; now and then they stopped to till the soil, but their main reliance was upon their cattle, whose need for new pasturage kept the tribes ever on the move. One thing they had in un\u00ad heard-of quantity-iron. They were the emissaries of the Hallstatt\u2022 cul\u00ad ture to Greece; and the hard metal of their swords and souls gave them a merciless supremacy over Achaeans and Cretans who still used bronze to kill. Probably from both west and east, from Elis and Megara, they came down upon the separate little kingdoIDS of the Peloponnesus, put the ruling classes to the sword, and turned the Mycenaean remnant into helot-serfs. Mycenae and Tiryns went up in flames, and for some centuries Argos be\u00ad came the capital of Pelops' isle. On the Isthmus the invaders seized a com\u00ad manding peak-the Acrocorinthus-and built around it the Dorian city of Corinth.\"\"a The surviving Achaeans fled, some of them into the mountains of the northern Peloponnesus, some into Attica, some overseas to the islands and coasts of Asia. The conquerors followed them jnto Attica, but were repulsed; they followed them to Crete,11 and made final the destruction of Cnossus; they captured and colonized Melos, Thera, Cos, Cnidus, and Rhodes. Throughout the Peloponnesus and Crete, where the Mycenaean culture had most flourished, the devastation was most complete.\nThis terminal catastrophe in the prehistory of Aegean civilization is what modem historians know as the Dorian conquest, and what Greek tradi-\nA town in Austria whose iron remains have given its name to the first period of the\nIron Age in Europe.\nCHAP.m)\tTHE  HEROIC  AGE\ntion called the Return of the Heracleidae. For the victors were not con\u00ad tent to record their triumph as a conquest of a civilized people by bar\u00ad barians; they protested that what had really happened was that the de\u00ad scendants of Heracles, resisted in their just re-entry into the Peloponnesus, had taken it by heroic force. We do not know how much of this is his\u00ad tory, and how much is diplomatic mythology designed to transform a bloody conquest into a divine right. It is difficult to believe that the Dorians were such excellent liars iri the very youth of the world. Perhaps, as dis\u00ad putanrs will never allow, both stories were true: the Dorians were con\u00ad querors from the north, led by the scions of Heracles.\nWhatever the form of the conquest, its result was a long and bitter inter\u00ad ruption in the development of Greece. Political order was disturbed for centuries; every man, feeling unsafe, carried arms; increasing violence dis\u00ad rupted agriculture and trade on land, and commerce on the seas. War flourished, poverty deepened and spread. Life became unsettled as families wandered from country to country seeking security and peace.\u2022 Hesiod called this the Age of Iron, and mourned its debasement from the finer ages that had preceded it; many Greeks believed that \"the discovery of iron had been to the hurt of man.\"88 The arts languished, painting was neglected, statuary contented itself with figurines; and pottery, forgetting the lively naturalism of Mycenae and Crete, degenerated into a lifeless \"Geometrical Style\" that dominated Greek ceramics for centuries.\nBut not all was lost. Despite the resolution of the invading Dorians to keep their blood free from admixture with that of the subject population\u00ad despite the racial antipathies between Dorian and Ionian that were to incarnadine all Greece-there went on, rapidly outside of Laconia, slowly within, a mingling of the new stocks with the old; and perhaps the addi\u00ad tion of the vigorous seed of Achaeans and Dorians with that of the more ancient and volatile peoples of southern Greece served as a powerful bio\u00ad logical stimulant. The final result, after centuries of mingling, was a new and diverse people, in whose blood \"Mediterranean,\" \"Alpine,\" \"Nordic,\" and Asiatic elements were disturbingly fused.\nNor was Mycenaean culture entirely destroyed. Certain elements of the Aegean heritage-instrumentalities of social order and government, ele\u00ad ments of craftsmanship and technology, modes and routes of trade, forms and objects of worship,\"' ceramic and toreutic skills, the art of fresco paint\u00ad ing, decorative motives and architectural forms-maintained a half-stifled existence through centuries of violence and chaos. Cretan institutions, the Greeks believed, passed down into Sparta;\u2022 and the Achaean assembly\n64\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.m\nremained the essential structure of even democratic Greece. The Myce\u00ad naean megaron probably provided the ground plan of the Doric temple,.. to which the Dorian spirit would add freedom, symmetry, and strength. The artistic tradition, slowly reviving, lifted Corinth, Sicyon, and Argos to an early Renaissance, and made even dour Sparta, for a while, smile with art and song; it nourished lyric poetry through all this historyless Dark Age; it followed Pelasgian, Achaean, Ionian, Minyan exiles in their flight-migra\u00ad tion to the Aegean and Asia, and helped the colonial cities to leap ahead of their mother states in literature and art. And when the exiles came to the islands and Ionia they found the remains of Aegean civilization ready to their hands. There, in old towns a little less disordered\u00b7 than on the Con\u00ad tinent, the Age of Bronze had kept something of its ancient craft and brilliance; and there on Asiatic soil would come the first reawakening of Greece.\t\u2022\nIn the end the contact of five cultures-Cretan, Mycenaean, Acha.ean, Dorian, Oriental-brought new youth to a civilization that had begun to die, that had grown coarse on the mainland through war and plunder, and effeminate in.Crete through the luxury of its genius. The mixture of races and wa.ys took centuries to win even a moderate stability, but it contributed to produce the unparalleled variety, flexibility, and subtlety of Greek thought and life. Instead of thinking of Greek culture as a flame that shone suddenly and miraculously amid a dark sea of barbarism, we must conceive of it as the slow and turbid creation of a people almost too richly endowed in blood and memories, and surrounded, challenged, and instructed by war\u00ad like hordes, powerful empires, and ancient civilizations.\nBOOK II\nTHE\tRISE  OF GREECE\nI000-480 B.C.\nCHRONOLOGICAL TABLE FOR BOOK II\nNOTES: All dates before 4,8<>, except 776, are uncertain. A place name without other description indicates the traditional date of its first Greek settlement."]
[-5.817951679229736, 4.83534049987793, "The rediscovery of that lost civilization is one of the major achievements of modem archeology. Here was an island twenty times larger than the largest of the Cyclades, pleasant in climate, varied in the products of its fields and once richly wooded hills, and strategically placed, for trade or war, midway between Phoenicia and Italy, between Egypt and Greece. Aristotle had pointed out how excellent this situation was, and how \"it had enabled Minos to acquire the empire of the Aegean.'\" But the story of Minos, accepted as fact by all classical writers, was rejected as legend by modem scholars; and until sixty years ago it was the custom to suppose, with Grote, that the history of civilization in the Aegean had begun with the Dorian invasion, or the Olympic games. Then in A.D. 1878 a Cretan mer\u00ad chant, appropriately named Minos Kalokairinos, unearthed some strange\nantiquities on a hillside south of Candia.t The great Schliemann, who had\nbut lately resurrected Mycenae and Troy, visited the site in 1886, an\u00ad nounced his conviction that it covered the remains of the ancient Cnossus, and opened negotiations with the owner of the land so that excavations might begin at once. But the owner haggled and tried to cheat; and Schlie\u00ad mann, who had been a merchant before becoming an archeologist, with\u00ad drew in anger, losing a golden chance to add another civilization to history. A few years later he died.'\nIn 1893 a British archeologist, Dr. Arthur Evans, bought in Athens a number of milkstones from Greek women who had worn them as amulets. He was curious about the hieroglyphics engraved upon them, which no scholar could read. Tracing the stones to Crete, he secured passage thither,\nAll dateS in this volume are B.c. unless otherwise stated or obviously A.D.\nt The modem capital, now officially renamed Heracleum. .\n6\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nand wandered about the island picking up examples of what he believed to be ancient Cretan writing. In 1895 he purchased a part, and in 1900 the re\u00ad mainder, of the site that Schliemann and the French School at.Athens had identified with Cnossus; and in nine weeks of that spring, digging feverishly with one hundred and fifty men, he exhumed the richest treasure of modem historical research-the palace of Minos. Nothing yet known from an\u00ad tiquity could equal the vastness of this complicated structure, to all appear\u00ad ances identical with the almost endless Labyrinth so famous in old Greek tales of Minos, Daedalus, Theseus, Ariadne, and the Minotaur. In these and other ruins, as if to confirm Evans' intuition, thousands of seals and clay tablets were found, bearing characters like those that had set him upon the trail. The fires that had destroyed the palaces of Cnossus had preserved these tablets, whose undeciphered pictographs and scripts still conceal the early story of the Aegean.\u2022\nStudents from many countries now hurried to Crete. While Evans was working at Cnossus, a group of resolute Italians-Halbherr, Pernier, Savig\u00ad noni, Paribeni-unearthed at Hagia Triada (Holy Trinity) a sarcophagus painted with illuminating scenes from Cretan life, and uncovered at Phaestus a palace only less extensive than that of the Cnossus kings. Meanwhile two Americans, Seager and Mrs. Hawes, made discoveries at Vasiliki, Mochlos, and Gournia; the British-Hogarth, Bosanquet, Dawkins, Myres-explored Palaikastro, Psychro, and Zakro; the Cretans themselves became interested, and Xanthoudidis and Hatzidakis dug up ancient residences, grottoes, and tombs at Arkalochori, Tylissus, Koumasa, and Chamaizi. Half the nations of Europe united under the flag of science in the very generation in which their statesmen were preparing for war.\nHow was all this material to be classified-these palaces, paintings, statues, seals, vases, metals, tablets, and reliefs?-to what period of the past were they to be assigned? Precariously, but with increasing corroboration as research went on and knowledge grew, Evans dated the relics according to the depth of their strata, the gradation of styles in the pottery, and the agreement of Cretan finds, in form or motive, with like objects exhumed in lands or deposits whose chronology was approximately known. Digging down patiently beneath Cnossus, he found himself stopped, some forty-three feet below the surface, by the virgin rock. The lower half of the excavated area was occupied by remains characteristic of the Neolithic Age-primitive forms of handmade pottery with simple linear ornament, spindle whorls for spinning and weaving, fat-buttocked\nEvans labored brilliantly at Cnossus for many years, was knighted for his discoveries, and completed. in 1936, his monumental four-volume report, The Palace of Minos.\nCHAP, I)\tCRETE\t7\ngoddesses of painted steatite or clay. tools and weapons of polished stone, but nothing in copper or bronze.\u2022 Classifying the pottery, and correlating the remains with those of ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt, Evans divided the post\u00ad neolithic and prehistoric culture of Crete into three ages-Early, Middle, and\nLate Minoan-and each of these into three periods.t\nThe first or lowest appearance of copper in the strata represents for us, through a kind of archeological shorthand, the slow rise of a new civilization out of the neolithic stage. By the end of the Early Minoan Age the Cretans learn to mix copper with tin, and the Bronze Age begins. In Middle Minoan I the earliest palaces occur: the princes of Cnossus, Phaestus, and Mallia build for themselves luxurious dwellings with countless rooms, spacious storehouses, specialized workshops, altars and temples, and great drainage conduits that startle the arrogant Occidental eye. Pottery takes on a many\u00ad colored brilliance, walls are enlivened with charming frescoes, and a form of linear script evolves out of the hieroglyphics of the preceding age. Then, at the close of Middle Minoan II, some strange catastrophe writes its cynical record into the strata; the palace of Cnossus is laid low as if by a convulsion of the earth, or perhaps by an attack from Phaestus, whose palace for a time is spared. But a little later a like destruction falls upon Phaes s, Mochlos, Gournia, Palaikastro, and many other cities in the island; the pottery is covered with ashes, the great jars in the storerooms are filled with debris. Middle Minoan III is a period of comparative stagnation, in which, per\u00ad haps, the southeastern Mediterranean world is long disordered by the Hyksos conquest of Egypt.\u2022\nIn the late Minoan Age everything begins again. Humanity, patient under every cataclysm, renews its hope, takes courage, and builds once more. New and finer palaces rise at Cnossus, Phaestus, Tylissus, Hagia Triada, and Gournia. The lordly spread, the five-storied height, the luxuri\u00ad ous decoration of these princely residences suggest such wealth as Greece would not know till Pericles. Theaters are erected in the palace courts, and gladiatorial spectacles of men and women in deadly combat with animals amuse gentlemen and ladies whose aristocratic faces, quietly alert, still live\nSince the earliest layer of copper implements at Cnossus may be dated, by correlation with the remains of neighboring cultures, about 3400 e.c., i.e., about 5300 years ago, and since the neolithic strata at Cnossus occupy some fifty-five per cent of the total depth from surface to rock, Evans calculated that the Neolithic Age in Crete had lasted at least 4500 rears before the coming of metals-approximately from 8000 to 3400. Such calculations o time from depth of strata are, of course, highly problematical; the rate of deposition may change from age to age. Allowance has been made for a slower rate after the abandonment of Cnossus as an urban site in the fourteenth century e.c.' No paleolithic remains have been found in Crete.\nt For the approximate duration of these epochs cf. the Chronological Table on p. 2..\n8\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. I\nfor us on the bright frescoes of the resurrected walls. Wants are multiplied, tastes are refined, literature flourishes; a thousand industries graciously per\u00ad mit the poor to prosper by supplying comforts and delicacies to the rich. The halls of the king are noisy with scribes taking inventories of goods dis\u00ad tributed-or received; with artists making statuary, paintings, pottery, or re\u00ad liefs; with high officials conducting conferences, hearing judicial appeals, or dispatching papers stamped with their finely wrought seals; while wasp\u00ad waisted princes and jeweled duchesses, alluringly decollete, crowd to a royal feast served on tables shining with bronze and gold. The sixteenth and fifteenth centuries before our era are the zenith of Aegean civilization, the classic and golden age of Crete.\nm. THE RECONSTRUCTION OF A CIVILIZATION\nIf now we try to restore this buried culture from the relics that remain\u00ad playing Cuvier to the scattered bones of Crete-let us remember that we are engaging upon a hazardous kind of historical television, in which imagina\u00ad tion must supply the living continuity in the gaps of static and fragmentary material artificially moving but long since dead. Crete will remain inwardly unknown until its secretive tablets find their Champollion.\nMen and Women\nAs we see them self-pictured in their art, the Cretans curiously resemble the double ax so prominent in their religious symbolism. Male and female alike have torsos narrowing pathologically to an ultramodern waist. Nearly all are short in stature, slight and supple of build, graceful in movement, athletically trim. Their skin is white at birth. The ladies, who court the shade, have fair complexions conventionally pale; but the men, pursuing wealth under thesun, are so tanned and ruddy that the Greeks will call them (as well as the Phoenicians) Phoinikes-the Purple Ones, Redskins. The head is rather long than broad, the features are sharp and refined, the hair and eyes are brilliantly dark, as in the Italians of today; these Cretans are apparently a branch of the \"Mediterranean race.\"\u2022 The men as well as the women wear their hair partly in coils on the head or the neck, partly in ring-\nCurrent anthropology divides post-neolithic Europeans into three types, respectively pre\u00ad ponderating in north, central, and southern Europe: (1) \"Nordic\" man-long-headed, tall, and fair of skin and eyes and hair; (2) \"Alpine\" man-broad-headed, of mediwn height, with eyes tending to gray and hair to brown; and (3) \"Mediterranean\" man-long-headed, short, and dark. No people is exclusively any of these \"races.\""]
[-1.6022212505340576, 12.571924209594727, "The Cretan Zeus, as the Greeks call Velchanos, is subordinate to his mother in the affections of the Cretans. But he grows in importance. He becomes the personification of the fertilizing rain, of the moisture that in this religion, as in the philosophy of Thales, underlies all things. He dies, and his sepulcher is shown from generation to generation on Mt. louktas, where the majestic profile of his face can still be seen by the imaginative traveler; he rises from the grave as a symbol of reviving vegetation, and the Kouretes priests celebrate with dances and clashing shields his glorious resurrection.'\"' Sometimes, as a god of fertility, he is conceived as incarnate in the sacred bull; it is as a bull that he\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.I\nmates in Cretan myth with Minos' wife Pasiphae, and begets by her the mon\u00ad strous Minos-bull, or Minotaur.\nTo appease these deities the Cretan uses a lavish rite of prayer and sacrifice, symbol and ceremony, administered usually by women priests, sometimes by officials of the state. To ward off demons he bums incense; to arouse a negli\u00ad gent divinity he sounds the conch, plays the flute or the lyre, and sings, in chorus, hymns of adoration. To promote the growth of orchards and the fields, he waters trees and plants in solemn ritual; or his priestesses in nude frenzy shake down the ripe burden of the trees; or his women in festal procession carry fruits and flowers as hints and tribute to the goddess, who is borne in state in a palanquin. He has apparently no temple, but raises altars in the palace court, in sacred groves or grottoes, and on mountaintops. He adorns these sanctu\u00ad aries with tables of libation and sacrifice, a medley of idols, and \"horns of con\u00ad secration\" perhaps representative of the sacred bull. He is profuse with holy symbols, which he seems to worship along with the gods whom they signify: first the shield, presumably as the emblem of his goddess in her warrior form; then the cross-in both its Greek and its Roman shapes, and as the swastika-cut upon the forehead of a bull or the thigh of a goddess, or carved upon seals, or raised in marble in the palace of the king; above all, the double ax, as an instru\u00ad ment of sacrifice magically enriched with the virtue of the blood that it sheds, or as a holy weapon unerringly guided by the god, or even as a sign of Zeus the Thunderer cleaving the sky with his bolts.11\nFinally he offers a modest care and worship to his dead. He buries them in clay coffins or massive jars, for if they are unburied they may return. To keep them content below the ground he deposits with them modest portions of food, articles for their toilette, and clay figurines of women to tend or console them through all eternity. Sometimes, with the sly economy of an incipient skeptic, he substitutes clay animals in the grave in place of actual food. If he buries a king or a noble or a rich trader he surrenders to the corpse a part of the precious plate or jewelry that it once possessed; with touching sympathy he buries a set of chess with a good player, a clay orchestra with a musician, a boat with one who loved the sea. Periodically he returns to the grave to offer a sustaining sacrifice of food to the dead. He hopes that in some secret Elysium, or Islands of the Blest, the just god Rhadamanthus, son of Zeus Velchanos, will receive the purified soul, and give it the happiness and the peace that slip so elusively through the fingers in this earthly quest.\nCulture\nThe most troublesome aspect of the Cretan is his language. When, after the Dorian invasion, he uses the Greek alphabet, it is for a speech completely alien\nCHAP. I)\tCRETE\nto what we know as Greek, and more akin in sound to the Egyptian, Cypriote, Hittite, and Anatolian dialects of the Near East. In the earliest age he confines himself to hieroglyphics; about 1800 B.c. he begins to shorten these into a linear script of some ninety syllabic signs; two centuries later he contrives another script, whose characters often resemble those of the Phoenician alphabet; per\u00ad haps it is from him, as well as from the Egyptians and the Semites, that the Phoenicians gather together those letters they will scatter throughout the Med\u00ad iterranean to become the unassuming, omnipresent instrument of Western civ\u00ad ilization. Even the common Cretan composes, and like some privy councilor, leaves on the walls of Hagia Triada the passing inspirations of his muse. At Phaestus we find a kind of prehistoric printing: the hieroglyphs of a great disk unearthed there from Middle Minoan III strata are impressed upon the clay by stamps, one for each pictograph; but here, to add to our befuddlement, the characters are apparently not Cretan but foreign; perhaps the disk is an impor\u00ad tation from the East.\"\"\nThe clay tablets upon which the Cretan writes may some day reveal to us his accomplishments in science. He has some astronomy, for he is famed as a navigator, and tradition hands down to Dorian Crete the ancient Minoan cal\u00ad endar. The Egyptians acknowledge their indebtedness to him for certain medi\u00ad cal prescriptions, and the Greeks borrow from him, as the words suggest, such aromatic and medicinal herbs as mint (mintha), wormwood (apsinthon), and an ideal drug (daukos) reputed to cure obesity without disturbing gluttony.\"\" But we must not mistake our guessing for history.\nThough the Cretan's literature is a sealed book to us, we may at least contem\u00ad plate the ruins of his theaters. At Phaestus, about 2000, he builds ten tiers of stone seats, running some eighty feet along a wall overlooking a flagged court; at Cnossus he raises, again in stone, eighteen tiers thirty-three feet long, and, at right angles to them, six tiers from eighteen to fifty feet in length. These court theaters, seating four or five hundred persons, are the most ancient play\u00ad houses known to us-older by fifteen hundred years than the Theater of Diony\u00ad sus. We do not know what took place on those stages; frescoes picture audiences viewing a spectacle, but we cannot tell what it is that they see. Very likely it is some combination of music and dance. A painting from Cnossus preserves a group of aristocratic ladies, surrounded by their gallants, watching a dance by gaily petticoated girls in an olive grove; another represents a Dancing Woman with flying tresses and extended arms; others show us rustic folk dances, or the wild dance of priests, priestesses, and worshipers before an idol or a sacred tree. Homer describes the \"dancing-floor which once, in broad Cnossus, Daedalus made for Ariadne of the lovely hair; there youths and seductive maidens join hands in the dance ... and a divine bard sets the time to the sound of the lyre.\"\" The seven-stringed lyre. ascribed by the Greeks to the inventiveness of Ter-\n16\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\npander, is represented on a sarcophagus at Hagia Triada a thousand years before Terpander's birth. There, too, is the double flute, with two pipes, eight holes, and fourteen notes, precisely as in classical Greece. Carved on a gem, a woman blows a trumpet made from an enormous conch, and on a vase we see the sistrum beating time for the dance.rs' feet.\nThe same youthful freshness and lighthearted grace that animate his dances and his games enliven the Cretan's work in the arts. H!:l has not left us, aside from his architecture, any accomplishments of massive grandeur or exalted style; like the Japanese of samurai days he delights rather in the refinement of the lesser and more intimate arts, the adornment of objects daily used, the patient perfecting of little things. As in every aristocratic civilization, he accepts conventions in the form and subject of his work, avoids extravagant novelties, and learns to be free even within the limitations of reserve and taste. He excels in pottery, gem cutting, bezel carving, and reliefs, for here his micro\u00ad scopic skill finds every stimulus and opportunity. He is at home in the working of silver and gold, sets all the precious stones, and makes a rich diversity of jeweJs. Upon the seals that he cuts to serve as official_ signatures, commercial labels, or business forms, he engraves in delicate detail so much of the life and scenery of Crete that from them alone we might picture his civilization. He hammers bronze into basins, ewers, daggers, and swords ornamented with floral and animal designs, and inlaid with gold and silver, ivory and rare stones. At Gournia he has left us, despite the thieves of thirty centuries, a silver cup of finished artistry; and here and there he has molded for us rhytons, or drinking horns, rising out of human or animal heads that to this day seem to hold the breath of life.\nAs a potter he tries every form, and reaches distinction in nearly all of them. He makes vases, dishes, cups, chalices, lamps, jars, animals, and gods. At fust, in Early Minoan, he is content to shape the vessel with his hands along lines bequeathed to him from the Neolithic Age, to paint it with a glaze of brown or black, and to trust the fire to mottle the color into haphazard tints. In Middle Minoan\u00b7 he has learned the use of the wheel, and rises to the height of his skill. He makes a glaze rivaling the consistency and delicacy of porcelain; he scatters recklessly black and brown, white and red, orange and yellow, crim\u00ad son and vermilion, and mingles them happily into novel shades; he fines down the clay with such confident thoroughness that in his most perfect product-the graceful and brightly colored \"eggshell\" wares found in the cave of Kamares on Mt. Ida's slopes-he has dared to thin the walls of the vessel to a millimeter's thickness, and to pour out upon it all the motifs of his rich imagination. From\n2100 to 1950 is the apogee of the Cretan potter; he signs his name to his work, and his trade-mark is sought throughout the Mediterranean. In the Late Minoan Age he brings to full development the technique of faience, and forms the\nCHAP, 1)\tCRETE\nbrilliant paste into decorative plaques, vases of turquoise blue, polychrome god\u00ad desses, and marine reliefs so realistic that Evans mistook an enamel crab for a fossil... Now the artist falls in love with nature, and delights to represent on his vessels the liveliest animals, the gaudiest fish, the most delicate .flowers, and the most graceful pla1;1ts. It is in Late Minoan I that he creates his surviving masterpieces, the Boxers' Vase and the Harvesters' Vase: in the one he presl:nts us crudely with every aspect and attitude of the pugilistic game, adding a zone of scenes from the bull-leaper's life; in the other he follows with fond fidelity a procession probably of peasants marching and singing in some harvest fes\u00ad tival. Then the great tradition of Cretan pottery grows weak with age, and the art declines; reserve and taste are forgotten, decoration overruns the vase in bizarre irregularity and excess, the courage for slow conception and patient execution breaks down, and a lazy carelessness called freedom replaces the finesse and finish of the Kamares age. It is a forgivable decay, the unavoidable death of an old and exhausted art, which will lie in refreshing sleep for a thou\u00ad sand years, and be reborn in the perfection of the Attic vase.\nSculpture is a minor art in Crete, and except in bas-relief and the story of Daedalus, seldom graduates from the statuette. Many of these little figures are stereotyped crudities seemingly produced by rote; one is a delightful snapshot in ivory of an athlete plunging through the air; another is a handsome head that has lost its body on the way down the centuries. The best of them excels in anatomical precision and in vividness of action anything that we know from Greece before Myron's time. The strangest is the Snake Goddess of the Boston Museum-a sturdy figure of ivory and gold, half mammae and half snakes; here at last the Cretan artist treats the human form with some amplitude and success. But when he essays a larger scale he falls back for the most part upon animals, and confines himself to painted reliefs, as in the bull's head in the Heracleum Museum; in this startling relic the fixed wild eyes, the snorting nostrils, the gasping mouth, and the trembling tongue achieve a power that Greece itself will never surpass.\nNothing else in ancient Crete is quite so attractive as its painting. The sculp\u00ad ture is negligible, the pottery is fragmentary, the architecture is in ruins; but this frailest of all the arts, easy victim of indifferent time, has left us legible and admirable masterpieces from an age so old that it slipped quite out of the mem\u00ad ory of that classic Greece of whose painting, by contrast so recent, not one original remains. In Crete the earthquakes or the wars that overturned the palaces preserved here and there a frescoed wall; and wandering by them we molt forty centuries and meet the men who decorated the rooms of the Minoan kings. As far back as 2 500 they make wall coatings of pure lime, and conceive the idea of painting in fresco upon the wet surface, wielding the brush so rapidly that the colors sink into the stucco before the surface dries. Into the\n18\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. I\ndark halls of the palaces they bring the bright beauty of the open fields; they make plaster sprout lilies, tulips, narcissi, and sweet marjoram; no one viewing these scenes could ever again suppose that nature was discovered by Rousseau. In the museum at Heracleum the Saffron Picker is as eager to pluck the crocus as when his creator painted him in Middle Minoan days; his waist is absurdly thin, his body seems much too long for his legs; and yet his head is perfect, the colors are soft and warm, the flowers still fresh after four thousand years. At Hagia Triada the painter brightens a sarcophagus with spiral scrolls and queer, almost Nubian figures engrossed in some religious ritual; better yet, he adorns a wall with waving foliage, and then places in the midst of it, darkly but vividly, a stout, tense cat preparing to spring unseen upon a proud bird preening its plumage in the sun. In Late Minoan the Cretan painter is at the top of his stride; every wall tempts him, evety plutocrat calls him; he decorates not merely the royal residences but the homes of nobles and burghers with all the lavish\u00ad ness of Pompeii. Soon, however, success and a surfeit of commissions spoil him; he is too anxious to be finished to quite touch perfection; he scatters quantity about him, repeats his flowers monotonously, paints his men impossibly, con\u00ad tents himself with sketching outlines, and falls into the lassitude of an art that knows that it has passed its zenith and must die. But never before, except per\u00ad haps in Egypt, has painting looked so freshly at the face of nature.\nAll the arts come together to build the Cretan palaces. Political power, commercial mastery, wealth and luxury, accumulated refinement and taste commandeer the architect, the builder, the artisan, the sculptor, the potter, the metalworker, the woodworker, and the painter to fuse their skills in pro\u00ad ducing an assemblage of royal chambers, administrative offices, court theaters, and arenas, to serve as the center and summit of Cretan life. They build in the twenty-first century, and the twentieth sees their work de\u00ad stroyed; they build again in the seventeenth, not only the palace of Minos but many other splendid edifices at Cnossus, and in half a hundred other cities in the thriving island. It is one of the great ages in architectural history.\nThe creators of the Cnossus palace are limited in both materials and men. Crete is poor in metal and quite devoid of marble; therefore they build with limestone and gypsum, and use wood for entablatures, roofs, and all columns above the basement floor. They cut the stone blocks so sharply that they can put them together without mortar. Around a central court of twenty thousand square feet they raise to three or four stories, with spacious stair\u00ad ways of stone, a rambling maze of rooms-guardhouses, workshops, wine press, storerooms, administrative offices, servants' quarters, anterooms, re\u00ad ception rooms, bedrooms, bathrooms, chapel, dungeon, throne room, and a\nCHAP. I)\tCRETE\t19"]
[6.963107585906982, 1.705320954322815, "saying: \"This is all my fortune; think now what you are doing.\" Undis\u00ad couraged, she left her rich home, donned the beggar's garb, and went to live with Crates in free love. Their nuptials, we are informed, were consum\u00ad mated in public, but their lives were models of affection and fidelity.\"\nZeno was impressed by the stern simplicity of the Cynic life. The fol\u00ad\nlowers of Antisthenes had now become the Franciscan monks of antiquity, vowed to poverty and abstinence, sleeping in any natural shelter that they came upon, and living upon the alms of people too industrious to be saints. Zeno took from the Cynics the outlines of his ethic, and did not conceal his debt. In his first book, The Republic, he was so far under their influence that he espoused an anarchist communism in which there should be no money, no property, no marriage, no religion, and no laws.\"' Recognizing that this utopia and the Cynic regimen offered no practicable program of life, he left Crates and studied for a time with Xenocrates at the Academy, and with Stilpo of Megara. He must have read Heracleitus receptively, for he incorporated into his own thought several Heracleitean ideas-the Divine Fire as the soul of man and of the cosmos, the eternity of law, and the re\u00ad peated creation and conflagration of the world. But it was his custom to say that he owed most of all to Socrates, as the fountainhead and ideal of the Stoic philosophy.\nAfter many years of humble tutelage Zeno at last, in 301, set up his own school by discoursing informally as he walked up and down under the colonnades of the Stoa Poecile, or Pointed Porch. He welcomed poor and rich alike, but discouraged the attendance of young men, feeling that only mature manhood could understand philosophy. When a youth talked toQ much Zeno informed him that \"the reason why we have two ears and only one mouth is that we may hear more and talk less.\"'\" Antigonus II, when in Athens, attended Zeno's classes, became his admiring friend, sought his ad\u00ad vice, seduced him into momentary luxury, and invited him to come and live as his guest in Pella. Zeno excused himself and sent his pupil Persaeus instead. For forty years* he taught in the Stoa, and lived a life so consistent with his teachings that \"more temperate than Zeno\" became a proverb in Greece. Despite his intimacy with Antigonus the Athenian Assembly gave him the \"keys to the walls,\" and voted him a statue and a crown. The de\u00ad cree read:\nWhereas Zeno of Citium has passed many years in our city in the study of philosophy, being in all other respects a good man (sic),\nAll dates for Zeno are disputed; the sources are contradictory. Zeller concludes to 350\nfor his birth and 26o for his death...\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\nand also exhorting all the young men who have sought his company to the practice of temperance; making his own life a modf:l of the greatest excellence ... it has been resolved by the people to honor Zeno ... to present him with a golden crown ... and to build him a tomb in the Ceramicus at the public expense.\u2022\n\"He died,\" says Laertius, \"in the following manner,\" reputedly in his nine\u00ad tieth year. ''When he was going out of his school he tripped and broke a toe. Striking the ground with his hand, he repeated a line from the Niobe: 'I come; why\u00b7call me so?' And immediately he strangled himself.\"'\"'\nHis work at the Stoa was carried on by two Asiatic Greeks-by Cleanthes of Assus and then by Chrysippus of Soli. Cleanthes was a pugilist who came to Athens with four drachmas, worked as a common laborer, refused public relief, studied for nineteen years under Zeno, and lived a life of industry and ascetic poverty. Chrysippus was the most learned and prolific of the school; he gave the Stoic doctrine its historic form by expounding it in 750 books, which Dionysius of Halicarnassus held up as models of learned dull\u00ad ness. After him Stoicism spread throughout Hellas, and found its greatest exponents in Asia: in Panaetius of Rhodes, Zeno of Tarsus, Boethus of Sidon, and Diogenes of Seleucia. Out of the casual fragments that survive from a once voluminous literature we must piece together a composite picture of the most widespread and influential philosophy in the ancient world.\nIt was probably Chrysippus who divided the Stoic system into logic, natural science, and ethics. Zeno and his successors prided themselves on their contributions to logical theory, but the streams of ink that flowed from them on this subject have left no appreciable residue of enlightenment or use.* The Stoics agreed with the Epicureans that knowledge arises only out of the senses, and placed the final test of truth in such perceptions as compel the assent of the mind by their vividness or their persistence. Ex\u00ad perience, however, need not lead to knowledge; for between sensation and reason lies emotion or passion, which may distort experience into error even as it distorts desire into vice. Reason is the supreme achievement of man, a seed from the Logos Spermatikos, or Seminal Reason, that made and rules the world.\nThe world itself, like man, is at once completely material and inherently divine. Everything that the senses report to us is material, and\u00b7only ma-\nExcept in certain additions to terminology, like the word logic itself. Zeno's pupil Aristo likened logicians to people eating lobsters, who take a great deal of trouble for a little morsel of meat concealed m much shell.\"\"\nCHAP.XXIX)   THE  SURRENDER  OF PHILOSOPHY\nterial things can cause or receive action. Qualities as well as quantities, vir\u00ad tues as well as passions, soul as well as body, God as well as the stars, are material forms or processes, differing in degrees of fineness, but essentially one.\"' On the other hand all matter is dynamic, full of tensions and powers, perpetually engaged in diffusion or concentration, and animated by an in\u00ad ternal and eternal energy, heat, or fire. The universe lives through innumer\u00ad able cycles of expansion and contraction, development and dissolution; periodically it is consumed in a grand conflagration, and slowly it takes form again; then it passes through all its previous history, even in minutest detail;* for the chain of causes and effects is an unbreakable circle, an end, less repetition. All events and all acts of will are determined; it is as im, possible for anything to happen otherwise than it does as it is for some\u00ad thing to come out of nothing; any break in the chain would disrupt the world.\nGod, in this system, is the beginning, the middle, and the end. The Stoics\nrecognized the necessity of religion as a basis for morality; they looked with a genial tolerance upon the popular faith, even upon its demons and its divination, and found allegorical interpretations to bridge the chasm be, tween superstition and philosophy. They accepted Chaldean astrology as essentially correct, and thought of earthly affairs as in some mystic and continuous correspondence with the movements of the stars..-one phase of that universal sympatheia by which whatever happened to any part affected all the rest. As if preparing not only an ethic but a theology for Christian, ity, they conceived the world, law, life, the soul, and destiny in terms of God, and defined morality as a willing surrender to the divine will. God, like man, is living matter; the world is his body, the order and law of the world are his mind and will; the universe is a gigantic organism of which God is the soul, the animating breath, the fertilizing reason, the activating fire... Sometimes the Stoics conceive God in impersonal terms; more often they picture him as a Providence designing and guiding the cosmos with supreme intelligence, adjusting all its parts to rational purposes, and making everything redound to the use of virtuous men. Cleanthes identifies him with Zeus in a monotheistic hymn worthy of Ikhnaton or Isaiah:\nThou, 0 Zeus, art praised above all gods: many are thy names and thine is all power for ever.\nThe beginning of the world was from thee: and with law thou rul\u00ad est over all things.\nWe are relieved to learn that some of the Stoics were not quite certain on this point.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\nUnto thee may all flesh speak: for we are thy offspring.\nTherefore will I raise a hymn unto thee: and will ever sing of thy power.\nThe whole order of the heavens obeyeth thy word: as it moveth around the earth:"]
[-2.943006753921509, 2.469557762145996, "distance of thirty-eight miles.\u2022 The structure was completed m 279 u.c., and was destroyed in the thirteenth century A.D. The island of Phares, on which it stood, is now the Ras-et-Tin quarter of Alexandria;. the site of the lighthouse has been covered by the sea.\nCHAP.XXV)\tEGYPT  AND  THE  WEST\t591\nnomic opportunities, unprecedented facilities for the life of the mind, and a wealthy court as the source and center of a luxurious social life. Nor was the king an incalculable despot. Egyptian tradition combined with Greek law to build up a system of legislation which borrowed from, and improved upon, the Athenian code in every respect except freedom. The edicts of the king had full legal force; but the cities enjoyed considerable self-government, and the Egyp\u00ad tian, Greek, and Jewish population lived each under its own system of law, chose its own magistrates, and pied before its own courts  A Turin papyrus gives us\nthe record of an Alexandrian lawsuit; the issues are precisely defined, the evi\u00ad dence is carefully presented, precedents are summarized, and the final judgment is given with judicial impartiality. Other papyri preserve Alexandrian wills, and reveal the antiquity of legal forms: \"This is the will of Peisias the Lycian, son of X, of sound mind and deliberate intention.\"\u2022\nThe Ptolemaic was the most efficiently organized government in the Hellenis\u00ad tic world. It took its national form from Egypt and Persia, its municipal form from Greece, and passed them on to Imperial Rome. The country was divided into nomes or provinces, each administered by appointees of the king. Nearly all these officials were Greek. The idea of Alexander, that Greek and Oriental or. Egyptian should live and mingle on equal terms, was forgotten as unlucrative; the valley of the Nile became frankly a conquered land. The Greek overseers brought an advanc d technology and management to the economic life of Egypt, and enormously. expanded the wealth of the nation; but they took the increase. The state charged high prices for the products which it controlled, and barred competition with a tariff....wall; hence olive oil that cost twenty-one drachmas in Delos cost fifty-two in Alexandria. Everywhere the government took rentals, taxes, customs, and tolls, sometimes labor and life itself. The peasant paid a fee to the state for the right to keep cattle, for the fodder that he fed them, and for the privilege of grazing them on the common pasture land. The private owner of gardens, vineyards, or orchards paid a sixth-under Ptol\u00ad emy II a half-of his produce to the state.\"' All persons except soldiers, priests, and government officials paid a poll tax. There were taxes on salt, legal docu\u00ad ments, and bequests; a five per cent tax on rentals, a ten per cent tax on sales, a twenty-five per cent levy on all fish caught in Egyptian waters, a toll on goods passing from village to town, or along the Nile; there were high export as well as import duties at all Egyptian ports; there were special taxes to maintain the fleet and the lighthouse, to keep the municipal physicians and police in good humor, and to buy a gold crown for every new king;81 nothing was overlooked that could fatten the state. To keep track of all taxable products, income, and transactions the government maintained a swarm of scribes, and a vast system of personal and property registration; to collect the taxes it farmed them out to specialists, supervised their operations, and held their possessions as security till\n592\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XXV\nthe returns were in. The total revenue of the Ptolemies, in money and kind, was probably the greatest gathered by any government between the fall of Persia and the ascendancy of Rome.\nALEXANDRIA\nMost of this wealth came to Alexandria. The nome capitals and a few other towns were also prosperous, with paved and lighted streets, police protection, and a good water supply; but nothing quite so \"modern\" as Alexandria had ever been seen before. Strabo describes it in the first cen\u00ad tury A.D. as over three miles long and a mile wide; Pliny reckons the city wall as fifteen miles in length.\" Dinocrates of Rhodes and Sostratus of Cnidus laid out the city on the rectangular plan, with a central avenue one hundred feet wide running from east to west, crossed by an equally wide avenue from north to south. Each of these thoroughfares, and probably some others, was well lighted at night, and was kept cool during the day by mile after mile of shaded colonnades. Of the four quarters into which the main arteries divided the city the westernmost, Rhacotis, was occupied chiefly by Egyptians; the northeast portion formed the Jewish quarter; the southeast comer, or Brucheum, contained the royal palace, the Museum, the Library, the tombs of the Ptolemies, the sarcophagus of Alex\u00ad ander (the Hotel des lnvalides of the age), the arsenal, the chief Greek temples, and many spacious parks. One park had a portico six hundred feet in length; another contained the royal zoological collection. In the center of the city were the administrative buildings, the government store\u00ad houses, the courthouse, the main gymnasium, and a thousand shops and bazaars. Outside the gates were a stadium, a hippodrome or race track, an amphitheater, and a vast cemetery known as the Necropolis, or City of the Dead... Along the beach ran a succession of bathing establishments and resorts. A dike or mole, called Heptastadium because it was seven stadia long, connected the city with the island of Pharos, and made two harbors out of one. Behind the city lay Lake Mareotis, which provided ports and outlets for the traffic on the Nile; here the Ptolemies kept their pleasure boats and took their royal ease.\u2022\nThe population of Alexandria about 200  B.c. was as varied as in a mod\u00ad\nern metropolis: from four to five hundred thousand Macedonians, Greeks,\nHardly anything but a few catacombs and pillars have been preserved from ancient Alexandria. Its remains lie directly under the present capital, making excavation expensive; probably they have sunk beneath the water level; and parts of the old city have been co,\u00b7ered by the Mediterranean.\nCHAP. XXV)\tEGYPT  AND THE  WEST\t593\nEgyptians, Jews, Persians, Anatolians, Syrians, Arabs, and negroes.\u202211 The growth of commerce had swelled the lower middle class, and filled the cosmopolitan capital with a busy, talkative, litigious crowd of shopkeepers and traders, always on the alert for a bargain, and with no prejudice in favor of honesty. At the top were the Macedonians and the Greeks, liv\u00ad ing in such luxury as astonished the Roman ambassadors who were ap\u00ad pointed to the court in 2 73. Athenaeus recounts the delicacies that bur\u00ad dened the tables and digestions of the master class,\"' and Herodas writes: \"Alexandria is the house of Aphrodite, and everything is to be found there-wealth, playgrounds, a large army, a serene sky, public displays, philosophers, precious metals, fine young men, a good royal house, an academy of science, exquisite wines, and beautiful women.\"\"' Alexandria's poets were discovering the literary value of virginity, and its novelists would soon make it the theme and final casualty of many a tale; but the city was notorious for the generosity of its women and the number of its stepdaughters of joy; Polybius complained that the finest private homes in Alexandria belonged to courtesans.\u2022 Women of all classes moved freely through the streets, shopped in the stores, and mingled with the men. Some of them made a name for themselves in literature and scholarship.\" The Macedonian queens and ladies of the court, from Ptolemy II's Arsinoe to Antony's Cleopatra, took an active part in politics, and served policy rather than love with their crimes; but they retained sufficient charm to arouse the men to unprecedented gallantry, at least in poetry and prose, and brought into Alexandrian society an element of feminine influence and grace un\u00ad\nknown in classic Greece.\nProbably a fifth of Alexandria's population was Jewish. As far back as the seventh century there had been Hebrew settlements in Egypt; many Jewish traders had entered in the wake of the Persian conquest. Alexander had urged Jews to emigrate to Alexandria, and had, according to Josephus, o.ffered them equal political and economic rights with the Greeks.  Ptol\u00ad\nemy I, after taking Jerusalem, carried with him into Egypt thousands of Jewish captives, who were freed by his successor;.. at the same time he invited well-to-do Hebrews to establish their homes and businesses in Alexandria.\u2022\u2022 By the beginning of the Christian era there were a million Jews in Egypt.\" A large number of these lived in the Jewish quarter of the capital. It was no ghetto, for the Jews were free to live in any quarter but the Brucheum, which was restricted to official families and their servi-\nThe population of Alexandria in 1927 was 570,000.\n594\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXV\ntors. They chose their own gerousia or senate, and followed their own worship. In 169 the high priest Onias III built a great temple at Leontopolis, a suburb of Alexandria, and Ptolemy VI, his personal friend, assigned the revenues of Heliopolis for its maintenance. Such temples served as schools and meeting places as well as for religious se ices; hence they were called by the Greek-speaking Jews synagogai, i.e., places of assembly. Since few Egyptian Jews after the second or third generation in Egypt knew Hebrew, the reading of the Law was followed by an interpretation in Greek. Out of these explanations and applications rose the custom of preaching a sermon on a text; and out of the ritual came the first forms of the Catholic Mass.'\"\nThis religious and racial separation combined with economic rivalries to arouse, towards the end of this period, an anti-Semitic movement in Alex\u00ad andria. The Greeks and Egyptians alike were habituated to the union of church and state, and frowned upon the cultural independence of the Jews; furthermore, they felt the competition of the Jewish artisan or business\u00ad man, and resented his energy, tenacity, and skill. When Rome began to import Egyptian grain it was the Jewish merchants of Alexandria who car\u00ad ried the. cargoes in their fleets.\"'\u2022 The Greeks, perceiving their failure to Hellenize the Jews, feared for their own future in a state where the majority remained persistently Oriental, and bred so vigorously. Forgetting the leg\u00ad islation of Pericles, they complained that the Jewish law forbade mixed marriages, and that the Jews for the most part kept to themselves. Anti\u00ad Semitic literature multiplied. Manetho, the Egyptian historian, gave cur\u00ad rency to the story that the Jews had been expelled from Egypt, centuries back, because they had been afflicted with scrofula or leprosy.'\" Feeling mounted on both sides until, in the first century of the Christian era, it broke out into destructive violence.\nThe Jews did what they could to allay the resentment against their amixia-their social separation-and their success. Though they clung to their religion they spoke Greek, studied and wrote about Greek literature, and translated their sacred books and their histories into Greek. To ac\u00ad quaint the Greeks with the Jewish religious tradition, and to enable the Jew who knew no Hebrew to read his own.scriptures, a group of Alexan\u00ad drian Jewish scholars began, probably under Ptolemy II, a Greek transla\u00ad tion of the Hebrew Bible. The kings favored the undertaking in the hope that it would make the Jews of Egypt more independent of Jerusalem, and would lessen the flow of Jewish-Egyptian funds to Palestine. Legend told how Ptolemy Philadelphus, at the suggestion of Demetrius of Phalerum,\nCHAP.XXV)\tEGYPT  AND  THE  WEST\t59J\nhad invited some seventy Jewish scholars to come from Judea about 250 to translate the scriptures of their people; how the King had lodged each of them in a separate room on Pharos, and had kept them without inter\u00ad communication until each had made his own rendering of the Pentateuch; how all the seventy versions, when finished, agreed word for word, prov\u00ad ing the divine inspiration of the text and of the translators; how the King rewarded the scholars with costly presents of gold; and how from these circumstances the Greek version of the Hebrew Bible came to be known as the hermeneia kata tous hebdomekonta-the lnterjJ'1'etation accO'Tdmg to the Seventy-in Latin, lnterjJ'1'etatio Septuaginta (sc. Seniorum)-in a word, the \"Septuagint.\"*\" Whatever the process of translation, the Pentateuch seems to have appeared in Greek before the close of the third century, and the Prophetic books in the second.'\" This was the Bible used by Philo and St. Paul.\nThe process of Hellenization in Egypt failed as completely with the natives as with the Jews. Outside of Alexandria the Egyptians sullenly maintained their own religion, their own dress or nudity, their own im\u00ad memorial ways. The Greeks thought of themselves as conquerors, not as fellow men; they did not bother to build Greek cities south of the Delta, or to learn the language of the people; and their laws did not recognize the marriage of an Egyptian with a Greek. Ptolemy I tried to unite the Greek and native faiths by identifying Serapis and Zeus; later Ptolemies encour\u00ad aged the cult of themselves as gods to offer a common and convenient ob\u00ad ject of worship to their heterogeneous population; but those Egyptians who were not courting office paid little attention to these artificial cults. The Egyptian priests, shorn of their wealth and power, and dependent for their sustenance upon grants of money from the state, waited patiently for the Greek wave to recede. In the end it was not Hellenism that won in Alexandria, but mysticism; now were laid the foundations of Neo-Platonism and the medley of promissory cults that competed for the Alexandrian soul in the centuries that surrounded the birth of Christ. Osiris as Serapis became the favorite god of the later Egyptians, and of many Egyptian Greeks; Isis regained popularity as the goddess of women and motherhood. When Christianity came neither the clergy nor the people found it impossible to change Isis into Mary, and Serapis into Christ."]
[14.458399772644043, 8.605060577392578, "\u00a7 One of his favorite problems was to find the \"golden section\"-i.e., to divide a line at such a point that the whole lme should have the same proportion to the larger part as the larger to the smaller.\n502\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nHis most famous theory was a brilliant failure. He suggested that the universe was composed of twenty-seven transparent and therefore invisible spheres, re\u00ad\n\u2022wlving in diverse directions and at various speeds about the center of the earth; and that the heavenly bodies were fixed upon the periphery or shell of these concentric spheres. The system now seems fantastic, but it was one of the first attempts to give a scientific explanation of celestial behavior. In accord with it Eudoxus calculated with considerable accuracy (if we may rashly take our present \"knowledge\" of these matters as a norm) the synodic and zodiacal pe\u00ad riods of the planets.\u2022 The theory did more than any other in antiquity to stimulate astronomic research.\nEcphantus of Syracuse wrote, about 390: \"The earth moves about its own center in an eastward direction.\"12 Heracleides of Pontus, one of the great polymaths of antiquity-the author of famous works on grammar, music, poetry, rhetoric, history, geometry, logic, and ethics-took up the suggestion, or ad\u00ad vanced it independently, arguing that instead of the whole universe revolving about the earth, the relevant phenomena can be explained by supposing that the earth itself rotates daily upon its axis.13 Venus and Mercury, said Heracleides, revolve around the sun. For one brilliant moment, perhaps, Heracleides antici\u00ad pated Aristarchus and Copernicus, for we read in the fragments of Geminus (ca. 70 B.c.): \"Heracleides of Pontus said that, even on the assumption that the earth moves in a certain way, while the sun is in a certain ay at rest, the apparent irregularity with reference to the sun can be saved.\"\" We shall prob\u00ad ably never know just what Heracleides meant.\nMeanwhile a modest progress was being made in the sciences. In geography Dicaearchus of Messana, the biographer of Greece, measured the height of mountains, established the circumference of the earth at some thirty thousand miles, and noted the influen e of the sun upon the tides. In 325 Nearchus, one of Alexander's generals, sailed from the mouth of the Indus along the southern coast of Asia to the Euphrates; his log, partly preserved in Arrian's Indica,,. was one of the classics of ancient geography. Geodesy-the measurement of land surfaces,\u00b7 elevations, depressions, positions, and volumes-had already been christened (geodaisia) as distinct from geometry.'\" Philistion of Italian Locri, at the beginning of the century, practiced animal dissection, and called the heart the main regulator of life, the seat of the pneuma, or soul. Diodes of\nThe synodic period of a heavenly body is the time between two successive conjunctions of it with the sun, as seen from the earth; the zodiacal period is the time between two succes\u00ad sive appearances of a heavenly body in the same pan of the sky as imaginatively divided into the twelve signs of the zodiac. Eudoxus' figure for the synodic period of Saturn was 390 days, ours is 378; for Jupiter, 390, ours 399; for Mars, 260, ours 780; for Mercury, 110 (one manu\u00ad script says u6), ours u6; for Venus, 570, ours 584. The zodiacal period given by Eudoxus for Saturn was 30 years, our figure, 29 years, 166 days; for Jupiter, 12 years, our figure, 11 years, 315 days; for Mars, 2 years, our figure, 1 year, 322 days; for Mercury and Venus, J year, our fi e. r vear.11\nCHAP.XX!)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\nEuboean Carystus, about 370, dissected the womb of animals, described human embryos of twenty-seven to forty days, advanced anatomy, embryology, gyne\u00ad cology, and obstetrics, and scotched a favorite Greek error by announcing that both sexes contribute \"seed\" to form the embryo.\" A second Aspasia became one of the famous physicians of founh-century Athens, renowned for her work in women's diseases, surgery, and other branches of medicine.:111 And lest medi\u00ad cal science should lower the death rate too fast for the means of subsistence, Aeneas Tacticus, the Arcadian, published about 360, in time for Philip and Alexander, the first Greek classic on the an of war.\nrr. THE SOCRATIC SCHOOLS\nAristippus\nIf it was a middling age in science the fourth century was the heyday of philosophy. The early thinkers had propounded vague cosmologies; the Sophists had doubted everything but rhetoric; Socrates had raised a thousand questions and answered none; now all the seeds that had been planted in two hundred years sprouted into great systems of metaphysical, ethical, and political speculation. Athens, too poor to maintain its state medical service, nevertheless opened private universities that made it, as Isocrates said, the \"school of Bellas,\" the intellectual capital and arbiter of Greece. Having weakened the old religion, the philosophers struggled to find in nature and reason some substitute for it as a prop of morals and a guide to life.\nThey explored first the paths opened up by Socrates. While the Soph\u00ad ists relapsed for the most part into the teaching of rhetoric, and disap\u00ad peared as a class, the pupils of Socrates became the storm centers of vio\u00ad lently divergent philosophies. Eucleides of Megara, who had often traveled to Athens to hear Socrates, stirred up his native city with \"a rage of dis\u00ad putes,\" as Timon of Athens phrased it,\" and developed the dialectic of Zeno and Socrates into an eristic, or art of argument, that questioned every conclusion, and led in the next century to the skepticism of Pyrrho and Cameades. After Eucleides' death his brilliant disciple Stilpo led the Megarian school more and more towards the Cynic point of view: since every philosophy can be refuted, wisdom lies not in metaphysical specu lation but in such simple living as will liberate the individual from depend\u00ad ence upon the external factors in well-being. When, after the sack of Megara, Demetrius Poliorcetes inquired how much Stilpo had lost, the\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nsage replied that he had never possessed anything but knowledge, and no one had taken this away... In his later years he numbered among his stu\u00ad dents the founder of the Stoic philosophy, so that the Megarian school may be said to have begun with one Zeno, and ended with another.\nThe elegant Aristippus, after Socrates' death, traveled to various cities, spent some time with Xenophon at Scillus but more with Lais in Corinth,n and then settled down to found a school of philosophy in his native Cy\u00ad rene, on the coast of Africa. The wealth and luxury of the upper classes in the half-Oriental city had formed his habits, and he .agreed most with that part of his master's doctrine which called happiness the greatest good. Handsome in figure, refined in manners, clever in speech, he made a way for himself everywhere. Shipwrecked and penniless in Rhodes, he went to a gymnasium, discoursed, and so fascinated the men there that they provided him and his companions with all comfons; whereupon he re\u00ad marked that parents should arm their children with such wealth that even after a shipwreck it should be able to swim to land with its owner.21\nHis philosophy was simple and candid. Whatever we do, said Aristip\u00ad pus, is done through hope of pleasure or fear of pain-even when we im\u00ad poverish ourselves for our friends, or give our lives for our generals. Therefore, by common consent, pleasure is the ultimate good, and every\u00ad thing else, including virtue and philosophy, must be judged according to its capacity to bring us pleasure. Our knowledge of things is uncenain; all that we know directly and surely is our feelings; wisdom, then, lies in the pursuit not of abstract truth but of pleasurable sensations. The keen\u00ad est pleasures are not intellectual or moral, they are physical or sensual; therefore the wise man will seek physical delights above all. Nor will he sacrifice a present good to a conjectural future good; only the present exists, and the present is probably as good as the future, if not better; the art of life lies in plucking pleasures as they pass, and making the most of what the moment gives... The use of philosophy is that it may guide us not away from pleasures, but to the most pleasant choice and use of them. It is not the ascetic who abstains that is pleasure's master, but rather the man who enjoys pleasures without being their slave, and can prudently distinguish between those that endanger him and those that do not; hence the wise man will show a discriminating respect for public opinion and the laws, but will seek as far as possible \"to be neither the master nor the\n,,..\ns ave o any man.\nIf it is a credit to a man that he practices what he preaches, Aristippus\ndeserves some honor. He bore poverty and riches with equal grace, but\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF  PHILOSOPHY\t5o5\nmade no pretense to impartiality between them. He insisted on being paid for his instructions, and did not hesitate to flatter tyrants to gain his end. He smiled patiently when Dionysius I spat upon him: \"A fisherman,\" he said, \"must put up with more moisture than this to.catch even a smaller fish.,,.. When a friend reproached him for kneeling before Dionysius he answered that it was not his fault if the King \"had his ears in his feet\"; and when Dionysius asked him why philosophers haunt the doors of the rich, but the rich do not frequent the presence of philosophers, he replied, \"Because the first know what they want but the second do not.'\"\" Never\u00ad theless he despised men who pursued wealth for its own sake. When the rich Phrygian Simus displayed to him an ornate house paved with marble, Aristippus spat in his face; and when Simus protested he excused himself on the ground that he could not find, amid all this marble, \"a more suit\u00ad able place to spit in.\".. Having made money, he spent it lavishly on good food, good clothing, good lodging, and (as they seemed to him) good women. Being reproved for living with a courtesan, he answered that he had no objection to living in a house, or sailing in a ship, that other men had used before him... When his mistress said to him, \"I am in a family way by you,\" he replied, \"You can no more tell that it was I, than you could tell, after going through a thicket, which thorn had scratched you.\"111\nPeople liked him despite his honest ways, for he was a person of pleasant manner, refined culture (pace Sim.us), and kindly heart. Doubtless his blunt hedonism was in part due to his delight in scandalizing the respect\u00ad able sinners of the town. He gave himself away by reverencing Socrates, loving philosophy,\u2022 and confessing that the most impressive spectacle in life is the sight of a virtuous man steadily pursuing his course in the midst of vicious people.01 Before his death (356) he remarked that the greatest legacy he was leaving to his daughter Arete was that he had taught her \"to set a value on nothing that she can do without\"11-2 a strange surrender to Diogenes. She succeeded him as head of the Cyrenaic school, wrote forty books, had many distinguished pupils, and earned from her city an honorable epitaph-\"The Light of Bellas.\"..\nDiogenes"]
[-0.37165525555610657, 4.299234867095947, "The fleet had been gone some days when new evidence, as unreliable as before, was brought out to the effect that Alcibiades and his friends had participated in an impious mimicry of the Eleusinian Mysteries. Urged on by an enraged populace, the Assembly sent the swift galley Salaminia to overtake Alcibiades and bring him back for trial. Alcibiades accepted the summons and went aboard the Sala111inia; but when the vessel stopped at Thurii he secretly made his way to shore, and escaped. The Athenian Assembly, baffled, pronounced judgment of exile upon him, with confisca\u00ad tion of all his property, and a decree of death in case the Athenians, should ever capture him. Bitter at the thought that his plans for empire and glory had been frustrated by a condemnation which he continued to call unjust, Alcibiades took refuge in the Peloponnesus, and, appearing before the Spartan Assembly, proposed to help Sparta defeat Athens and establish there an aristocratic government. \"As for democracy,\" Thucydides makes him say, \"the men of sense among us knew what it was, and I perhaps as well as any, as I have the more cause to complain of it; but there is nothing new to be said of a patent absurdity.\"\" He advised them to send a fleet to help Syracuse and an army to capture Deceleia-an Attic town whose pos\u00ad session should give Sparta military command of everything in Attica but Athens. The silver mines at Laurium would cease to finance Athenian re\u00ad sistance, and the subject cities, foreseeing the defeat of Athens, would stop their payment of tribute. Sparta took his advice.\nThe intensity of his own resolution appeared in the completeness with which he, so accustomed to luxury, took up the Spartan way of life. He became frugal and reserved, eating coarse food, wearing a rough tunic and no shoes, bathing in the Eurotas winter and summer, and observing all Lacedaemonian laws and customs faithfully. Even so his good looks and personal fascination ruined his plans. The Queen fell in love with him, bore him a son, and proudly whispered to her friends that he was the father. He excused himself to his intimates on the ground that he could not resist the chance to establish his race as kings over Laconia. King Agis, who had been away with the army, started home, and Alcibiades conveniently se\u00ad cured a commission in a Spartan squadron that was sailing to Asia. The King disowned the child and sent out secret orders for the assassination of Alcibiades; but the latter's friends warned him, and he escaped and joined the Persian admiral Tissaphernes at Sardis.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVIIl\nAt the other end of the war front Nicias was encountering a resistance which only Alcibiades' genius for strategy and intrigue could have over\u00ad come. Nearly all of Sicily came to the aid of Syracuse. In 414 a Spartan fleet under Gylippus helped the Sicilian navy to bottle up the Athenian ships in the harbor of Syracuse, cutting them off from any supply of food. A final chance to escape was lost because of an eclipse of the moon, which frightened Nicias and many of his soldiers into awaiting an opportunity more satisfactory to the gods. On the next day, however, they found themselves surrounded, and were forced to give battle. They were de\u00ad feated, first on sea and then on land. Nicias, though ill and weak, fought bravely, and at last surrendered to the mercy of the Syracusans. He was at once put to death; and the surviving Athenians, almost all of the citizen class, were sent to die at hard labor in the quarries of Sicily, where they tasted the fate of the men who for generations had worked the mines of Laurium.\nTHE TRIUMPH OF SPARTA\nThe disaster broke the spirit of Athens. Nearly half the citizen body was now enslaved or dead; half the women of the citizen class were in effect widows, and the children were orphans. The funds that Pericles had ac\u00ad cumulated in the treasury were almost exhausted; in another year the last penny would be gone. Thinking the fall of Athens imminent, the subject cities refused further tribute; most of her allies abandoned her, and many flocked to the side of Sparta. In 413 Sparta, claiming that the \"fifty years\" peace had been repeatedly violated by Athens, renewed the war. The Lacedaemonians now took and fortified Deceleia; the supply of food from Euboea and of silver from Laurium stopped; the slaves in the mines at Laurium revolted, and went over to the Spartans in a body of twenty thou\u00ad sand men. Syracuse sent an army to join in the attack; and the Persian King, seeing an opportunity to avenge Marathon and Salamis, provided funds for the growing Spartan fleet, on the shameful understanding that Sparta would assist Persia in regaining mastery over the Greek cities of Ionia.\u2022\nIt was a proof of Athenian courage, ana of the vitality of Athenian democracy, that Athens stood off her enemies for ten years more. The government was put upon an economical footing, taxes and capital levies were collected to build a new fleet, and within a year of the defeat at Syracuse Athens was ready to contest Sparta's new mastery of the sea.\nCHAP, XVIII)\tTHE  SUICIDE  OF\u00b7 GREECE\t449\nJust as recovery seemed assured, the oligarchic faction, which had never favored the war, and, indeed, looked to a Spartan victory to revive aris\u00ad tocracy in Athens, organized a revolt, seized the organs of government, and set up a supreme Council of Four Hundred (411). The Assembly, cowed by the assassination of many democratic leaders, voted its own abdi\u00ad cation. The rich supported the rebellion as the only way of controlling the class war that had crossed the lines of the war between Athens and Sparta-much as the struggle of the middle classes against aristocracy united the liberal factions in England and America in the American Revo\u00ad lution. Once in power, the oligarchs sent envoys to make peace with Sparta, and secretly prepared to admit the Spartan army into Athens. Mean\u00ad while Theramenes, leader of a center party of moderate aristocrats, led a counterrevolution, and replaced the Four Hundred-which had ruled some four months-with a Council of Five Thousand (411). For a brief while Athens enjoyed that combination of democracy and aristocracy which seemed to Thucydides and Aristotle\u2022 (aristocrats both) to have been the best and fairest government that Athens had known since Solon. But the second revolt, like the first, had forgotten that Athens depended for its food and life upon its navy, whose personnel, barring a few leaders, had been disfranchised by both revolutions. Incensed at the news, the sailors announced that unless the democracy were restored they would besiege Athens. The oligarchs waited hopefully for a Spartan army; the Spartans as usual were tardy; the new government took to its heels, and the vic\u00ad torious democrats restored the old constitution (411).\nAlcibiades had secretly supported the oligarchic revolt, hoping that it might smooth a way for his return to Athens. Now the re-empowered democracy, perhaps ignorant of these intrigues, but knowing how badly Athens had fared since his exile, called him home with a promise of amnesty. Deferring his triumph at Athens, he took charge of the fleet at Samos, and moved into action with a celerity and success that brought Athens a brief moment of happiness. Speeding through the Hellespont, he met and completely destroyed a Spartan fleet at Cyzicus (410). After a year's siege he captured Chalcedon and Byzantium, and thereby restored Athens' control of the food supply from the Bosporus. Sailing back south he en\u00ad countered another Spartan squadron near the isle of Andros, and defeated it with ease. Returning now (407) to Athens, he was welcomed with uni\u00ad versal acclaim: his sins were forgotten, only his genius was remembered,\nand Athens' desperate need of an able general.\"' But Athens, while cele\u00ad brating his victories, neglected to send him money for the pay of his crews.\n45\u00b0\tTHE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t( CHAP. XVIII\nOnce again Alcibiades' lack of moral scruple ruined him. Leaving the greater number of his vessels at Notium (near Ephesus) in command of one Antiochus, with strict instructions to stay in port and under no cir\u00ad cumstances to give battle, he himself went with a small force to Caria to raise funds for his men by something less than due process of law. Antiochus, itching for fame, left his haven and challenged a Spartan flotilla under Lysander. Lysander accepted the taunt, killed Antiochus in a hand\u00ad to-hand fight, and sank or captured most of the Athenian ships (407). When news of this catastrophe came to Athens the Assembly acted with characteristic haste; it censured Alcibiades for leaving his fleet, and removed him from command. Alcibiades, fearing now both Athens and Sparta, fled to a refuge in Bithynia.\nDesperate, the Athenians ordered that the gold and silver in the statues and offerings on the Acropolis should be melted down for the building of a new flotilla of 1 50 triremes, and offered freedom to those slaves, and citi\u00ad zenship to those aliens, who would fight for the city., The new armada defeated a Spartan fleet off the Arginusae Islands (south of Lesbos) in 406, and Athens again thrilled with the news of victory. But the Assembly was furious when it learned that its generals* had allowed the crews of twenty-five ships, sunk by the enemy, to drown in a storm. Hotheads. protested that these souls, for lack of proper burial, would wander rest\u00ad lessly about the universe; and accusing the survivors of negligence in not attempting a rescue, they proposed that the eight victorious generals (in\u00ad cluding the son of Pericles by Aspasia) should be put to death. Socrates, who happened to be a member of the presiding prytany for the day, re\u00ad fused to put the motion to a vote. It was presented and passed over his protests, and the sentence was carried out with the same precipitation with which it had been decreed. A few days later the Assembly repented, and condemned to death those who had persuaded it to execute the generals. Meanwhile the Spartans, weakened by the defeat, offered peace again; but the Assembly, moved by the oratory of the drunken Cleophon, refused...\nLed now by second-rate men, the Athenian fleet sailed north to meet the\nSpartans under Lysander in the Sea of Marmora. From his hiding place in the hills Alcibiades saw that the Athenian ships had taken up a strategi\u00ad cally perilous position at Aegospotami, near Lampsacus. He risked his life to ride down to the shore and advise the Athenian admirals to seek a more sheltered place; hut they distrusted his counsel, and reminded him that he was no longer in command. On the next day the decisive battle was fought;\nThe term strategos was applied to naval as well as military commanders.\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE   SUICIDE  OF GREECE\t451\nall but eight of the 208 Athenian ships were scuttled or taken, and Lysander ordered the execution of three thousand Athenian captives.  Learning that\nLysander had issued orders for his assassination, Alcibiades sought refuge in Phrygia with the Persian general Pharnabazus, who assigned him a cas\u00ad tle and a\u00b7courtesan. But the Persian King, persuaded by Lysander, ordered Pharnabazus to kill his guest. Two assassins besieged Alcibiades in his cas\u00ad tle, and set fire to it; he came out naked and desperate, seeking the privilege of fighting for his life; but before his sword could touch his assailants he was pierced by their arrows and javelins. He died at the age of forty-six, the greatest genius and most tragic failure in the military history of Greece. Lysander, now absolute master of the Aegean, sailed down from city to city, ovenhrowing the democracies and setting up oligarchic governments subject to Spana. Entering the Piraeus unresisted, he proceeded to block\u00ad ade Athens. The Athenians resisted with their accustomed bravery, but within three months their stock of food was exhausted, and the streets were full of dead or dying men. Lysander gave Athens bitter and yet lenient terms: he would not, he said, destroy a city that had in time past performed such honorable services for Greece, nor would he enslave its population; but he demanded the leveling of the Long Walls, the recall of the oligarchic exiles, the surrender of all but eight of the surviving Athenian ships, and a pledge to support Sparta actively in any further war. Athens protested,\nand yielded.\nSupported by Lysander, and led by Critias and Theramenes, the return\u00ad ing oligarchs seized the government, and established a Council of Thirty to rule Athens (404). These Greek Bourbons had learned nothing; they confiscated the property and alienated the suppon of many rich merchants; they plundered the temples, sold for three talents the wharves of the Piraeus which had cost a thousand,.. exiled five thousand democrats, and put fifteen hundred others to death; they assassinated all Athenians who were distasteful to them politically or personally; they put an end to free\u00ad dom of teaching, assemblage, and speech, and Critias himself, once his pupil, forbade Socrates to continue his public discourses. Seeking to com\u00ad promise the philosopher to their cause, the Thirty ordered him and four others to arrest the democrat Leon. The others obeyed, but Socrates re\u00ad fused.\nAll the sins of the democracy were forgotten as the crimes of the oli\u00ad garchs increased and multiplied. The number of men, even of substantial means, who began to seek an end to this bloody tyranny grew from day to day. When a thousand armed democrats under Thrasybulus approached\n452\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVIII\nthe Piraeus, the Thirty found that hardly any but their immediate partisans could be persuaded to fight for them. Critias organized a small army, went out to battle, and was defeated and killed. Thrasybulus entered Athens, and restored the democracy (403). Under his guidance the Assembly behaved with unwonted moderation:,it decreed death for only the highest surviving leaders of the revolution, and allowed them to escape this sentence by exile; it declared a general amnesty to all others who had supported the oli\u00ad garchs; it even repaid to Sparta the hundred talents that the ephors had lent to the Thirty.\" These acts of humanity and statesmanship gave to Athens at last the peace that she had not known for a generation."]
[15.31772232055664, -0.06998197734355927, "Everything harmonizes with e that harmonizes with thee, O universe. Nothing for me is too early or too late which is in due time for thee. Everything s frui to me that thy seasons bring, O Nature. From thee are all thmgs, m thee are all things, to thee all things retum.51\nCHAP.XX)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t445\nKnowledge is of value only as a tool of the good life. \"What, then, can direct a man? One thing only-philosophy\" 52-not as logic or learning, but as a persistent training in moral excellence. \"Be thou erect, or be made erect.\" 53 God has given every man a guiding daimon, or inner spirit-his reason. Virtue is the life of reason.\nThese are the principles of the rational soul. It traverses the whole universe, and surveys its form, and extends itself into the infinity of time, and embraces the cyclical renewal of all things, and compre\u00ad hends that those who come after us will see nothing new, nor have those before us seen anything more; but in a manner he who is forty years old, if he has any understanding at all, has seen, by virtue of this uniformity, all things that have been or will be.54\nMarcus thinks his premises compel him to puritanism. \"Pleasure is neither good nor useful.\" 55 He renounces the flesh and all its works, and talks at times like some Anthony in the Thebaid:\nObserve how ephemeral and worthless human things are, and what was yesterday a little mucus, tomorrow will be a mummy or ashes.\n. . . The whole space of man's life is but little, and yet with what troubles it is filled ... and with what a wretched body it must be passed! ...  Tum it inside out, and see what kind of thing it is.56\nThe mind must be a citadel free from bodily desires, passions, anger, or hate. It must be so absorbed in its work as hardly to notice the adversities of fortune or the barbs of enmity. \"Every man is worth just so much as the things about which he busies himself.\" 57 He reluctantly concedes that there are bad men in this world. The way to deal with them is to remember that they, too, are men, the helpless victims of their own faults by the determinism of circumstance.58 \"If any man has done thee wrong, the harm is his own; it is thy duty to forgive him.\" 511 If the existence of evil men saddens you, think of the many fine persons you have met, and the many virtues that are mingled in imperfect characters.60 Good or bad, all men are brothers, kinsmen in one God; even the ugliest barbarian is a citizen of the fatherland to which we all belong. \"As Aurelius I have Rome for my country; as a man, the world.\" 61 Does this seem an impracticable philos\u00ad ophy? On the contrary, nothing is so invincible as a good disposition, if it be sincere.62 A really good man is immune to misfortune, for whatever evil befalls him leaves him still his own soul.\nWill this [evil] that has happened prevent thee from being just, magnanimous, temperate, prudent . . . modest, free?    Suppose\nthat men curse thee, kill thee, cut thee in pieces: what can these things do to prevent thy mind from remaining pure, wise, sober, and just?\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nIf a man stand by a limpid, pure spring and curse it, the spring never ceases to send up clean water; if he cast dirt into it, or filth, it will speecily wash them out and be unpolluted again.    On every oc\u00ad\ncasion that brings thee trouble, remember to apply this principle: that this is not a misfortune, but that to bear it nobly is good for\u00ad tune.    Thou seest how few the things are to which if a man lays\nhold of, he is able to live a life that flows on quietly and is like the existence of the gods.63\nMarcus' life, however, did not flow on quietly; he had to kill Germans while writing this Fifth Gospel, and in the end he faced death with no consolation in the son who wodd succeed him, and no hope of happiness beyond the grave. Soul and body alike return to their original elements.\nFor as the mutation and dissolution of bodies make roor.: for other bodies doomed to die, so the souls that arc removed into the air, after life's existence, are transmuted and diffused . . . into the seminal intelligence of the universe, and make room for new souls.6-1 \u2022\u2022\u2022 Thou hast existed as a part; thou shalt disappear in that which pro\u00ad duced thee.... This, too, nature wills. . . . Pass, then, through this little space of time conformably to nature, and end thy journeys in content, just as an olive falls when it is ripe, blessing the nature that produced it, and tl1ank:ng the tree en which it grew.U5\nCOM.MODUS\n\\'\\'hen the officer of the gu:rd asked the dying l\\farcus for the watchword of the day he answered: \"Go to the rising sun; my sun is setting.\" The rising sun was then nineteen, a robust and dashing youth without inhibitions, morals, or fear. One would have expected of him, rather than of Marcus the ailing saint, a policy of war to victory or death; instead, he offered the enemy immediate peace. They were to withdraw from the vicinity of the Danube, to surrender most of their arms, return all Roman prisoners and deserters, pay Rome an annual tribute cf corn, and persuade 13,ooo of their soldiers to enlist in the Roman legions.66 All Rome condemned him except the people; his generals fumed at allowing the trapped prey to escape and fight again another day. During the reign of Commodus, how\u00ad e\\~er, no trouble came from the Danubi:m tribes.\nThe young prince, though no coward, had seen enough of war; he needed peace to enjoy Rome. Back in the capital, he snubbed the Sen::te and loaded the plebs with unprecedented gifts-725 demrii to each citizen. Finding no fidd in politics for his exuberant strength, he hunted beJsts on\nCHAP. XX)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t447\nthe imperial estates and developed such skill with sword and bow that he decided to perform pu!Jlicly. For a time he left the palace and lived in the gladiators' school; he drove chariots in the races, and fought in the arena ag:inst animals and men.67 Pre:::umably the men who opposed him took care to let him win; but he thought nothing of :fighting, unaided and before breakfast, a hippopotamus, an elephant, and a tiger, which made no dis\u00ad tinctions for royalty.68 He was so perfect a bowman that with a hundred arrows he killed a hundred tif;ers in one exhibition. He would let a panther leap upon scme conc!emned criminal and then slay the animal with one arrcw, leaving the man unhurt to die again.69 He had his exploits recorded in the Acta Diurna and insisted on being paid, out of the Treasury, for each cf his thous:nd combats as a gladiator.\nThe historians upon whom we must here depend wrote, like Tacitus, from the viewpoint and traditions of the offended aristocracy; we cannot tell how much of the marvels they relate are history, how much are re\u00ad venge. We are assured that Commodus drank and gambled, wasted the public funds, kept a harem of 300  women and 300  boys, and liked to vary his sex occasionally, at least by using a woman's garb, even at the public games. Tales of unbelievable cruelty are transmitted to us: Commodus ordered a votary of Bellona to amputate an arm in proof of piety; forced some women devotees of Isis to beat their breasts with pine cones till they died; killed men indiscriminately with his club of Hercules; gathered cripples together and slew them one by one with arrows....70One of his mistresses, Marcia, was apparently a Christian; for her sake, we are told, he pardoned some Christians who had been condemned to the Sardinian mines. Her devotion to him suggests that in this man, described as more bestial than any beast, there was some lovable element unrecorded by history.\nLike his predecessors, he was aroused to the wildest ferocity by fear oi assassination. His aunt Lucilla formed a conspiracy to kill him; he discovered it, had her executed, and on proof or suspicion of participation put so many men of rank to death that soon hardly any survived who had been prominent in Marcus' reign. Delators, who had almost disappeared for a century, re\u00ad turned to activity and favor, and a new terror raged in Rome. Appointing Perennis as praetorian prefect, Commodus yielded the reins of government to him, and (the tradition says) abandoned himself to sexual dissipation. Perennis ruled efficiently but mercilessly; he organized his own terror and had all his opponents slain. The Emperor, suspectil)g that Perennis planned to replace him, surrendered this second Sejanus to the Senate, which re\u00ad enacted its role of glowing revenge. Cleander, a former slave, succeeded Perennis (185) and surpassed him in corruption and cruelty; any office\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nmight be had for a proper bribe, any decision of any court could be re\u00ad versed. Under his orders senators and knights were put to death for treason or criticism. In 190 a mob besieged the villa where Commodus was staying and demanded Cleander's death. The Emperor accommodated them. Cleander's successor, Laetus, after holding power for three years, judged that his time had come. One day he chanced upon a proscription list that contained the names of his supporters and friends, and of Marcia. On the last day of 192 Marcia gave Commodus a cup of poison; and when it worked too slowly the athlete whom he had kept to wrestle with strangled him in his bath. He was a youth of thirty-one."]
[-4.321981906890869, -10.53474235534668, "In the spring of 12 3 he led some legions against the Moors of northwest Africa, who had been raiding the Roman towns of i\\Iauretania. Having de\u00ad feated them and driven them back into their hills, he took ship for Ephesus.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nAfter wintering there he visited the cities of Asia Minor, listening to peti\u00ad tions and complaints, punishing m lf easance, rewarding c.impetence, and providing money, designs, and workmen for municipal temples, baths, and theaters. Cyzicus, Nicaea, and Nicomedia had suffered a severe earthquake; Hadrian had the damage made good by imperial funds, and built at Cyzicus a temple that was at once ranked among the seven wonders of the world.25 He pushed eastward along the Euxine to Trapezus, ordered the governor of Cappadocia-the historian Arrian-to examine and report to him the condi\u00ad tion of all the ports on the Black Sea, moved southwest through Paphlagonia, and spent a winter at Perg::imum. In the fall of 1 2 5 he sailed to Rhodes and thence to Athens. He passed a happy winter there and then turned home\u00ad ward. Still curious at fifty, he stopped in Sicily, and climbed Mt. Etna to see the sunrise from a perch 11,000 feet above the sea.\nIt is worthy of note that he could leave his capital for five years and trust to his subordinates to carry on; like a good manager, he had organized and trained an almost autom::itic government. He stayed in Rome something more than a ye::ir. But the lust for tr::ivel was in his blood, and so much of the world remained to rebuild! In 128 he set out again, this time to Utica, Car\u00ad thage, and the flourishing new cities of northern Africa. Returning to Rome in the fall, he left soon afterward and spent another winter in Athens ( 128-\n29). He was made archon, presided happily at games and festivals, and en\u00ad joyed being called Liberator, Helios, Zeus, and Savior of the ,vorld. He\nmingled with philosophers and artists, imitating the graces, without the fol\u00ad lies, of Nero and Antony. Distressed by the free chaos of Athens' laws, he commissioned a corps of jurists to codify them. Always skeptically inter\u00ad ested in religion, he h::id himself initi:1ted into the Eleusinian mvsteries. Find\u00ad ing Athens beset with unemployment, and resolved to rest re the city to the splendor of Periclean days, he summoned architects, engineers, and skilled artisans, and began a building program more extensive than his public\n\tworks in Rome. In a square enclosed by an extensive colonnade his workmen raised a library with marble walls, 120 columns, a gilded roof, and spacious rooms sparkling with alabaster, paintings, and statuary. They built a gym\u00ad nasium, an aqueduct, a temple to Hera, and another to Zeus Panhellenicos\u00ad god \"of all the Greeks.\" The most ambitious of these architectural under\u00ad takings was the completion ( 131) of the Olympieum-that lordly temple to Zeus the Olympian which Peisistratus had begun six centuries \u00b7before and Antiochus Epiphanes had failed to finish. When Hadrian left Athens it was a cleaner, more prosperous, and more beautiful city than ever before in its history.26\nIn the spring of 129 he sailed to Ephesus and traveled again in Asia Minor, spawning buildings and cities as he went. He sallied into Cappadocia and re-\nCHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t419\nviewed the garrisons there. At Antioch he provided funds for an aqueduct, a te\u25a1ple, a theater, and public baths. In the fall he visited Palmyra and Arabia, and in 130 he journeyed to Jerusalem. The Holy City wasstill in ruins, almost as Titus had left it sixty years before; a handful of destitute Jews lived in lairs and hovels amid the rocks. Hadrian's heart was touched by the desolation; and his imagination was moved by the empty site. He had hoped, by his restoration of Greece and the Hellenistic East, to raise higher than before the barriers between Greco-Roman civilization and the Oriental world; now he dreamed of transforming Zion itself into a pagan citadel. He ordered that Jerusalem should be rebuilt as a Roman colony and renamed Aelia Capitolina in memory of Hadrian's gens and Jupiter's Capitol in Rome. It was an aston\u00ad ishing error of psychology and statesmanship in one of the wisest statesmen in history.\nHe passed on to Alexandria ( I 30), smiled tolerantly at its disputatious populace, enriched the Museum, rebuilt Pompey's tomb, and then, surpassing Caesar, abandoned himself to a leisurely sail up the Nile with his wife Sabina and his beloved Antinolis. He had come upon the young Greek some years before in Bithynia; he had been stirred by the youth's rounded beauty, soft eyes, and curly head; he had made him his favored page and had formed for him a tender and passionate attachment. S::ibina made no protest that has come down to us, but the gossip of the cities assumed that the boy played Ganymede to the new Zeus; possibly, however, the childless Emperor loved him as a heaven-sent son. Now, at the height of Hadrian's happiness, An\u00ad tinolis, still but eighteen, died-apparently by drowning in the Nile. The monarch of the world \"wept like a woman,\" says Spartianus; he ordered a temple to be raised on the shore, buried the lad there, and offered him to the world as a god. Around the shrine he built a city, Antinoopolis, destined to be a Byzantine capital. While Hadrian returned sadly to Rome, legend began to remold the story: the Emperor, it said, had learned by magic divination that his greatest plans would succeed only if that which he loved most should die; Antinolis had heard of the prophecy and had gone voluntarily to his death. Perhaps the legend formed soon enough to embitter Hadrian's de\u00ad clining years.\nBack in Rome ( 1 31), he could feel that he had made the Empire better than he had found it. Never before, not even under Augustus, had it been so prosperous, and never has the Mediterranean world reached that fullness of life again; never has it again been the home of so advanced a civilization so widely spread and so deeply shared. And no man had so beneficently ruled it as Hadrian. Augustus had thought of the provinces as a lucrative appendage to Italy, to be husbanded for Italy's sake; now for the first time the ideas of Caesar and Claudius reached fulfillment, and Rome became not a tax col-\n420\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nlector for Italy, but the responsible administrator of a realm in which all parts alike received the care of the government, and in which the Greek spirit ruled the East and the mind as openly as the Roman spirit ruled the state and the West. Hadrian had seen it all and had made it one. He had promised that he \"would manage the commonwealth as conscious that it was the people's property, not his own\";27 and he had kept his promise.\nTbe Builder\nOnly one thing remained-to make Rome, too, more beautiful than before. The artist in Hadrian was ever competing with the governor; he rebuilt the Pantheon while reorganizing Roman law. No other man ever built so plenti\u00ad fully, no other ruler so directly. The structures erected for him were some\u00ad times designed by him, and were always subject to his expert inspection as they progressed. He had a hundred edifices repaired or restored and in\u00ad scribed his name on none of them. Rome in all quarters benefited from his rare union of wisdom with power. Si jeunesse savctit et vieillesse pouvait was in him a riddle solved.\nHis most famous reconstruction was the Pantheon-the best-preserved building of the ancient world. The rectangular temple reared by Agrippa had been destroyed by fire; apparently only the frontal Corinthian portico remained. North of this remnant Hadrian had his architects and engineers raise a circul.ar temple, in the most indigenous of Roman styles. His Hellenic tastes inclined him to prefer Greek to Roman forms in the architecture of his capital. The new temple did not form with the portico a harmonious whole; but the interior-a circle 132 feet in diameter, with no impeding supports\u00ad gave a sense of space and freedom equaled only by the Gothic cathedrals. The walls were twenty feet thick, of brick externally faced in the lower section with marble, in the rest with stucco relieved by pilasters. The ceiling of the portico was of bronze plates so thick that when they were removed by Pope Urban VIII they sufficed to cast 110 cannon and to form the baldachin over the high altar in St. Peter's.29 The massive bronze doors were originally covered with gold. Sev.en niches were cut into the lower section of the win\u00ad dowless interior wall and were adorned with lofty marble columns and entablatures; once these niches senTd as alcoves for statu ry, now they are modest chapels in a magnificent church. A higher section of the wall was plated with pane!s. of ostly stone, separated by pillars of porphyry. The coffered dome, nsmg mward from the top of the walls, was the supreme triumph of Roman engineering. It was erected by pourincr concrete into ribbed sections and letting the whole congeal into one solid ass. Its mono-\nCHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t421\nlithic character did away with lateral thrust, but to make security doubly sure the architect built buttresses into the walls. At the top of the dome an opening (the oculus, or \"eye\"), twenty-six feet in diameter, gave the interior its sole and sufficient illumination. From this majestic dome, the largest in history, an architectural lineage descends through Byzantine and Roman\u00ad esque variations to the dome of St. Peter's, and to that of the Capitol in Washington.\nProbably Hadrian himself designed the double-apsed temple to Venus and Roma which rose opposite the Colosseum, for legend tells how he sent his plans for it to Apollodorus and had the old architect put to death for returning a scornful comment.30 The temple was notable in several particu\u00ad lars: it was the largest in Rome; it had two cellas, one for each of its gods, who sat back to back on incommunicative thrones; and its vaulted roof of gold-plated bronze tiles was among the most brilliant sights of the city. For himself the Emperor built a yet ampler home-the villa whose remains still draw visitors to the pleasant suburb known to him as Tibur, to us as Tivoli. There, in an estate seven miles in circumference, rose a palace with every variety of room, and gardens so crowded with famous works of art that every major museum in Europe has enriched itself from the ruins. The designer showed here the usual Roman indifference to symmetry; he added building to building as need or fancy prompted, and made no greater at\u00ad tempt at harmony than we find in the architectural chaos of the Forum; perhaps the Romans, like the Japanese, were tired of symmetry and pleased with the surprises of irregularity. Besides porticoes, libraries, temples, a theater, a music hall, and a hippodrome, the profuse architect added small replicas of Plato's Academy, Aristotle's Lyceum, and Zeno's Stoa-as if the Emperor, amid all this vain wealth, would make some amends to philosophy. The villa was finished in the last years of Hadrian's life. \\Ve do not know that he found happiness there. The revolt of the Jews in 135 embittered him; he_ put it down without mercy nd fretted that he could not end his reign w1 hout war. In that same year, still only fifty-nine, he was stricken with a pamful and wasting illness-akin to tuberculosis and dropsy-which slowly crushed his body, his spirit, and his mind. His temper became sharper, his manner querulous; he suspected his oldest friends of conspiring to kill and replace him; at last-perhaps in an illucid interval, and how justly we cannot\nsay-he ordered that several of them should be put to death.\nTo end the war of succession that was fonning in his court, he adopted as heir his friend Lucius Verus. When, soon after, Lucius died, Hadrian called to his bedside at Tibur a man with an unblemished reputation for integrity and wisdom, Titus Aurelius Antoninus, and adopted him as his son and suc\u00ad cessor. Looking far ahead, he advised Antoninus to adopt in tum, and edu-\n422\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\ncate for government, two youths then growing up at the court: Marcus Annius Verus, then seventeen, and Lucius Aelius Verus, then eleven, respec\u00ad tively the nephew of Antoninus and the son of Lucius Verus. The title of Caesar, heretofore borne by the emperors and their agnatic descendants, was conferred by Hadrian upon Antoninus; and thereafter, while the emperors kept for themselves the title of Augustus, they granted the name Caesar to each heir presumptive to the throne.\nHadrian's sickness and sufferings had now increased; blood often gushed from his nostrils; and in his distress he began to long for death. He had already prepared his own tomb beyond the Tiber-that huge mausoleum whose gloomy remains are today the Castel Sant' Angelo, still reached by the Pons Aelius that Hadrian built. He was impressed by the example of the Stoic philosopher Euphrates, then in Rome, who, weary with illness and old age, asked Hadrian's permission to kill himself and, receiving it, drank hemlock.31 The Emperor begged for poison or a sword, but no attendant would accommodate him. He bade a Danubian slave stab him, but the slave fled; he commanded his physician to poison him, but the physician com\u00ad mitted suicide.32 He found a dagger and was about to kill himself when it was taken from him. He mourned that he, who had the power to put anyone to death, was not himself permitted to die. Dismissing his doctors, he with\u00ad drew to Baiae and deliberately fed on foods and drinks that would hasten his end. At last, exhausted and maddened with pain, he died (138), after sixty\u00ad two years 'of life and twenty-one of rule. He left behind him a little poem that expressed like Dante the sadness of recalling in grief the days of our happiness:"]
[3.89582896232605, -6.010392189025879, "The chief faults of his work derive from this moral intent. He gives many signs of being privately a rationalist; but his respect for religion is so great that he accepts almost any superstition, and litters his pages with omens, portents, and oracles, until we feel that here too, as in Virgil, the real actors\n- are the gods. He expresses his doubts concerning the myths of early Rome; he gives the less credible ones with a smile; but as he goes on he ceases to distinguish legend from history, follows his predecessors with scant discrimi\u00ad nation, and accepts at their face value the laudatory romances that earlier historians had composed to ennoble their ancestry.66 He rarely consults original sources or monuments, and never bothers to visit the scene of an action. Sometimes he paraphrases Polybius for pages.67 He adopts the old priestly method of annals, narrating events by consulates; consequently there is in him, aside from his moral theme, no tracing of causes, but only a succession of brilliant episodes. He makes no distinction between the rude patres of the early Republic and the aristocracy of his day, nor between the\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nvirile plebs that had created Roman democracy and the venal mob that had destroyed it. His prejudices are always patrician.\nThe patriotic pride that makes Rome forever right in Livy was the secret of his greatness. It gave him an enduring happiness in his long toil; seldom has any writer executed so vast a plan so faithfully. It gave his readers, and still gives us, a sense of Rome's grandeur and destiny. This imperial con\u00ad sciousness contributed to the energy of Livy's style, the vigor of his char\u00ad acterizations, the brilliance and power of his descriptions, the majestic march of his prose. The invented speeches in which his history abounds are master\u00ad pieces of oratory, and became models for the schools. The charm of good manners pervades the work: Livy never shouts, never severely condemns; his sympathy is broader than his scholarship and deeper than his thought. It fails him forgivably when he comes to Hannibal; but he atones with a sweep and splendor of narrative that reaches its zenith in describing the Second Punic War.\nHis reaoers did not mind his inaccuracies or his bias. They liked his style and story, and gloried in the vivid picture that he had drawn of their past. They took the Ab urbe condita as a prose epic, one of the noblest monu\u00ad ments of the Augustan age and mood. From that time onward it was Livy's book that would color for eighteen centuries men's conception of Rome's history and character. Even readers in subject lands were impressed by this massive record of unprecedented conquests and titanic deeds. The younger Pliny tells of a Spaniard who was so moved by Livy's work that he traveled from far Cadiz to Rome in the hope of seeing him. Having accom\u00ad plished his purpose and tendered his worship, he neglected other sights and returned content to his Atlantic home.68\nTHE AMORO\"GS REVOLT\nl\\1eamvhile poetry continued to flourish, but not quite on the lines of Augustus' desire. Only supreme artists like Virgil or Horace can produce good verse to governmental specifications; greater men would refuse, lesser men are unable to comply. Of the three major sources of poetry-religion, nature, love-two had been brought under imperial sway; the third re\u00ad mained lawless, even in Horace's Odes.Now, mildly in Tibullus and Proper\u00ad tius, recklessly in Ovid, poetry escaped from the bureau of propaganda and staged a rebellion that proceeded \"\\Vith mounting gaiety to a tragic end. Albius Tibullus (54-19), like Virgil, lost his ancestral lands when the Civil ,var reached the little town of Peduni-near Tibor-that had seen his birth. l\\1essala rescued him from poverty and took him in his train to\nCHAP.XII)\tTHE   GOLDEN  AGE\t253\nthe East, but Tibullus fell ill on the way and returned to Rome. He was happy to be free from war and politics; now he could give himself to genderless love and the polishing of elegiac verse in the manner of the Alexandrian Greeks. To Delia (otherwise unknown, and perhaps one name for many) he addressed the usual supplications, \"sitting like a gatekeeper [ianitor] before her stubborn doors\" 69 and reminding her, as so many maids have been reminded, that youth comes but once and soon steals away. It did not disturb him that Delia was married; he put the husband to sleep with undiluted wine-but fumed when her new lover played the same trick upon him.70 These ancient themes might not have harassed Augustus; what made Tibullus, Propertius, and Ovid really disagreeable to a government that was finding it hard to enlist recruits for the army was the persuasive anti\u00ad militarism of this love-loose set. Tibullus laughs at warriors who forage for death when they might have been seducing women. He mourns for the age of Saturn, when, he imagines,\nthere were no annies, no hatred, and no war. . . . There was no\n\u00b7war when men drank from wooden cups. . .. Give me but love, and let others go to war. . .. The hero is he whom, ,vhen his chil\u00ad dren have been begotten, old age overtakes in his humble cottage. He follows his\u00b7sheep, his son follows the lambs, ,vhile the good wife heats the water for his weary limbs. So let me live till the white hairs glisten on my head, and I tell in niy old man's fashion of the days gone by.71\nSextus Propertius (49-15) sang less simply and tenderly, and with more learned ornaments, the same idyl of peaceful lechery. Born in Umbria, educated in Rome, he soon lapsed into verse; and though few readers could fetch his thought from the wells of his pedantry, .i\\1aecenas took him into his circle on the Esquiline. He describes with pride and pleasure the dinners there on the banks of the Tiber, when he would drink the wine of Lesbos in cups chiseled by great artists, and, \"seated as on a throne amid merry women,\" would watch the vessels gliding by on the river below.72 To please his patron and his prince Propertius now and then plucked his lyre in praise of war; but to his mistress Cynthia he sang another tune: \"Why should I raise sons for Parthian triumphs? No child of ours shall be a soldier.\" 73 Not all the martial glory in the world, he assured her, could equal one night with Cymhia.74\nOf all these epicureans, light of heart and head, who spent their lives climbing and descending the mount of Venus, Publius Ovidius Naso was the happy model and poet laureate. Sulmo (Saloma) saw his birth (43 B.c.) in a pleasant valley of the Apennines some ninety miles east of Rome; how\n254\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nbeautiful, from the cold exile of his later years, would seem Sulmo's vine\u00ad yards, olive groves, cornfields, and streams! His rich middle-class father sent him to Rome to study law, and was shocked to hear that the boy wished to be a poet; he held up to the lad the awful fate of Homer, who, according to the best authorities, had died blind and poor. So warned, Ovid managed to rise to the post of a judge in the praetorial courts. Then, to his father's dismay, he refused to run for the quaestorship (from which he would have emerged a senator), and retired to the cultivation of literature and love. He pleaded that he could not help being a poet; \"I lisped in numbers and the numbers came.\" 75\nOvid traveled leisurely to Athens, the Near East, and Sicily, and, return\u00ad ing, joined the loosest circles in the capfral. Possessed of chann, wit, educa\u00ad tion, and money, he was able to open all doors. He married twice in early manhood, was twice divorced, and then grazed for a time in publi pas\u00ad tures. \"Let the past please others,\" he sang; \"I congratulate myself on being born into this age, whose morals are so congenial to my own.\" 76 He laughed at the Aeneid, and merely concluded from it that since the son of Venus had founded Rome, it should, if only out of piety, become the city of love.77 He lost his head to a pretty courtesan, whose an nymity or multiplicity he hides under the name of Corinna. His racy couplets about her had no trouble in finding a publisher; under the title of Amores they were soon ( 14 B.c.) on the lips and lyres of youthful Rome. \"On every hand people want to know who is this Corinna that I sing about.\" 78 He mystified them, in a second series of Amores, by writing a pronunciamento of promiscuity:\nIt is no fixed beauty that calls my passion fonh; there are a hundred causes to keep me always in love. If it is some fair one with modest eyes downcast upon her lap, I am aflame, and her innocence is my en\u00ad snaring; if it is some saucy jade, I am smitten because she is not rustic simple, and gives me hope of enjoying her supple embrace on the soft couch. If she seems austere, and affects the rigid Sabine dame, I judge she would yield, but is deep in her conceit. If you are versed in books you win me by your rare accomplishments.    One treads\nsoftly, and I fall in love with her step; another is hard, but can be softened by the touch of love. Because this one sings sweetly   I\nwould snatch kisses as she sings; this other runs with nimble fingers over the complaining strings-who could but fall in love with such cunning hands? Another takes me by her movement, swaying her arms in rhythm and curving her tender side with supple an-to say naught of myself, who take fire from every cause; put Hippolytus in my place, and he will be Priapus! ... Tall and shon are after the wish of my hean; I am undone by both.   i\\ly love is candidate\nfor the favors of them all.79\nCHAP. xn)\tTHE   GOLDEN  AGE\t255\nOvid apologizes for not chanting the glory of war; Cupid came and stole a foot from his verse and left it lame.80 He wrote a lost play, Medea, which was well received, but for the most pan he pref erred \"the slothful shade of Venus,\" and was content to be called \"the well-known singer of his wonh\u00ad less ways.\" 81 Here are the lays of the troubadours a thousand years before\u00ad time, addressed like them to married ladies, and making flirtation the main business of life. Ovid instructs Corinna how to communicate with him by signs as she lies on her husband's couch.8 He assures her of his eternal fidelity, his strictly monogamous adultery: \"I am no fickle philanderer, not one of those who love a hundred women at a time.\" At last he wins her and intones a paean of victory. He commends her for having denied him so long, and advises her to deny him again, now and then, so that he may love her forever. He quarrels with her, strikes her, repents, laments, and loves her more madly than before. Romeo-like he begs the dawn to delay, and hopes some blessed wind will break the axle of Aurora's car. Corinna deceives him in his tum, and he is furious on finding that she holds her favors insufficiently rewarded by the homage of his \\'erse. She kisses him into forgiveness, but he cannot pardon the new skill of her loving; some other master has been teaching her.83 A few pages later he is \"in love with two maids at once, each beautiful, each tasteful in dress and accomplish\u00ad ment.\" 84 Soon, he fears, his simultaneous duties will undo him; but he will be happy to die on the field of love.85\nThese poems were tolerantly received by Roman society four years after the passing of the Julian reform laws. Great Senatorial families like the Fabii, the Corvini, the Pomponii continued to entertain Ovid in their homes. Buoyant with success, the poet issued a manual of seduction called Ars amatoria (2 n.c.). \"I have been appointed by Venus,\" he says, \"as tutor to tender love.\" 86 He chastely warns readers that his precepts must be applied only to courtesans and slaves; but his pictures of whispered confidences, secret assignations, billets-doux, raillery and wit, deceived husbands, and resourceful handmaids suggest the middle and upper classes of Rome. Lest his lessons should prove too apt, he added another treatise, Re111edia cnnoris, on curing love. The best remedy is hard work; next, hunting; third, absence; \"it is also useful to surprise your lady in the morning, before she has com\u00ad\npleted her toilette.\" 0\u00b0Finally, to make the balance even, he wrote De nzedi\u00ad"]
[15.585031509399414, 9.879655838012695, "There were a few men of scientific mind and interest in Rome, like Varro, Agrippa, Pomponius Mela, and Celsus; but they were scarce outside of geog\u00ad raphy, horticulture, and medicine. For the rest, science had not yet detached it\u00ad self from magic, superstition, theology, and philosophy; it consisted of collected observations and traditions, seldom of fresh inquiry into facts, and rarely of ex\u00ad periment. Astronomy remained as Babylonia and Greece had left it. Time was still told by water clocks and sundials, and by the great obelisk that Augustus had stolen from Egypt and set up in the Field of .Mars; its shadow, falling upon a pavement marked off in brass, indicated both the hour and the season.63 Day and night were variably defined by the rising and setting of the sun; each had twelve hours, so that an hour of the day was longer, and an hour of the night shorter, in summer than in winter. Astrology was almost universally accepted. Pliny noted that in his time (A.D. 70) both learned and simple believed that a man's destiny was determined by the star under which he was born.64 They argued plausibly that vegetation, and perhaps the mating season in animals, depend upon the sun;* that the physical and moral qualities of people are affected by climatic factors themselves determined by the sun; and that individual character and fate, like these general phenomena, are the result of celestial conditions inadequately known. Astrology was rejected only by the skeptics of the later Academy, who denied its pretended know\u00b7ledge, and by the Christians, who scorned it as idolatry. Geography ,vas studied more realistically, for navigation's sake. Pomponius Mela (A.D. 43) published maps on which the surface of the globe was divided into a central torrid zon and north and south temperate zones. Roman geographers knew Europe, southwestern and southern Asia, and northern Africa; of the re\u00ad mainder they had vague ideas and fantastic legends. Spanish and African skip\u00ad pers reached Madeira and the Canary Islands,65 but no Columbus rose to test Seneca's dream.\nThe most extensive, industrious, and unscientific product of Italian science was the Historia Naturalis (77) of Caius Plinius Secundus. Though busy nearly all his life as soldier, lawyer, tra,,eler, administrator, and head of the western Roman fleet, he wrote treatises on oratory, grammar, and the javelin, a history of Rome, another of Rome's wars in Germany, and-\nMany fanners today plant according to the phases of the moon.\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE\tSILVER  AGE\nsole survivor of this flood-thirty-seven \"books\" of natural history. How he managed all this in fifty-five years is explained in a letter of his nephew's:\nHe had a quick apprehension, incredible zeal, and an unequaled capacity to go without sleep. He would rise at midnight or at one, and never later than two in the morning, and begin his literary work.... Before daybreak he used to wait upon Vespasian, who likewise chose that season to transact business. When he had finished the affairs which the Emperor committed to his charge, he returned home to his studies. After a short_light repast at noon ...\the would frequently, in the summer, repose in the sun; but during that time some author was read to him, from whom he made extracts and notes . . . as was his method with whatever he read. . . . Thereafter he generally went into a cold bath, took a light refreshment, and rested for a while. Then, as if it were a new day, he resumed his studies till dinner, when again a book was read to him, and he made notes.\tSuch\nwas his manner of life amid the noise and hurry of the town. But in the country his whole time was devoted to study, except when he was actually bathing; all the while he \u00b7was being rubbed and wiped he was employed in hearing some book read to him, or in dictating. In his journeys a stenographer constantly attended him in his chariot or sedan chair.... Hoence reproved me for walking; \"you need not have lost those hours,\" he said, for he counted all time lost that was not given to study.60\t\u2022\nHis book, so sheared and sewn, was a one-man encyclopedia summariz\u00ad ing the science and errors of his age. \"1\\Iy purpose,\" he says, \"is to give a general description of everything that is known to exist throughout the eanh.\" 67 He deals with 20,000 topics and apologizes for omitting others; he refers to 2000 volumes by 473 authors, and admits his indebtedness by name with a candor exceptional in ancient literature; he notes, in passing, that he found many authors transcribing their predecessors word for word without acknowledgment. His style is dull, though sometimes purple, but we must not expect encyclopedias to be fascinating.\nPliny begins by rejecting the gods; they are, he thinks, merely natural phenomena, or planets, or services, personified and deified. The sole god is Nature, i.e., the sum of natur:.11 forces; and this god apparently pays no special attention to mundane affairs.68 Pliny modestly refuses to measure the universe. His astronomy is a galaxy of absurdities (e.g., \"In the war of Octavian against Antony the sun remained dim for almost a year\" 69); but he notes the aurora borealis,70 states with approximate modernity the orbital period of Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn as respectively two, twelve, and thiny years, and argues for the spherical form of the earth.71 He tells of islands\n310\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP, XIV\nrising from the Mediterranean in his time, and surmises that Sicily and Italy, Boeotia and Euboea, Cyprus and Syria, were gradually sundered by the patience of the sea.72 He treats of the laborious and servile mining of precious metals and regrets th:u \"many hands are worn down that one little joint may be adorned.\" 73 He wishes that iron had never been found, since it has made war more terrible; \"as if to bring death upon man more swiftly, we have given wings to iron and taught it to fly\" 74-referring to iron missiles equipped with leather feathers to help them keep their course. Following Theophrastus, he mentions under the name of _anthracitis a \"stone that bums,\" 75 but says no more about coal. He speaks of \"an incombustible linen,\" called by the Greeks asbestinon, \"which is used to embalm the cadavers of kings.\" 76 He describes or lists many animals, lauds their sagacity, and tells how to predetermine their sex: \"If you wish to have females, let the dams face north while being covered.\" 77 He has twelve wondrous books on medicine-i.e., on the curative vdue of various minerals and plants. Books xx-xxv are a Roman herbal, which the Middle Ages passed down to form the initial plant lore of modem medicine. He offers cures for every\u00ad thing from intoxication and halitosis 78 to \"a pain in the neck\";79 he provides \"stimulants for the sexual passion,\" 80 and warns women against sneezing after coitus, lest they abort there and then.81 He recommends coitus for physical weariness, hoarseness, pains in the loins, dim eyesight, melancholy, and \"alienation of the mental faculties\";82 here is a panacea rivaling Bishop Berkeley's tar water. Amid such nonsense occurs much useful information, especially about ancient industry, manners, or drugs; with interesting refer\u00ad ences to atavism, petroleum, and change of sex after birth. \"Mucianus in\u00ad forms us that he once saw at Argos a person whose name was then Arescon, but had formerly been Arescusa; that this person had been married to a man, but that shortly aftenvard he developed a beard and other male character\u00ad istics, upon which he took a wife.\" 83 Here and there valuable hints occur; e.g., Himly ( r 800) was led to investigate the action of jusquiamus and bella\u00ad donna on the pupil by reading in Pliny a passage 84 about the use of anagallis juice before operations for cataract.85 There are precious chapters on paint\u00ad ing and sculpture, which constitute our oldest and principal account of ancient art.\nPliny was not content with natural history; he wished also to be a philos\u00ad opher; and throughout his pages he scatters comments on mankind. The life of animals, he thinks, is preferable to man's, for \"they never think about glory, money, ambition, or death\"; 86 they can learn without being taught and never have to dress; and they do not make war upon their own species. The invention of money was fatal to human happiness; it made interest pos\u00ad sible, by which some could live in idleness while others worked\";87 hence\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  SILVER  AGE\t311\nthe rise of great estates owned by absentee landlords, and the ruinous re\u00ad placement of tillage with pasturage. Life, in Pliny's estimate, gives us much more grief and pain than happiness, and death is our supreme boon.88 After death there is nothing.89\nThe Natural History is a lasting monument to Roman ignorance. Pliny\ngathers superstitions, portents, love charms, and magic cures as assiduously as anything else, and apparently believes in most of them. He thinks that a man, especially if fasting, can kill a snake by spitting into its mouth.90 \"It is well known that in Lusitania the mares become impregnated by the west wind\" 91-a point missed in Shelley's ode. Pliny condemns magic; but \"on the approach of a menstruating woman,\" he informs us, \"must will sour and seeds touched by her will become sterile; and fruit will fall from the tree under which she sits. Her look will blunt the edge of steel and take the polish from ivory; if it falls upon a swarm of bees they will die at once.\" 92 Pliny rejects astrology and then fills pages with \"prognostics\" derived from the behavior of the sun and the moon.93 \"In the consulship of M. Acilius, and frequently at other times, it rained milk and blood.\" 94 \\Vhen we reflect that this book, and Seneca's Quaestiones, were the chief legacy of Roman natural science to the Middle Ages, and compare them with the corresponding works and temper of Aristotle and Theophrastus four hundred years earlier, we begin to feel the slow tragedy of a dying culture. The Romans had con\u00ad quered the Greek world, but they had already lost the most precious part of its heritage.\nR01\\1A'N' :MEDICINE\nThey did better in medicine. Medical science too they borrowed from the Greeks, but they formulated it well, and applied it ably to personal and public hygiene. Rome, almost surrounded by marshes, and subject to mephitic floods, had particular need of public sanitation. About the second century B.c. we hear of malaria in Rome; the anopheles mosquito had settled down in the Pontine swamps.95 Gout spread as luxury increased; the younger Pliny tells how his friend Corellius Rufus suffered its pains from his thirty-third to his sixty-seventh year before committing suicide, just to have the pleasure of outliving by one day \"that brigand Domitian.\" 96 Some passages in the Roman satirists suggest the appearance of syphilis in the first century A.D.97 Great epidemics swept central Italy in 2 3 B.c., A.D. 65, 79, and 166.\nThe people had of old tried to meet disease and plague with magic and prayer; even now they begged the skeptical but complaisant Vespasian to heal their blindness with his spittle and their lameness with the touch of his foot.98 They brought their illnesses and votive offerings to the temples of Aesculapius and Minerva and many left gifts in gratitude for cures. But in the first century B.c. they turned more and more to secular medicine. There was as yet no state\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nregulation of medical practice; shoemakers, barbers, carpenters, added it to their operations as they pleased, called in magic to their aid, and compounded, touted, and sold their own drngs.99 There were the usual satires and complaints.\nPliny repeated old Cato's imprecations upon Greek physicians who \"seduce our\nwives, grow rich by feeding us poisons, learn by our suffering, and experiment by putting us to death.\" 100 Petronius, Manial, and Juvenal joined in the 2ssault; and a century later Lucian would score incompetent practitioners who hide their\nincapacity under the elegance of their apparatus.101\nNevenheless, medicine, as we shall see, had made great progress in Alexandria, Cos, Tralles, Miletus, Ephesus, and Pergamum; and from these centers came Greek physicians who so raised the level of Roman practice that Caesar en\u00ad franchised the profession in Rome, and Augustus exempted it from taxation. Asclepiades of Prusa won the friendship of Caesar, Crassus, and Antony. He declared that the hean pumps blood and air through the body; rarely prescribed drugs or drastic purges; and accomplished impressive cures by hydrotherapy (baths, fomentations, enemas), massage, sunshine, exercise (walking, horseback riding), diet, fasting, and abstinence from meat. He was distinguished for his treatment of malaria, his operations on the throat, and his humane handling of the insane.102 He gathered pupils about him and took some of them with him on his rounds. After his death they and similar students formed themselves into collegia and built for themselves a meeting place, on the Esquiline, called Schola"]
[7.356362342834473, -6.625404357910156, "at usurious rates, bour:-ht slaves chea:i and-after trainina\nL\nthem in some skill-sold them dear, and became so rich that he could afford to write books-an occupation he despised.\nCato was the first great writer of Larin prose. He be an by publishing his own speeches. Then he issued a manual of oratory, demanded a rugged Roman style instead of the Isocratean smoothness of the rhetors, and set a theme for Quintilian by defining the orator as vir bonus dicendi peritus 44-\"a good man skilled in speaking\" (but was there ever union so rare?). He put his fanning experiences to use by composing a treatise De agri cultura-the\n104\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nonly work of Cato, and the oldest literary Latin, that time has saved. It is written in a simple and vigorous style, pithily co\u25a1?act; C;:to wastes no words, and seldom condescends to a conjunction. He gives detailed advice on buying and selling slaves (old ones should be sold before they become a loss), on renting land to share-croppers, on viticulture and aboriculture, on domestic management and industries, on makin3 cement and cooking dainties, on curing constipation and diarrhea, on he:1ling snakebite with the dung of swine, and offering sacrifice to the gods. Asking himself what is the wisest use of agricultural land, he answers, \"Profitable cattle raising.\" The next best? \"Moderately profitable cattle raising.\" The third best? \"Very unprofitable cattle raising.\" The fourth? \"To plow the land.\" This was the argument that gave the latifundia to Italy.\nThe most important of his books was probably the lost Origines, a brave attempt to deal with the antiquities, ethnology, institutions, and history of Italy from the beginnings to the very year of Cato's death. Nearly all that we know of it is that, to spite the aristocracy through its touted ancestors, the author named no generals in it, but lauded by name an elephant that had fought well against Pyrrhus.45 Cato designed this work, and his essays on oratory, agriculture, sanitation, military science, and law, to form an ency\u00ad clopedia for the education of his son. By writing in Latin he hoped to dis\u00ad place the Greek textbooks that were in his judgment warping the minds of Roman youth. Though he himself studied Greek, he seems to have been sincere in his conviction that an education in Greek literature and philosophy\nwould so rapidly dissolve the religious beliefs of young Romans that their moral life would be left defenseless against the instincts of acquisition, pug\u00ad nacity, and sex. His condemnation, like Nietzsche's, took in Socrates; that prattling old midwife, Cato thought, had been rightly poisoned for under\u00ad mining the morals and laws of Athens.46 Even Greek physicians irked him; he preferred the old household remedies, and distrusted the ever-ready surgeons.\nThe Greeks [he ,vrote to his son] are an intractable and iniquitous race. You may take my word for it that when this people bestows its literature upon Rome it will ruin everything.    And all the sooner\nif it sends us its physicians. They have conspired among themselves to murder all \"barbarians.\" ... I forbid you to have anything to do with physicians.41\nHaving these ideas, he was a natural antagonist of the Scipionic circle, which thought the spread of Greek literature in Rome a necessary ferment in lifting Latin letters and the Roman mind to a fuller growth. Cato lent his aid to the prosecution of Africanus and his brother; the laws against embez-\nCHAP. v)\tTHE  GREEK CONQUEST\t105\nzlement should be no respecters of persons. Toward foreign states, with one exception, he advocated a policy of justice and nonintervention. Despising Greeks, he respected Greece; and when the imperialistic plunderers in the Senate were for waging war upon rich Rhodes, he made-a decisive speech in favor of conciliation. The exception, as all the world knows, was Carthage. Sent there on an official mission in 175, he had been shocked by the rapid recovery of the city from the effects of the Hannibalic war, the fruitful orchards and vineyards, the wealth that poured in from revived commerce, the arms that mounted in the arsenals. On his return he held up before the Senate a bundle of fresh figs that he had plucked in Carthage three days before, as an ominous symbol of her prosperity and her nearness to Rome; and he predicted that if Carthage were left unchecked, she would soon be rich and strong enough to renew the struggle for the mastery of the Medi\u00ad terranean. From that day, with characteristic pertinacity, he ended all his speeches in the Senate, on whatever subject, with his dour conviction: Ceterum censeo delendum esse Cartbaginem-\"Besides, I think that Carthage must be destroyed.\" The imperialists in the Senate agreed with him, not so much because they coveted Carthage's trade, as because they saw in the well-irrigated fields of north Africa a new investment for their money, new latifundia to be tilled by new slaves. They awaited eagerly a pretext for the Third Punic War.\nCARTHAGO DELET A\nTheir cue came from the most extraordinary ruler of his rime. Masinissa, King of Numidia, lived ninety years (238-148), begot a son at eighty-six,48 and by a vigorous regimen kept his health and strength almost to the end. He organized his nomad people into a settled agricultural society and a disciplined state, ruled them ably for SL'{ty years, adorned Cirta, his capital, with lordly architecture, and left as his tomb the great pyramid that still stands near the town of Constantine, in Tunisia. Having won the friendship of Rome, and knowing the political weakness of Carthage, he repeatedly raided and appropriated Carthaginian terrain, took Great Leptis and other cities, and finally controlled all land approaches to the harassed metropolis. Bound by treaty to make no war without Rome's consent, Carthage sent ambassadors to the Senate to protest against Masinissa's encroachments. The Senate reminded them that all Phoenicians were interlopers in Africa and had no rights there which any well-armed nation was obliged to respect.\n\\Vhen Carthage paid the last of her fifty annual indemnities of 200  talents to\nRome, she felt herself released from the treaty signed after Zama. In 151 she\n106\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\ndeclared war against Numidia, and a year later Rome declared war against her.\nThe latter decl ration, and the news that the Roman fleet had already sailed for Africa, reached Carthage at the same time. The ancient city, how\u00ad ever rich in population and trade, was quite unprepared for a major war. She had a small army, a smaller navy, no mercenaries, no allies. Rome con\u00ad trolled the sea. Utica therefore declared for Rome, and Masinissa blocked all egress from Carthage to the hinterland. An embassy hastened to Rome with authority to meet all demands. The Senate promised that if Carthage would turn over to the Roman consuls in Sicily 300 children of the noblest families as hostages, and would obey whatever orders the consuls would. give, the freedom and territorial integrity of Carthage would be preserved. Secretly the Senate bade the consuls carry out the instructions that they had already received. The Canhaginians gave up their children with fore\u00ad bodings and laments; the relatives crowded the shores in a despondent farewell; at the last moment the mothers tried by force to prevent the ships from sailing; and some swam out to sea to catch a last glimpse of their children. The consuls sent the hostages to Rome, crossed to Utica with army and fleet, summoned the Carthaginian ambassadors, and required of Carthage the surrender of her remaining ships, a great quantity of grain, and all her engines and weapons of war. When these conditions had been fulfilled, the consuls further demanded that the population of Carthage should retire to ten miles from the city, which was then to be burned to the ground. The ambassadors argued in vain that the destruction of a city which had surrendered hostages and its arms without striking a blow was a treacherous atrocity unknown to history. They offered their own lives as a vicarious atonement; they flung themselves upon the ground and beat the earth with their heads. The consuls replied that the terms were those of the Senate and could not be changed.\nWhen the people of Carthage heard what was demanded of them they lost their sanity. Parents mad with grief tore limb from limb the leaders who had advised surrendering the child hostages; others killed those who had counseled the surrender of arms; some dragged the returning ambas\u00ad sadors through the streets and stoned them; some killed whatever Italians could be found in the city; some stood in the empty arsenals and wept. The Canhaginian Senate declared war against Rome and called all adults-men and women, slave or free-to form a new army, and to forge anew the weapo_ns of defense: Fury gave th m resolution. Public buildings were demolished to provide metal and nmber; the statues of cherished gods were melted down to make swords, and the hair of the women was shorn to make ropes. In two months the beleaguered city produced 8ooo shields,\nCHAP. V)\tTHE  GREEK CONQUEST\t107\n18,000 swords, 30,000 spears, 60,000 catapult missiles, and built in its inner harbor a fleet of 1 20 ships.49\nThree years the city stood siege by land and sea. Again and again the consuls led their armies against the walls, but always they were repulsed; only Scipio Aemilianus, one of the military tribunes, proved resourceful and brave. Late in 147 the Roman Senate and Assembly made him consul and commander, and even Cato approved. Soon afterward Laelius succeeded in scaling the walls. The Carthaginians, though weakened and decimated by starvation, fought for their city street by street, through six days of slaughter without quarter. Harassed by snipers, Scipio ordered all captured streets to be fired and leveled to the ground. Hundreds of concealed Cartha\u00ad ginians perished in the conflagration. At last the population, reduced from 500,000 to 55,ooo, surrendered. Hasdrubal, their general, pleaded for his life, which Scipio granted, but his wife, denouncing his cowardice, plunged with her sons into the flames. The survivors were sold as slaves, and the city was turned over to the legions for pillage. Reluctant to raze it, Scipio sent to Rome for final instructions; the Senate replied that not only Carthage, but all such of her dependencies as had stood by her were to be completely destroyed, that the soil should be plowed and sown with salt, and a formal curse laid upon any man who should attempt to build upon the site. For seventeen days the city burned.\nThere was no treaty of peace, for the Carthaginian state no longer existed. Utica and other African cities that had helped Rome were left free under a protectorate; the remainder of Carthage's territory became the province of \"Africa.\" Roman capitalists came in to divide the land into latifundia, and Roman merchants fell heir to Carthaginian trade. Imperialism became now the frank and conscious motive of Roman politics. Syracuse was absorbed into the province of Sicily, southern Gaul was subdued as a neces\u00ad sary land route to completely subjected Spain, and the Hellenistic mon\u00ad archies of Egypt and Syria were quietly induced-like Antiochus IV by Popilius-to submit to the wishes of Rome. From the moral standpoint, which is always a window dressing in international politics, the destruction of Carthage and Corinth in 146 must rank among the most brutal conquests in history; from the standpoint of empire-of security and wealth-it laid simultaneously the two cornerstones of Rome's commercial and naval supremacy. From that moment the political history of the Mediterranean flowed through Rome."]
[5.56331729888916, -5.2752180099487305, "The ':\"ords E picz!rean and _Stoic will be used in th se volumes as meaning a believer in the metaphysics and ethics of Ep!curus, or of Zeno; epicurean and stoic as meaning one who practices, or avoids, soft living and sensual indulgence.\nCHAP.VIII)\tLITERATURE  UNDER  THE  REVOLUTION\t155\nLESBIA's LOVER\nIn 57 B.c. the Caius Memmius to whom Lucretius dedicated his poem left Rome to serve as propraetor in Bithynia. After the growing custom of Roman governors he took with him an author-not Lucretius, but a poet different from the other in everything but the strength of his passion. Quintus (or Caius) Valerius Catullus had come to Rome some five years before from his native Verona, where his father was of sufficient standing to be frequent host to Caesar. Quintus himself must have had a substantial competence, for he owned villas near Tibur and on Lake Garda and had an elegant house in Rome. He speaks of these properties as choked with mortgages, and re\u00ad peatedly proclaims his poverty; but the picture we form of him from his poems is that of a polished man of the world who did not bother to earn a living, but enjoyed himself unstintingly among the wilder set in the capital. The keenest wits, the cleverest young orators and politicians belonged to this circle: Marcus Caelius, the impecunious aristocrat who was to become a communist; Licinius Calvus, brilliant in poetry and in law; and Helvius Cinna, a poet whom Antony's mob would mistake for one of Caesar's assassins and beat to death. These men opposed Caesar with every epigram at their disposal, unaware that their literary revolt reflected the revolution in which they lived. They were tired of old forms in literature, of the crudity and bombast of N aevius and Ennius; they wished to sing the sentiments of youth in new and lyric meters, and with a refinement and delicacy of execution known once in the Alexandria of Callimachus, but never yet seen in Rome. And they were resentful of old morals, of the mos maiorum perpetually preached upon them by their exhausted elders; they announced the sanctity of instinct, the innocence of desire, and the grandeur of dissipation. They and Catullus were no worse than other young literary blades of their genera\u00ad tion and the next; Horace, Ovid, Tibullus, Propertius, even the shy Virgil in his youth, made life and verse revolve around any woman, married or not, who fed their muses with facile casual love.\nThe liveliest lady in this group was Clodia, of the proud old Claudian gens that even now had emperors in its loins.* Apuleius 31 assures us that it was she whom Catullus named Leshia in memory of the Sappho whose poems he occasionally translated, often imitated, and always loved. Arriving in Rome at the age of twenty-two, he cultivated her friendship while her husband governed Cisalpine Gaul. He was fascinated the moment she \"set her shining foot on the well-worn threshold\"; he called her his \"lustrous goddess of the\nCf. p. 135.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Vlll\ndelicate step\"; and indeed a woman's walk, like her voice, may be in itself a sufficient seduction. She accepted him graciously as one of her worshipers; and the enraptured poet, unable to match otherwise the gifts of his rivals, laid at her feet the most beautiful lyrics in the Latin tongue. For her he translated perf ecdy Sappho's description of the lover's frenzy that now raged in him;32 and to the sparrow that she pressed to her bosom he indited a jewel of jealousy:\nSparrow, delight of my beloved,\nWho plays with you, and holds you to her breast; Who offers her forefinger to your seeking,\nAnd tempts your sharp bite;\nI know not what dear jest it pleases my shining one To make of my desire! ... *\nFor a while he was consumed with happiness, played attendance upon her daily, read his poems to her, forgot everything but his infatuation.\nLet us live, Leshia mine, and love, And all the mumbling of harsh old men We shall reckon as a pennyworth.\nSuns may sink and return;\nFor us, when once our brief sun has set,\nThere comes the long sleep of everlasting night. Give me a thousand kisses, then a hundred, Then another thousand, then a second hundred, Then still another thousand, then a hundred.\nAnd when we shall have reached many thousands\nWe shall confuse the count, lest ,ve should ever know, Or some mean soul should envy us,\nLearning the great sum of our kisses.t\nNo one has yet transformed Cat\u00b5llus' poems into equivalent English verse. The foregoing is an ahnost literal translation of\nPasser, deliciae meae puellae, quicum ludere, quern in sinu tenere, cui primum digitum dare adpetenti et acris solet incitari morsus,\ncum desiderio meo nitenti\ncarom nescio quid libet iocari\t33\ntVivamus, mea Leshia, atque amemus, rumoresque senum severiorum omnes unius aestimemus assis."]
[16.55583953857422, 1.9984275102615356, "semi1la (seeds).\nCHAP. VIII)  LITERATURE  UNDER  THE  REVOLUTION\tI 5 I\nlines; there is in their motion an incalculable \"declination\" or deviation, an elemental spontaneity that runs through all things and culminates in man's free will.*\nAll as once formless; but the gradual assortment of the moving atoms by their size and shape produced-without design-air, fire, water, and earth, and out of these the sun and moon, the planets and stars. In the infinity of space new worlds are ever being born, and old worlds are wasting away. The stars are fires set in the ring of ether (a mist of thinnest atoms) that surrounds each planetary system; this cosmic wall of fire constitutes the \"flaming ramparts of the world.\" A portion of the primeval mist broke off from the mass, revolved separately, and cooled to form the earth. Earthquakes are not the growling of deities, but the expansion of subterranean gases and streams. Thunder and lightning are not the voice and breath of a god, but natural results of condensed and clashing clouds. Rain is not the mercy of Jove, but the return to earth of moisture evaporated from it by the sun.\nLife does not differ essentially from other matter; it is a product of moving atoms which are individually dead. As the universe took form by the in\u00ad herent laws of matter, so the earth produced by a purely natural selection all the species and organs of life.\nNothing arises in the body in order that we may use it, but what arises brings forth its own use.H ...  It was no design of the atoms that led them to arrange themselves in order with keen intelligence\n...  but because many atoms in infinite time have moved and met in all manner of ways, trying all combinations.... Hence arose the beginnings of great things ... and the generations of living crea\u00ad tures.15 \u2022\u2022\u2022   Many were the monsters that the earth tried to make:\n...  some without feet, and others without hands or mouth or face, or with limbs bound to their frames.... Itwas in vain; nature denied them growth, nor could they find food or join in the way of love.... Many kinds of animals must have perished then, unable to forge the chain of procreation . . . for those to which nature gave no [protective] qualities lay at the mercy of others, and were soon destroyed.16\nMind (animus) is an organ precisely like feet or eyes; it is, like them, a tool or function of that soul (anima) or vital breath which is spread as a very fine matter throughout the body, and anim:1tes every part. Upon the highly sensitive atoms that form the mind fall the images or films that per\u00ad petually emanate from the surfaces of things; this is the source of sensation. Taste, smell, hearing, sight, and touch are caused by particles coming from\nCf. the \"indeterminacr\" ascribed to the electrons by some physicists of our time.\nCAESAR AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\nobjects and striking tongue or palate, nostrils, ears, eyes, or skin; all senses are forms of touch. The senses are the final test of truth; if they seem to err, it is only through misinterpretation, and only another sense can correct them. Reason cannot be the test of truth, for reason depends upon experience\u00ad i.e., sensation.\nThe soul is neither spiritual nor immortal. It could not move the body unless it too were corporeal; it grows and ages with the body; it is affected like the body by disease, medicine, or wine; its atoms are apparently dis\u00ad persed when the body dies. Soul without body would be senseless, mean\u00ad ingless; of what use would soul be without organs of touch, taste, smell, hearing, and sight? Life is given us not in freehold but on loan, and for so long as we can make use of it. When we have exhausted our powers we should leave the table of life as graciously as a grateful guest rising from a feast. Death itself is not terrible; only our fears of the hereafter make it so. But there is no hereafter. Hell is here in the suffering that comes from ignorance, passion, pugnacity, and greed; heaven is here in the sapientum temp/a serena-\"the serene temples of the wise.\" 17\nVirtue lies not in the fear of the gods, nor in the timid shunning of pleasure; it lies in the harmonious operation of senses and faculties guided by reason. \"Some men wear out their lives for the sake of a statue and fame\"; but \"the real wealth of man is to live simply with a mind at peace\" (vivere parce aequo animo) .18 Better than living stiffly in gilded halls is \"to lie in groups upon the soft grass beside a rivulet and under tall trees,\" 10 or to hear gentle music, or lose one's ego in the love and care of our children. Marriage is good, but passionate love is a madness that strips the mind of clarity and reason. \"If one is wounded by the shafts of Venus-whether it be a boy with girlish limbs who launches the shaft, or a woman radiating love from her whole body-he is drawn toward the source of the blow, and longs to unite.\" 20 No marriage and no society can find a sound basis in such erotic befuddlement.\nAs Lucretius, exhausting his passions on philosophy, finds no room for romantic love, so he rejects the romantic anthropology of Greek Rousseau\u00ad ians who had glorified primitive life. Men ,vere hardier then, to be sure; but they dwelt in caves without fire, they mated without marriage, killed with\u00ad out law, and died of starvation as frequently as people in civilization die of overeating.21 How civilization developed, Lucretius tells in a pretty sum\u00ad mary of ancient anthropology. Social organization gave man the power to survive animals far stronger than himself. He discovered fire from the friction of leaves and boughs, developed language from gestures, and learned song from the birds; he tamed animals for his use, and himself with marriage\nCHAP.Vlll)  LITERATURE  UNDER THE  REVOLUTION\t153\nand law; he tilled the soil, wove clothing, molded metals into tools; he observed the heavens, measured time, and learned navigation; he improved the art of killing, conquered the weak, and built cities and states. History is a processio,n of states and civilizations rising, prospering, decaying, dying; but each in turn transmits the civilizing heritage of customs, morals, and arts; \"like runners in a race they hand on the lamps of life\" (et quasi cursores 'Vitai /ampada tradunt).22\nAll things that grow decay: organs, organisms, families, states, races, planets, stars; only the atoms never die. The forces of creation and develop\u00ad ment are balanced by the forces of destruction in a vast diastole and systole of life and death. In nature there is evil as well as good; suffering, even un\u00ad merited, comes to every life, and dissolution dogs the steps of every evolu\u00ad tion. Our earth itself is dying: earthquakes are breaking it up. The land is becoming exhausted, rains and rivers erode it, and carry even the mountains at last into the sea. Someday our whole stellar system will suffer a like mortality; \"the walls of the sky will be stormed on every side, and will collapse into a crumbling ruin.\" 23 But the very moment of mortality betrays the invincible vitality of the world. \"The wailing of the newborn infant is mingled with the dirge sung for the dead.\" 2-1 New systems form, new stars and planets, another earth, and fresher life. Evolution begins again.\nLooking back overthis \"most marvelous performance in all antique litera\u00ad ture,\" 25 we may first recognize its shortcomings: the chaos of its contents, left unrevised by the poet's early death; the repetition of phrases, lines, whole passages; the conception of sun, moon, and stars as no larger than we see them; 26 the inability of the system to explain how dead atoms became life and consciousness; the insensitiveness to the insights, consolations, inspira\u00ad tions, and moving poetry of faith, and the moral and social functions of religion. But how light these faults are in the scale against the brave attempt at a rational interpretation of the universe, of history, of religion, of disease; * the picture of nature as a world oflaw, in which matter and motion are never diminished or increased; the grandeur of the theme and the nobility of its treatment; the sustained power of imagination that feels everywhere \"the majesty of things,\" and lifts the visions of Empedocles, the science of Democritus, and the ethics of Epicurus into some of the loftiest poetry that any age has known. Here was a language still rough and immature, almost devoid 2s yet of philosophical or scientific terms; Lucretius does not merely create a new vocabulary, he forces the old speech into new channels of\n\"There are many seeds of things that suppon our life; and on the other hand there must be many flying about that make for disease and death.\" :?,\n154\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\nrhythm and grace; and, while molding the hexameter into an unequaled masculinity of power, reaches now and then the mellow tenderness and fluency of Virgil. The sustained vitality of his poem shows Lucretius as one who amid all sufferings and disappointments enjoyed and exhausted life almost from birth to death.\nHow did he die? Saint Jerome reports that \"Lucretius was driven mad by a love philter, after he had written several books. . . . He died by his own hand in his forty-fourth year.\" 28 The story is uncorroborated, and has been much doubted; no saint could be trusted to give an objective account of Lucretius. Some critics have found support for the story in the unnatural tension of the poem, its poorly organized contents, and its sudden end; 29 but one need not be a Lucretius to be excitable, disorderly, or dead.\nLike Euripides, Lucretius is a modern; his thought and feeling are more congenial to our time than to the century before Christ. Horace and Virgil were deeply influenced by him in their youth, and recall him without name in many a lordly phrase; but the attempt of Augustus to restore the old faith made it unwise for these imperial proteges to express too openly their admiration and their debt. The Epicurean philosophy was as unsuited to the Roman mind as epicurean practices suited Roman taste in the age of Lucretius.* Rome wantea a metaphysic that would exalt mystic powers rather than natural law; an ethic that would make a virile and martial people rather than humanitarian lovers of quiet and peace; and a political philosophy that, like those of Virgil and Horace, would justify Rome's imperial mastery. In the resurrection of faith after Seneca, Lucretius was almost forgotten. Not till Poggio rediscovered him in 1418 did he begin to influence European thought. A physician of Verona, Girolamo Fracastoro (1483-1553) took from the poet the theory of disease as due to noxious \"seeds\" (senzina) .float\u00ad ing in the air; and in 1647 Gassendi revived the atoinic philosophy. Voltaire read the De Rerunz Natura devotedly, and agreed with Ovid that its rebel verses would last as long as the earth.30\nIn the endless struggle of East and West, of \"tender-Ininded\" and con\u00ad soling faiths vs. a \"tough-Ininded\" and materialistic science, Lucretius waged alone the most vigorous battle of his time. He is, of course, the greatest of philosophical poets. In him, as in Catullus and Cicero, Latin literature came of age, and leadership in letters passed at last from Greece to Rome."]
[-8.810272216796875, 13.185283660888672, "Servant: Why, when you passed, they asked me,\n\"What! is the great Achilles here?\" I answered, \"No, it's his brother.\" Then says the other one, \"Troth, he is handsome! What a noble man!\nWhat splendid hair!\" . . . and begged me, both of them,\n...\tTo make you take a walk again today, That they might get a better sight of you.\nCaptain: 'Tis a great nuisance being so very handsome! 34\nThe Ampbitryon turns the laugh upon Jove, who, disguised as Alcmena's husband, calls upon himself to witness his own oath and offers pious sacri\u00ad fice to Jupiter.35 The day after he seduces the lady she bears twins. At the end Plautus asks the god to forgive him and to take the lion's share of the applause. The story proved as popular in the Rome of Plautus as in the Athens of Menander, the Paris of l\\1olierc, or the New York of our own time. The Aulularia is the tale of a miser's hoard, told with more sympathy than in Moliere's Avare; the miser collects the parings of lriis nails, and laments the wasted water in the tears he has shed. The Menaeclmti is the old story of twins and their climactic recognition-a source for Shakespeare's Comedy of Errors. Lessing thought the Capth.:i the best play ever staged;36 Plautus, too, liked it, and made its prologue say:\nIt is not hackneyed or just like the rest; It has no filthy lines one must not quote,\nNo perjured pander, and no wicked wench.\nIt is true; but the plot is so intricate, so dependent upon improbable coinci\u00ad dences and revelations, that a mind allergic to dead history may be forgiven for passing it by. \\Vhat made these comedies succeed was not their ancient plots but their wealth of humorous incident, their rollicking puns as bad as Shakespeare's, their boisterous indecency, their gallery of precipitate wcmen, and their occasional sentiment; in every play the audience could rely upon finding a love affair, a seduction, a handsome and virtuous hero, and a slave with more brains than all the rest of the char::!cters put together. Here, almost at its outset, Roman literature touches the common man, and reaches, through\nCHAP. v)\tTHE  GREEK  CONQUEST\tIOI\nGreek disguises, to the realities of daily life as Latin poetry would never do agam.\nProbably in the year of Plautus' death ( 184), Publius Terentius Afer was born at Carthage of Phoenician, perhaps also of African, blood. \"\\Ve kno:w nothing more of him until he appears as the slave of Terentius Lucanus in Rome. This senator recognized the shy lad's talent, gave him :.:n education, and freed him; the youth in gratitude took his master's name. \\Ve get a pleasant note of Roman manners when we hear how Terence, \"poor and meanly clad,\" came to the house of Caecilius Statius-whose comedies, now lost, were then dominating the Roman stage-and read him the first scene of the Andria. Caecilius was so charmed that he invited the poet to dinner and listened admiringly to the rest.37 Terence soon won a hearing from Aemilianus and Laelius, who sought to form his style in the polished Latin so dear to their hearts. Hence gossip said that Laelius was writing Terence's plays-a report which the author, with tact and prudence, neither confirmed nor denied.38 .Moved perhaps by the respectful Hellenism of the Scipionic circle., Terence adhered faithfully to his Greek originals, gave his plays Greek titles, avoided allusions to Roman life, and called himself merely a translator39-a modest understatement of his work.\nWe do not know the fate of the play that Caecilius liked so well. The Hecyra, which Terence wrote next, failed because its audience slipped away to watch a bear fight. Fortune smiled in 162 when he produced his most famous play-the Heauton Ti1narou111e12os, or \"Self-Tormentor.\" It told the story of a father who had forbidden his son to marry the girl of his choice; the son married her nevertheless; the f.:!ther disowned and banished him, and then, in self-punishing remorse, refused to touch his wealth, bur lived in hard labor and poverty. A neighbor proposes to mediate; the father asks why he rakes so kindly an interest in the troubles of others; and the neighbor replies in a world-renowned line which all the audience applauded:\nHo1110 sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto-\n\"I am a man; I consider nothing human alien to me.\" In the following year The Eunucb was so well received that it was performed twice in the same day (then a rare event), and earned Terence 8000 sesrerces ( $1 2 oo) between morning and night.40 A few months later appeared the Phormio, named from the witty servant who saved his master from paternal ire, and became the model for Beaumarchais' lusty Figaro. In 160 Terence's last play, the Adelphi, or \"Brothers.\" was performed at the funeral games of Aemilius Paulus. Soon afterward the plar.vrighr sailed for Greece. On the way back he died of illness in Arc.::dia, in his twenty-fifth year.\nHis later plays had suffered in popularity because Hellenism had won in\n102\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nhim too full a victory. He lacked the vivacity and abounding humor of Plautus; he never thought to deal with Roman life. There were no lusty villains in his comedies, no reckless strumpets; all his feminine characters were handled with tenderness, and even his prostitutes hovered on the brink of virtue. There were fine pithy lines 2nd memorable phrases: hinc illae lacrimae (\"hence those tears\"), fortes fortuna adiuvat (\"fortune favors the brave\"), quot homines tot sententiae (\"as many opinions as men\"), and a hundred more; but they required for their appreciation a philosophical intel\u00ad ligence or literary sensitivity which the African slave found wanting in the Roman plebs. It did not care for his comedies that were half tragedies, his well-built hut slowly moving plots, his subtle studies of strange ch:racters, his quiet dialogue and too even style, and the almost insulting purity of his\n' language; it was as if the audience felt that a breach, never to be healed, had been opened between the people and the literature of Rome. Cicero, too near to Catullus to see him, and too prudent to relish Lucretius, thought Terence the finest poet of the Republic. G1esar estimated him more justly when he praised the \"lover of pure speech,\" but deplored the lack of vis comica-the power of laughter-in Terence, and called him dimidiatus Menander-\"half a Menander.\" One thing, nevertheless, Terence had achieved: this Semitic alien, inspired by Laelius and Greece, had molded the Latin language at last into a literary instrument that would in the next century make possible the prose of Cicero, and Virgil's poetry.\nCATO AND THE  COXSERVATIVE OPPOSITION\nThis Greek invasion, in literature, philosophy, religion, science, and art, this revolution in manners, morals, and blood, filled old-fashioned Romans with disgust and dread. Out on a Sabine farm a retired senator, Valerius Flaccus, fretted over the decay of the Roman character, the corruption of politics, the replacement of the mos maiormn wit 1 Greek ideas and ways. He was too old to fight the tide himself. But on a near-by homestead, just outside Reate, was a young plebeian peasant who showed all the old Roman qualities, loved the soil, worked hard, saved carefully, lived with conserva\u00ad tive simplicity, and yet talked as brilliantly as a radical. He bore the names Marcus Porcius Cato: Porcius because his family had for generations raised pigs; Cato because they had been shrewd. Flaccus encouraged him to study law; Cato did, and won his neighbors' cases in the local courts. Flaccus advised him to go to Rome; Cato went, and by the age of thirty obtained the quaestorship (204). By 199 he was aedik, by 198 praetor, by 195 consul; in 19 1 tribune, in 1 84 censor. 1\\leanwhile he served twenty-six years in the\nCHAP. v)\tTHE  GREEK  CONQUEST\t103\narmy as a fearless soldier and an able and ruthless general. He considered discipline the mother of character and freedom; he despised a soldier \"who plied his hands in marching and his feet in fighting, and whose snore was louder than his battle cry\"; but he won the respect of his troops by marching beside them on foot, giving each of them a pound of silver from the spoils, and keeping nothing for himself.41\nIn the intervals of peace he denounced rhetors and rhetoric, and became the most powerful orator of his time. The Romans listened in reluctant fascination, for no one had ever spoken to them with such obvious honesty and stinging wit; the lash of his tongue might fall upon any man present, but it was pleasant to see it descend upon one's neighbor. Cato fought cor\u00ad ruption recklessly, and seldom let the sun set without having made new enemies. Few loved him, for his scar-covered face and wild red hair dis\u00ad concerted them, his big teeth threatened them, his asceticism shamed them, his industry left them lagging, his green eyes looked through their words into their selfishness. Forty-four times his patrician enemies tried to destroy him by public indictments; forty-four times he was saved by the votes of farmers who, like him, resented venality and luxury.42 vVhen their votes made him censor, all Rome shuddered. He carried out the threats with which he had won the campaign; bd heavy taxes upon luxuries, fined a senator for extravagance, and excluded from the Senate six members in whose record he found malfeasance. He expelled Manilius for kissing his wife in public; as for himself, he said, he never embraced his wife except when it thundered-though he was glad when it thundered. He completed the drainage system of the city, cut the pipes that had clandestinely tapped water from the public aqueducts or conduits, compelled ovmers to demolish the illegal projections of their buildings upon or over the public right of way, forced down the price paid by the state for public works, and frightened the tax collectors into remitting a larger share of their receipts to the Treas\u00ad ury.43 After five years of heroic opposition to the nature of man, he retired from office, made successful investments, manned his now vast fam: wi h\nslaves, lent monevJ"]
[4.025704383850098, -20.6492862701416, ".M.edicormn.\nUnder Vespasian auditoria were opened for the teaching of medicine, and recognized professors were paid by the state. Greek was the language of in\u00ad struction, as Latin is now the language of prescription, and for a like reason\u00ad its intelligibility to persons of diverse tongues. Graduates of these state schools received the title of medicus a republica, and after Vespasian they alone could legally practice medicine in Rome.103 The lex Aquilia provided for state super\u00ad vision of physicians, and held them responsible for negligence; and the lex Cornelia severely punished practitioners whose carelessness or culpable ignorance caused the death of a patient.10-1 Quacks continued, but sound practice increased.\nMidwives saw most Romans into the world, but many of these women were well trained.105 About A.D. 100  military medicine reached its ancient zenith: every\nlegion had twenty-four surgeons, first-aid and field-ambulance service were well organized, and hospitals were maintained near every imponant encampment.106 Private hospitals (valetudinaria) were opened by physicians; from these evolved\nthe public hospitals of the J\\Iiddle Ages. Doctors were appointed and paid by\nthe state to give free treatment to the poor.107 Rich men kept their own physi\u00ad cians, and well-paid arcbiatri (\"chief healers\") took care of the emperor, his\nfamilv, his servants, and his aides. Sometimes families would contract with a doct r to attend to their health and illnesses for a period of time; in this way Quintus Steninius made 600,000 sesterces a year.108 The surgeon Alcon, fined\n10,000,000 sesterces by Claudius, paid it with a few years' fees.109\nThe  profession now reached a high degree of specialization. There were\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  SIL VER  AGE\t313\nurologists, gynecologists, obstetricians, ophthalmologists, eye and ear specialists, veterinarians, dentists. Romans could have gold teeth, wired teeth, false teeth, bridgework, and plates.11\u00b0 There were many women physicians; some of them wrote manuals of abortion, which were popular among great ladies and prosti\u00ad tutes. Surgeons were divided into further specialit1es and seldom engaged in general practice. Mandragora juice or atropin was used as an anesthetic.111 Over\n200 different surgical instruments have been found in the ruins of Pompeii. Dissection was illegal, but the examination of wounded or dying gladiators offered a frequent substitute. Hydrotherapy was popular; in a measure the great thernzae were hydrotherapeutic institutes. Charmis of Marseilles made a fortune by administering cold baths. Consumptives were sent to Egypt or north Africa. Sulphur was used as a skin specific and to fumigate rooms after an infectious disease.112 Drugs were a final but frequent resort. Physicians made them by processes kept secret from the public and charged for them all that patients could be persuaded to pay.113 Repulsive drugs were held in high honor: the offal of lizards was used as a purgative, human entrails were sometimes prescribed, An\u00ad tonius Musa recommended the excreta of dogs for angina, Galen applied a boy's dung to swellings of the throat.114 In compensation for all this a cheerful quack offerea to cure almost any ailment with wine.115\nOf the known medical writers in this age only one was a Roman, and he was not a physician. Aurelius Cornelius Celsus was an aristocrat who about A.D. 30 gathered into an encyclopedia De Artibus his studies in agriculture, war, oratory, law, philosophy, and medicine; only the section De Medicina survives. It is the greatest work on medicine that has come down to us from the six centuries be\u00ad tween Hippocrates and Galen; it has also the distinction of being written in such pure and classical Latin that Celsus was dubbed Cicero medicorum. The Latin terms into which he translated the nomenclature of Greek medicine have ruled the science ever since. The sixth book shows considerable knowledge, in an\u00ad tiquity, of venereal disease. The seventh is an illuminating description of surgical methods; it contains the earliest known account of ligature, and describes ton\u00ad sillectomy, lateral lithotomy, plastic surgery, and operations for cataract. Al\u00ad together this is the soundest achievement in Roman scientific literature, and suggests that we might have a better opinion of Roman science if Pliny had not been preserved. It is a pity that scholarship has concluded that Celsus' treatise is largely a compilation or paraphrase of Greek texts.116 Lost in the Middle Ages, it was rediscovered in the fifteenth century, was printed before Hippocrates or Galen, and took a leading part in stimulating the reconstruction of medicine in modem times.\nQU TILIAN\nWhen Vespasian established a state professorship of rhetoric in Rome he appointed to it a man who, like so many authors of this Silver Age, was of Spanish birth. Marcus Fabius Quintilianus was born at Calagurris (A.D. 35? ),\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nwent to Rome to study oratory, and opened a school of rhetoric there which numbered Tacitus and the younger Pliny among its pupils. Juvenal de\u00ad scribes him in his prime as handsome, noble, wise, well bred, with a fine voice and delivery, and a senato:1al dignity. In old age he retired to write for the guidance of his son the classic treatment of his subject, the lnstitutio Ora\u00ad toria (96).\nI thought that this work would be the most precious part of the inheritance ot my son, whose ability was so remarkable that it called for the most anxious cultivation on the part of his father   Night\nand day I pursued this design, and hastened its completion in the fear that ceath might cut me off with my task unfinished. Then misfortune ovenvhelmed me with such suddenness that the success of mv labors now interests no one less than myself.... I have lost him of whom I had formed the highest expectations, and in whom I reposed all the hopes that should solace my old age.117\nHis wife had died at nineteen, leaving him two sons; one of these had died at the age of five, \"robbing me, as it were, of one of my two eyes\"; now the other went, le:iving the old teacher \"to outlive all my nearest and dearest.\"\nHe deEnes rhetoric as the science of speaking well. The training of the orator should begin before birth: it is desirable that he should come of educated p::irents, so that he may receive correct speech and good manners from the very air he breathes; it is impossible to become both educated and a gent!em:m in one generation. The future orator should study music, to give him an e:ir for harmony; the dance, to give him grace and rhythm; dram:1, to ani!!late his eloquence with gesture and action; gymnastics, to keep him in health and strength; literature, to form his style, train his memory, and arm him with a treasury of great thoughts; science, to acquaint him with some understanding of nature; and philosophy, to mold his char\u00ad acter on the dictates of reason and the precepts of wise men. For all prepara\u00ad tions will be of no avail unless integrity of conduct and nobility of spirit are present to generate an irresistible sincerity of speech. Then the student must write as much as possible and with the utmost care. It is a hard training, and \"I trust,\" says Quintilian, \"that no one among my readers would think of calculating its monetary value.\" 118\nThe oration itself has five ph2ses: conception, arrangement, style, memory, and delivery. Having chosen his subject and clearly conceived his purpose, let the orator gather his material, from observation, inquiry, and books, and arranJ'e it both los-ically and_ psychologically-so that each part will be in its proper place and lead as n turally to the next as in geometry,119 A well\u00ad\norganized ad ress will cons t of introduction (exordium), proposition, proof, refutation, and peroration. The speech should be written out only if\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  SILVER  AGE\nit is to be fully memorized; otherwise fragmentary memories of the written form will obstruct and confuse an extempore style. If it is written it must be with care. \"\\V rite quickly and you will never write well; write well, and you will soon write quickly\"; shun the lazy \"luxury of dictation now so fashionable among writers.\" 120 \"Clearness is the first essential,\" then brevity, beauty, and vigor. Correct repeatedly and stoically:"]
[6.662784576416016, -9.008696556091309, "cmnina faciei feminineae, a metrical manual of cosmetics, pilfered from the Greeks. These little volumes sold so well that Ovid soared to heights of insolent fame. \"So long as I am celebrated all the world over, it matters not to me what one or two pettifoggers say about me.\" 91 He did not know that one of these pettifoggers was Augustus, that the Prince resented his poems\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nas an insult to the Julian laws, and would not forget the insult when imperial scandal should touch the poet's careless head.\nAbout the third year of our era Ovid married a third time. His new wife belonged to one of the most distinguished families in Rome. Now forty-six, the poet settled down to domestic life and seems to have lived in mutual faith and happiness with Fabia. Age did to him what law could not; it cooled his fires and made his poetry respectable. In the H eroides he told again the love\nstories of famous women-Penelope, Phaedra, Dido, Ariadne, Sappho, Helen, Hero; told them, perhaps, at too great length, for repetition can make even love a bore. Startling, however, is a sentence in which Phaedra expresses Ovid's philosophy: \"Jove decreed that virtue is whatever brings us pleas\u00ad ure.\" 92 About A.D. 7 the poet published his greatest work, the Jlfeta111or\u00ad phoses. These fifteen \"books\" recounted in engaging hexameters the renowned transformations of inanimate objects, animals, mortals, and gods. Since almost everything in Greek and Roman legend changed its form, the scheme permitted Ovid to range through the whole realm of classical mythology from the creation of the world to the deification of Caesar. These are the old tales that until a generation ago were de rigueur in every college, and whose memory has not yet been erased by the revolution of our time: Phaethon's chariot, Pyramus and Thisbe, Perseus and Andromeda, the Rape of Proserpine, Arethusa, Medea, Daedalus and Icarus, Baucis and Philemon, Orpheus and Eurydice, Atalanta, Venus and Adonis, and many more; here is the treasury from which a hundred thousand poems, paintings, and statues have taken their themes. If one must still learn the old myths there is no more painless way than by reading this kaleidoscope of men and gods\u00ad stories told with skeptical humor and amorous bent, and worked up with such patient art as no mere trifler could ever have achieved. Little wonder that at the end the confident poet announced his own immortality: per saecula onmia vivam-\"I shall live forever.\"\nHe had hardly written the words ,vhen news came that Augustus had banished him to cold and barbarous Tomi on the Black Sea-even today unalluring as Constanta. It was a blow for which the poet, rounding fifty\u00ad one, was wholly unprepared. He had just composed, toward the close of the Metamorphoses, an elegant tribute to the Emperor, whose statesmanship he now recognized as the source of that peace, security, and lmury which Ovid's generation had enjoyed. He had half completed, under the title of Fasti, an almost pious poem celebrating the religious feasts of the Roman\nYear. In these verses he was on the wa\u2022v to makino0 - an epic out of a calendar'\nfor he applied to the tales of the old religion, and to the honoring of its\nshrines and gods, the same lucid facility, delicacy of word and phrase, and even flow of racy narrative that he had devoted to Greek mythology and\nCHAP. XII)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t257\nRoman love. He had hoped to dedicate the work to Augustus as a contribu\u00ad tion to the religious restoration and as an apologetic palinode to the faith he once had scorned.\nThe Emperor gave no reason for his edict, and no one today can fathom its causes confidently. He offered some hint, however, by at the same time banishing his granddaughter Julia, and ordering that Ovid's works should be removed from the public libraries. The poet had apparently played some role in Julia's misconduct-whether as witness, accomplice, or principal. He himself declared that he was punished for \"an error\" and his poems, and implied that he had been the unwilling observer of some indecent scene.93 He was given the remaining months of the year (A.D. 8) to arrange his affairs. The decree was relegatio, softer than exile in allowing him to retain his property, harsher in commanding him to stay in one city. He burned his manuscripts of the Af etamorpboses, but some readers had made copies, and preserved them. Most of his friends avoided him;94 a few dared the light\u00ad ning by staying with him till his departure; and his wife, who remained behind at his bidding, supported him with affection and loyalty. Otherwise Rome took no notice as the bard of its joys sailed out of Ostia on the long voyage from everything that he had loved. The sea was rough nearly all the days of that trip, and the poet thought once that the waves would engulf the vessel. When he saw Tomi he regretted that he had survived, and gave himself over to grief.\nOn the voyage he had begun those verses which we know as Tristia, \"Sorrows.\" Now he continued them, and sent them to his wife, his daughter, his stepdaughter, and his friends. Probably the sensitive Roman exaggerated the horrors of his new home: a treeless rock where nothing would grow, and yet shut out from the sun by the Euxine mists; the cold so bitter that in some years the snow remained all summer long; the Black Sea stiff with ice through gloomy winters, and the Danube so frozen that it offered no bar to the raids of hinterland barbarians upon the city's mixture of knife-wearing Getae and half-breed Greeks. \\Vhen he thought of Roman skies and Sulmo's fields his heart broke, and his poetry, still beautiful in form and phrase, took on a depth of feeling that it had never fathomed before.\nThese Tristia, and the poetic letters to his friends Ex Ponto-\"From the Fontus\" or Black Sea-haYe nearly all the charms of his greater works. A simple vocabulary that made him a pleasure even in school, scenes vividly realized by insight and imagery, characters brought to life by touches of ps?chological subtlety, phrases compact with experience or thought,* an\nE.g., \u2022video meliora proboque, deteriora sequor-\"I see and approve the better, I follow the worse\"; est deus in nobis agitame ca!esciums illo-'\"there is a god in us, and by his action we have the warmth of life.\"\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Xll\nunfailing grace of speech and :flowing ease of line: all these stayed with him in his exile, attended by a seriousness and tenderness whose absence makes the earlier poems umvorthy of a man. Strength of character never came to him; as once he had spoiled his verse with superficial sensuality, so now he flooded his lines with tears and suppliant adulation of the Prince.\nHe envied these poems which could go to Rome. \"Go, my book, and in my name greet the places I love\" and \"the dear soil of my native land\";95 perhaps, he tells it, some brave friend will hand it to a relenting emperor. In every letter he still hopes for pardon, or pleads for at least some milder home. He thinks each day of his wife and calls her name in the night; he prays that he may kiss her whitened hairs before he dies.96 But no pardon came. After nine years of exile the broken man of sixty welcomed death. His bones, as he had begged, were brought to Italy and buried near the capital.\nHis prediction of lasting fame was justified by time. His hold on the Middle Ages rivaled Virgil's; his Metamorphoses and Heroides became rich sources of medieval romance; Boccaccio and Tasso, Chaucer and Spenser, drew upon him without stint; and the painters of the Renaissance had a treasure trove of subjects in his sensuous verse. He was the great romanticist of a classic age.\n\\Vith his passing ended one of the great flowering epochs in the history of letters. The Augustan was not a supreme literary age, like the Periclean or Elizabethan; even at its best there is in its prose a pompous rhetoric, and in its verse a formal perfection, that seldom come from soul to soul. We find no Aeschylus here, no Euripides, no Socrates, not even a Lucretius or a Cicero. Imperial patronage inspired and nourished, repressed and narrowed, the literature of Rome. An aristocratic age-like that of Augustus, or Louis XIV, or eighteenth-century England-exalts moderation and good taste and tends in letters to a \"classic\" style in which reason and form dom\u00ad inate feeling and life. Such literature is more finished and less powerful, more mature and less influential, than the literature of passionately creative periods or minds. But within the classic range this age deserved the com\u00ad pliment of its name. Never had sober judgment found expression in such perfect art; even the madcap revelry of Ovid was cooled into a classic mold. In him and Virgil and Horace the Latin language as a poetic medium reached its zenith. It would never be so rich and resonant, so subtle and compact, so pliant and melodious again.\nCHAPTER XIII\nTheOther Si e of Monarchy\nA.D. 14-96*\nTIBERIUS\nHEN great men stoop to sentiment the world grows fonder of them; but when sentiment governs policy empires totter. Augustus had chosen Tiberius wisely, but too late. When Tiberius was saving the state with patient generalship the Emperor had almost loved him. \"Farewell,\" one o? his letters ended, \"most agreeable of men . . . most valiant of men, most conscientious of commanders.\" 1 Then the pathos of propinquity blinded Augustus, as later Aurelius; he set Tiberius aside for his pretty grandsons; compelled him to renounce a fortunate marriage to become the cuckold of Julia; resented his resentment, and let him grow old with philos\u00ad ophy in Rhodes. When at last Tiberius reached the principate he was already"]
[-4.335898399353027, -11.80394172668457, "Probably \"\"e shall ne,\u00b7er know whether the most brilliant of the Roman emperors ,van his throne by amorous connivance or by Trajan's conviction\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nof his worth. \"His appointment,\" says Dio Cassius, \"was due to the fact that when Trajan died without an heir, his widow Plotina, who was in love with Hadrian, conspired to secure him the succession.\" 12 Spartianus repeats the story.13 Plotina and Hadrian denied the rumor, which nevertheless persisted to the end of his reign. He settled the matter by distributing a generous dona\u00ad tive among the troops.\nPublius Aelius Hadrianus traced his cognomen and family to the town of Adria, on the Adriatic coast; thence, said his autobiography, his ancestors had migrated to Spain. The same Spanish town, ltalica, that had seen the birth of Trajan in 52 saw that of his nephew Hadrian in 76. \\Vhen the boy's father died (86) he was placed under the guardianship of Trajan and Caelius At\u00ad tianus. The latter tutored him and instilled in him so warm a fondness for Greek literature that the youth was nicknamed Graeculus. He studied also singing, music, medicine, mathematics, painting, and sculpture, and later dabbled in half a dozen arts. Trajan called him to Rome (91) and gave him his niece in marriage ( roo). Vivia Sabina, as preserved in portrait busts that may have idealized her, was a woman of distinguished and conscious beauty, in whom Hadrian found no lasting happiness. Possibly he loved dogs and horses too keenly, and spent too much time hunting with them, and building tombs for them when they died. Perhaps he was unfaithful, or seemed so. In any case, she bore him no children, and though she accompanied him on many of his travels, they lived in lifelong estrangement. He showed her every favor and courtesy, and gave her every kindness but affection. \\Vhen Suetonius, one of his secretaries, spoke disrespectfully of her he dismissed him.\nHadrian's first decision as emperor was to revise the imperialistic policy\nof his uncle. He had counseled Trajan against the Parthian expedition as too great an expenditure of men and means so soon after the Dacian Wars, and as promising, at best, gains difficult to hold; and Trajan's generals, eager for glory, had never pardoned his opposition. Now he withdrew the legions from Armenia, Assyria, Mesopotamia, and Parthia, made Armenia a client kingdom instead of a province, and accepted the Euphrates as the eastern boundary of the Empire; he played Augustus to Trajan's Caesar, and con\u00ad solidated with peaceful administration as much as he could of the un\u00ad precedented realm that reckless arms had won. The generals who had led Trajan's forces-P ma, Celsus, Quietus, Nigrinus-thought this policy cowardly and unwise; to cease to attack, they felt, was merely to defend, and merely to defend was to begin to die. \\Vhile Hadrian was with his legions on the Danube the Senate announced that the four generals had been detected in a conspiracy to overthrow the government and had been exe\u00ad cuted by the Senate's orders. Rome was shocked to find that the men had\nCHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t415\nreceived no trial; and though Hadrian, returning hurriedly to Rome, pro\u00ad tested that he had had nothing to do with the matter, no one believed him. He vowed to put no senator to death except at the Senate's bidding, dis\u00ad tributed a gift of money among the people, amused them with abundant games, canceled tax arrears to the amount of 900,000,000 sesterces, publicly burned the tax records in a fiscal auto-da-fe, and for twenty years governed with wisdom, justice, and peace. But his unpopularity remained complete.\nHis ancient biographer describes him as tall and elegant, with hair curled, and \"a full beard to hide the natural blemishes of his face\";14 thenceforth all Rome wore beards. He was strongly built and kept himself in vigor by fre\u00ad quent exercise, above all by hunting; on several occasions he killed a lion with his own hands.15 So many elements were mingled in him that description is baffled. \\Ve are told that he was \"stem and cheerful, humorous and grave, sensual and cautious, hard and liberal, severe and merciful, deceptively simple, and always in all things various.\" 16 He had a quick, impartial, skepti\u00ad cal and penetrating mind, but he respected tradition as the connective tissue of generations. He read and admired the Stoic Epictetus, but he sought pleas\u00ad ure with shamelessness and taste. He was irreligious and superstitious, laughed at oracles, played with magic and astrology, encouraged the national faith, and sedulously performed the duties of pontifex 111axi111us. He was couneous and obstinate, sometimes cruel, usually kind; perhaps his contradictions were merely adaptations to circumstance. He visited the sick, helped the unfor\u00ad tunate, extended existing charities to orphans and widows, and was a gener\u00ad ous patron to artists, writers, and philosophers. He was a good singer, dancer, and harpist, a competent painter, a middling sculptor. He wrote several volumes-a grammar, an autobiography, poems decent and indecent,17 in Latin and Greek. He preferred Greek to Latin literature, and old Cato's simple Latin to Cicero's smooth eloquence; under his example many authors now affected an archaic style. He organized the state-paid professors into a university, paid them well, and built for them a magnificent Athenaeum to\nrival the Museum of Alexandria. It delighted him to gather scholars and\nthinkers about him, to puzzle them with questions, and laugh at their con\u00ad tradictions and disputes. Favorinus of Gaul was the wisest of this philosophic coun; when his friends rallied him for yielding to Hadrian in argument, he answered that any man with thirty legions behind him must be right.18\nAlong with these multiple intellectual interests went an unerring sense for the practical. Fallowing Domitian's lead, Hadrian reduced his freedmen to subordinate functions, chose businessmen of tried ability to administer the government, and formed from them and senators and jurists a concilium to meet in regular sessions for the consideration of policies. He appointed an\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nadvocatus fisci, or Attorney for the Treasury, to detect corruption or deceit in the payment of taxes, with the illuminating result that while taxes re\u00ad mained as before, revenues were decidedly increased. He himself kept watch on each department and, like Napoleon, astonished its heads by detailed knowledge of their field. \"His memory was vast,\" says Spanianus; \"he wrote, dictated, listened, and conversed with his friends, all at the same time\" 19-though the frequency of this tale invites suspicion. Under his care, and with the help of an extended civil service, the Empire was probably better governed than ever before or afterward. The price of this zealous order was a swelling bureaucracy, and a \"mania of regulation\" that moved the principate still closer to absolute monarchy. Hadrian observed all the forms of co-operation with the Senate; nevertheless, his appointees and their executive orders encroached more and more upon the functions of what had once seemed \"an assembly of kings.\" He was too close to his problems to foresee that his efficient but proliferating bureaucracy might become in time an unbearable burden upon the taxpayers. On the contrary, he believed that within the framework of law and ordinance which his government had established every person in the Empire would find career open to talent and any man could rise rapidly from class to class.\nHis clear and logical mind resented the chaos of accumulated, obscure, and contradictory laws. He commissioned Julianus to co-ordinate the enact\u00ad ments of past praetors into a Perpetual Edict, and encouraged further codifi\u00ad cations that paved the way for Justinian. He acted as a supreme court both in Rome and on hii, journeys, and earned the reputation of a fair and learned judge, always as lenient as the reign of law would permit. He issued innu\u00ad merable decrees, usually in favor of the weak against the strona, the slave against the master, the small farmer against the large estate, the te ant aaainst the landlord, the consumer against the deceptions of retailers and the ulti\u00ad plicacion of rniddlemen.20 He rejected accusations for maiestas, refused be\u00ad quests from parents, or persons unknown to him, and ordered a tolerant application of the laws again Christians.21 By his own example on state lands he encouraged the pracuce of emphyteusis (\"implanting\"), by which owners rented rough acres to tenants to be planted with orchards and remain rent-free till fruit grew. He was not a radical reformer; he was only a superla\u00ad tive administrator seeking, within the limits and inequalities of .human na\u00ad ture, the greatest goo of the whole. H preserved old forms, but he quietly poured new content mto them accordmg to the needs of the time. Once, he? his passion or administr tion .fla gc_d, h ,efuse,d audience to a peti\u00ad nonmg woman with the plea, _I ha\\-en t tune.  Don t be emperor, then,\"\nshe cried. He granted her a hea_:1ng.22\nFrc. 28-Ro111a11 Soldier and Dacian\nRelief from the Column of Trajan\nFIG.  z9-A11tinoiis\n1\\Iuseo Nazionale, Naples\nCHAP, XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\nThe Wanderer\nUnlike his predecessors Hadrian was as interested in the Empire as in the capital. Fallowing the wholesome precedent of Augustus, he decided to visit every province, examining its conditions and needs and alleviating them with the expedition and resources available to an emperor. He was curious, too, about the ways and arts, dress and beliefs, of the diverse peoples in his realm; he wished to see the famous places of Greek history, to steep himself in that Hellenic culture which was the background and adornment of his mind. ''.He loved,\" says Fronto, \"not only to govern, but to perambulate, the world.\" 23 In 121 he set out from Rome, accompanied not by the pomp and trappings of royalty, but by experts, architects, builders, engineers, and artists. He went first to Gaul and \"came to the relief of all the communities with various acts of generosity.\" 24 He passed into Germany and astonished everyone by the thoroughness with which he inspected the defenses of the Empireiagainst its future destroyers. He reorganized, extended and improved the limes between the Rhine and the Danube. A man of peace, he knew the arts of war and was resolved that his pacific temper should neither weaken his armies nor misguide his enemies. He issued severe regulations to maintain military discipline and obeyed these rules while visiting the camps; there he lived the life of the soldiers, eating their fare, never using a vehicle, walking with full equipment twenty miles on a march, and showing such endurance that no one could have guessed that he was at heart a scholar and a philoso\u00ad pher. At the same time he rewarded excellence, raised the legal and economic status of the legionaries, gave them better weapons and ample supplies, and rela.-xed the discipline of their free hours, merely insisting that their amuse\u00ad ments should not unfit them for their tasks. The Roman army was never in better condition than in his reign.\nHe now traveled down the Rhine to its mouth and sailed across to Britain\n( 122). Weare not informed of his activities there, except that he ordered a wall built from the Solway Firth to the mouth of the Tyne \"to divide the barbarians from the Romans.\" Returning to Gaul he passed leisurely through Avignon, N1mes, and other towns of the provincia, and settled down for the winter at Tarragona in northern Spain. \\Vhile he was strolling alone in the gardens of his host a slave rushed upon him with drawn sword and tried to kill him. Hadrian overpmvered him and quietly handed him over to the servants, who found that he was insane."]
[0.4445260465145111, -5.533727645874023, "Montaigne. He has an author's inevitable vanity, but so openly that it hardly offends. \"Nothing, I confess, so strongly affects me as the desire of a lasting name.\" 33 He speaks appreciatively of others as well as of himself, adding that \"one may be sure a man has many virtues if he admires those of others\"; 34 in any case it is a relief, coming from Juvenal and Tacitus, to hear an author speak well of his fellow men. He was as generous in act as in words, ever ready with favors, loans, or gifts, from finding a husband for a friend's niece to enriching his native town. Finding that Quintilian could not give his daughter a dowry befitting the high station of the man she was marrying, he sent her 50,000 sesterces, excusing the smallness of the gift.35 He gave an old schoolmate 300,000 to make him eligible for the equestrian class; when the daughter of a friend inherited a leaacy of debts he paid them off; and at some risk he lent a considerable sum to a philosopher banished by Domitian. To Como he gave a temple, a secondary school, an institute for poor children, a municipal bath, and 11,000,000 sesterces for a public library.\nWhat is especially pleasing in him is his love for his home, or his homes. He does not denounce Rome, but he is happier in Como or Laurentum, near the lake or the sea. There his chief enterprises are reading and doing nothing. He loves his gardens, and the mountain scenery behind them; he did not have to wait for Rousseau to make him enjoy nature. He speaks with the greatest tenderness _of hi_s th rd ,yif e, Calp nia, her sweet temper and pure mind, her fond delight m his success and his books. She read them all (he believed) and learned many of his pages by heart; she set his poems to music and sang them, and had a private corps of couriers to keep her informed of every development when he was trying an important case. She was but one of many good women in his circle. He tells of the modesty, patience, and\nCHAP. xx)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t441\ncourage of a fourteen-year-old girl who, just betrothed, learned that she had an incurable illness, and cheerfully awaited death;\u202236 of Pompeius Saturninus' wife, whose letters to her husband were lyrics of affection and fine Latin; 37 of Thrasea's daughter Fannia, who uncomplainingly bore exile for defending her husband Helvidius, nursed a relative through a dangerous illness, caught it, and died of it; \"How complete,\" he exclaims, \"is her virtue, her sanctity, her sobriety, her courage!\" 38\nHe had a hundred friends, some great, many good. He joined with Tacitus in prosecuting Marius\u00b7Priscus for dishonesty and cruelty as pro\u00ad consul in Africa; the two orators corrected each other's speeches and in\u00ad vested in mutual compliments; Tacitus lifted Pliny to heaven by reporting that the literary world was pairing them as the leading writers of the age.39 He knew Martial, but from an aristocratic distance. He took Suetonius with him to Bithynia and helped him to get the \"right of three children\" without having any. His circle buzzed with literary and musical amate,1rs, with public recitals of poetry and speeches. \"I do not believe,\" says the :?amed Boissier, \"that in any other period has literature been so greatly loved.\" 40 Homer and Virgil were being studied on the banks of the Danube and the Rhine, and the Thames was trembling with rhetoric.41 It was, in its upper half, an elegant and amiable society, rich in loving marriages, parental affection, humane masters, sincere friendships, and fine courtesies. \"I accept your invitation to supper,\" reads one letter, \"but I must make this agreement beforehand, that you dismiss me soon, and treat me frugally. Let our table abound only in philosophical conversation, and let us enjoy even that within limits.\" 42\nMost. of the men whom Pliny describes were members of the new aristocracy stemming from the provinces; they were not idlers, for nearly every one of them held public office and shared in the admirable adminis\u00ad tration of the Empire under Trajan. Pliny himself was sent as propraetor to Bithynia to restore the solvency of some cities there. His letters include some inquiries addressed to the Prince, and Trajan's pithy replies; they show Pliny accomplishing his mission with ability and honor, though with a strangely detailed dependence upon the Emperor's advice. His final letter begs forgiveness for sending his sick wife home by the coaches of the im\u00ad perial post. Thereafter Pliny disappears from literature and history, leaving behind him a redeeming picture of a Roman gentleman, and of Italy in her happiest age.\nTHE CULTURAL DECLINE\nWe should obscure these outstanding figures if we were to surround them with lesser lights. After them there were no giants in pagan Latin letters. Reason\n442\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nhad made its great effort from Ennius to Tacitus and had spent itself. It is a shock to pass from the grandeur of the Histories and the Annals to the scandalous chronicle of Suetonius' Lives of Illustrious Men (110); history is here degenerat\u00ad ing into biography, and biography into anecdote; portents and miracles and superstitions crowd the pag:::s, and only the Elizabethan English of Philemon Holland's translation (1606) has raised the book to the level of literature. Less disturbing is the descent from Pliny to the letters of Fronto. Perhaps these were not meant for publication, and cannot be fairly compared with Pliny's; some were spoiled by a search for archaic phraseology, but many are touched by real affection of the teacher for his pupil. Aulus Gellius supported the archaizing movement in h:s Attic Nights (169)-the largest collection of worthless trifles in ancient literature; and Apuleius brought it to a climax in The Golden Ass. Apuleius and Fronto came from Africa, and the fad may have had partial source in the fact that written Latin there had departed less than in Rome from the language of the people and the RepubEc. Fronto rightly believed in strengthen\u00ad ing literat Jre with popular speech, as one fre hens a plant by turning over the earth at its roots. But youth does not come twice to a man, a nation, a literature, or a! :nguage. Orientalization had s:t in and could not be stopped. The common Greek tongue of the Hellen:stic East and Oriental Rome was becoming the language of literature as well as of life; Fronto's pupil chose it for his Meditations. Appian, an Alexandrian Greek living at Rome, chose Greek for his vivid Histories of Rome's wars (ca. 160); so did Claudi-::is Aelian, a Roman by birth and blood; a half century later Dio Cassius, a Roman senator, would write his history of Rome in Greek. Leadership in literature was passing back from Rome to the Greek East; not to the Greek spirit, but to the Oriental soul using Hellenic speech. There would be giants again in Latin; but they would be Christian saints. Roman art declined more slowly than Roman letters. Technical ability lin\u00ad gered on and produced good architecture, sculpture, painting, and mosaic. The head of Nerva, in the Vatican, carries on the vivid realism of Flavian portraits, and the Column of Trajan is an impressive relief despite much crudity. Hadrian labored to revive Hellenic classicism, but found no one to play Pheidias to his Pericles; the inspiration that had stirred Greece after Marathon, and Rome after Actium, was missing in an age of self-limitation, contentment, and peace. The busts of Hadrian lose character by their smooth Hellenistic lines; the heads of Plotina and Sabina are pretty; but the portraits of Antinous repel us by their sleek effeminate insipidity. Probably Hadrian's classical reaction was a mistake: it ended the forceful naturalism and individuation of Flavian and Trajan:c sculp\u00ad ture, which had had indigenous roots in Italian tradition and character. Nothing\nreaches maturity except through the fulfi lment of its own nature.\nUnder the Antonin':!S Roman sculpture haJ its penult:mate fling. Once at least it achieved perfection, in the figure of a young woman whose veiled head and modest robes are molded with a bewitching delicacy and firmness of line.43 Al\u00ad most as good is the portrait of Marcus' Faustina, aristocratically refined, and sensuous enough to accord with the innuendoes of history. Aurelius himself was\nCHAP, XX)\tLIFE  IN  THE  SECOND  CENTURY\t443\ncarved or c:1st in a thousand forms, from the meditative and guileless yet eagerly sens:tive yoi.:th of th::: Capitoline bust to the curly-headed professor in armor of that same collect.:.on. Every tourist knows the stately brcnze of Aurelius lnz\u00ad perator on horseback, ,vhich, since Michelangelo restored it, has dominated the piazza of Rome's Capitol.\nRdief remained to the end a favorite Roman art. The Etruscan and Hellen:stic custom of carving mythological or historical scenes upon sarcophagi returned in Hadrian's time\u2022as the hope of immortality took more personal and even physical form, and burial replaced cremation. Eleven panels surviving from triumphal arches erected to commemorate th campaigns of Aurelius* show the naturalistic style in perfection: no one is idealized, every participant is individualized; Marcus, receiving without pride the submission of a fallen enemy, is an appealingly human figure; and the defeated are shown not as barbarians but as men worthy of their long struggle for freedom. In 174 the Senate and people of Rome raised that Column of Aurelius which still adorns the P azza Colonna; inspired by Trajan's Column, it pictured the Marcomannic Wars with a sympathetic art that honored conquerors and conquered al:ke.\nThe spirit of the Emperor had helped to form the art and morals of his time. The games were less cruel, the laws more considerate of the weak; marriage was apparently more lasting and content. Immorality cont:nued, openly in a minority, clandestinely in the majority, as at all times; but it had passed its peak with Nero and had ceased to be fashionable. Men as well as women were returning to the old religion or devoting themselves to new ones; and the philosophers approved. Rome was now teeming with them, invited, welcomed, or tolerated by Aurelius; they took full advantage of his generosity and his power, crowded his court, re\u00ad ceived appointments and emoluments, delivered countless l ctures, and opened many schools. In their imperial pupil they gave the world the culmination and d:sintegration of ancient philosophy.\nTHE E:\\1PEROR AS PHILOSOPHER\nSix years before his death Marcus Aurelius sat down in his tent to fornrn\u00ad late his thoughts on human life and destiny. We cannot be sure that the Ta eis heauton-\"to himself\"-was intended for the public eye; probably so, for even saints are vain, and the greatest man of action has moments of weakness in which he aspires to write a book. Marcus was not an expert author; most of the training that Fronto had given him in Latin was wasted now, since he wrote in Greek; besioes, these \"Golden Thoughts\" were penned in the intervals of travel, battles, revolts, and many tribulations; we must forgive them for being disconnected and formless, often repetitious,\nEight adorn the Arch of Constantine; three are in the Museo de' Conservatori.\n444\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XX\nsometimes dull. The book is precious only for its contents-its tenderness and candor, its half-conscious revelations of a pagan-Christian, ancient-medieval soul.\nLike most thinkers of his time, Aurelius conceived philosophy not as a speculative description of infinity, but as a school of virtue and a way of life. He hardly bothers to make up his mind about God; sometimes he talks like an agnostic, acknowledging that he does not know; but having made that admission, he accepts the traditional faith with a simple piety. \"Of what worth is it to me,\" he asks, \"to live in a universe without gods or Provi\u00ad dence?\" 44 He speaks of deity now in the singular, now in the plural, with all the indifference of Genesis. He offers public prayer and sacrifice to the old divinities, but in his private thought he is a pantheist, deeply impressed with the order of the cosmos and the wisdom of God. He has a Hindu's sense of the interdependence of the world and man. He marvels at the growth of the child out of a little seed, the miraculous formation of organs, strength, mind, and aspiration out of a little food.45 He believes that if we could under\u00ad stand we should find in the universe the same order and creative power as in man. \"All things are implicated with one another, and the bond is holy.\n. . . There is a common reason in all intelligent beings; one god pervades all things, one substance, one law, one truth.... Can a clear order sub\u00ad sist in thee, and disorder in the All?\" 46\nHe admits the difficulty of reconciling evil, suffering, apparently un\u00ad merited misfortune, with a good Providence; but we cannot judge the place of any element or event in the scheme of things unless we see the whole; and who shall pretend to such total perspective? It is therefore insolent and ridiculous for us to judge the world; wisdom lies in recognizing our limita\u00ad tions, in seeki g to b harmonious parts of the universal order, in trying to sense the Mmd behind the body of the world, and co-operating with it willingly. To one who has reached this view \"everything that happens hap\u00ad pens justly\"-i.e., as in the course of nature; 47 nothing that is according to\nnature can be evil; 48 everything natural is beautiful to him who under\u00ad stands.49 All things are determined by the universal reason, the inherent logic of the whole; and every part must welcome cheerfully its modest role and fate. \"Equanimity\" (the watchword of the dying Antoninus) \"is the volun\u00ad tary acceptance of the things that are assigned to thee by the nature of the whole.\" 50"]
[5.964129447937012, 4.160790920257568, "THE DEATH OF SOCRATES\nStrange to say, the only cruelty of the restored democracy was com\u00ad mitted upon an old philosopher whose seventy years should have put him beyond the possibility of being a ,danger to the state. But among the lead\u00ad ers of the victorious faction was the same Anytus who years before had threatened to revenge himself upon Socrates for dialectical slights and the \"corruption\" of his son. Anytus was a good man: he had fought bravely under Thrasybulus, had saved the lives of oligarchs who had been taken captive by his soldiers, had been instrumental in arranging the amnesty, and had left in undisturbed enjoyment of his property those to whom it had been sold after confiscation by the Thirty. But his generosity failed when it came to Socrates. He could not forget that when he had gone into exile his son had stayed in Athens with Socrates, and had become a drunk\u00ad ard.\"\" It did not appease Anytus to observe that Socrates had refused to obey the Thirty, and (if we may take Xenophon's word for it) had de\u00ad nounced Critias as a bad ruler... To Anytus it seemed that Socrates, more than any Sophist, was an evil influence both on morals and on politics; he was undermining the religious faith that had supported morality, and his persistent criticism was weakening the belief of educated Athenians in the institutions of democracy. The murderous tyrant Critias had been one of Socrates' pupils; the immoral and treasonable Alcibiades had been his lover; Charmides, his early favorite, had been a general under Critias, and had just died in battle against the democracy.\u2022 It seemed fitting to Anytus that Socrates should leave Athens, or die.\nThe indictment was brought forward by Anytus, Meletus, and Lycon\nCritias and Alcibiades had left the tutelage of Socrates early in his career as a teacher, not liking the restraints which he preached to them...\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE\tSUICIDE  OF  GREECE\t453\nin 399, and read as follows: \"Socrates is a public offender in that he does not recognize the gods that the state recognizes, but introduces new demoniacal beings\" (the Socratic daimonion) ; \"he has also off ended by cor\u00ad rupting the youth.\"*11 The trial was held before a popular court, or dikas\u00ad terion, of some five hundred citizens, mostly of the less educated class. We have no means of knowing how accurately Plato and Xenophon have re\u00ad ported Socrates' defense; we do ,know that Plato was present at the trial,.., and that his account of Socrates' \"apology\" agrees in many points with Xenophon's. Socrates, says Plato, insisted that he believed in the state1gods, even in the divinity of the sun and moon. \"You say first that I do not be\u00ad\nlieve in gods, and then again that I believe in demigods. . .. You might as well affirm the existence of mules, and deny that of horses and asses.,,.. And then he referred sadly to the effects of Aristophanes' satire:\nI have had many accusers, who accused me of old, and their false charges have continued during many years; and I am more afraid of them than of Anytus and his associates.... For they began when you were children, and took possession of your minds with their falsehoods, telling of one Socrates, a wise man, who speculated about the heavens above, and searched into the earth beneath, and made the worse appear the better cause. These are the accusers I dread; for they are the circulators of this rumor, and their hearers are too apt to fancy that speculators of this sort do not believe in the gods. And they are many, and their charges against me are of ancient date, and they made them in days when you were impres\u00ad sionable-in childhood, or perhaps in youth-and the cause when heard went by default, for there was none to answer. And hardest of all, their names-I do not know and cannot tell, unless in the chance case of a comic poet.... That is the nature of the accusation, and that is what you have seen yourselves in the comedy of Aristoph\u00ad anes.\u2022\nHe lays claim to a divine mission to teach the good and simple life, and no threat will deter him.\nStrange, indeed, would be my conduct, 0 men of Athens, if I who, when I was ordered by the generals whom you chose to com\u00ad mand me at Potidaea and Amphipolis and Dellum, remained where\nCroiset believed that the real cause of the indictment was the hostility of the Attic peasantry to anyone who cast doubt upon the state gods. One of the chief markets for cattle was provided by the pious who-beught the animals to offer in sacrifice; any decrease in faith would lessen this market. Aristophanes, in this -interpretation, was the mouthpiece of these peasants, before whom his plays, if successful, would be repeated.88\n454\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVIll\nthey placed me, like any other man, facing death-if, I say, now when, as I conceive and imagine, God orders me to fulfil the philoso\u00ad pher's mission of searching into myself and other men, I were to desert my post through fear of death   If you say to me, Socrates,\nthis time we will let you off, but upon one condition, that you are not to inquire and speculate in this way any more . . . I should reply: Men of Athens, I honor and love you; but I shall obey God rather than you, and while I have life and strength I shall never cease from the practice and teaching of philosophy, exhorting anyone whom I meet, after my manner, and convincing him, saying: 0 my frien'd, why do you, who are a citizen of the great and mighty and wise city of Athens, care so much about laying up the great\u00ad est amount of money and honor and reputation, and so little about wisdom and truth? Wherefore, 0 men of Athens, I say to you, do as Anytus bids, and either acquit me or not; but whatever you do, know that I shall never alter my ways, not even if I have to die many times.\"'\nThe judges appear to have interrupted him at this point, and to have bidden him desist from what seemed to them insolence; but he continued in even haughtier vein.\nI would have you know that if you kill such a one as I am, you will injure yourselves more than you will injure me   For if you\nkill me you will not easily find another like me, who, if I may use such a ludicrous figure of speech, am a sort of gadfly, given to the\nstate by the God; and the state is like a great and noble steed who is tardy in his motions owing to his very size, and requires to be stirred into life   And as you will not easily find another like me,\nI would advise you to spare me.\"'\nThe sentence of guilty was pronounced upon him by the small majority of sixty; had his defense been more conciliatory it is likely that he would have been acquitted. He had the privilege of proposing an alternative pen\u00ad alty in place of death. At .first he refused to make even this concession; but on the appeal of Plato and other friends, who underwrote his pledge, he offered to pay a fine of thirty minas ($3000). The second polling of the jury condemned him by eighty more votes than the first...\nIt still remained open to him to escape from the prison; Crito and other friends (if we may follow Plato) prepared the way with bribery, and prob\u00ad\nably Anytus had hoped for such a compromise. But Socrates remained himself to the last. He felt that he had but a few more years to live, and\nCHAP. XVIII)\tTHE   SUICIDE  OF  GREECE\t455\nthat \"he relinquished only the most burdensome part of life, in which all feel their powers of intellect diminished.\"'\" Instead of accepting Crito's proposal he examined it from an ethical point of view, discussed it dia\u00ad lectically, and played the game of logic to the end.\" His disciples visited him daily in his cell during the month between his trial and his execution, and he seems to have discoursed with them calmly until the final hour. Plato pictures him as fondling the hair and head of the young Phaedo, and saying, \"Tomorrow, Phaedo, I suppose that these fair locks will be cut\"\u00ad in mourning.'\" Xanthippe came in tears, with their youngest child in her arms; he comforted her, and asked Crito to have her escorted home. \"You die undeservedly,\" said an ardent disciple; \"Would you, then,\" Socrates answered, \"have me deserve death?\"'\"\nAfter he was gone, says Diodorus,\"\" the Athenians regretted their treat\u00ad ment of him, and put his accusers to death. Suidas makes Meletus die by public stoning.\"' Plutarch varies the tale: the accusers became so unpopular that no citizen would light their fires, or answer their questions, or bathe in the same water with them; so that they were at last driven in despair to hang themselves.02 Diogenes Laenius reports that Meletus was executed, Anytus exiled, and a bronze statue put up by Athens in memory of the philosopher... We do not know if these stories are true.\u2022"]
[8.00146198272705, 6.004512786865234, "Antisthenes agreed with the conclusion, but not the arguments, of this philosophy, and drew out of the same Socrates an ascetic theory of life.\nThose who omit philosophy from their education, said Aristippus, \"are like the suitors of Penelope; they ... find it easier to win over the maidservants than to marry the mistress.,,.\n5o6\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nThe founder of the Cynic school was the son of an Athenian citizen and a Thracian slave. He fought bravely at Tanagra in 426. He studied for a time with Gorgias and Prodicus, and then set up his own school; but having heard Socrates discourse, he went over-taking his pupils with him-to learn the wisdom of the older man. Like Eudoxus he lived at the Piraeus, and walked to Athens nearly every day-four or five miles each way. Perhaps he was present when Socrates (or Plato) discussed with a complaisant interlocutor the problem of pleasure.\nSocr. Do you think that the philosopher ought to care about the pleasures of ... eating and drinking?\nSimmias. Certainly not.\nSocr. And what do you say of the pleasures of love-should he care about them?\nSim. By no means.\nSocr. And will he think much of the other ways of indulging the body-for example, the acquisition of costly raiment, or sandals, or other adornments of the body? Instead of caring about these does he not rather despise anything beyond what nature needs?\nSim. I should say that the true philosopher would despise them.\"\nThis is the essence of the Cynic philosophy: to reduce the things of the flesh to bare necessities in order that the soul may be as free as possible. Antisthenes took the doctrine literally, and became a Greek Franciscan without theology. Aristippus' motto was, \"I possess, but am not possessed\"; Antisthenes' was, \"I do not possess, in order not to be possessed.\" He had no property,\u2022 and dressed in so ragged a cloak that Socrates twitted him: \"I can see your vanity, Antisthenes, through the holes of your cloak.\"'\u2022 Aside from this his only weakness was the writing of books, of which he left ten; one of them was a history of philosophy. After Socrates died Antisthenes resumed his role as teacher. He chose as his lecture center the gymnasium Cynosarges (Dogfish) because it was maintained for people of low, or alien, or illegitimate birth; the name Cynic became attached to the school rather from the place than from the creed.\"' Antisthenes dressed like a workman, took no pay for his teaching, and preferred the poor for his pupils; anyone unwilling to practice poverty and hardship was driven away by Antisthenes' tongue or his club.\nHe refused at first to take Diogenes as a pupil; Diogenes insisted, bore insult patiently, was received, and made his teacher's doctrine famous throughout Bellas by living it completely. Antisthenes had been half\nCHAP.XX!)\tTHE  ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\nslave in origin; Diogenes was a bankrupt banker from Sinope. Diogenes had begged from actual want, and was pleased to learn that this was a part of virtue and wisdom. He adopted the beggar's garb, wallet, and staff, and for a time made his home in a tub or cask in the court of the temple of Cybele at Athens... He envied the simple life of animals, and tried to imitate it; he slept on the ground, ate what he could find wherever he found it, and (we are assured) performed the duties of nature and the rites of love in the sight of all... Seeing a child drink from its hands, he threw away his cup.'0 Sometimes he carried a candle or a lantern, saying that he was looking for a man.\" He injured no one, but refused to recognize laws, and announced himself, long before the Stoics, a kosmopolites, or Citizen of the World. He traveled leisurely, and we hear of him living for a time in Syracuse. On one of his journeys he was captured by pirates, who sold him as a slave to Xeniades of Corinth. When his owner asked him what he could do, he answered, \"Govern men.\" Xeniades made him tutor of his sons and manager of his household, in which capacities Diogenes did so well ,that his master called him \"a good genius,\" and took his advice in many things. Diogenes continued to live his simple life, so consistently that he became, next to Alexander, the most famous man in Greece.\nHe was something of a poseur, and evidently relished his renown. He had a gift for debate, and his namesake reports that he never lost an argu\u00ad ment... He called freedom of speech the greatest of social goods, and made much use of it, with coarse humor and unfailing wit. He rebuked a woman who knelt with head to the ground before a holy image: \"Are you not afraid,\" he asked her, \"to be in so indecent an attitude, when some god may be behind you, for every place is full of them?,,.. When he saw the son of a courtesan throw a stone at a crowd he warned him, \"Take care lest you hit your father.\"\" He disliked women, and despised men who-behaved like them; when a richly dressed and perfumed young Corinthian asked him a question he said, \"I will not answer you until you tell me whether you are a boy or a girl.\"<G All the world knows the story of how Alexander, at Corinth, came upon Diogenes lying in the sun. \"I am Alexander the Great King,\" said the ruler. \"I am Diogenes the dog,\" said the philosopher. \"Ask of me any favor you choose,\" said the King. \"Stand out of the sun,\" an\u00ad swered Diogenes. \"If I were not Alexander,\" said the young warrior, \"I would be Diogenes\";'\" but we do not hear that the philosopher returned the compliment. The two men died, we are asked to believe, on the same day in 323: Alexander at Babylon in his thirty-third year, Diogenes at Corinth in his nineties.\" The Corinthians placed a marble dog over his\n508\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\ngrave; and Sinope, which had banished him, raised a monument to his memory.\nNothing could be clearer than the Cynic philosophy. It dallied with logic only long enough to dismiss as moonshine that theory of Ideas with which Plato was bewildering the intellectuals of Athens. Metaphysics, too, seemed to the Cynics a vain game; we should study nature not in order to explain the world, which is impossible, but that we may learn the wisdom of nature as a guide to life. The only real philosophy is ethics. The aim of life is happiness; but this is to be found not in the pursuit of pleasure but in a simple and natural life, independent as possible of all external aids. For though pleasure is legitimate if it results from one's own labor and effort, and is not followed by remorse,'\" yet it so often eludes us in the chase, or disappoints us when captured, that it may more wisely be called an evil than a good. A modest and virtuous life is the only road to abiding content; wealth destroys peace, and envious desire, like a rust, eats away the soul. Slavery is unjust but unimportant; the sage will find it as easy to be happy in bondage as in freedom; only internal freedom counts. The gods, said Diogenes, gave man an easy existence, but man has complicated it by itch\u00ad ing foF luxuries. Not that the Cynics put much faith in the gods. When a priest explained to Antisthenes how many good things the virtuous will enjoy after death, he asked, \"Why, then, do you not die?\"'\" Diogenes smiled at the Mysteries, and remarked of the offerings set up in Samothrace by those who had survived shipwreck, \"The offerings would have been much more numerous if those who were lost had offered them instead of those who were saved.\".. Everything in religion but the practice of virtue seemed to the Cynics superstition. Virtue must be accepted as its own re\u00ad ward and should not depend upon the existence or justice of the gods. Virtue consists in eating, possessing, and desiring as little as possible, drink\u00ad ing only water, and injuring no one. Asked how to defend oneself against an adversary, Diogenes answered, \"By proving honorable and upright.'\"a Only sexual desire seemed reasonable to the Cynics. They avoided mar\u00ad riage as an external bond, but patronized prostitutes. Diogenes advocated free love and a community of wives,.. and Antisthenes, seeking independ\u00ad ence in everything, complained that he could not satisfy his hunger as solitarily as he could assuage his lust... Having accepted sexual desire as normal and natural, like hunger, the Cynics professed themselves unable to understand why men should be ashamed to satisfy the one appetite, like the other, in public.\" Even in death a man should be independent, choos-\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\ning for it his own place and time; suicide is legitimate. Diogenes, some say, killed himself by holding his breath.\"\"\nThe Cynic philosophy was part of a \"back-to-nature\" movement which arose in fifth-century Athens as a reaction of maladjustment to an irksomely complex civilization. Men are not civilized by nature, and bear the re\u00ad straints of ordered life only because they fear punishment or solitude. Diogenes stood to Socrates in somewhat the same relation as Rousseau to Voltaire: he thought that civilization was a mistake, and that Prometheus had deserved his crucifixion for bringing it to mankind... The Cynics, like the Stoics and Rousseau, idealized \"nature peoples\";\"' Diogenes tried to eat meat raw because cooking was unnatural.18 The best society, he thought, would be one without artifices or laws.\nThe Greeks smiled upon the Cynics, and tolerated them as medieval so\u00ad ciety tolerated its saints. After Diogenes the Cynics became a religious order without religion; they made a rule of poverty, lived on alms, tem\u00ad pered their celibacy with promiscuity, and opened schools of philosophy. They had no homes, but taught and slept in the street or the temple por\u00ad ticoes. Through Diogenes' disciples, Stilpo and Crates, the Cynic doctrine passed down into the Hellenistic age, and formed the basis of Stoicism. The school disappeared as an entity about the end of the third century; but its influence remained strong in the Greek tradition, and perhaps reap\u00ad peared in the Essenes of Judea and the monks of early Christian Egypt. How far all these movements were influenced by, or influenced, similar sects in India, scholarship cannot yet say. The \"back-to-nature\" devotees of our own day are the intellectual descendants of those men and women of Oriental or Greek antiquity who, tired of unnatural and cramping re\u00ad straints, thought that they could turn and live with the animals. No full life is without a touch of this urban fantasy.\nm. PLATO\nThe Teacher\nEven Plato was moved by the Cynic ideal. In the second book of the Republic\"\" he describes with relish and sympathy a communistic and nat\u00ad uralistic Utopia. He rejects it, and goes on to portray a \"second-best\" state; but when he comes to picture his philosopher-kings we find the Cynic dream-of men without property and without wives, dedicated to plain liv-"]
[6.545458793640137, -1.0691628456115723, "phy of Cyrene, and was resolved to enjoy each monochronos hed<me\u00ad every pleasure that the moment gave. He ate himself into obesity, tried a variety of mistresses, repudiated his wife, and finally married his sister Arsinoe.\u2022 The new queen ruled the Empire and managed its wars while Ptolemy II reigned among the chefs and scholars of his court. Following and improving upon the example of his father, he invited to Alexandria as his guests famous poets, savants, critics, scientists, philosophers, and artists,\nand made his capital beautiful with architecture in the Greek style. Dur\u00ad\ning his long reign Alexandria became the literary apd scientific capital of the Mediterranean, and Alexandrian literature flourished as it would never do again. Nevertheless Philadelphus was unhappy in his old age; his gout and his cares increased with the extent of his wealth and his power. Look\u00ad ing out from his palace window he saw and envied a beggar who lay at ease in the sun on the harbor dunes, and he mourned, \"Alas, that I was not born one of these!\"' Haunted by the fear of death, he sought in the lore of Egyptian priests the magic elixir of eternal life.\u2022\nHe had so enlarged and lavishly financed the Museum and Library that Inter history named him as their founder. In 307 Demetrius of Phalerum, expelled from Athens, had taken refuge in Egypt. Ten years later we find him at the court of Ptolemy I. It was he, apparently, who suggested to Ptolemy Soter that the capital and the dynasty might be made illustrious by establishing a Museum-i.e., a House of the Muses-i.e., of the arts and sciences-which would rival the universities of Athens. Inspired, probably, by Aristotle's industry in collecting and classifying books, knowledge, ani\u00ad mals, plants, and constitutions, Demetrius appears to have recommended the erection of a group of buildings capable not only of sheltering a great collection of books, but also of housing scholars who would devote their lives to research. The plan appealed to the first two Ptolemies; funds were provided, and the new university slowly took form near the royal palaces. There was a general mess hall, where the scholars seem to have had their meals; there was an exedra, or lecture hall, a court, a cloister, a garden, an astronomical observatory, and the great Library. The head of the entire institution was technically a priest, since it was formally dedicated to the Muses as actual goddesses. Living in the Museum were four groups of scholars: astronomers, writers, mathematicians, and physicians. All of these men were Greeks, and all received a salary from the royal treasury. Their function was not to teach, but to make researches, studies, and experi\u00ad\n.ments. In later decades, as students multiplied about the Museum, its mem\u00ad bers undertook to give lectures, but the Museum remained to the end an\nCHAP. XXV)\tEGYPT  AND  THE  WEST\nInstitute for Advanced Studies rather than a university. It was, so far as we know, the first establishment ever set up by a state for the promotion of literature and science. It was the distinctive contribution of the Ptolemies and Alexandria to the history of civilization.\nPtolemy Philadelphus died in 246, after a long and largely beneficent reign. Ptolemy III Euergetes (Well-Doer) was another Thothmes III, intent on conquering the Near East; he took Sardis and Babylon, marched as far as India, and so effectually disorganized the Seleucid Empire that it crumbled at the touch of Rome. We shall not follow the record of his wars, for thougitfl:lere is drama in the details of strife, there is a dreary eternity in its causes and results; such history becomes a menial attendance upon the vicissitudes of \u00b7R?wer, in which victories and defeats cancel one another into a resounding zero. Euergetes' young wife Berenice gave thanks for his successes by dedicating a lock of her hair to the gods; the poets celebrated the story, and the astronomers lauded her to the skies by naming one of the constellations Coma Berenices-Berenice's Hair.\nPtolemy IV Philopator so loved his father that he imitated his wars and his triumphs. But his victory over Antiochus III at Raphia ( 2 17) had been won with native troops-their first use by any Ptolemy; and the Egyptians, now armed and conscious of their strength, began from this time onward to break down the authority of the Greeks on the Nile. Philopator gave himself to amusement, spent much time on his spacious pleasure boat, introduced the Bacchanalia into Egypt, and half persuaded himself that he was descended from Dionysus. In 205 his wife was killed by his mistress; and shortly afterward Philopator himself passed away. In the ensuing chaos Philip V of Macedon and Antiochus III of Seleucia were about to dismember and absorb Egypt when Rome-with which the sec\u00ad ond Ptolemy had made a treaty of friendship-entered upon the scene, de\u00ad feated Philip, sent Antiochus packing, and made Egypt a Roman protec\u00ad torate (205).\nSOCIALISM UNDER THE PTOLEMIES\nBy far the most interesting aspect of Ptolemaic Egypt is its extensive experiment in state socialism. Royal ownership of the land had long been a sacred custom in Egypt; the Pharaoh, as king and god, had full right to the soil and all that it produced. The fellah was not a slave, but he could not leave his place without the permission of the government, and he was t'equired to tum over the larger part of his crops to the state.\" The Ptole-\n588\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXV\nmies accepted this system, and extended it by appropriating the great tracts which, under previous dynasties, had belonged to the Egyptian nobles or priests. A great bureaucracy of governmental overseers, supported by armed guards, managed all Egypt asa vast state farm.\u2022 Nearly every peasant in Egypt was told by these officials what soil to till and what crops to grow; his labor and his animals could at any time be requisitioned by the state for mining, building, hunting, and the making of canals or roads; his harvest was gauged by state measurers, registered by the scribes, threshed on the royal threshing floor, and conveyed by a living chain of fellahs into the granaries of the king.a There were exceptions to the sys\u00ad tem: the Ptolemies allowed the farmer to own his house and garden; they resigned the cities to private property; and they gave a right of leasehold to soldiers whose services were rewarded with land. But this leasehold was usually confined to areas which the owner agreed to devote to vine\u00ad yards, orchards, or olive groves; it excluded the power of bequest, and might at any time be canceled by the king. As Greek energy and skill improved these cleruchic (shareholders') lands, a demand arose for the right to transmit the property from father to son. In the second century such bequest was permitted by custom, but not by law; in the last cen\u00ad tury before Christ it was recognized by law,\u00b0 and the usual evolution from common property to private property was complete.\nDoubtless this system of socialism had been evolved because the condi\u00ad tions of tillage in Egypt required more co-operation, more unison of action in time and space, than individual ownership could be expected to provide. The amount and character of the crops to be sown depended upon the extent of the annual inundation, and the efficiency of irrigation and drain\u00ad age; these matters naturally made for central control. Greek engineers in the employ of the government improved the ancient processes, and ap\u00ad plied a more scientific and intensive agriculture to the land. The ancient shaduf was replaced by the noria, a large wheel sometimes forty feet in diameter, equipped with buckets hanging freely on the interior rim; at the top of the revolution each bucket was tilted by an obstructing bar, and emptied its contents into an irrigation reservoir; better still, the \"screw of Archimedes\" and the pump of Ctesibius* raised water with a speed un\u00ad known before the Ptolemies.10 The centralization of economic manage\u00ad ment in the hands of the government, and the institution of forced labor, made possible great public works of flood control, road construction, irri\u00ad gation, and building, and prepared the way for the engineering feats of\nSee Chap. XXVII b low.\nCHAP.XXV)\tEGYPT  AND  THE  WEST\nRome. Ptolemy II drained Lake Moeris, and turned its bed into a great tract of fertile land for distribution among the soldiers. In 285 he began to restore the canal from the Nile near Heliopolis to the Red Sea near Suez;\" Pharaoh Necho and Darius I had built and rebuilt this, but twice the shifting sands had choked it up, as in a century they would do again.\nIndustry operated under similar conditions. The government not only owned the mines, but either worked them itself, or appropriated the ore.\"' The Ptolemies opened up valuable gold deposits in Nubia, and had a stable gold coinage. They controlled the copper mines of Cyprus and Sinai. They had a monopoly of oil-derived not from the soil but from plants like linseed, croton, and sesame. The government fixed, each year, the amount of land to be sown to such plants; it took the whole produce at its own price; it extracted the oil in state factories through great beam presses worked by serfs; it sold the oil to retailers at its own price, and excluded foreign competition by a heavy tariff; its profit ranged from seventy to three hundred per cent.\"\" Apparently there were similar governmental sub\u00ad sidies in salt, natron (carbonate of soda used as soap), incense, papyrus, and textiles; there were some private textile factories, but they had to sell alJ their product to the state.1' Minor industries were left in private hands; the state merely licensed and supervised them, bought a large share of their output at fixed prices, and taxed a good part of the profits into the royal treasury. Handicrafts were carried on by ancient guilds, whose members were by tradition bound to their trade, their village, even to\u00b7their domi\u00ad cile.3 Industry was well developed; chariots, furniture, terra cotta, carpets, cosmetics were produced in abundance; glass blowing and the weaving of linen were Alexandrian specialties. Invention was more advanced in Ptole\u00ad maic Egypt than in any economy before imperial Rome's; the screw chain, the wheel chain, the cam chain, the ratchet chain, the pulley chain, and the screw press were all in use;\"' and the chemistry of dyes had progressed to the point of treating cloths with diverse reagents which brought forth, from immersion in one dye, a variety of fast colors.\" In general the fac\u00ad tories of Alexandria were worked by slaves, whose low cost of mainte\u00ad nance enabled the Ptolemies to undersell in foreign trade the products of Greek handicraft.111\nAll commerce was controlled and regulated by the government; retail traders were usually state agents distributing state goods.1' All caravan routes and waterways were owned by the state. Ptolemy II introduced the camel into Egypt, and organized a camel post to the south; this carried only governmental communications, but these included nearly all the com-\n59\u00b0\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXV\nmercial correspondence of the country. The Nile was busy with passen\u00ad ge!\" and freight traffic, apparently under private management subject to state regulation... For the Mediterranean trade the Ptolemies built the largest commercial fleet of the time, with vessels of three hundred tons burden.11 The warehouses of Alexandria invited world trade; its double harbor was the envy of other cities; its lighthouse was one of the Seven Wonders.\u2022 The fields, factories, and workshops of Egypt supplied a great surplus, which found markets as far east as China, as far south as central Africa, as far north as Russia and the British Isles. Egyptian explorers sailed down to Zanzibar and Somaliland, and told the world about the Troglodytes who lived along the east African coast on sea food, ostriches, carrots, and roots.\" To break the Arab hold on Indian trade with the Near East, Egyptian ships sailed directly from the Nile to India. Under the wise en\u00ad couragement of the Ptolemies Alexandria became the leading port of re\u00ad shipment for Eastern merchandise destined for the markets of the Medi\u00ad terranean.\nThis flowering of commerce and industry was quickened by excellent banking conveniences. Payment in kind survived to some degree, as a legacy from ancient Egypt; and the grain of the royal treasuries was used as part of the bank reserve; but deposits, withdrawals, and transfers of grain might be made on paper instead of being physically performed.\" Be\u00ad side this modified barter rose a complex money economy. Banking was a government monopoly, but its operations might be delegated to private firms.\u2022 Bills were paid by drafts on bank balances; banks lent money at interest, and paid the accounts of the royal treasury. The central bank, at Alexandria, had branches in all the important towns. Never in known his\u00ad tory had agriculture, industry, commerce, and finance reached so rich, so unified, and so brutal a development.\nThe masters and beneficiaries of this system were the free Greeks of the capi\u00ad tal At the head of all was the Pharaoh-god-king. From the viewpoint of the Greek population the Ptolemy was truly a Soter or Savior, a Euergetes or Bene\u00ad factor; he gave them a hundred thousand places in the bureaucracy, endless eco-\nSostratus of Cnidus designed it for Ptolemy Il, at a cost of eight hundred talents (about\n$2,400,000) ,\u2022 It rose in several setbacks to a height of four hundred feet; it was covered with white marble and adorned with sculptures in marble and bronze; above the pillared cupola that contained the light rose a twenty-one-foot statue of Poseidon. The flame came from the burning of resinous wood, and was made visible, probably by convex metal mirrors, to a"]
[4.279860496520996, 1.4600409269332886, "CHAP. XXIX)   THE  SURRENDER  OF PHILO SOPHY\nof Cyrene, who preached an unmoralistic atheism so openly in Athens that the Assembly indicted him for impiety,.-a lesson that Epicurus did not for\u00ad get. Then he returned to Asia and lectured on philosophy at Colophon, Mytilene, and Lampsacus. The Lampsacenes were so impressed with his ideas and his character that they felt qualms of selfishness in keeping him in so remote a city; they raised a fund of eighty minas ($4000), bought .a house and garden on the outskirts of Athens, and presented it to Epicurus as his school and his home. In 306, aged thirty-five, Epicurus took up his resi\u00ad dence there, and taught to the Athenians a philosophy that was Epicurean in name only. It was a sign of the growing freedom of women that he wel\u00ad comed them to his lectures, even into the little community that lived about him. He made no distinctions of station or race; he accepted courtesans as well as matrons, slaves as well as freemen; his favorite pupil was his own slave, Mysis. The courtesan Leontium became his mistress as well as his pupil, and found him as jealous a mate as if he had secured her by due proc\u00ad ess of law. Under his influence she had one child and wrote several books, whose purity of style did not interfere with her morals.lll\nFor the rest Epicurus lived in Stoic simplicity and prudent privacy. His motto was lathe biosas-\"live unobtrusively.\" He took part dutifully in the religious ritual of the city, but kept his hands clear of politics, and his spirit free from the affairs of the world. He was content with water and a little wine, bread and a little cheese. His rivals and enemies charged that he gorged himself when he could, and became abstemious only when over\u00ad eating had ruined his digestion. \"But those who speak thus are all wrong,\" Diogenes Laertius assures us; and he adds: \"There are many witnesses of the unsurpassable kindness of the man to everybody-both his own country, which honored him with statues, and his friends, who were so numerous that they could not be contained in whole cities.\"11 He was devoted to his parents, generous to his brothers, and gentle to his servants, who joined with him in philosophical studies.'\" His pupils looked upon him, says Seneca, as a god among men; and after his death their motto was: \"Live as though the eye of Epicurus were upon thee.\"\nBetween his lessons and his loves he wrote three hundred books. The ashes of Herculaneum preserved for us some fragments of his central work, On Nature; Diogenes Laertius, the Plutarch of philosophy, handed down three of his letters, and late discoveries have added a few more. Above all, Lucrecius enshrined the thought of Epicurus in the greatest of philosophical poems.\n646\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXIX\nPerhaps already conscious that Alexander's conquest was letting loose upon Greece a hundred mystic cults from the East, Epicurus begins with the arresting proposition that the aim of philosophy is to free men from fear-more than anything else, from the fear of gods. He dislikes religion because, he thinks, it thrives on ignorance, promotes it, and darkens life with the terror of celestial spies, relentless furies, and endless punishments. The gods exist, says Epicurus, and enjoy, in some far-off space among the stars, a serene and deathless life; but they are too sensible to bother with the affairs of so infinitesimal a species as mankind. The world is not de\u00ad signed, nor is it guided, by them; how could such divine Epicureans have created so middling a universe, so confused a scene of order and disorder, of beauty and suffering?'\" If this disappoints you, Epicurus adds, console yourself with the thought that the gods are too remote to do you any more harm than good. They cannot watch you, they cannot judge you, they cannot plunge you into hell. As for evil gods, or demons, they are the un\u00ad happy fantasies of our dreams.\nHaving rejected religion, Epicurus goes on to reject metaphysics. We can know nothing of the suprasensual world; reason must confine itself to the experience of the senses, and must accept these as the final test of truth. All the problems that Locke and Leibnitz were to debate two thousand years later are here settled with one sentence: if knowledge does not come from the senses, where else can it come from? And if the senses are not the ultimate arbiter of fact, how can we find such a criterion in reason, whose data must be taken from the senses?\nNevertheless the senses give us no certain knowledge of the external world; they catch not the objective thing itself, but only the tiny atoms thrown off by every part of its surface, and leaving upon our senses little replicas of its nature and form. If, therefore, we must have a theory of the world (and really it is not altogether necessary), we had better accept Democritus' view that nothing exists, or can be known to us, or can even be imagined by us, except bodies and space; and that all bodies are com\u00ad posed of indivisible and unchangeable atoms. These atoms have no color, temperature, sound, taste, or smell; such qualities are created by the corpus\u00ad cular radiations of objects upon our sense organs. But the atoms do differ in size, weight, and form; for only by this supposition can we account for the infinite variety of things. Epicurus would like to explain the operation of the atoms on purely mechanical principles; but as he is interested in ethics far more than in cosmology, and is anxious to preserve free will as the source of moral responsibility and the prop of personality, he abandons\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  SURRENDER  OF PHILO SOPHY\nDemocritus in mid-air, and supposes a kind of spontaneity in the atoms: they swerve a bit from the perpendicular as they fall through space, and so enter into the combinations that make the four elements, and through them the diversity of the objective scene.'\u00b0 There are innumerable worlds, but it is unwise to interest ourselves in them. We may assume that the sun and the moon are about as large as they appear to be, and then we can give our time to the study of man.\nMan is a completely natural product. Life probably began by spontane\u00ad ous generation, and progressed without design through the natural selection of the fittest forms.21. Mind is only another kind of matter. The soul is a delicate material substance diffused throughout the body.\" It can feel or act only by means of the body, and dies with the body's death. Despite all this we must accept the testimony of our immediate consciousness that the will is free; else we should be meaningless puppets on the stage of life. It is better to be a slave to the gods of the people than to the Fate of the philoso\u00ad phers...\nThe real function of philosophy, however, is not to explain the world, since the part can never explain the whole, but to guide us in our quest of happiness. \"That which we have in view is not a set of systems and vain opinio11s. but much rather a life exempt from every kind of disquietude.'111 Over the entrance to the garden of Epicurus was the inviting legend: \"Guest, thou shalt be happy here, for here happiness is esteemed the high\u00ad est good.\" Virtue, in this philosophy, is not an end in itself, it is only an indispensable means to a happy life.25 \"It is not possible to live pleasantly without living prudently, honorably, and justly; nor to live prudently, honorably, and justly without living pleasantly.\"\"\" The only certain propo\u00ad sitions in philosophy are that pleasure is good, and that pain is bad. Sensual pleasures are in themselves legitimate, and wisdom will find some room for them; since, however, they may have evil effects, they need such discrimi\u00ad nating pursuit as only intelligence can give.\nWhen, therefore, we say that pleasure is the chief good we are not speaking of the pleasures of the debauched man, or those that lie in sensual enjoyment ... but we mean the freedom of the body from pain, and of the soul from disturbance. For it is not continued drink\u00ad ings and revels, or the enjoyment of female society, or feasts of fish or other expensive foods, that make life pleasant, but such sober con\u00ad templation as examines the reasons for choice and avoidance, and puts to flight the vain opinions from which arises most of the confusion that troubles the soul.''\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\nIn the end, then, understanding is not only the highest virtue, it is also the highest happiness, for it avails more than any other faculty in us to avoid pain and grief. Wisdom is the only liberator: it frees us from bondage to the passions, from fear of the gods, and from dread of death; it teaches us how to bear misfortune, and how to derive a deep and lasting pleasure from the simple goods of life and the quiet pleasures of the mind. Death is not so frightful when we view it intelligently; the suffering it involves may be briefer and slighter than that which we have borne time and again during our lives; it is our foolish fancies of what death may bring that lend to it so much of its terror. And consider how little is needed to a wise content\u00ad fresh air, the cheapest foods, a modest shelter, a bed, a few books, and a friend. \"Everything natural is easily procured, and only the useless is cost\u00ad ly.\"'\" We should not fret our lives out in realizing every desire that comes into our heads: \"Desires may be ignored when our failure to accomplish them will not really cause us pain.'\"\" Even love, marriage, and parentage are unnecessary; they bring us fitful pleasures, but perennial grief... To accustom ourselves to plain living and simple ways is an almost certain road to health.a The wise man does not burn with ambition or lust for fame; he does not envy the good fortune of his enemies, nor even of his friends; he avoids the fevered competition of the city and the turmoil of political strife; he seeks the calm of the countryside, and finds the surest and deepest happiness in tranquillity of body and mind. Because he controls his ap\u00ad petites, lives without pretense, and puts aside all fears, the natural \"sweet\u00ad ness of life\" (hedone) rewards him with the greatest of all goods, which is peace.\nThis is a likably honest creed. It is encouraging to find a philosopher who is not afraid of pleasure, and a logician who has a good word to say for the senses. There is no subtlety here, and no warm passion for understanding; on the contrary Epicureanism, despite its transmission of the atomic theory, marks a reaction from the brave curiosity that had created Greek science and philosophy. The profoundest defect of the system is its negativity: it thinks of pleasure as freedom from pain, and of wisdom as an escape from the hazards and fullness of life; it provides an excellent design for bachelor\u00ad hood, but hardly for a society. Epicurus respected the state as a necessary evil, under whose protection he might live unmolested in his garden, but he appears to have cared little about national independence; indeed, his school seems to have preferred monarchy to democracy, as less inclined to perse-\nCHAP. XXO:)   THE  SURRENDER  OF PHILO SOPHY\ncute heresy81-an arresting inversion of modern beliefs. Epicurus was ready to accept any government that offered no hindrance to the unobtrusive pursuit of wisdom and companionship. He dedicated to friendship the de\u00ad votion that earlier generations had given to the state. \"Of all the things that wisdom provides for the happiness of the whole life, by far the most im\u00ad portant is friendship.\".. The friendships of the Epicureans were proverbial for their permanence; and the letters of the master abound in expressions of ardent affection.\"' His disciples returned this feeling with Greek intensity._ Young Colotes, on first hearing Epicurus speak, fell on his knees, wept, and hailed him as a god.811\nFor thirty-six years Epicurus taught in his garden, preferring a school to a family. In the year 270 he was brought down with the stone. He bore the pains stoically, and on hrs deathbed found time to think of his friends. \"I write to you on this happy day which is the last of my life. The obstruction of my bladder, and the internal pains, have reached the extreme point, but there is marshaled against them the delight of my mind in thinking over our talks together. Take care of Metrodorus' children in a way worthy of your lifelong devotion to me and to philosophy.\"88 He willed his property to the school, hoping \"that all those who study philosophy may never be in want ... so far as our power to prevent it may extend.\"\u2022\nHe left behind him a long succession of disciples, so loyal to his memory that for centuries they refused to change a word of his teaching. His most famous pupil, Metrodorus of Lampsacus, had already shocked or amused Greece by reducing Epicureanism to the proposition that \"all good things have reference to the belly\"\u2022-meaning, perhaps, that all pleasure is physio\u00ad logical, and ultimately visceral. Chrysippus countered by calling the Gas\u00ad trology of Archestratus \"the metropolis of the Epicurean philosophy.\"81) Popularly misunderstood, Epicureanism was publicly denounced and pri\u00ad vately accepted in wide circles throughout Bellas. So many Hellenizing Jews adopted it that Apikiiros was used by the rabbis as a synonym for apostate.\"' In 173 or 155 two Epicurean philosophers were expelled from Rome on the ground that they were corrupting youth.a. A century later Ocero asked, \"Why are there so many followers of Epicurus? \"'11 and Lu\u00ad cretius composed the fullest and finest extant exposition of the Epicurean system. The school had professed adherents until the reign of Constantine, some of them, by their lives, degrading the name of the master to mean \"epicure,\" others faithfully teaching the simple maxims into which he had once condensed his philosophy: \"The gods are not to be feared; death can\u00ad not be felt; the good can be won; all that we dread can he conquered_,,..\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIX\nIII. THE STOIC COMPROMISE\nSince an increasing number of Epicurus' followers interpreted him as counseling the pursuit of personal pleasure, the essential problem of ethics\u00ad what is the good life?-had reached not a solution but only a new formula\u00ad tion: how can the natural epicureanism of the individual be reconciled with the stoicism necessary to the group and the race?-how can the members of a society be inspired to, or frightened into, the self-control and self-sacrifice indispensable to collective survival? The old religion could no longer fulfill this function; the old city-state no longer lifted men up to self-forgetfulness. Educated Greeks turned from religion to philosophy for an answer; they called in philosophers to advise or console them in the crises of life; they asked from philosophy some world view that would give to human existenc-e a permanent meaning and value in the scheme of things, and that would enable them to look without terror upon the certainty of death. Stoicism is the last effort of classical antiquity to find a natural ethic. Zeno tried once more to accomplish the task in which Plato had failed.\nZeno was a native of Citium in Cyprus. The city was partly Phoenician, chiefly Greek; Zeno is frequently called a Phoenician, sometimes an Egyp\u00ad tian; he was almost certainly of mixed Hellenic and Semitic parentage.\" Apollonius of Tyre desc:ribes him as thin, tall, and dark; his head was bent to one side, and his legs were weak; Aphrodite, though Hephaestus was no better, would have surrendered him to Athena. Having no distractions, he rapidly amassed wealth as a merchant; when he first came to Athens, we are told, he had over a thousand talents. According to Diogenes Laertius he was shipwrecked on the Attic coast, lost his fortune, and arrived in Athens, about 314, almost destitute.'\" Sitting down by a bookseller's stall he began to read Xenophon's Memorabilia, and was soon fascinated by the character of Socrates. \"Where are such men to be found today?\" he asked. At that moment Crates, a Cynic philosopher, passed by. \"Follow that man,\" the bookseller advised him. Zeno, aged thirty, enrolled in Crates' school, and rejoiced in having discovered philosophy: \"I made a prosperous voy\u00ad age,\" he said, \"when I was wrecked.\"'\" Crates was a Theban who had turned over his fortune of three hundred talents to his fellow citizens and had taken up the ascetic life of a Cynic mendicant. He denounced the sexual looseness of his time, and counseled hunger as a cure for love. His pupil Hipparchia, having plenty to eat, fell in love with him, and threatened to kill herself unless her parents gave her to him. They begged Crates to dissuade her, which he tried to do by laying his beggar's wallet at her feet,\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE   SURRENDER  OF PHILO SOPHY\t651"]
[-1.6765035390853882, -1.7832967042922974, "CHAP. 1)\tCRETE\t9\nlets on the brow, partly in tresses falling upori the shoulders or the breast. The women add ribbons for their curls, while the men, to keep their faces clean, provide themselves with a variety of razors, even in the grave.u\nThe dress is as strange as the figures. On their heads-most of ten bare\u00ad the men have turbans or tam-o'-shanters, the women magnificent hats of our early twentieth-century style. The feet are usually free of covering; but the upper classes may bind them in white leather shoes, which among women may be daintily embroidered at the edges, with colored beads on the straps. Ordinarily the male has no clothing above the waist; there he wears a short skirt or waistcloth, occasionally with a codpiece for modesty. The skirt may be slit at the side in workingmen; in dignitaries and ceremo\u00ad nies it reaches in both sexes to the ground. Occasionally the men wear drawers, and in winter a long outer garment of wool or skins. The clothing is tightly laced about the middle, for men as well as women are resolved to be\n-or seem-triangularly slim.11 To rival the men at this point, the women of the later periods resort to stiff corsets, which gather their skirts snugly around their hips, and lift their bare breasts to the sun. It is a pretty custom among the Cretans that the female bosom should be uncovered, or revealed by a diaphanous chemiset no one seems to take offense. The bodice is laced below the bust, opens in a careless circle, and then, in a gesture of charming reserve, may close in a Medici collar at the neck. The sleeves are short, sometimes puffed. The skin, adorned with flounces and gay tints, widens out spaciously from the hips, stiffened presumably with metal ribs or horizontal hoops. There are in the arrangement and design of Cretan feminine dress a warm harmony of colors, a grace of line, a delicacy of taste, that suggest a rich and luxurious civilization, already\u00b7old in arts and wiles. In these matters the Cretans had no influence upon the Greeks; only in modern capitals have their styles triumphed. Even staid archeologists have given the name La Parisienne to the portrait of a Cretan lady with pro\u00ad fulgent bosom, shapely neck, sensual mouth, impudent nose, and a persua\u00ad sive, provocative chanp; she-sits saucily before us today as part of a frieze in which high personages gaze upon some spectacle that we shall never see.,. The men of Crete are evidently grateful for the grace and adventure that women give to life, for they provide them with costly ineans of en\u00ad hancing their loveliness. The remains are rich in jewelry of many kinds: hairpins of copper and gold, stickpins adorned with golden animals or flow\u00ad ers, or heads of crystal or quartz; rings or spirals of filigree gold mingling with the hair, fillets or diadems of precious metal binding it; rings and pendants hanging from the ear, plaques and beads and chains on the breast,\n(0\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. I\nbands and bracelets on the arm, finger rings of silver, steatite, agate, car\u00ad nelian, amethyst, or gold. The men keep some of the jewelry for them\u00ad selves: ..if they are poor they carry necklaces and bracelets of common stones; if they can afford it they flaunt great rings engraved with scenes of battle or the chase. The famous Cupbearer wears on the biceps of his left arm a broad band of precious metal, and on the wrist a bangle inlaid with agate. Everywhere in Cretan life man expresses his vainest and noblest passion-the zeal to beautify.\nThis use of man to signify all humanity reveals the prejudice of a patri\u00ad archal age, and hardly suits the almost matriarchal life of ancient Crete..For the Minoan woman does not put up with any Oriental seclusion, any purdah or harem; there is no sign of her being limited to cenain quaners of the house, or to the home. She works there, doubtless, as some women do even today; she weaves clothing and baskets, grinds grain, and bakes bread. But also she labors with men in the fields and the potteries, she mingles freely with them in the crowds, she takes the front seat at the theater and the games, she sweeps through Cretan society with the air of a great lady bored with adoration; and when her nation creates its gods it is more often in her likeness than in man's. Sober students, secretly and forgivably enamored of the mother image in their hearts, bow down before her relics, and marvel at her domination.\"\nSociety\nHypothetically we picture Crete as at first an island divided by its moun\u00ad tains among petty jealous clans which live in independent villages under their own chiefs, and fight, after the manner of men, innumerable territorial wan. Then a resolute leader appears who unites several clans into a kingdom, and builds his fortress palace at Cnossus, Phaestus, Tylissus, or some other town. The wars become less frequent, more widespread, and more efficient in killing; at last the cities fight for .the entire island, and Cnossus wins. The victor organizes a navy, dominates the Aegean, sup\u00ad presses piracy, exacts tribute, builds palaces, and patronizes the arts, like an early Pericles.\"\" It is as difficult to begin a civilization without robbery as it is to maintain it without slaves.\u2022\nThe power of the king, as echoed in the ruins, is based upon force, re-\nThe usually cautious and accurate Thucydides writes: ''The first person known to us by tradition as having established a navy is Minos. He made himself master of what is now called the Hellenic Sea, and ruled over the Cyclades   Hedid his best to put down piracy\nin those waters, a necessary step to secure the revenues for his own use.\"\u2022\n\t CRETE\tII\nligion, and law. To make obedience easier he suborns the gods to his use: his priests explain to the people that he is descended from Velchanos, and has received from this deity the laws that he decrees; and every nine years, if he is competent or generous, they reanoint him with the divine authority. To symbolize his power the monarch, anticipating Rome and France, adopts the\u2022(double) ax and the fleur-de-lis. To administer the state he em\u00ad ploys (as the litter of tablets suggests) a staff of ministers, bureaucrats, and scribes. He taxes in kind, and stores in giant jars his revenues of grain, oil, and wine; and out of this treasury, in kind, he pays his men. From his throne in the palace, or his judgment seat in the royal villa, he settles in person such litigation as has run the gauntlet of his appointed courts; and so great is his reputation as a magistrate that when he dies he becomes in Hades, Homer assures us, the inescapable judge of the dead.lll We call him Minos, but we do not know his name; probably the word is a title, like Pharaoh or Caesar, and covers a multitude of kings.\nAt its height this civilization is surprisingly urban. The Iliad speaks of Crete's \"ninety cities,\" and the Greeks who conquer them are astonished at their teeming populations; even today the student stands in awe before the ruined mazes of paved and guttered streets, intersecting lanes, and count\u00ad less shops or houses crowding about some center of trade or government in all the huddled gregariousness of timid and talkative men. It is not only Cnossus that is great, with palaces so vast that imagination perhaps exag\u00ad gerates the town that must have been the chief source and beneficiary of their wealth. Across the island, on the southern shore, is Phaestus, from whose harbor, Homer tells us, \"the dark-prowed ships are home to Egypt by the force of the wind and the wave.,,. The southbound trade of Minoan Crete pours out here, swelled by goods from nonhem merchants who ship their cargoes overland to avoid a long detour by perilous seas. Phaestus becomes a Cretan Piraeus, in love with commerce rather than with art. And yet t e palace of its prince is a majestic edifice, reached by a flight of steps forty-five feet wide; its halls and courts compare with those at Cnossus; its central coun is a paved quadrangle of ten thousand square feet; its megaron,\nor reception room, is three thousand square feet in area, larger even than the great Hall of the Double Ax in the northern capital.\nTwo miles nonhwest is Hagia Triada, in whose \"royal villa\" (as archeo\u00ad logical imagination calls it) the Prince of Phaestus seeks refuge from the summer heat. The eastern end of the island, in Minoan days, is rich in small towns: ports like Zakro or Mochlos, villages like Praesus or Pseira, resi\u00ad dential quarters like Palaikastro, manufacturing centers like Goumia. The\n12\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CRAP. I\nmain street in Palaikastro is well paved, well drained, and lined with spa\u00ad cious homes; one of these has twenty-three rooms on the surviving floor. Goumia boasts of avenues paved with gypsum, of homes built with mortar\u00ad less stone, of a blacksmith's shop with extant forge, of a carpenter shop with a kit of tools, of small factories noisy with metalworking, shoemaking, vase\u00ad making, oil refining, or textile industry; the modem workmen who excavate it, and gather up its tripods, jars, pottery, ovens, lamps, knives, monars, polishers, hooks, pins, daggers, and swords, marvel at its varied products and equipment, and call it he mechanike polis-\"the town of machinery.'\"\" By our standards the minor streets are narrow, mere alleys in the style of a semitropical Orient that fears the sun; and the rectangular houses, of wood or brick or stone, are for the most pan confined to a single floor. Yet some Middle Minoan plaques exhumed at Cnossus show us homes of two, three, even five stories, with a cubicle attic or turret here and there; on the upper floors, in these pictured houses, are windows with red panes of unknown material. Double doors, swinging on posts apparently of cypress wood, open from the ground-floor rooms upon a shaded coun. Stairways lead to the upper floors and the roof, where the Cretan sleeps when the nights are very warm. H he spends the evening indoors he lights his room by burning oil, according to his income, in lamps of clay, steatite, gypsum, marble, or bronze.\u2022\nWe know a trifle or two about the games he plays. At home he likes a form of chess, for he has bequeathed to us, in the ruins of the Cnossus palace, a magnificent gaming board with frame of ivory, squares of silver and gold, and a border of seventy-two daisies in precious metal and stone. In the fields he takes with zest and audacity to the chase, guided by half-wild cats and slender thoroughbred hounds. In the towns he patronizes pugilists, and on his vases and reliefs he represents for us a variety of contests, in which light\u00ad weights spar with bare hands and kicking feet, middleweights with plumed helmets batter each other manfully, and heavyweights, coddled with helmets, cheekpieces, and long padded gloves, fight till one falls exhausted to the ground and the other stands above him in the conscious grandeur of victory.\u2022\nBut the Cretan's greatest thrill comes when he wins his way into the crowd that fills the amphitheater on a holiday to see men and women face death against huge charging bulls. Time and again he pictures the stages of this lusty spon: the daring hunter capturing the bull by jumping astride its neck as it laps up water from a pool; the professional tamer twisting the animal's head until it learns some measure of tolerance for the acrobat's annoying tricks; the skilled performer, slim and agile, meeting the bull in\nCHAP, I)\tCRETE\t13\nthe arena, grasping its horns, leaping into the air, somersaulting over its back, and landing feet first on the ground in the arms of a female companion who lends her grace to the scene.\u2022 Even in Minoan Crete this is already an an\u00ad cient art; a clay cylinder from Cappadocia, ascribed to 2400 B.c., shows a bull-grappling sport as vigProus and dangerous as in these frescoes.\"' For a moment our oversimplifyii,g intellects catch a glimpse of the contradictory complexity of man as we perceive that this game of blood-lust and courage, still popular today, is as ol,1 as civilization.\nReligion\nThe Cretan may be brutal, but he is certainly religious, with a thoroughly human mixture of fetishism and superstition, idealism and reverence. He wor\u00ad ships mountains, caves, stones, the number 3, trees and pillars, sun and moon, goats and snakes, doves and bulls; hardly anything escapes his theology. He conceives the air as filled with spirits genial or devilish, and hands.down to Greece a sylvan-ethereal population of dryads, sileni, and nymphs. He does not directly adore the phallic emblem, but he venerates with awe the genera\u00ad tive vitality of the bull and the snake.\u2022 Since his death rate is high he pays devout homage to fertility, and when he rises to the notion of a human divinity he pic\u00ad tures a mother goddess with generous mammae and sublime flanks, with rep\u00ad tiles creeping up around her arms and breasts, coiled in her hair, or rearing themselves proudly from her head. He sees in her the basic fact of nature\u00ad that man's greatest enemy, death, is overcome by woman's mysterious power, reproduction; and he identifies this power with deity. The mother goddess represents for him the source of all life, in plants and animals as well as in men; if he surrounds her image with fauna and flora it is because these exist through her creative fertility, and therefore serve as her symbols and her emanations. Occasionally she appears holding in her arms her divine child Velchanos, whom she has borne in a mountain cave.\u2022 Contemplating this ancient image, we see through it Isis and Horus, Ishtar and T ammuz, Cybele and Attis, Aphrodite and Adonis, and feel the unity of prehistoric culture, and the continuity of religious ideas and symbols, in the Mediterranean world."]
[-3.8352503776550293, 8.285674095153809, "Nevertheless it is possible that some such story was used to make the adventure digestible for the common Greek; men must have phrases if they are to give their lives. Whatever may have been the face and shibboleth of the war, its cause and essence lay, almost beyond doubt, in the struggle of two groups of powers for possession of the Hellespont and the rich lands lying about the Black Sea. All Greece and all western Asia saw it as a decisive conflict; the little nations of Greece came to the aid of Agamemnon, and the peoples of Asia Minor sent repeated reinforcements to Troy. It was the beginning of a struggle that would be renewed at Marathon and\nHelen, it need hardly be said, was the daughter of Zeus, who, in the form of a swan,\nseduced Leda, wife of Sparta's King Tyndareus.\nT\u00b7H\u00b7E  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.HI\nSalamis, at Issus and Arbela, at Tours and Granada, at Lepanto and Vienna....\nOf the events and aftermath of the war we can relate only what the poets and dramatists of Greece have told us; we accept this as rather litera\u00ad tqre than history, but all the more for that .reason a part of the story of civilization; we know that war is ugly, and that the Iliad is beautiful. Art (to vary Aristotle) may make even terror beautiful-and so purify it-by giving it significance and form. Not that the form of the Iliad is perfect; the structure is loose, the narrative is sometimes contradictory or obscure, the conclusion does not conclude; nevertheless the perfection of the parts atones for the disorder of the whole, and with all its minor faults the story becomes one of the great dramas of literature, perhaps of history.\n(1)\u2022 At the opening of the poem the Greeks have already besieged Troy for nine years in vain; they are despondent, homesick, and decimated with disease. They had been delayed at Aulis by sickness and a windless sea; and Agamem\u00ad non had embittered Clytaemnestra, and prepared his own fate, by sacrificing their daughter Iphigenia for a breeze. On the way up the coast the Greeks had stopped here and there to replenish their supplies of food and concubines; Aga\u00ad memnon had taken the fair Chryseis, Achilles the fair Briseis. A soothsayer now declares that Apollo is withholding success from the Greeks because Aga\u00ad memnon has violated the daughter of Apollo's priest, Chryses. The King restores Chryseis to her father, but, to console himself and point a tale, he com\u00ad pels Briseis to leave Achilles and take Chryseis' place in the royal tent. Achilles convokes a general assembly, and denounces Agamemnon with a wrath that provides the first word and the recurring theme of the Iliad. He vows that neither he nor his soldiers will any longer stir a hand to help the Greeks.\n(n) We pass in review the ships and tribes of the assembled force, and (m) see bluff Menelaus engaging Paris in single combat to decide the war. The two armies sit down in civilized truce; Priam joins Agamemnon in solemn sacrifice to the gods. Menelaus overcomes Paris, but Aphrodite snatches the lad safely away in a cloud and deposits him, miraculously powdered and perfumed, upon his marriage bed. Helen bids him return to the fight, but he counterproposes that they \"give the hour to dalliance.\" The lady, flattered by desire, yields.\nAgamemnon declares Menelaus victor, and the war is apparently ended; but the gods, in imitative council on Olympus, demand more blood. Zeus votes for peace, but withdraws his vote in terrified retreat when Hera, his spouse, directs her speech upon him. She suggests that if Zeus will agree to the destruc\u00ad tion of Troy she will allow him to raze Mycenae, Argos, and Sparta to the\nParenthetical numbers indicate books of the Iliad.\nCHAP.Ill)\tTHE\tBEllOIC  AGE\t51\nground. The war is renewed; many a man falls pierced by arrow, lance, or sword, and \"darkness enfolds his eyes.\"\nThe gods join in the merry slicing game; Ares, the awful god of war, is hurt by Diomed's spear, \"utters a cry as of nine thousand men,\" and runs off to complain to Zeus. {VI) In a pretty interlude the Trojan leader Hector, before rejoining the battle, bids good-by to his wife Andromache. \"Love,\" she whis\u00ad pers to him, \"thy stout heart will be thy death; nor hast thou pity of thy child or me, who shall soon be a widow. My father and my mother and my brothers all are slain; but, Hector, thou art father to me and mother, and thou art the husband of my youth. Have pity, then, and stay here in the tower.\" \"Full well I know,\" he answers, ''that Troy will fall, and I foresee the sorrow of my breth\u00ad ren and the King; for them I grieve not; but to think of thee a slave in Argos unmans me almost. Yet, even so, I will not shirk the fight.,,.,. His infant son Astyanax, destined shortly to be flung over the walls to death by the victorious Greeks, screams in fright at Hector's waving plumes, and the hero removes his helmet that he may laugh, weep, and pray over the wondering child. Then he strides down the causeway to the battle, and {VII) engages Ajax, King of Salamis, in single combat. They fight bravely, and separate at nightfall with exchange of praise and gifts--a flower of courtesy floating on a sea of blood. {VIII) After a day of Trojan victories Hector bids his warriors rest.\nThus made harangue to them Hector; and roaring the Trojans ap\u00ad plauded.\nThen from the yoke loosed their war-steeds sweating, and each by his chariot\nTethered his horses with thongs. And then they brought from the city,\nHastily, oxen and goodly sheep; and wine honey-hearted Gave them,\tand com from the houses.\nFirewood they gathered withal; and then from the plain to the heavens\nRose on the winds the sweet savor. And these by the highways\nof battle\nHopeful sat through the night, and many their watchfires burning.\nEven as when in the sky the stars shine out round the night-orb,\nWondrous to see, and the winds are laid, and the peaks and the headlands\nTower to the view, and the glades come out, and the glorious heaven Stretches itself to its widest, and sparkle the stars multitudinous, Gladdening the heart of the toil-wearied shepherd-even as count-\nies.,"]
[-0.016788141801953316, 2.768195629119873, "666\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(cHAP.XXX\npaigns in Spain and Africa would divert her energies and incline her to a complaisant peace. A fever of patriotism swept the cities of the League. Slaves were freed and armed, a moratorium on debts was proclaimed, and land was promised to the poor, while the unhappy rich, trembling between socialism and Rome, reluctantly contributed their jewelry and their money to the cause of freedom. Athens and Sparta remained aloof, but Boeotia, Locria, and Euboea committed themselves bravely to the war. The repub\u00ad lics of Macedonia joined in open revolt against Rome.\nThe angry Senate sent over an army under Mummius and a fleet under Metellus. Their combined forces overcame all resistance, and in 146 Mum\u00ad\nmius captured Corinth, the citadel of the League. Whether to destroy a commercial rival in the east as the younger Scipio was in that year destroy\u00ad ing Carthage in the west, or to give rebellious Greece a lesson after the fashion of Alexander at Thebes, the rich city of merchants and courtesans was put to the flames, all the men were slaughtered, and all the women and children were sold into slavery. Mummius carried off to Italy whatever wealth could be moved, including the works of art with which the Corinthi\u00ad ans had adorned their cities and their homes. Polybius tells how Roman soldiers used world-famous paintings as boards for their games of draughts or dice. The League was dissolved, and its leaders were put to death. Greece and Macedonia were united into one province under a Roman gov\u00ad ernor. Boeotia, Locris, Corinth, and Euboea were subjected to annual tribute; Athens and Sparta were spared, and were allowed to remain under their own laws. The party of property and order was upheld everywhere, and all attempts to wage war, or make revolutions, or change the constitu\u00ad tion, were proscribed. The turbulent cities had at last found peace.\nEPILOGUE\nOur Greek Heritage\nREEK civilization was not dead; it had yet several centuries of life before it; and when it died* it bequeathed itself in an incomparable legacy to the nations of Europe and the Near East. Every Greek colony poured the elixir of Greek art and thought into the cultural blood of the hinterland-into Spain and Gaul, Etruria and R0me, Egypt and Palestine, Syria and Asia Minor, and along the shores of the Black Sea. Alexandria was the port of reshipment for ideas as well as goods: from the Museum and the Library the works and views of Greek poets, mystics, philosophers, and scientists were scattered through scholars and students into every city of the Mediterranean concourse. Rome took the Greek heritage in its Hellen\u00ad istic form: her playwrights adopted Menander and Philemon, her poets imitated the modes, measures, and themes of Alexandrian literature, her arts used Greek craftsmen and Greek forms, her law absorbed the statutes of the Greek cities, and her later imperial organization was modeled upon the Greco-Oriental monarchies: Hellenism, after the Roman conquest of Gfeece, conquered Rome even as the Orient was conquering Greece. Every extension of Roman power spread the ferment of Hellenic civiliza\u00ad tion. The Byzantine Empire wedded Greek to Asiatic culture, and passed on some part of the Greek inheritance to the Near East and the Slavic north. The Syrian Christians took up the torch and handed it to the Arabs, who carried it through Africa to Spain. Byzantine, Moslem, and Jewish scholars conveyed or translated the Greek masterpieces to Italy, arousing first the philosophy of the Schoolmen and then the fever of the Renaissance. Since that second birth of the European mind the spirit of Greece has seeped so thoroughly into modern culture that \"all civilized nations, in all that con\u00ad\ncerns the activity of the intellect, are colonies of Hellas\" today.t1\nIf we include in our Hellenic heritage not only what the Greeks in\u00ad vented but what they adapted from older cultures and transmitted by these\nWe may arbitrarily date this at A.D. 32;, when Constantine founded Constantinople, and Christian Byzantine civilization began to replace the \"pagan\" Greek culture in the eastern Mediterranean.\nt Increased knowledge of Egyptian and Asiatic civilization compels extensive modification\nof Sir Henry Maine's classic hyPerbole: \"Except the blind forces of nature, nothing moves in this world which is not Greek 10 its origin.\"\u2022\n667\n668\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\tEPILOGUE\ndiverse routes to our own, we shall find that patrimony in almost every phase of modern life. Our handicrafts, the technique of mining, the essen\u00ad tials of engineering, the processes of .finance and trade, the organization of labor, the governmental regulation of commerce and industry-all these have come down to us on the stream of history from Rome, and through Rome from Greece. Our democracies and ou_r dictatorships alike go back to Greek exemplars; and though the widened reach of states has evolved a representative system unknown to Hellas, the democratic idea of a govern\u00ad ment responsible to the governed, of trial by jury, and of civil liberties of thought, speech, writing, assemblage, and worship, have been profoundly stimulated by Greek history. These things above all distinguished the Greek from the Oriental, and gave him an independence of spirit and enterprise that made him smile at the obeisances and inertia of the East.\nOur schools and universities, our gymnasiums and stadiums, our athletics and Olympic games, trace their lineage to Greece. The theory of eugenic mating, the conception of self-containment and of self-control, the cult of health and natural living, the pagan ideal of a shameless enjoyment of every sense, found their historic formulations in Greece. Christian theology and practice (the very words are Greek) _stem in large part from the mystery religions of Greece and Egypt, from Eleusinian, Orphic, and Osirian rites; from Greek doctrines of the divine son dying for mankind and rising from the dead; from Greek rituals of religious procession, ceremonial puri.fica tion, holy sacrifice, and the sacred common meal; from Greek ideas of hell demons, purgatory, indulgences, and heaven; and from Stoic and.Neo-Pla\u00ad tonic theories of the Logos, creation, and the .final conflagration of the world. Even our superstition is indebted to Greek bogies, witches, curses, omens, and unlucky days. And who could understand English literature, or one ode of Keats, without some tincture of Greek mythology?\nOur literature could hardly have existed without the Greek tradition. Our alphabet came from Greece through Cumae and Rome; our language is littered with Greek words; our science has forged an international language through Greek terms; our grammar and rhetoric, even the punctuation and paragraphing of this page, are Greek inventions. Our literary genres are Greek the lyric, the ode, the idyl, the novel, the essay, the oration, the biography, the history, and above all the drama; again nearly all the words are Greek. The terms and forms of the modern drama-tragedy, comedy, and pantomime-are Greek; and though Elizabethan tragedy is unique, the comic drama has come down almost unchanged from Menander and Phile\u00ad mon through Plautus and Terence, Ben Jonson and Moliere. The Greek dramas themselves are among the richest portions of our inheritance.\nEPILOGUE\tOUR  GREEK  HERITAGE\nNothing else in Greece seems so foreign to us as its music; and yet modem music (until its return to Africa and the Orient) was derived from medieval chants and dances, and these went back in part to Greece. The oratorio and the opera owe something to the Greek choral dance and drama; and the theory of music, so far as we know, was first explored and expounded by the Greeks from Pythagoras to Aristoxenus. Our debt is least in painting; but in the art of fresco a direct line can be traced from Polygnotus through Alexandria and Pompeii, Giotto and Michelangelo, to the arresting murals of our own day. The forms and much of the technique of modem sculpture are still Greek, for upon no other art has the Hellenic genius stamped itself so despotically. We are only now freeing ourselves from the fascination of Greek architecture; every city in Europe and America has some temple of commerce or finance whose form or columnar fa ade came from the shrines of Greek gods. We miss in Greek art the study of character and the por\u00ad trayal of the soul, and its infatuation with physical beauty and health leaves it less mature than the masculine statuary of Egypt or the profound paint\u00ad ing of the Chinese; but the lessons of moderation, purity, and harmony em\u00ad bodied in the sculpture and architecture of the classic age are a precious heirloom for our race.\nIf Greek civilization seems more akin and \"modem\" to us now than that\nof any century before Voltaire, it is because the Hellene loved reason as much as form, and boldly sought to explain all nature in nature's terms. The liberation of science from theology, and the independent development of scientific research, were parts of the heady adventure of the Greek mind. Greek mathematicians laid the foundations of trigonometry and calculus, they began and completed the study of conic sections, and they brought three-dimensional geometry to such relative perfection that it re\u00ad mained as they left it until Descartes and Pascal. Democritus illuminated the whole area of physics and chemistry with his atomic theory. In a mere aside and holiday from abstract studies Archimedes produced enough new mechanisms to place his name with the highest in the records of invention. Aristarchus anticipated and perhaps inspired Copernicus;* and Hipparchus, through Claudius Ptolemy, constructed a system of astronomy which is one of the landmarks in cultural history. Eratosthenes measured the earth and mapped it. Anaxagoras and Empedocles drew the outlines of a theory of evolution. Aristotle and Theophrastus classified the animal and plant king\u00ad doms, and almost created the scien es of meteorology, zoology, embryolo\u00ad gy, and botany. Hippocrates freed medicine from mysticism and philo-\nCopernicus knew of Aristarchus' heliocentric hypothesis, for he mentioned it in a para\u00ad\ngraph that disappeared from later editions of his book.8\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\tEPILOGUE\nsophical theory, and ennobled it with an ethical code; Herophilus and Erasistratus raised anatomy and physiology to a point which, except in Galen, Europe would not reach again till the Renaissance. In the work of these men we breathe the quiet air of reason, always uncertain and unsafe, but cleansed of passion and myth. Perhaps, if we had its masterpieces entire, we should rate Greek science as the most signal intellectual achievement of mankind."]
[15.321845054626465, 9.096481323242188, "\u2022Cf.the seated Chares from Miletus in the British Museum, or the Head of Cleobis by Polymedes in the museum at Delphi.\nCHAP. IV)\tSPARTA\nto the Greeks its system of weights and measures,1\u00b0 its water clock and sun\u2022 dial,11 its monetary units of obol, rnina, and talent,\"' its astronomical principles, instruments, records, and calculations, its sexagesimal system of dividing the year, the circle1 and the four right angles that are subtended by a circle at its center, into 360 parts, each of the 360 degrees into 60 minutes, and each of the minutes into 60 seconds; it was presumably his acquaintance with Egyptian and Babylonian astronomy that enabled Thales to predict an eclipse of the sun... Probably from Babylonia came Hesiod's notion of Chaos as the origin of all things; and the story of Ishtar and Tammuz is suspiciously like those of Aphro.,. dite and Adonis, Demeter and Persephone.\nNear the eastern end of the commercial complex that united the classic world lay the final enemy of Greece. In some ways-though few-the civilization of Persia was superior to that of contemporary Bellas; it produced a type of gentle\u00ad man finer than the Greek in every respect except that of intellectual keenness and education, and a system of imperial administration that easily excelled the clumsy hegemonies of Athens and Sparta, and lacked only the Greek passion for liberty.-From Assyria the Ionian Greeks took a me.asure of skill in animal statuary, a certain thickness of figure and flatness of drapery in their early sculp\u00ad ture, many decorative motives in friezes and moldings, and occasionally a style of relief, as in the lovely stela of Aristion.\"-Lydia maintained intimate relations with Ionia, and its brilliant capital, Sardis, was a clearinghouse for the traffic in goods and ideas between Mesopotamia and the Greek cities on the coast. The necessities of an extensive trade stimulated banking, and caused the Lydian government., about 680, to issue a state-guaranteed coinage. This boon to trade was soon imitated and improved by the Greeks, and had effects as momentous and interminable as those that came from the introduction of the alphabet.\u00ad The influence of Phrygia was older and subtler. Its mother goddess, Cybele, entered directly and deviously into Greek religion, and its orgiastic flute music became that \"Phrygian mode\" so popular among the populace, and so dis\u00ad turbing to the moralists, of Greece. From Phrygia this wild music crossed the Hellespont into Thrace, and served the rites of Dionysus. The god of wine was the chief gift of Thrace to Greece; but one Thracian city, Hellenized Abdera, sought to even the balance by giving Greece three philosophers-Leucippus, Democritus and Protagoras. It was from Thrace that the cult of the Muses passed down into Hellas; and the half-legendary founders of Greek music\u00ad Orpheus, Musaeus, and Thamyris-were Thracian singers and bards.\nFrom Thrace we move southward into Macedonia, and our cultural circum\u00ad vallation of Greece is complete. It is a picturesque land, with a soil once rich in minerals, plains fertile in grain and fruit, and mountains disciplining a hardy stock that was destined to conquer Greece. The mountaineers and peasants were of mixed race, predominantly Illyrian and Thracian; perhaps they were\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, IV\nakin to the Dorians who conquered the Peloponnesus. The ruling aristocracy claimed Hellenic lineage (from Heracles himself), and spoke a dialect of Greek. The earlier capital, Edessa, stood on a vast plateau between the plains that stretched to Epirus and the ranges that reached to the Aegean. Farther east lay Pella, capital-to-be of Philip and Alexander; and near the sea was Pydna, where the Romans would conquer the conquering Macedonians, and win the right to transmit Greek civilization to the Western world.\nThis, then, was the environment of Greece: civilizations like Egypt, Crete, and Mesopotamia that gave it those elements of technology, science, and art which it would transform into the brightest picture in history; empires like Persia and Carthage that would feel the challenge of Greek commerce, and would unite in a war to crush Greece between them into a harmless vassalage; and, in the north, warlike hordes recklessly breeding, restlessly marching, who would sooner or later pour down over the moun\u00ad tain barriers and do what the Dorians had done-break through what Cicero was to call the Greek border woven on the barbarian robe,\"' and destroy a civilization that they could not understand. Hardly any of these surrounding nations cared for what to the Greeks was the very essence of life-liberty to be, to think, to speak, and to do. Every one of these peoples except the Phoenicians lived under despots, surrendered their souls to super\u00ad stition, and had small experience of the stimulus of freedom or the life of reason. That was why the Greeks called them all, too indiscriminately, barharoi, barbarians; a barbarian was a man content to believe without rea\u00ad son and to live without liberty. In the end the two conceptions of life\u00ad the mysticism of the East and the rationalism of the West-would fight for the body and soul of Greece. Rationalism would win under Pericles, as under Caesar, Leo X, and Frederick; but mysticism would always return. The alternate victories of these complementary philosophies in the vast pendulum of history constitute the essential biography of Western civiliza\u00ad tion.\nARGOS\nWithin this circle of nations little Greece expanded until its progeny peopled nearly every Mediterranean shore. For the gaunt hand that stretched its skeletal fingers southward into the sea was but a small part of the Greece whose history concerns us. In the course of their development the irrepressible Hellenes spread into every isle of the Aegean, into Crete, Rhodes, and Cyprus, into Egypt, Palestine, Syria, Mesopotamia, and Asia Minor, into the Sea of Marmora and the Black Sea, into the shores and\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\npeninsulas of the north Aegean, into Italy, Gaul, Spain, Sicily, and northern Africa. In all these regions they built city-states, independent and diverse, and yet Greek; they spoke the Greek tongue, worshiped Greek gods, read and wrote Greek literature, contributed to Greek science and philosophy, and practiced democracy in the Greek aristocratic way. They did not leave Greece behind them when they migrated from their motherland, they carried it with them, even the very soil of it, wherever they went. For nearly a thousand years they made the Mediterranean a Greek lake, and the center of the world.\nThe most discouraging task faced by the historian of classic civilization is that of weaving into one pattern and story these scattered members of the body of Greece.* We shall attempt it by the pleasant method of a tour: with a map at our elbow and no expenditure but of the imagination, we shall pass from city to city of the Greek world, and observe in each center the life of the people before the Persian war-the modes of economy and government, the activities of scientists and philosophers, the achievements\nof poetry, and the creations of art.t The plan has many faults: the geo\u00ad\ngraphical sequence will not quite agree with the historical; we shall be leaping from century to century as well as from isle to isle; and we shall find ourselves talking with Thales and Anaximander before listening to Homer and Hesiod. But it will do us no harm to see the irreverent Iliad against its actual background of Ionian skepticism, or to hear Hesiod's dour plaints after visiting the Aeolian colonies from which his harassed father came. When at last we reach Athens we shall know in some measure the rich variety of the civilization that it inherited, and which it preserved so bravely at Marathon.\nIf we begin at Argos, where the victorious Dorians established their govern\u00ad ment, we find ourselves in a scene characteristically Greek: a not too fertile plain, a small and huddled city of little brick-and-plaster houses, a temple on the acropolis, an open-air theater on the slope of the hill, a modest palace here and there, narrow alleys and unpaved streets, and in the distance the inviting and merciless sea. For Hellas is composed of mountains and ocean; majestic scenery is so usual there that the Greeks, though moved and inspired by it, seldom mention it in their books. The winter is wet and cold, the summer hot and dry; sowing is in our autumn, reaping is in our spring; rain is a heavenly\n\"To write the history of Greece at almost any period without dissipating the interest is a task of immense difficulty ... because there is no constant unity or fixed center to which the actions and aims of the numerous states can be subordinated or related.\"-Bury, Ancient Greek Historians, p. 22.\nt To avoid returning too often to the same scene, the architectural history of minor cities\nwill be carried in these chapters (Book 11) down to the death of Alexander (3z3),\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\nblessing, and Zeus the Rain Maker is god of gods. The rivers are short and shallow, torrents for a winter spell, dry smooth pebbles in the summer heat. There were a hundred cities like Argos in the gamut of Greece, a thousand like it but\u00b7smaller; each of them jealously sovereign, separated from the rest by Greek pugnacity, or dangerous waters, or roadless hills.\nThe Argives ascribed the foundation of their city to Pelasgic Argus, the hero with a hundred eyes; and its first flourishing to an Egyptian, Danaus, who came at the head of a band of \"Danaae\" and taught the natives to irrigate their fields with wells. Such eponyms are not to be scorned; the Greeks preferred to end with myth that infinite regress which we must end with mystery. Under Temenus, one of the returning Heracleidae, Argos grew into the most power\u00ad ful city of Greece, bringing Tiryns, Mycenae, and all Argolis under its sway. Towards 680 the government was seized by one of those tyrtmnoi, oi:- dictators, who for the next two centuries became the fashion in the larger cities of Greece. Presumably Pheidon, like his fellow dictators, led the rising merchant class-\u00ad allied in a passing marriage of convenience with the commoners-against a land\u00ad owning aristocracy. When Aegina was threatened by Epidaurus and Athens Pheidon went to its rescue and took it for himself. He adopted-probably from the Phoenicians-the Babylonian system of weights and measures, and the\n1.,ydian plan of a currency guaranteed by the .state; he established his mint on Aegina, and the Aeginetan \"tortoises\" (coins marked with the island's symbol) became the first official coinage in continental Greece.\u2022\nPheidon's enlightened despotism opened a period of prosperity that brought many arts to Argolis. In the sixth century the musicians of Argos were the most famous in Hellas;17 Lasus of Hermione won high place among the lyric poets of his time, and taught his skill to Pindar; the foundations were laid of that Argive school of sculpture which was to give Polycleitus and its canon to Greece; drama found a home here, in a theater with twenty thousand seats; and architects raised a majestic temple to Hera, beloved and especially wor\u00ad shiped by Argos as the goddess-bride who renewed her virginity every year.18 But the degeneration of Pheidon's descendants-the nemesis of monarchy-and a long series of wars with Sparta weakened Argos, and forced it at last to yield to the Lacedaemonians the leadership of the Peloponndus. Today it is a quiet town, lost amid its surrounding fields; remembering vaguely the glories of its past, and proud that in all its long history it has never been abandoned.\nm. LACONIA"]
[-10.121513366699219, 6.449038505554199, "CHAP. XXII)\tALEXANDER\t539\nworthier of you.\"1 Even on the march his wild energy found vent in shoot\u00ad ing arrows at passing objects, or in alighting from, and remounting, his chariot at full speed. When a campaign lagged he would go hunting and, unaided and on foot, face any animal in combat; once, after an encounter with a lion, he was pleased to hear it said that he had fought as though it had been a duel to decide which of the two should be king.' He liked hard work and dangerous enterprises, and could not bear to rest. He laughed at some of his generals, who had so many servants that they themselves could find nothing to do. \"I wonder,\" he told them, \"that you with your experience do not know that those who work sleep more soundly than those for whom other people work. Have you yet to learn that the great\u00ad est need after our victories is to avoid the vices and the weaknesses of those whom we have conquered?,,. He grudged the time given to sleep, and said that \"sleep and the act of generation chiefly made him sensible that he was mortal.\"\" He was abstemious in eating, and, until his last years, in drinking, though he loved to linger with his friends over a goblet of wine. He despised rich foods, and refused the famous chefs who were offered him, saying that a night march gave him a good appetite for breakfast, and a light breakfast gave him an appetite for dinner.' Perhaps in consequence of these habits his complexion was remarkably clear, and his body and breath, says Plutarch, \"were so fragrant as to perfume the clothes that he wore.\"\" Discounting the flattery of those who painted or carved or en\u00ad graved his likeness, we know from his contemporaries that he was hand\u00ad some beyond all precedents for a king, with expressive features, soft blue eyes, and luxuriant auburn hair. He helped to introduce into Europe the custom of shaving the beard, on the ground that whiskers offered too ready a handle for an enemy to grasp.\u2022\u2022 In this little item, perhaps, lay his greatest influence upon history.\nMentally he was an ardent student, who was too soon consumed with\nresponsibilities to reach maturity of mind. Like so many men of action, he mourned that he could not be also a thinker. \"He had,\" says Plutarch, \"a violent thirst and passion for learning, which increased as time went on.... Hewas a lover of all kinds of reading and knowledge,\" and it was his delight, after a day of marching or fighting, to sit up half the night con\u00ad versing with scholars and scientists. \"For my part,\" he wrote to Aristotle, \"I had rather surpass others in the knowledge of what is excellent, than in the extent of my power and dominion.\"\" Possibly at Aristotle's suggestion he sent a commission to explore the sources of the Nile, and he gave funds generously for a variety of scientific inquiries. Whether a longer life would\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXII\nhave brought him to Caesar's clear intelligence, or the subtle understand\u00ad ing of Napoleon, is to be doubted. Royalty found him at twenty, after which warfare and administration absorbed him; in consequence he re\u00ad mained uneducated to the end. He could talk brilliantly, but fell into a hundred errors when he wandered from politics and war. With all his cam\u00ad paigns he seems never to have gained such acquaintance with geography as the science of his time could have given him. He rose at times above the narrowness of dogma, but remained to the last a slave to superstition. He put great confidence in the soothsayers and astrologers that crowded his court; before the battle of .Arbela he spent the night performing magic ceremonies with the magician Aristander, and offered sacrifices to the god Fear; he who faced all men and beasts with a very ecstasy of courage was \"easily alarmed by portents and prodigies,\" even to changing important plans.1\u00b0 He could lead many thousands of men, could conquer and rule millions, but he could not control his own temper. He never learned to recognize his own faults or limitations, but allowed his judgment to be soaked and drowned in praise. He lived in a frenzy of excitement and glory, and so loved war that his mind never knew an hour of peace.\nHis moral character hovered between similar contradictions. He was at bottom sentimental and emotional, and had, we are told, \"melting eyes\"; he was moved sometimes beside himself by poetry and music; he played the harp with great feeling in his early youth. Teased about this by Philip, he abandoned the instrument, and thereafter, as if to overcome himself, refused to listen to any but martial airs.11 Sexually he was almost virtuous, not so much on principle as by preoccupation. His incessant activity, his long marches and frequent battles, his complex plans and administrative burdens, used up his resources, and left him little appetite for love. He took many wives, but as a sacrifice to statesmanship; he was gallant to ladies, but preferred the company of his generals. When his aides brought a beautiful woman to his tent late at night he asked her, \"Why at this time?\" \"I had to wait,\" she replied, \"to get my husband to bed.\" Alex\u00ad ander dismissed her, and rebuked his servants, saying that because of them he had narrowly escaped becoming an adulterer.12 He had many of the qualities of a homosexual, and loved Hephaestion to madness; but when Theodorus of Taras offered to sell him two boys of great beauty he sent the Tarentine packing, and begged his friends to tell him what baseness of soul he had shown that anyone should make such a proposal to him.1\" He gave to friendship the tenderness and solicitude that most men give to love. No statesman known to us, much less any general, ever surpassed him in\nCHAP.xxn)\tALEXANDER\t541\nsimple trustfulness and warmheartedness, in open sincerity of affection and purpose, or in generosity even to acquaintances and enemies.u. Plutarch remarks \"upon what slight occasions he would write letters to serve friends.\" He endeared himself to his soldiers by his kindliness; he risked their lives, but not heedlessly; and he seemed to feel all their wounds. As Caesar for\u00ad gave Brutus and Cicero, and Napoleon Fouche and Talleyrand, so Alex\u00ad ander forgave Harpalus, the treasurer who had absconded with his funds and had returned to beg forgiveness; the young conqueror reappointed him treasurer to all men's astonishment, and apparently with good results.111 At Tarsus, in 333, Alexander being ill, his physician Philip offered him a purgative drink. At that moment a letter was brought to the King from Parmenio, warning him that Philip had been bribed by Darius to poison him. Alexander handed the letter to Philip, and as the latter read it, Alex\u00ad ander drank the draught-with no ill effect. His reputation for generosity helped him in his wars; many of the enemy allowed themselves to be taken prisoner, and cities, not fearing to be sacked, opened their gates at his com\u00ad ing.-Nevertheless, the Molossian tigress was in him, and it was his bitter fate to be ruined by his occasional paroxysms of cruelty. Having taken Gaza by siege and assault, and infuriated by its long resistance, Alexander caused the feet of Batis, its heroic commandant, to be bored, and brazen rings passed through them; then, intoxicated with memories of Achilles, he dragged the now dead Persian, tied by cords to the royal chariot, at full speed around the city.\"' His increasing resort to drink as a means of quieting his nerves led him more and more frequently, in his last years, to outbreaks of blind ferocity, followed by brooding fits of violent remorse. One quality in hitp. dominated all the rest-ambition. As a youth he had fretted over Philip's victories: \"Father,\" he complained to his friends, \"will get everything done before we are ready, and will leave me and you no chance of doing anything great and important.m1 In his passion for achieve\u00ad ment he assumed every task, and faced every risk. At Chaeronea he was the .first man to charge the Theban Sacred Band; :it the Granicus he indulged to the full what he called his \"eagerness for encountering danger.ms This, too, became an uncontrollable passion; the sound and sight of battle intoxi\u00ad cated him; he forgot then his duties as a general, and plunged ahead into the thickest of the fight; time and again his soldiers, fearful of losing him, had to plead with him to go to the rear. He was not a great general; he was a brave soldier whose obstinate perseverance marched on, with boyish heedlessness of impossibilities, to unprecedented victories. He supplied the inspiration; probably his generals, who were able men, contributed organi-\n542\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XXII\nzation, training, tactics, and strategy. He led his troops by the brilliance of his imagination, the fire of his unstudied oratory, the readiness and sin\u00ad cerity with which he shared their hardships and griefs. Without question he was a good administrator: he ruled with kindness and firmness the wide domain which his arms had won; he was loyal to the agreements which he signed with commanders and cities; and he tolerated no oppression of his subjects by his appointees. Amid all the excitement and chaos of his cam\u00ad paigns he kept clearly at the center of his thoughts the great purpose that even his death would not defeat: the unification of all the eastern Mediter\u00ad ranean world into one cultural whole, dominated and elevated by the ex\u00ad panding civilization of Greece.\nTHE PATHS OF GLORY\nOn his accession Alexander found himself at the head of a tottering empire. The northern tribes in Thrace and Illyria revolted; Aetolia, Acar\u00ad nania, Phocis, Elis, Argolis renounced their allegiance; the Ambraciotes ex\u00ad pelled the Macedonian garrison; Artaxerxes III boasted that he had insti\u00ad gated the killing of Philip, and that Persia now had nothing to fear from the immature stripling of twenty who had succeeded to the throne. When the glad tidings of Philip's death reached Athens, Demosthenes donned fes\u00ad tal garb, placed a garland of flowers upon his head, and moved in the As\u00ad sembly that a crown of honor should be voted to the assassin Pausanias.10 Within Macedonia a dozen factions conspired against the young King's life. Alexander rose to the situation with a decisive energy that ended all internal opposition, and set the tempo of his career. Having arrested and\ndecapitated the chief plotters at home, he marched south into Greece ( 336), and within a few days reached Thebes. The Greek states hastened to renew their allegiance; Athens sent him a profuse apology, voted him two crowns, and conferred upon him divine honors. Alexander, appeased, declared all dictatorships abolished in Greece, and decreed that each city should live in freedom according to its own laws. The Amphictyonic Council c<;m\u00ad nrmed him in all the rights and honors that it had given to Philip; and a congress of all Greek states except Sparta, meeting .at Corinth, proclaimed him captain general of the Greeks, and promised to contribute men and supplies for the Asiatic campaign. Alexander returned to Pella, put the capital in order, and then marched north to suppress the rebellion of the barbarian tribes (335). With Napoleonic swiftness he led his troops as far as the modem Bucharest, and planted his standards upon the northern bank\nCHAP.XXII)\tALEXANDER\t543\nof the Danube. Then, hearing that the Illyrians were advancing upon Macedonia, he marched two hundred miles through Serbia, surprised the invaders in the rear, defeated them, and drove the remnant back to their mountains.\nBut in the meantime a rumor had stirred Athens that Alexander had been killed in fighting on the Danube. Demosthenes called for a war of inde\u00ad pendence, and felt justified in accepting large sums from Persia to further his plans. At his instigation Thebes revolted, killed the Macedonian offi\u00ad cials left there by Alexander, and besieged the Macedonian garrison in the Cadmeia. Athens sent help to Thebes, and invited Greece and Persia to join in an alliance against Macedon. Alexander, furious over what seemed to him not a passion for freedom but the crudest ingratitude and treachery, marched his weary troops down again into Greece. Reaching Thebes after thirteen days, he defeated the army sent out against him. He left the fate of the defenseless city to her ancient enemies-Plataea, Orchomenos, Thes\u00ad piae, and Phocis; they voted that Thebes should be burned to the ground, and her inhabitants sold as slaves. Hoping to give other rebels a lesson, Alexander signed the order, but stipulated that the victorious troops should spare the home of Pindar, and the lives of priests and priestesses, and of all Thebans who could prove that they had opposed the revolt. Later he looked back with shame upon this violent revenge, and \"was sure to grant without the least difficulty whatsoever any Theban asked of him.\"\"\u00b0 He atoned in part by his leniency with Athens; he forgave her violation of the pledges made.o him a year before, and did not press his demand for the sur\u00ad render of Demosthenes and the other anti-Macedonian leaders. To the end of his life he tjlaintained an attitude of respect and affection for Athens: he dedicated on 1the Acropolis various spoils from his Asiatic victories, sent back to Athens the Tyrannicide statues that Xerxes had taken away, and remarked, after an arduous campaign, \"O ye Athenians, will you believe what dangers I incur to merit your praise?\"91\nHaving received again the allegiance of all the Greek states except Sparta, Alexander returned to Macedonia, and prepared for the invasion of Asia. He found his state treasury almost empty, with a deficit of five hundred talents ($3,000,000) as a legacy from Philip's reign.111 He borrowed eight hundred talents, and set out to conquer not the world but his debts. He had hoped to fight Persia as the champion of all Bellas, but he knew that half of Greece was praying that he would soon be killed. It was reported that the Persians could muster a million men; Alexander's expeditionary force did not exceed thirty thousand infantry and five thousand cavalry.\n544\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XXII\nNevertheless the new Achilles, leaving twelve thousand soldiers under Antipater to guard Macedonia and watch Greece, set out in 334 upon the most daring and romantic enterprise in the history of kings. He would live eleven years more, but would never see home or Europe again. While his army crossed the Hellespont from Sestos to Abydos, he himself chose to land at Cape Sigeum, and retrace what he believed to have been Agamem\u00ad non's path to Troy. At every step he quoted to his comrades passages from the Iliad, which he knew almost by heart. He anointed the reputed tomb of Achilles, crowned it with garlands, and ran naked around it according to the custom of antiquity. \"Happy Achilles!\" he exclaimed, \"to have had in life so faithful a friend, and, after his death, so famous a poet to celebrate him.\".. He vowed now to carry through to a successful end that long struggle, between Europe and Asia, which had begun at Troy.\nIt is not necessary to our purpose to tell again the story of his victories. He met the first Persian contingent at the river Granicus, and overwhelmed it. There Cleitus saved his life by severing the arm of the Persian who was about to strike Alexander from behind; a whimsical student might build upon such events an accidental interpretation of history. After giving his men a rest he marched down into Ionia, offering the Greek cities demo\u00ad cratic self-government under his protectorate. Most of them opened their gates without resistance. At Issus he met the main force of the Persians, 600,000 men, under Darius III. Once more he won by using his cavalry for attack, his infantry for defense. Darius fled, leaving his purse and his family behind him, to be treated the one with gratitude, the other with chivalry. After peaceably taking Damascus and Sidon Alexander laid siege to Tyre, which was harboring a large Phoenician squadron in the pay of Persia. The ancient city resisted so long that when at last he captured it Alexander lost his head and allowed his men to massacre eight thousand Tyrians, and to sell thirty thousand as slaves. Jerusalem surrendered quietly, and was well treated; Gaza fought till every man in the city was dead and every woman raped.\nThe triumphant march of the Macedonians was resumed through the\nSinai desert into Egypt, where, when he showed a tactful respect for the country's gods, Alexander was welcomed as a divinely sent liberator from Persian rule. Knowing that religion is stronger than politics, he crossed another desert to the oasis of Siwa, and paid his respects to the god Am\u00ad mon-his very father if Olympias could be believed. The pliant priests crowned him Pharaoh with the ancient rites, and so eased the way for the Ptolemaic dynasty. Returning to the Delta, Alexander conceived or ap-\nCHAP.XXII)\tALEXANDER\t545\nproved the idea of building a new capital at one of the Nile's many mouths; perhaps the Greek merchants at near-by Naucratis suggested it as pro\u00ad viding a more convenient depot for the enlarged Greek trade that might now be expected between Egypt and Greece. He marked out the orbit of the walls of Alexandria, the outline of the principal streets, and the sites for temples to the Egyptian and Grecian gods; further details he left to his architect, Dinocrates.*"]
[-1.2936571836471558, -3.239666223526001, "Delicate lingerie was now added to the simple feminine garments of pre\u00ad Hannibalic Rome. Scarfs fell over the shoulders, and veils made an alluring mystery of the face. In winter soft furs caressed affluent forms. Silk was so com\u00ad mon that men as well as women wore it. Silk and linen were colored with costly dyes; Romans often paid a thousand denarii for a pound of double-dyed Tyrian wool.67 Embroideries of gold and silver thread decorated dresses, curtains, carpets, and coverlets. Women's shoes were made of soft leather or cloth, sometimes elaborately cut into an openwork pattern; they might be trimmed with gold and beset with jewelry; 68 and high heels were often added to remedy the shortcomings of nature.\nJewelry was an important part of a woman's equipment. Rings, earrings, neck\u00ad laces, amulets, bracelets, breast chains, brooches, were necessities of life. Lollia Paulina once wore a dress covered from head to foot with emeralds and pearls, and carried with her the receipts showing that they cost 40,000,000 sesterces.69 Pliny describes over a hundred varieties of precious stones used in Rome. Expert imitations of these provided a busy industry; Roman \"emeralds\" of glass were superior to modem forgeries and were sold as genuine by jewelers as late as the nineteenth century.70 Men as well as ,vomen were fond of large and con\u00ad spicuous stones. One senator had in his ring an opal as big as a filbert. Hearing of it, Antony had him proscribed; he escaped, carrying 2,000,000 sesterces on his finger; doubtless jewelry was then, as often, a hedge against inflation or revolution. Silver plate was now common in all but the lower classes. Tiberius and later emperors issued edicts against luxury, but these could not be enforced and were soon ignored. Tiberius yielded, and confessed that the extravagance of patricians and parvenus ga,'e employment to the artisans of Rome and the East, and allowed provincial tribute to flow back from the capital. \"vVithout luxury,\" he said, \"how could Rome, how could the provinces, live?''\nRoman dress was not more luxurious than that cf modern women, and far less gorgeous and costly than the garb of medieval lords. Fashion did not change in Rome as rapidly as in modern cities; a good garment might be worn  lifetime and remain in style. But compared with the standards of the Republic before Lucullus and Pompey had brought in the loot and hedonism. of the East, upper\u00ad class Rome was now an epicurean paradise of fine clothing, varied food, elegant furniture, and stately homes. Shorn of political leadership, almost of political power, the aristocracy retired from the curia to its palaces, and abandoned itself, with no morals but philosophy, to the pursuit of pleasure and the art of life.\n374\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nA ROMAN DAY\nThe luxuries of the home far outran the luxuries of dress. Floors of marble and mosaic; columns of polychrome marble, alabaster, onyx; walls painted with brilliant murals or encrusted with costly stones; ceilings some\u00ad times coffered in gold 71 or plate glass; 72 tables with citrus wood standing on ivory legs; divans decorated with tortoise shell, ivory, silver, or gold; Alex\u00ad andrian brocades or Babylonian coverings for which common millionaires paid 800,000, Nero 4,000,000, sesterces;73 beds of bronze fitted with mosquito netting; candelabra of bronze, marble, or glass; statues and paintings and objects of art; vases of Corinthian bronze or Murrhine glass-these were some of the ornaments that crowded the mansions of Nero's age.\nIn such a home the master lived as in a museum. Slaves had to be bought to guard this wealth, and others to guard these. Some houses had 400 of them, engaged in attendance, supervision, or industry; the life of the great man, even in the privacy of his rooms, was spent in the publicity of his slaves. To eat with a servant at each elbow, to undress with a slave at each boot, to relax with a menial at every door-this is not paradise. To assure the misery of wealth the great man began his day, about seven, by receiving his \"clients\" and parasites and offering his cheeks to their kisses. After two hours of this he might breakfast. Then he received and returned formal visits of his friends. Etiquette required that one must repay the calls of every friend, help him in his lawsuits and candidacies, attend the betrothal of his daughter, the coming of age of his son, the reading of his poems, the signing of his will. These and other social obligations were performed with a grace and courtesy not exceeded in any civilization. Then the great man went to the Senate, or labored on some governmental commission, or attended to his personal affairs.\nFor the man of modest means life was simpler, but not less arduous. After the social calls of the early morning he gave himself to his business till noon. Humble folk were at their work by sunrise; as there was little night life, the Roman took full advantage of the day. A light luncheon came at noon, din\u00ad ner at three or four-the higher the class, the later the hour. After luncheon and a siesta, the peasant and the employed proletaire returned to work till nearly sunset; others sought recreation outdoors or in the public baths. The Romans of the Empire took their bathing more religiously than their gods. Like the Japanese, they could bear public better than private smells, and no ancient people but the Egyptians rivaled them in cleanliness. They carried handkerchiefs (sudaria) to wipe away their sweat,74 and brushed their teeth with powders and paste. In the early Republic a bath every eighth day had\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\t375\nsufficed; now one had to bathe daily or risk a Martial's epigram; even the rustic, says Galen, bathed every day.75 Most homes had bathtubs, rich houses had bathroom suites sparkling with marble, glass, or silver fixtures and taps.76 But the majority of free Romans relied on the public baths.\nOrdinarily these were privately owned. In 33 B.C. there were 170 in Rome; in the fourth century A.O. there were 856, besides 1352 public swim\u00ad ming pools.77 More popular than such establishments were the great baths built by the state, managed by concessionaires and staffed by hundreds of slaves. These thermae-\"hot [waters]\"-erected by Agrippa, Nero, Titus, Trajan, Caracalla, Alexander Severus, Diocletian, and Constantine, were monuments of state-socialistic splendor. The Baths of Nero had 1600 marble seats and accommodated 1600 bathers at one time; the Baths of Caracalla and those of Diocletian accommodated 3000 each. Admission was open to\nany citizen for a quadrans ( 1 \u00bd cents) ;78 the government met the balance of\nthe cost, and apparently oil and service were included in the fee. The baths were open from daybreak to one P.M. for women, from two to eight P.M. for men; but mixed bathing was allowed by most of the emperors. Normally the visitor went :first to a dressing room to change his clothes; then to the palaestra to box, wrestle, run, jump, hurl the disk or the spear, or play ball. One ball game was like our ''medicine ball\"; in another two opposed groups scrambled for a ball, and carried it forward against each other with all the enterprise of a modem university.79 Sometimes professional ballplayers would come to the baths and give exhibitions.80 Oldsters who preferred to take their exercise by proxy went to massage rooms and had a slave rub away their fat.\nPassing to the baths proper, the citizen entered the tepidarium-in this case a warm-air room; thence he went on to the calidarium, or hot-air room; if he wished to perspire still more freely, he moved into the laconicum, and gasped in superheated steam. Then he took a warm bath and washed himself with a novelty learned from the Gauls-soap, made from tallow and the ashes of the beech or the elm.81 These warm rooms were the most popular and gave the baths their Greek name; probably they were Rome's attempt to forestall or mitigate rheumatism and arthritis.82 The bather progressed to the frigidarium and took a cold bath; he might also dip into the ['iscina, or swim\u00ad ming pool. Then he had himself rubbed with some oil or ointment, usually made from the olive; this was not washed off, but merely scraped off with a strigil and dried with a towel, so that some oil might be returned to the skin in place of that which the warm baths had removed.\nThe bather.seldom.left the thermae at this point. For these were clubhouses as well as baths; they provided rooms for games like dice and chess,83 galleries\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVIl\nof painting and statuary, exedrae where friends might sit and converse, li\u00ad braries and reading rooms, and halls where a musician or a poet might give a recital or a philosopher might explain the world. In these afternoon hours after the bath Roman society found its chief meeting point; both sexes mingled freely in gay but polite association, flirtation, or discussion; there, and at the games and in the parks, the Romans could indulge their passion for talk, their fondness for gossip, and learn all the news and scandal of the day.\nIf they wished they could have dinner in the restaurant at the baths, but most of them dined at home. Perhaps because of the lassitude caused by exer\u00ad cise and warm bathing, the custom was to recline at meals. Once the women had sat apart while the men reclined; now the women reclined beside the men. The triclinium, or dining room, was so named because it usually con\u00ad tained three couches, arranged in square-magnet form around a serving table. Each couch normally accommodated three persons. The diner rested\n\\\this head on his left arm, and his arm on a cushion, while the body extended\ndiagonally away from the serving table.\nThe poorer classes continued to live chiefly on grains, dairy products, vegetables, fruits, and nuts. Pliny lists a wide assortment of vegetables in the Roman dietary, from garlic to rape. The well to do ate meat, with the usual superabundance of reckless carnivores. Pork was the favorite flesh food; Pliny praises the pig for furnishing fifty different dainties.84 Pork sausages (botuli) were hawked through the streets in portable ovens, as on our high\u00ad ways today.\n\\Vhen one dined at a banquet he expected rarer foods. The banquet began at four and lasted till late in the night or till the next day. The tables were strewn with flowers and parsley, the air was scented with exotic perfumes, the couches were soft with cushions, the servants were stiff with livery. Be\u00ad tween the appetizer (gustatio) and the dessert (seczmda 111ensa, \"second table\") came the luxury dishes on which the host and his chef prided them\u00ad selves. Rare\u00b7fish, rare birds, rare fruit, appealed to the curiosity as well as the palate. Mullets were bought at a thousand sesterces a pound; Asinius Celer paid 8000 forone; Juvenal growled that a fisherman cost less than a fish. As an added delight for the guests, the mullet might be brought in alive and boiled before their eyes, that they might enjoy the varied colors it took in the agony of death.85 Vedius Pollio raised these sesquipedalian fish in a large tank and fed them with unsatisfactory slaves.86 Eels and snails were con\u00ad sidered dainties, but the law forbade the eating of dormice.87 The wings of ostriches, the tongues of flamingoes, the flesh of songbirds, the livers of geese, were favorite dishes. Apicius, a famous epicure under Tiberius, invented\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\t377\nthe pate de fois gras by fattening the livers of sows with a diet of figs.88* Custom allowed the diner to empty his stomach with an emetic after a heavy banquet. Some gluttons performed this operation during the meal and then returned to appease their hunger; vomunt ut edant, edunt ut vomant, said Seneca-\"they vomit to eat, and eat to vomit.\" 90 Such behavior was excep\u00ad tional, and no worse than the braggart drunkenness of American conven\u00ad tioneers. Pleasanter was the custom of presenting\u00b7 gifts to the guests, or let\u00ad ting flowers or perfumes fall upon them from the ceiling, or entertaining them with music, dancing, poetry, or drama. Conversation, loosened with wine and stimulated by the presence of the other sex, would conclude the evening.\nWe must not think of such banquets as the customary end of a Roman day, or as more frequent in a Roman's life than the dinners-cum-oratory so popu\u00ad lar today. History, like the press, misrepresents life because it loves the ex\u00ad ceptional and shuns the newsless career of an honest man or the quiet routine of a normal day. Most Romans were like our neighbors and ourselves: they rose reluctantly, ate too much, worked too much, played too little, loved much, seldom hated, quarreled a bit, talked a great deal, dreamed waking dreams, and slept."]
[11.569757461547852, -3.179177761077881, "We are in danger of exaggerating the cruelty of the past for the same\nreason that we magnify the crime and immorality of the present-because cruelty is interesting by its very rarity. By and large the lot of a domestic slave under the Empire was lightened by a growing acceptance into the family, by mutual loyalty, by the pretty custom of owners waiting on the slaves at certain feasts, and by a security and permanence of employment exceptional in modern times. The joys of family life were not denied them, and their tombstones reveal as much tenderness as those of the free. One reads: \"His parents have raised this monument to Eucopion, who lived six months and three days; the sweetest and most delightful babe, who, though he could not yet speak, was our greatest happiness.\" 62 Other epitaphs show the most affectionate relations between masters and slaves: one owner de\u00ad clares that a dead servant was as dear to him as his son; a young noble mourns the death of his nurse; a nurse expresses her grief over a dead charge; a\nCHAP. XV)\tROME  AT  WORK\t335\nlearned lady raises an elegant memorial to her librarian.63 Statius writes a \"Poem of Consolation to Flavius Ursus on the Death of a Favorite Slave.\" 64 le was not unusual for slaves to risk their lives to protect their masters; many voluntarily accompanied them into exile; several gave their lives for them. Some owners freed their slaves and married them; some treated them as\nfriends; Seneca ate with his.65 The refinement of manners and sensitivity,\nthe absence of a color line between master and slave, the tenets of che Stoic philosophy, and the classless faiths corning in from the East had a share in the mitigation of slavery; but the basic factors were the economic advantage of\nthe owner, and the rising cost of slaves. Many slaves were respected as having high cultural abilities-stenographers, research aides, financial secretaries and\nmanagers, artists, physicians, grammarians, and philosophers. A slave could in many cases go into business for himself, giving a share of his earnings to his owner and keeping the rest as his peculium, a \"little money\" peculiarly his own. With such earnings, or by faithful or exceptional service, or by\npersonal attractiveness, a slave cou\\d usually achieve freedom in six years.6G\nThe condition of the workers, and even of the slaves, was in some measure relieved by the collegia, or workers' organizations. By this period we hear of these in great number and in proud specialization; there were separate guilds of trumpeters, horn players, clarion blowers, tuba players, flutists, bagpipers, etc. Usually the collegia were modeled on the Italian municipality: they had a hierarchy of magistrates and one or more favorite deities whom they honored with a temple and an annual feast. Like the cities, they asked and found rich men and women to be their patrons, and to repay compliments by helping to finance their outings, their assembly halls, and their shrines. It would be an error to think of these associations as corresponding to the labor unions of our time; we can picture them better in terms of our fraternal orders, with their endless offices and titles of honor, their brotherly hilarity and jaunts, and their simple mutual aid. Rich men often encouraged the formation of these guilds and remembered them in their wills. In the collegium all the men ,vere \"brothers\" and all the women \"sisters,\" and in some of them the slave could sit at table or in council with freeborn men. Every \"member in good standing\" was guaranteed a fancy funeral.\nIn the last century of the Republic demagogues of all orders discovered that many collegia could be persuaqed to vote almost to a man for any giving candi\u00ad date. In this way the associations became political instruments of patricians, plutocrats, and radicals; and their competitive corruption helped to destroy Roman democracy. Caesar outlawed them, but they revived; Augustus dissolved all but a few useful ones; Trajan again forbade them; Aurelius tolerated them; obviously they persisted throughout, within or beyond the law. In the end they became vehicles through which Christianity entered and pervaded the life of Rome.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XV\nTHE ECONOMY AND THE STATE\nHow far did the government, under the Empire, attempt to control the economic life? It tried, and largely failed, to restore peasant proprietorship; here the emperors were more enlightened than the Senate, which was dom\u00ad inated by the owners of the latifundia. Domitian sought to encourage the planting of cereals in Italy, but without success; in consequence Italy was always in fear of starvation. Vespasian forced the Senate to accept him as emperor by holding Egypt, then the chief source of Italy's wheat; Septimius Severus would do the same by seizing north Africa. The state had to assure, and therefore supervise, the importation and distribution of grain; it offered privileges to merchants bringing grain to Italy; Oaudius guaranteed them against loss, and Nero freed their ships from the property tax. The delay or wrecking of the grain fleet was now the only cause that could stir the Roman populace to revolt.\t/\nThe Roman economy was a system of laissez faire tempered with state\nownership of natural resources-mines, quarries, fisheries, salt deposits, and considerable tracts of cultivated ,land.68 The legions made the bricks and tiles needed for their buildings, and were often used on public construction, especially in the colonies. The manufacture of arms and machines of war was probably reserved for state arsenals; and there may have been, in the first century, such governmentally owned factories as we hear of in the third.69 Public works were normally let out to private contractors under such strict state supervision that they were usually well done, and with a minimum of corruption.70 About A.D. 80 sut.h rnterprises were increasingly carried out by the emperor's freedmen with the labor of governmental slaves. At all times, apparently, the mitigation of unemployment was one purpose of these state undertakings.71\nTrade was moderately burdened with a one per cent sales tax, light custom dues, and occasional tolls for the passag pf goods over bridges and through towns. The aediles supervised retail trade under an excellent system of regula\u00ad tions, but, if we may believe an irate character in Petronius, they were no better than similar officials in other times; \"they graft with the bakers and other such scoundrels ...  and the jaws of the capitalists are always open.\" 72 Finance was subject to governmental manipulation of the cur\u00ad rency, and to the competition of the Treasury, which appears to have been the largest banker in the Empire; it lent money at interest to farmers on the pledge of their crops, and to city dwellers on the security of their furni\u00ad ture.73 Commerce was aided by \u00b7wars, which opened new resources and markets and won control of trade routes; so the expedition of Gallus into\n\u00b7-/' ,\n_:..:::\u00b7 '\n._f-:,\n-;\n\u00b7'\nFm. 13-Temple of Castor and Pollux\nRoman Forum\nFIG. q-T.-.;,\u00b7o Rommz Jlosaics"]
[2.2023673057556152, -11.882499694824219, "CHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t195\nsuspected of plotting against his life. To Cicero, who had trimmed his wind to every sale, he offered not only pardon but honor, and refused nothing that the orator asked for himself or his Pompeian friends; he even forgave, at Cicero's urging, the unrepentant Marcus Marcellus. In a pretty speech For Marcellus (46) Cicero acclaimed Caesar's \"unbelievable liberality,\" and admitted that Pompey, victorious, would have been more vengeful. \"I have heard with regret,\" he said, \"your celebrated and highly philosophical remark, lam satis vixi, 'I have lived enough, whether for nature or for fame.' . . . Put aside, I beg you, that wisdom of rhe sage; do not be wise at the cost of our peril. ...  You are still far from the completion of your greatest labors; you have not yet laid th1!ir foundations.\" And he solemnly promised Caesar, in the name of all the Senate, that they would watch over his safety and oppose with their own bodies any attack upon him.57 Cicero now prospered so well that he planned to buy still another palace-no less than that of Sulla himself. He enjoyed the dinners to which he was invited by Antony, Balbus, and others of Caesar's aides; never before had his letters been so gay.68 Caesar was not deceived; he wrote to Matius: \"If anyone is gracious, it is Cicero; but I doubt not that he hates me bitterly.\" 59 When reassured Pompeians resumed their opposition, this unctuous Talleyrand of the pen fell in with their hopes and wrote a eulogy of the younger Cato that should have put Caesar on his guard. Caesar contented himself with writing a reply, the Anti-Cato, which did not show the dictator at his best; in this duel he had given Cicero the choice of weapons, and the orator had won. Public opinion praised Cicero's style, and the mildness of a ruler who com\u00ad posed a pamphlet when he might have signed a death warrant.\nl\\1en who have been deprived of wonted power cannot be mollified by pardoning their resistance; it is as difficult to forgive forgiveness as it is to forgive those whom we have injured. The aristocrats fretted in a Senate that dared not reject the proposals that Caesar so constitutionally submitted to them. They patriotically denounced the destruction of a liberty that had fattened their purses, and would not admit that the restoration of order required the limitation of their freedom. They looked with horror upon the presence of Cleopatra and Caesarian in Rome; it was true that Caesar was living with his wife Calpurnia apparently in mutual affection; but who could say-who would not say-what happened on his frequent visits to the gorgeous queen? Rumors persisted that he would make himself king, marry her, and place the capital of their united empires in the East. Had he not ordered his statue to be erected on the Capitol next to those of Rome's ancient kings? Had he not stamped his own image upon Roman coins-an unprecedented insolence? Did he not wear robes of purple, usually reserved for kings? At the Lupercalia, on February r5, 44, the consul Antony,\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nsacerdotally naked * and impiously drunk, tried thrice to place a royal crown upon Caesar's head. Thrice Caesar refused; but was it not because the crowd murmured disapproval? Did he not dismiss from office the tribunes who removed from his statue the royal diadem placed upon it by his friends? When the Senate approached him as he sat in the Temple of Venus, he did not rise to receive them. Some explained that he had been overcome by an epileptic stroke; others, that he was suffering from diarrhea and had remained seated to avoid a movement of his bowels at so unpropitious a moment.60 But many patricians feared that any day might see him pro\u00ad claimed a king.\nShortly after the Lupercalia, Gaius Cassius, a sickly man-\"pale and lean,\" as Plutarch describes him 61-approached Marcus Brutus and suggested the assassination of Caesar. He had already won tb his plan several senators, some capitalists whose provincial pillage had fallen with Caesar's restriction of the publicans, even some of Caesar's generals, who felt that the spoils and offices awarded them had not quite equaled their deserts. Brutus was needed as the front of the conspiracy, for he had won a wide reputation as the most virtuous of men. He was supposedly descended from the Brutus who had expelled the kings 464 years before. His mother Servilia was Cato's half sister; his wife Portia was Cato's daughter and the widow of Caesar's enemy Bibulus. \"It was thought,\" says Appian, \"that Brutus was Caesar's son, as Caesar was the lover of Servilia about the time of Brutus' birth\"; 62 Plutarch adds that Caesar believed Brutus to be his son.63 Possibly Brutus himself shared this opinion, and hated the dictator for having seduced his mother and made him, in the gossip of Rome, a bastard instead of a Brutus. He had always been moody and taciturn, as if brooding over a secret wrong; at the same time he carried himself proudly, as one who in any case bore noble blood in his veins. He was a master of Greek and a devotee of philos\u00ad ophy; in metaphysics a follower of Plato, in ethics, of Zeno. It was not lost upon him that Stoicism, like Greek and Roman opinion, approved tyranni\u00ad cide. \"Our ancestors,\" he wrote to a friend, \"thought that we ought not to endure a tyrant even if he were our own father.\" 6-1 He composed a treatise on Virtue and was later confused with that abstraction. Through interme\u00ad diaries he lent money at forty-eight per cent to the citizens of Cyprian Salamis; when they balked at paying the accumulated interest he urged Cicero, then proconsul in Cilicia, to enforce the collection with Roman arms.65 He governed Cisalpine Gaul with integrity and competence and, returning to Rome, was made urban praetor by Caesar (45).\nEvery generous element in his nature rebelled against Cassius' proposal.\nCf. p. 65.\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t197\nCassius reminded him of his rebel ancestry, and perhaps Brutus felt chal\u00ad lenged to prove it by imitation. The sensitive youth blushed when he saw, aflixed to statues of the older Brutus, such inscriptions as \"Brutus, are you dead?\"-or, \"Your posterity is unworthy of you.\" 66 Cicero dedicated to him several treatises written in these years. Meanwhile it was whispered among the patricians that at the next meeting of the Senate, on March r 5, Lucius Cotta would move that Caesar be made king, on the ground that according to the Sibylline oracle the Parthians would be conquered only by a king.67 A Senate half filled with Caesar's appointees, said Cassius, would pass the measure, and all hope of res1:oring the Republic would be lost. Brutus yielded; and the conspirators then made definite plans. Portia drew the secret from her husband by stabbing her thigh to show that no physical injury could make her speak against her will. In a moment of unprophetic sentiment Brutus insisted that Antony should be spared.\nOn the evening of March 14, to a gathering at his home, Caesar proposed as topic of conversation, \"\\Vhat is the best death?\" His own answer was, \"A sudden one.\" The next morning his wife begged him not to go to the Senate, saying that she had dreamed of seeing him covered with blood. A like-minded servant sought to provide a deterrent omen by causing an ancestral picture to fall from the wall. But Decimus Brutus, who was one of his closest friends and was also one of the conspirators-urged him to attend the Senate if only to adjourn it courteously in person. A friend who had learned of the plot came to warn him, but Caesar had already left. On his way to the Senate he met a soothsayer who had once whispered to him, \"Beware the ides of March\"; Caesar remarked, sxniling, that the ides had come and all was well. \"But they have not passed,\" answered Spurinna.\n\\Vhile Caesar was offering the usual presession sacrifice before Pompey's theater, where the Senate was to meet, a tablet informing him of the c@m\u00ad spiracy was put into his hands. He ignored it, and tradition says that it was found in his hand after his death.*\nTrebonius, a conspirator who had been a favored general of Caesar, detained Antony from the meeting by conversation. When Caesar entered the theater and took his seat, the \"Liberators\" flung themselves upon him without delay. \"Some have written,\" reports Suetonius, \"that when Marcus Brutus rushed at him he said, in Greek, kai stt teknon-'Y ou, too, my child?' \"69 \\Vhen Brutus struck him, says Appian, Caesar ended all resist\u00ad ance; drawing his robe over his face and head, he subxnitted to the blows and fell at the foot of Pompey's statue.70 One wish had been granted to the most complete man that antiquity produced.\nThese stories of the ides of March appear in Suetonius, Plutarch, and Appian; 68 but they may be legend nevertheless.\nCHAPTER  X\nAntony\n44-30 B.C.\nANTONY A TO BRUTUS\nHE assassination of Caesar was one of the major tragedies of history. Not merely in the sense that it interrupted a great labor of statesman\u00ad\nship and led to fifteen years more of chaos and war; civilization survived, and Augustus completed what Caesar had hp-::r;n. It was a tragedy also in the sense that probably both parties were right: the conspirators in thinking that Caesar meditated monarchy, Caesar in thinking that disorder and empire had made monarchy inevitable. Men have divided on the issue ever since the Senate sat for a moment in consternation at the deed and then fled in tumult and terror from the hall. Antony, arriving after the event, saw valor in discretion and fortified himself in his house. Cicero's eloquence lost its tongue, even when Brutus, dagger in hand, hailed him as \"Father of His Country.\" Emerging, the conspirators found an excited populace in the square; they tried to win it with catchwords of Liberty and the Republic, but the dazed crowd had no homage for phrases so long used to cover greed. Fearing for their lives, the assassins took refuge in the buildings on the Capitol and surrounded themselves there with their personal gladiatorial guards. Toward evening Cicero joined them. Antony, approached by their emissaries, sent a friendly reply.\nThe next day a larger crowd gathered in the Forum. The conspirators sent agents to buy its support and organize it into a legal assembly; then they ventured down from the Capitol, and Brutus delivered an oration which he had prepared for the Senate. The speech failed to move its hearers. Cassius tried and was met with cold silence. The Liberators returned to the Capitol, and as the crowd thinned out theystealthily departed to their homes. Antony, thinking himself Caesar's heir, obtained from the stunned Calpurnia all the ' papers and funds that the dictator had left in his palace; at the same time he secretly summoned Caesar's veterans to Rome. On the 17th, by his authority as tribune, he convened the Senate and astonished all parties by his amiability and calm. He accepted Cicero's proposal for a general amnesty, and agreed that Brutus and Cassius should receive provincial governorships\n198\nCHAP.X)\tANTONY\t199\n(i.e., flight withsafety and power), on condition that the Senate should ratify all the decrees, legislation, and appointments of Caesar. Since a majority of the Senate owed office or emoluments to these acts, it consented; and when it adjourned Antony was acclaimed as a statesman who had snatched peace out of the jaws of war. That evening he entertained Cassius for dinner. On the 18th the Senate met again, recognized Caesar's will, voted him a public funeral, and appointed Antony to deliver the customary eulogy.\nOn the 19th Antony secured the will from the Vestal Virgins, with whom it had been deposited, and read it, first to a small, then to a larger gathering. It bequeathed Caesar's private forrune to three grandnephews and (to the astonishment and anger of Antony) named one of them, Caius Octavius, as adoptive son and heir. The dictator had devised his gardens to the people as a public park and had left 300 sesterces to every citizen of Rome. The news of these benefactions sped through the city; and when, on the 20th, Caesar's body, which had been embalmed in his home, was brought into the Farum for the last rites, a great concourse of people, including Caesar's veterans, gathered to do him reverence. Antony seems to have spoken at first with cautious restraint; but as he went on, his pent-up feelings flared into eloquence. \\Vhen he raised from the ivory bier the torn and bloody robe through which Caesar had been stabbed, the emotions of the crowd were stirred beyond control. Amid weird wailing and frenzied cries men gathered wood anywhere and built a fire beneath the corpse. Veterans threw their weapons upon the pyre as an offering, actors threw their costumes, musicians their instruments, women their most precious ornaments. Taking brands from the fire, some enthusiasts sought to burn down the houses of the conspirators; but these buildings were well guarded, and their masters had fled from Rome. A large part of the crowd stayed all night long by the smoldering pyre; many Jews, grateful for Caesar's sympathetic legislation, remained there three days, intoning their ancient funeral chants. During those days riot surged through the capital; at last Antony directed his sol\u00ad diers to restore order and to fling persistent marauders from the T arpeian rock."]
[-3.239948272705078, -10.739343643188477, "166-80: \\Var with the Marcomanni\n17+ (?): 1\\Iarcus writes the Meditations\n17\\\": Rebellion of Avidius Cassius\n180: Death of Marcus Aurelius\n180-9 : Pr;;,cipate of Commodus 183: Conspiracy of Lucilla 185: Fxecution of Perennis\n189: Famine; execution of Cleander\n190: Pertinax, prefect\n193  (Jan. 1): Murder of Commodus\nCHAPTER  XI\nAugustan Statesmanship\n30  B.C.-A.D. I 4\nI. THE ROAD TO MONARCHY\nROM Alexandria Octavian passed to Asia and continued the reallotment of kingdoms and provinces. Not till the summer of 29 did he reach Italy. There almost all classes welcomed and feted him as a savior and joined in a triumph that lasted three days. The Temple of Janus was closed as a sign that for a moment Mars had had his fill. The lusty peninsula was worn out with twenty years of civil war. Its farms had been neglected, its towns had been sacked or besieged, much of its wealth had been stolen or destroyed. Administration and protection had broken down; robbers made every street unsafe at night; highwaymen roamed the roads, kidnaped travelers, and sold them into sbvery. Trade diminished, investment stood still, interest rates soared, property values fell. Morals, which had been loosened by riches and luxury, had not been improved by destitution and chaos, for few conditions are more demor::lizing than poyerty that comes after wealth. Rome was full cf men who had lost their economic footing and then their moral stability: soldiers who had tasted adventure and had learned to kill; citizens who had seen their savings consumed in the taxes and inflation of war and waited vacuously for some returning tide to lift them back to affiu\u00ad ence; women dizzy with freedom, multiplying divorces, abortions, and adulteries. Childlessness was spreading as the ideal of a declining vitality; and a shallow sophistication prided itself upon its pessimism and cynicism. This was not a full picture of Rome, but a dangerous disease burning in its blood. On the sea piracy had returned, rejoicing in the suicide of states.\nCities and provinces licked their wounds after the successive exactions of Sulla, Lucullus, Pompey, Gabinius, Caesar, Brutus, Cassius, Antony, and Octavian. Greece, which had been the battlefield, was ruined; Egypt was despoiled; the Near East had fed a hundred armies and bribed a thousand generals; their peoples hated Rome as a master who had destroyed their freedom without giving them security or peace. \\Vhat if some leader should arise among them, discover the exhaustion of Italy, and unite them in an\u00ad other war of liberation against Rome?\n211\nlll\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI\nOnce a virile Senate would have faced these dangers, raised sturdy legions, found for them able captains, and guided them with far-seeing statesman\u00ad ship. But the Senate was now only a name. The great families that had been its strength had died out in conflict or sterility, and the traditions of state\u00ad craft had not been transmitted to the businessmen, soldiers, and provincials who had succeeded them. The new Senate gratefully yielded its major powers to one who would plan, take responsibility, and lead.\nOctavian hesitated before abolishing the old constitution, and Dio Cas\u00ad sius represents him as discussing the matter at great length with Maecenas and Agrippa. Since in their judgment all governments were oligarchies, the problem could not present itself to them as a choice among monarchy, aris\u00ad tocracy, and democracy; they had to decide whether, under the given condi\u00ad tions of space and time, oligarchy was to be preferred in a monarchical form based upon an army, or an aristocratic form rooted in heredity, or a demo\u00ad cratic form resting on the wealth of the business class. Octavian combined them all in a \"principate\" that mingled the theories of Cicero, the precedents of Pompey, and the policies of Caesar.\nThe people accepted his solution philosophically. They were no longer enamored of freedom, but wearily wished for security and order; any man might rule them who guaranteed them games and bread. Vaguely they under\u00ad stood that their clumsy comitia, clogged with corruption and racked with violence, could not govern the Empire, could not restore health to Italy, could not even administer Rome. The difficulties of freedom multiply with the area it embraces. When Rome ceased to be a city-state, empire drove it inexorably toward the imitation of Egypt, Persia, and Macedon. Out of the collapse of freedom into individualism and chaos a new government had to be created to forge a new order for a widened realm. All the Mediter\u00ad ranean world lay in disorder at Octavian's feet, waiting for statesmanship.\nHe succeeded where Caesar had failed, because he was more patient and devious, because he understood the strategy of words and forms, because he was willing to move cautiously and slowly where his great-uncle had been forced by the brevity of time to wound living traditions and crowd a generation of changes into half a year of life. Moreover, Octavian had money. When he brought the treasury of Egypt to Rome, says Suetonius,\n\t\"money became so abundant that the interest rate fell\" from twelve to four per cent, and \"the value of real estate rose enormously.\" As soon as Octavian made it clear that property rights were again sacred, that he was through with proscriptions and confiscations, money came out of hiding, investment took courage, trade expanded, wealth resumed its accumulation, and some of it trickled down to the workers and the slaves. All ranks in Italy were pleased to learn that Italy was to remain the beneficiary, and Rome the\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t113\ncapital, of the Empire; that the threat of a resurrected East had for a time been laid; and that Caesar's dream of a commonwealth with equal rights had been replaced by a quiet return to the privileges of the master race.\nFrom this bountiful rapine Octavian first paid his debts to his soldiers. He kept 200,000 men in service, each bound to him by an oath of personal loyalty; the remaining 300,000 he discharged with an allotment of agri\u00ad cultural land; and to each soldier he gave a substantial gift of money. He lavished presents upon his generals, his supporters, and his friends. On several occasions he made up deficits in the public treasury from his private funds. To provinces suffering from political depredations or acts of God he re\u00ad mitted a year's tribute and sent large sums for relief. He forgave property owners all tax arrears and publicly burned the records of their debts to the state. He paid for the corn dole, provided prodigal spectacles and games, and presented cash to every citizen. He undertook great public works to end unemployment and beautify Rome, and paid for them out of his purse. Was it any wonder that the nations looked upon him as a god?\n\\Vhile all this money slipped through his hands this bourgeois empereur lived simply, shunning the luxuries of the nobles and the emoluments of office, wearing the garments woven by the women in his home, and sleep\u00ad ing always in one small room of what had been the palace of Hortensius."]
[2.660783529281616, -11.613174438476562, "CHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\nand games; at one time Caesar owed him 800 talents ($2,880,000). Such loans were not acts of generosity or friendship; they were campaign con\u00ad tributions, to be repaid with political favors or military spoils. Crassus, like Atticus, needed protection and opportunities for his millions. Most Roman politicians of the time incurred similar \"debts\": Mark Antony owed 40,000,- 000 sesterces, Cicero 60,000,000, iviilo 70,000,000-though these figures may be conservative slanders. We must think of Caesar as at first an unscrupulous politician and a reckless rake, slowly transformed by growth and respon\u00ad sibility into one of history's most profound and conscientious statesmen. We must not forget, as we rejoice at his faults, that he was a great man not\u00ad withstanding. We cannot equate ourselves with Caesar by proving that he seduced women, bribed ward leaders, and wrote books.\nTHE  CONSUL\nCaesar began as the secret ally of Catiline and ended as the remaker of Rome. Hardly a year after Sulla's death he prosecuted Gnaeus Dola\u00ad bella, a tool of the Sullan reaction; the jury voted against Caesar, but the people applauded his democratic offensive and his brilliant speech. He could not rival Cicero's verve and wit, passionate periods, and rhetorical flagella\u00ad tions; indeed, Caesar disliked this \"Asianic\" style and disciplined himself to the masculine brevity and stern simplicity that were to distinguish his Com\u00ad mentaries on the Gallic and Civil vVars. Nevenheless, he was soon ranked as second only to Cicero in eloquence.6\nIn 68 he was chosen quaestor and was assigned to serve in Spain. He led military expeditions against the native tribes, sacked towns, and collected enough plunder to pay off some of his debts. Ar the same time he won the gratitude of Spanish cities by lowering the interest charges on the sums that had been lent them by the Roman bankers. Coming at Gades upon a statue of Alexander, he reproached himself for having accomplished so little at an age when the Macedonia!} had conquered half the Mediterranean world. He returned to Rome and plunged again into the race for office and power. In 6 5 he was elected aedile, or commissioner of public works. He spent his money-i.e., the money of Crassus-in adorning the Forum with new build\u00ad ings and colonnades, and courted the populace with unstinted games. Sulla had removed from the Capitol the trophies of .Marius-banners, pictures, and spoils representing the features and victories of the old radical; Caesar had these restored, to the joy of Marius' veterans; and by that act alone he announced his rebel policy. The conservatives protested and marked him out as a man to be broken.\n170\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nIn 64, as president of a commission appointed to try cases of murder, he summoned to his tribunal the surviving agents of Sulla's proscriptions and sentenced several of them to exile or death. In 63 he voted in the Senate against the execution of Catiline's accomplices and remarked casually, in his speech, that human personality does not outlive death; 7 it was apparently the only part of his speech that off ended no one. In that same year he was elected pontifex maxinms, head of the Roman religion. In 62 he was chosen praetor, and prosecuted a leading conservative for embezzling public funds. In 61 he was appointed propraetor for Spain, but his creditors prevented his departure. He admitted that he needed 25,000,000 sesterces in order to have nothing.8 Crassus came to his rescue by underwriting all his obligations. Caesar proceeded to Spain, led militarily brilliant campaigns against tribes with a passion for independence, and came back to Rome with spoils enough to pay off his debts and yet so enrich the Treasury that the Senate voted him a triumph. Perhaps the optimates were subtle; they knew that Caesar wished to stand for the consulate, that the law forbade candidacy in absence, and that the triumpbator was required by law to remain outside the city until the day of his triumph-which the Senate had set for after the election. But Caesar forewent his triumph, entered the city, and campaigned with irre\u00ad sistible energy and skill.\nHis victory was obtained by his clever attachment of Pompey to the liberal cause. Pompey had just returned from the East after a succession of military and diplomatic achievements. By clearing the sea of pirates he had restored security to Mediterranean trade, and prosperity to the cities it served. He had pleased the capitalists of Rome by conquering Bithynia, Pontus, and Syria; he had deposed and set up kings and had lent them money from his spoils at lush rates of interest; he had accepted a huge bribe from the king of Egypt to come and quell a revolt there, and then had ref rained from carrying out the compact on the ground that it was illegal;9 he had pacified Palestine and made it a client state of Rome; he had founded thirty\u00ad nine cities and had established law, order, and peace; all in all he had behaved with judgment, statesmanship, and profit. Now he had brought back to Rome such wealth in taxes and tribute, goods captured and slaves ransomed or sold, that he was able to contribute 200,000,000 sesterces to the Treasury, add 350,000,000 to its annual revenues, distribute 384,000,000 among his soldiers, and yet keep enough for himself to rival Crassus as one of the two richest men in Rome.\nThe Senate was more frightened than pleased at these accomplishments. It trembled when it heard that Pompey had landed at Brundisium (62) with army personally evoted to im a d capable at ?is word of making him dictator. He magnanimously relieved its fears by disbanding his troops and\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\nentering Rome with no other retinue than his personal staff. His triumph lasted two days, bur even that time pro\\Ted insufficient for all the floats that pictured his victories and displayed his garnerings. The ungrateful Senate rejected his request that state lands be given his soldiers, refused to ratify his agreements with conquered kings, and restored those arrangements that Lucullus had made in the East and which Pompey had ignored. The effect of these actions was to break down Cicero's concordia ordinum, or alliance of the higher classes, and throw Pompey and the capitalists into a flirtation with the populares. Taking full advantage of the situation, Caesar formed with Pompey and Crassus the First Triumvirate (60), by which each pledged himself to oppose legislation unsatisfactory to any one of them. Pompey agreed to support Caesar for the consulate, and Caesar promised, if elected, to carry through the measures in which Pompey had been rebuffed by the Senate.\nThe campaign was bitter, and bribery flourished on both sides. When Cato, leader of the conservatives, heard that his party was buying votes, he unbent and approved the procedure as in a noble cause. The populares elected Caesar, the optimates Bibulus. Caesar had hardly entered upon his consulate (59) when he proposed to the Senate the measures asked for by Pompey: a distribution of land to 20,000 of the poorer citizens, including Pompey's soldiers; the ratification of Pompey's arrangements in the East; and a one-third reduction of the sum which the publicans had pledged them\u00ad selves to raise from the Asiatic provinces. As the Senate opposed each of these measures by every means, Caesar, like the Gracchi, offered them di\u00ad rectly to the Assembly. The conservatives induced Bibulus to use his veto power to forbid a vote, and had omens declared unfavorable. Caesar ignored the omens and persuaded the Assembly to impeach Bibulus; and an enthusi\u00ad astic popularis emptied a pot of ordure upon Bibulus' head. Caesar's bills were carried. As in the case of the Gracchi, they combined an agrarian policy with a financial program pleasing to the business class. Pompey was im\u00ad pressed by Caesar's performance of his pledges. He took Caesar's daughter Julia as his fourth wife, and the entente between plebs and bourgeoisie became a feast of love. The Triumvirs promised the radical wing of their following that they would support Publius Clodius for the tribunate in the fall of 59. Meanwhile they kept the voters in good humor with profuse amusements and games.\nIn April Caesar submitted his second land bill, bv which the areas owned by the state in Campania were to be distributed ;mong poor citizens who had three children. The Senate was again ignored, the Assembly passed the bill, and, after a century of effort, the Gracchan policy triumphed. Bibulus kept to his house and contented himself with periodical announcements that\n172 ,\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nthe omens were unpropitious to legislation. Caesar administered public affairs without consulting him, so that the town wits referred to the year as \"the consulate of Julius and Caesar.\" To bring the Senate under public scrutiny, he established the first newspaper by having clerks make a record of Sena\u00ad torial and other public proceedings and news, and post these Acta Diurna, or \"Daily Doings,\" on the walls of the forums. From these walls the reports were copied and sent by private messengers to all parts of the Empire.10 Toward the end of this historic consulate Caesar had himself appointed governor of Cisalpine and Narbonese Gaul for the ensuing five years. As no troops could lawfuliy be stationed in Italy, the command over the legions stationed in north Italy gave its possessor military power over the whole peninsula. To guarantee the maintenance of his legislation, Caesar secured the election of his friends Gabinius and Piso as consuls for 58 and married Piso's daughter Calpurnia. To ensure continued support from the plebs he lent his decisive aid to the election of Clodius as tribune for 58. He did not let his plans be influenced by the fact that he had recently divorced his third\nwife, Pompeia, on suspicion of adultery with Clodius.\nMORALS AND POLITICS\nPublius Clodius Pulcher (the Handsome) was a scion of the Claudian gens, a young aristocrat whose courage knew no fear and his morals no restraint. Like Catiline and Caesar he descended from his rank to lead the poor against the rich. To be eligible as a tribune of the people he had himself adopted into a plebeian family. To redistribute the concentrated wealth of Rome and to destroy Cicero-who had abused his sister-Clodia and stood for the sanctity of property-he\u2022served as a subaltern to Caesar until he could take power into his own hands. He admired Caesar's policies and loved Caesar's wife. To gain access to her he disguised himself as a woman, entered the house of Caesar, then (62) high priest, took part in the ceremonies of\u00ad fered by women alone to the Bona Dea, was detected, accused, and publicly tried (61) for having violated the mysteries of the Good Goddess. Caesar, called as a witness, said that he had no charge to make against Clodius. \"\\Vhy, then, asked the prosecutor, had he divorced Pompeia? \"Because,\" said Caesar, \"my wife must be above suspicion.\" It was a clever answer, which neither exonerated nor condemned a valuable political aide. Various wit\u00ad nesses-perhaps bribed-told the court that Clodius had had relations with Clodia and had seduced his sister Tertia after her marriage to Lucullus. Clodius pro ested t at he had been away from Rome on the day of the alleged sacr'Jege; Cicero, however, testified that Clodius had on that day\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t173\nbeen with him in Rome. The populace thought the whole affair a Senatorial plot to destroy a populares leader and cried out for acquittal. Crassus\u00ad some say at Caesar's behest-bribed a number of judges for Clodius. The radicals for once had the more money, and Clodius was freed. Caesar took advantage of the situation to exchange an inconveniently conservative wife for the daughter of a senator allied to the popular cause.\nHe had hardly retired from office when some conservatives proposed the complete annulment of his legislation. Cato did not conceal his opinion that these \"Julian laws\" should be wiped off the statute books. The Senate hesitated to fling so open a challenge to Caesar armed with legions and to Clodius wielding the tribunate. In 63 Cato had wooed the populace for the conservatives by renewing the state distribution of cheap corn; now\n(58) Clodius countered by making the dole completely free to all who came for it. He passed bills through the Assembly forbidding the use of religious vetoes against legislative procedures and restoring the legality of the collegia, which the Senate had tried to disband. He reorganized these guilds into voting blocs and won such fealty from them that they provided him with an armed guard. Fearing that after his year as tribune had expired Cato or Cicero might attempt to undo Caesar's work, Clodius persuaded the As\u00ad sembly to send Cato as commissioner to Cyprus, and to pass a decree banish\u00ad ing any man who had put Roman citizens to death without securing, as law required, the Assembly's consent. Cicero saw that the measure was aimed at him and fled to Greece, where cities and dignitaries rivaled one another in offering him hospitality and honors. The Assembly decreed that Cicero's property should be confiscated, and his house on the Palatine was razed to the ground.\nIt was Cicero's good fortune that Oodius, overcome with success, now attacked both Pompey and Caesar, and planned to make himself sole leader of the plebs. Pompey retaliated by supporting the petition of Cicero's brother Quintus for the orator's recall. The Senate appealed to all Roman citizens in Italy to come to the capital and vote on the proposal. Clodius brought an armed gang into the Field of Mars to supervise the balloting, and Pompey engaged a needy aristocrat, Annius Milo, to organize a rival band. Riot and bloodshed ensued, many men were killed, and Quintus barely escaped with his life. But his measure carried, and after months of exile Cicero returned in triumph to Italy (57). Multitudes greeted him as he passed from Brun\u00ad disium to Rome; there the welcoming crowd was so great that Cicero feigned fear that he would be accused of having contrived his banishment for the sake of this glorious restoration.11\nApparently he\u00b7had pledged himself to Pompey, and perhaps to Caesar, as the price of his recall. Caesar lent him large sums to recoup his finances and\n174\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX"]
[2.1988654136657715, -12.643094062805176, "and dictatorship. Writing five years after Caesar's consulate, Cicero cast a dart in his direction:\nPlato says that from the exaggerated license which people call liberty, tyrants spring up as from a root\tand that at last such lib\u00ad\nerty reduces a nation to slavery. Everything in excess is changed into its opposite.... For out of such an ungoverned populace one is usually chosen as leader ...\tsomeone bold and unscrupulous ... who curries favor with the people by giving them other men's prop\u00ad erty. To such a man, because he has much reason for fear if he remains a private citizen, the protection of public office is given, and continu\u00ad ally renewed. He surrounds himself with an armed guard, and emerges as a tyrant over the very people who raised him to power.68\nNevertheless, Caesar won; and Cicero thought it best to bury his discontent in melodious platitudes on law, friendship, glory, and old age. Silent leges inter\n166\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VIII\narma, he said-\"laws are silent in time of war\"; but at least he could muse on the philosophy of law. Following the Stoics, he de.fined law as \"right reason in agree\u00ad ment with nature\"; 69 i.e., law seeks to make orderly and stable the relations that rise out of the social impulses of men. \"Nature\u00b7has inclined us to love men\"\n(society), \"and this is the foundation of law.\" 7\u00b0 Friendship should be based\nnot upon mutual advantage but upon common interests cemented and limited by virtue and justice; the law of friendship should be \"neither to ask dishonorable things, nor to do them if asked.\" 71 An honorable life is the best guarantee of a pleasant old age. An indulgent and intemperate youth delivers to age a body prematurely worn out; but a life well spent can leave both body and mind sound to a hundred years; witness Masinissa. Devotion to study may make one \"unaware of the stealthy approach of old age.\" 72 Age as well as youth has its glories-a tolerant wisdom, the respectful affection of children, desire and ambition's fever cooled. Age may fear death, but not if the mind has been formed by philosophy. Beyond the grave there will be, at the best, a new and happier life; and at the worst there will be peace.73\nAll in all, Cicero's essays in philosophy are meager in result. Like his states\u00ad manship they clung too anxiously to onhodoxy and tradition. He had all the curiosity of a scientist and all the timidity of a bourgeois; even in his philosophy he remained a politician, reluctant to offend any vote. He col\u00ad lected the ideas of others, and balanced pros and cons so well that we come out from his sessions by the same door wherein we went. Only one thing redeems these little books-the simple beauty of their style. How pleasant Cicero's Latin is, how easy to read, how smoothly and clearly the stream of language flows! When he narrates events he catches some of the vivacity that made his speeches chain attention; when he describes a character it is with such skill that he mourns that he has no time to be Rome's greatest historian; 74 when he lets himself go he flowers into the balanced clauses and crashing periods which he had learned from Isocrates, and with which he had made the Forum resound. His ideas are those of the upper classes, but his style aims to reach the people; for them he labors to be clear, toils to make his truisms thrilling, and salts abstractions with anecdote and wit.\nHe re-createc the Latin language. He extended its vocabulary, forged from it a flexib!,; nstrument for philosophy, fitted it to be the vehicle of learning and literature in western Europe for seventeen hundred years. Posterity remembered him more as an author than as a statesman. When, despite all his reminders, men had almost forgotten the glory of his consulate, they cherished his conquests in letters and eloquence. And since the world\nhon_ors form as well as substance, art as well as knowledge and power, he achieved, of all Romans, a fame second only to Caesar's. It was an exception that he could never forgive.\nCHAPTER  IX\nCaesar\n100-44 B.C.\nTHE RAKE\nAIUS JULIUS CAESAR traced his pedigree to Iulus Ascanius, son of Aeneas, son of Venus, daughter of Jupiter: he began and ended as\na god. The Julian gens, though impoverished, was one of the oldest and noblest in Italy. A Caius Julius had been consul in 489, another in 482, a Vopiscus Julius in 473, a Sextus Julius in 157, another in 91.1 From his uncle\u00ad in-law .Marius he derived by a kind of avuncular heredity an inclination toward radical politics. His mother Aurelia was a matron of dignity and wisdom, frugally managing her small home in the unfashionable Subura\u00ad a district of shops, taverns, and brothels. There Caesar was born 100 B.c., allegedly by the operation that bears his name.*\n\"Now was this Caesar,\" says Holland's Suetonius, \"wondrous docible and apt to learn.\" His tutor in Latin, Greek, and rhetoric was a Gaul; with him Caesar unconsciously began to prepare himself for his greatest conquest. The youth took readily to oratory and almost lost himself in juvenile author\u00ad ship. He was s:wed by being made military aide to Marcus Thermus in Asia. Nicomedes, ruler of Bithynia, took such a fancy to him that Cicero and other gossips later taunted him with having \"lost his virginity to a king.\"2 Returning to Rome in 84, he married Cossutia to please his father; when, soon afterward, his father died, he divorced her and married Cornelia, daughter of that Cinna who had taken over the revolution from Marius. When Sulla came to power he ordered Caesar to divorce Cornelia; when Caesar refused, Sulla confiscated his patrimony and Cornelia's dowry, and listed him for death.\nCaesar fled from Italy and joined the army in Cilicia. On Sulla's death he returned to Rome (78), but :finding his enemies in power he left again for Asia. Pirates captured him on the way, took him to one of their Cilician lairs, and offered to free him for twenty talents ($72,000); he reproached\nIt was already an ancient mode of binh, being mentioned in the laws ascribed to Numa. c_aesar's cognomen was not derived from the operation (caems ab utero matris); long before him there had been Caesars among the Julii.\n1\"67\n168\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nthem for underestimating his value, and volunteered to give them fifty. Hav\u00ad ing sent his servants to raise the money, he amused himself by writing poems and readir.g them to his captors. They did not like them. He called them dull barbarians and promised to hang them at the earliest opportunity. When the ransom came he hurried to Miletus, engaged vessels and crews, chased and caught the pirates, recovered the ransom, and crucified them; but being a man of great clemency, he had their throats cut fust.3 Then he went to Rhodes to study rhetoric and philosophy.\nBack again in Rome, he divided his energies between politics and love. He was handsome, though already worried about his thinning hair. When Cornelia died (68) he married Pompeia, granddaughter of Sulla. As this was a purely political marriage, he did not scruple to carry on liaisons in the fashion of his time; but in such number and with such ambigendered di\u00ad versity that Curio (father of his later general) called him omnium mulierum vir et 01rmium virorum mulier-\"the husband of every woman and the wife of every man.\"4 He would continue these habits in his campaigns, dallying with Oeopatra in Egypt, with Queen Eunoe in Numidia, and with so many ladies in Gaul that his soldiers in fond jest called him moechus calvus, the \"bald adulterer\"; in his triumph after conquering Gaul they sang a couplet warning all husbands to keep their wives under lock and key as long as Caesar was in town. The aristocracy hated him doubly-for undermining their privileges and seducing their wives. Pompey divorced his wife for her intimacy with Caesar. Cato's passionate hostility was not all philosophical: his half sister Servilia was the most devoted of Caesar's mistresses. When Cato, suspecting Caesar's complicity with Catiline, challenged him in the Senate to read aloud a note just brought to him, Caesar passed it to Cato without comment; it was a love letter from Servilia.5 Her passion for him continued throughout his life, and merciless gossip, in her later years, charged her with surrendering her daughter Tertia to Caesar's lust. During the Civil War, at a public auction, Caesar \"knocked down\" some confiscated estates of irreconcilable aristocrats to Servilia at a nominal price; when some ex\u00ad pressed surprise at the low figure, Cicero remarked, in a pithy pun that might have cost him his life, Tertia deducta, which could either mean \"a third off,\" or refer to the rumor that Servilia had brought her daughter to Caesar. Tertia became the wife of Caesar's prime assassin, Cassius. So the amours of men mingle with the commotions of states.\nProbably these diversified investments helped Caesar's rise as well as his fall. Every woman he won was an influential friend, usually in the enemy's camp; and mOst of them remained his devotees even when his passion had cooled to courtesy. Crassus, though his wife Tertulla was reported to be Caesar's mistress, lent him vast sums to finance his candidacies with bribes"]
[1.657383918762207, -14.019617080688477, "\"Caesar le'.lds Gauls in his triumph, then into the Senate; the Gauls have removed their breeches, and put on the broad-rimmed toga\" of the sena\u00ad tors.52\nPerhaps Caesar purposely made the new Senate too cumbersome a body for effective deliberation or unified opposition. He chose a group of friends\u00ad Balbus, Oppius, Matius, and others-as an informal executive cabinet, and inaugurated the bureaucracy of the Empire by delegating the clerical details of his government, and the minutiae of administration, to his household of freedmen and slaves. He allowed the Assembly to elect half the city magis\u00ad trates; he chose the rest by \"recommendations\" which the Assembly regu\u00ad larly approved. As tribune he could veto the decisions of other tribunes or consuls. He increased the praetors to sixteen; and the quaestors to forty, to expedite municipal and judicial business. He kept a personal eye on every aspect of the city's affairs, and tolerated no incompetence or waste. In the city charters that he granted he placed severe injunctions and penalties\n192\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nagaip.st electoral corruption and official malfeasance. To end the domination of politics by organized vote buying, and perhaps to secure his power against proletarian revolt, he abolished the collegia, except some of ancient origin and the essentially religious associations of the Jews. He restricted jury service to the two upper classes and reserved for himself the right to try the most vital cases; frequently he sat as judge, and none could deny the wisdom and impartiality of his decisions. He proposed to the jurists of his time an orderly codification of existing Roman law, but his early death frustrated the plan.\nResuming the work of the Gracchi, he distributed lands to his veterans and the poor; this policy, continued by Augustus, for many years pacified the agrarian agitation. To forestall the rapid reconcentration of landowner\u00ad ship he ruled that the new lands could not be sold within twenty years; and to check rural slavery he passed a measure requiring that a third of the laborers on ranches should be freemen. Having turned many idle proletaires into soldiers and then into peasant proprietors, he further diminished their ranks by sending 80,000 citizens as colonists to Carthage, Corinth, Seville, Aries, and other centers. To provide work for the remaining unemployed in Rome he spent 160,000,000 sesterces in a great building program. He had a new and more spacious meeting place for the assemblies set up in the Field of Mars, and relieved the congestion of business in the Forum by adding, near ir, a Forum lulium. He embellished likewise many cities in Italy, Spain, Gaul, and Greece. Having so eased the pressure of poverty, he required a means test for eligibility to the state dole of grain. At once the number of applicants fell from 320,000 to 150,000.\nSo far he had remained true to his role as a champion of the populares. But since the Roman revolution was more agrarian than industrial, and was aimed chiefly at the landed slave-driving aristocracy, then at the money\u00ad lenders, and only mildly at the business classes, Caesar continued the Gracchan policy of inviting businessmen to support the agrarian and fiscal revolution. Cicero sought to unite the middle classes with the aristocracy; Caesar sought to unite them with the plebs. Many of the great capitalists, from Crassus to Balbus, helped to finance him, as similar men helped the American and French Revolutions. Nevertheless, Caesar ended one of the richest sources of financial profiteering-the collection of provincial taxes through corporations of publicans. He scaled down debts, enacted severe laws against excessive interest rates, and relieved extreme cases of insolvency by establishing the law of bankruptcy essentially as it stands today. He restored the stability of the currency by basing it upon gold and iss ina a golden trUreus, equivalent in purchasing power to the British pound sterling in the nineteenth century. The coins of his government were stamped with\n';\ny\tFIG. 6-P\nN Carlsberg Glyptoot1e1k1,peCyopenhagen\nI\nF1G. 7-Caesar\ni\\lusco azionalc, aplcs\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t193\nhis own features and were designed with an artistry new to Rome. A novel order and competence entered the administration of the Empire's finances, with the result that when Caesar died the Treasury contained 700,000,000 sesterces, and his private treasury 100,000,000.\nAs a scientific basis for taxation and administration, he had a census taken of Italy, and planned a like census of the Empire. To replenish a citizenry decimated by war, he granted the Roman franchise widely-among others, to physicians and teachers in Rome. Long disturbed by the fall in the birth rate, he had in 59 given precedence in land allotments to fathers of three children; now he promulgated rewards for large families and forbade child\u00ad less women under forty-five to ride in litters or wear jewelry-the weakest and most futile part of his varied legislation.\nStill an agnostic, though not quite free from superstitions,53 Caesar remained high priest of the state religion and provided it with the usual funds. He restored old temples and built new ones, honoring above all his alma mater Venus. But he allowed full liberty of conscience and worship, withdrew old prohibitions against the Isis cult, and protected the Jews in the exercise of their faith. Noting that the calendar of the priests had lost all concord with the seasons, he commissioned the Alexandrian Greek Sosigenes to devise, on Egyptian models, the \"Julian calendar\": henceforth the year was to consist of 365 days, with an added day in every fourth Feb\u00ad ruary. Cicero complained that Caesar, not content with ruling the earth, was now regulating the stars; but the Senate accepted the reform gr:;aciously, and gave the dictator's family name, Julius, to the month Quinctilis-which had been fifth when March opened the year.\nAs impressive as these things done are the works begun or planned by Caesar but postponed by his assassination. He laid the foundations of a great theater, and of a temple to Mars propartioned to that god's voracity. He appointed Varro to head an organization for the establishment of public libraries. He designed to free Rome from malaria by draining Lake Fucinus and the Pontine marshes, and reclaiming these acres for tillage. He proposed to raise dykes to control the Tiber's floods; by diverting the course of that stream he hoped to improve the harbor at Ostia, periodically ruined by the river's silt. He instructed his engineers to prepare plans for building a road across central Italy and for cutting a canal at Corinth.\nThe most resented of his undertakings was to make the freemen of Italy equal citizens with those of Rome, and the provinces ultimately equal with Italy. In 49 he had enfranchised Cisalpine Gaul; now (44) he drew up a municipal charter, apparently for all the cities of Italy, equalizing their rights with Rome's; probably he was planning some representative govern\u00ad ment by which they would have had a democratic share in his constitutional\n194\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nmonarchy.55 He took the appointment of provincial governors out of the hands of the corrupt Senate and himself named to these posts men of proved ability, who remained at every moment subject to recall at his will. He reduced provincial taxes by a third, and entrusted their collection to special officials responsible to himself. He overrode ancient curses to restore Capua, Carthage, and Corinth-completing again the work of the Gracchi. To the colonists whom he sent to found or people a score of cities from Gibraltar to the Black Sea, he gave Roman or Latin rights, and evidently\nhoped to extend Roman citizenship to all free adult males in the Empire; the Senate was then to represent not a class 1n Rome, but the mind and will of every province. This conception of government, and Caesar's reorgani\u00ad zation of Rome and Italy, completed the miracle whereby the youthful spendthrift and roisterer had become one of the ablest, bravest, fairest, and most enlightened men in all the sorry annals of politics.\nLike Alexander he did not know where to stop. Contemplating his re\u00ad ordered realm, he resented its exposure to attack at the Euphrates, the Danube, and the Rhine. He dreamed of a great expedition to capture Parthia and avenge his old pocketbook Crassus; of a march around the Black Sea and the pacification of Scythia; of the exploration of the Danube and the conquest of Germany.56 Then, having made the Empire secure, he would return to Rome laden with honor and spoils, rich enough to end economic depression, powerful enough to ignore all opposition, free at last to name his successor, and to die with the pax Romana as his supreme legacy to the world.\nBRUTUS\n\\Vhen news of this plan trickled through Rome the common people, who love glory, applauded; the business classes, smelling war orders and pro\u00ad vincial loot, licked their chops; the aristocracy, foreseeing its extinction on Caesar's return, resolved to kill.him before he could go.\nHe had treated these bluebloods with such generosity as to stir Cicero's eloquence in his praise. He had forgiven all surrendering foes and had con\u00ad demned to death only a few officers who, defeated and pardoned, had fought against him again. He had burned unread the correspondence he had found in the tents of Pompey and Scipio. He had sent the captured daughter and grandchildren of Pompey to Pompey's son Sextus, who was still in arms against him; and he had restored the statues of Pompey which his followers had thrown down. He had given provincial governorships to Brutus and Cassius, and high office _to any others of th_eir class. He bore silently a thousand slanders, and msatuted no proceedmgs against those whom he"]
[-2.04044771194458, -8.318115234375, "330\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XV\nThis immense trade produced prosperity for two centuries, but its un\u00ad sound basis ruined Roman economy in the end. Italy made no attempt at equaling imports with exports; she appropriated the mines, and taxed the people, of half a hundred states to provide her with the money to meet her international balances. As the richer veins of the mines gave out, and the zest for exotic luxuries continued, Rome tried to stave off the breakdown of her import system by conquering new mineral regions like Dacia, and by de\u00ad basing her once incorruptible currency-turning ever less bullion into ever more coin. \"\\Vhen the costs of administration and war mounted nearer to the profits of empire, Rome had to pay for goods with goods, and could not. Italy's dependence upon imported food was her viral weakness; the moment she could not force other countries to send her food and soldiers she was doomed. i\\leanwhile the provinces recovered not only prosperity but eco\u00ad nomic initiative: Italian merchants, in this first century A.D., almost disap\u00ad peared from Eastern ports, while Syrian and Greek traders established them\u00ad selves at Delos and Puteoli and multiplied in Spain and Gaul. In the leisurely oscillation of history the East was preparing once more to dominate the West.\nIBE  BANKERS\nHow were production and commerce financed? First by the maintenance of a comparatively reliable currency internationally honored. All Roman coins had suffered gradual depreciation since the First Punic War, for the Treasury had found it convenient to pay off governmental war debts by permitting the inflation that naturally comes from the multiplication of money and the diminution of goods. The as, originally a pound of copper, had been reduced to two ounces in 241, one ounce in 202, half an ounce in 87 B.C., and a quarter ounce in A.D. 60. During the final century of the Re\u00ad public the generals had issued their own coinage, usually in aurei, gold coins, normally worth one hundred sesterces. From this military coinage that of the emperors was descended, and the emperors followed Caesar's custom of stamping their effigies on their issues as symbols of the state's guarantee. The sesterce was now made from copper instead of silver and was revalued at four asses.* Nero lowered the silver content of the demrius to ninety per cent of its former quantity, Trajan to eighty-five per cent, Aurelius to seventy-five, Commodus to seventy, Septimius Severus to fifty. Nero re-\nIn referring to the period a_frer Nero, Roman currency will be equated at two thirds its general value under the Republic: th as at two and half, the sesterce at ten, the denarius at fol'o/,.cents,.and t e tal nr at $2400. m re  of Umted States currency of 1942. Since lesser vanan ns will agam be ignored, the reader will remember that all equivalents are very loosely approximate.\nCHAP. XV)\tROME  AT  WORK\t33 I\nduced the aureus from one fortieth of a pound of gold to one forty-fifth, Caracalla to one fiftieth. A general rise of prices accompanied these deprecia-\n\ttions, but income seems to have risen commensurately until Aurelius; per\u00ad haps this controlled inflation was a simple way of relieving debtors at the expense of creditors whose superior ability and opportunity, unchecked, would have concentrated wealth to the point of economic coagulation and political revolution. Despite these changes we must consider the Roman fiscal system one of the most successful and stable in history. For two cen\u00ad turies a single monetary standard was honored throughout the Empire; and with this stable medium investment and trade flourished as never before in the memory of men.\nConsequently bankers were everywhere. They served as money-changers, accepted checking accounts and interest-bearing deposits, issued travelers' checks and bills of exchange, managed, bought, and sold re::ilty, placed in\u00ad vestments and collected debts, and lent money to individuals and parmer\u00ad ships. This banking system had come from Greece and the Gr ek East, and was mostly in the hands of Greeks and Syrians even in Italy and the \\Vest; in Gaul the words for Syrian and banker were synonyms. 9 Interest rates, which had sunk to four per cent under the weight of Augustus' Egyptian spoils, rose to six per cent after his death, and reached their legal maximum of twelve per cent by the age of Constantine.\nThe famous \"panic\" of A.D. 33 illustrates the development and complex interdependence of banks and commerce in the Empire. Augustus had coined and spent money lavishly, on the theory tha\u00b7t its increased circulation, low interest rates, and rising prices would stimulate business. They did; but as the process could not go on forever, a reaction set in as early as 10 B.c., when this flush minting ceased. Tiberius rebounded to the opposite theory\u00ad that the most economical economy is the best. He severely limited the governmental expenditures, sharply restricted new issues of currency, and hoarded 2,700,000,000 sesterces in the Treasury. The resulting dearth of circulating medium was made worse by the drain of money eastward in exchange for luxuries. Prices fell, interest rates rose, creditors foreclosed on debtors, debtors sued usurers, and moneylending almost ceased. The Senate tried to check the export of capital by requiring a high percentage of every senator's fortune to be invested in Italian land; senators thereupon called in loans and foreclosed mortgages to raise cash, and the crisis rose. \\Vhen the senator Publius Spinther notified the bank of Balbus and Ollius that he must withdraw 30,000,000 sesterces to comply with the new law, the furn an\u00ad nounced its bankruptcy. At the same time the failure of an Alexandrian firm, Seuthes and Son-due to their loss of three ships laden with costly spices\u00ad and the collapse of the great dyeing concern of Malchus at Tyre, led to\n332\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XV\nrumors that the Roman banking house of Maximus and Vibo would be broken by their extensive loans to these firms. vVhen its depositors began a \"run\" on this bank it shut its doors, and later on that day a larger bank, of' the Brothers Pettius, also suspended payment. Almost simultaneously came news that great banking establishments had failed in Lyons, Carthage, Cor\u00ad inth, and Byzantium. One after another the banks of Rome closed. Money could be borrowed only at rates far above the legal limit. Tiberius finally met the crisis by suspending the land-investment act and distributing 1 00,- 000,000 sesterces to the banks, to be lent without interest for three years on the security of realty. Private lenders were thereby constrained to lower their interest rates, money came out of hiding, and confidence slowly re\u00ad tumed.50\nTHE CLASSES\nNearly evfrybody in Rome worshiped money with mad pursuit, and all but the bankers denounced it. \"How little you know the age you live in,\" says a god in Ovid, \"if you fancy that honey is sweeter than cash in hand!\" 51\n-and a century later Juvenal sarcastically hails the sanctissima divitiarum mai\u00ad\nestas, \"the most holy majesty of wealth.\" To the end of the Empire Roman law forbade the Senatorial class to invest in commerce or industry; and though they evaded the prohibition by letting their freedmen invest for them, they despised their proxies and upheld rule by birth as the sole alternative to rule by money, or myths, or the sword. After all the revolutions and the deci\u00ad mations the old class divisions remained, with brand-new titles: members of the Senatorial and equestrian orders, magistrates and officials, were called honestiores, i.e., \"men of honors\" or offices; all the rest were humiliores, \"lowly,\" or tenuiores, \"weak.\" A sense of honor often mingled with the proud gravity of the senator: he served in a succession of public posts with\u00ad out pay and at much personal expense; he administered important functions with a fair degree of competence and integrity; he provided for public games, helped his clients, freed some of his slaves, and shared a pan of his fortune with the people through benefactions before or after his death. Be\u00ad cause of the obligations his position entailed, he was required to have a million sesterces to enter or remain in the Senatorial class.\nOne senator, Gnaeus Lentulus, had 400,000,000 sesterces; but with this exception the greatest fortunes in Rome were those of businessmen who did not disdain to handle money or trade. While reducing the powers of the Senate, the emperors had favored the business class with high office, had protected industry, commerce, and finance, and had based upon equestrian support the security of the Principate against patrician intrigue..Membership\nCHAP, XV)\tROME  AT  WORK\t333\nin this second order required 400,000 sesterces and specific nomination by the prince. Consequently many men of means belonged to the plebs.\nThe plebs was now a motley receptacle of such innominate businessmen, freeborn workers, peasant proprietors, teachers, doctors, artists, and freed\u00ad men. The census defined the proletarii not by their occupation but by their offspring (proles); an old Latin treatise called them \"plebeians who offer nothing to the state but children.\" 52 Most of them found employment in the shops, factories, and commerce of the city at an average wage of a denarius (forty cents) a day; this rose in later centuries, but not faster than prices.53 Exploitation of the weak by the strong is as natural as eating and differs from it only in rapidity; we must expect to find it in every age and under every form of society and government; but rarely has it been so thorough and unsentimental as in ancient Rome. Once all men had been poor, and had not known their poverty; now penury rubbed elbows with wealth, and suffered from consciousness. Absolute destitution, however, was prevented by the dole, the occasional gifts of patrons to clients, and the lordly legacies of rich men like Balbus, who left twenty-five denarii to every citizen of Rome. Class divisions verged upon caste; yet an able man might free himself from slavery, make a fortune, and rise to high office in the service of the prince. The freedman's son became a fully enfranchised free\u00ad man, and his grandson could become a senator; soon a freedman's grandson, Pertinax, would be emperor.\nDuring the first century many high offices were filled by freedmen. They\noften had charge of the imperial finances in the provinces, the waterways of Rome, the mines and quarries and estates of the emperor, and the provision\u00ad ing of the army camps. Freedmen and slaves, nearly all of Greek or Syrian origin, managed the imperial palaces and held vital positions in the imperial cabinet. Petty industry and trade fell increasingly into the control of freed\u00ad men. Some of them became great capitalists or landowners; some accumu\u00ad lated the largest fortunes of their time. Their past had seldom given them moral standards or elevated interests; after their liberation money became the absorbing interest of their lives; they made it without scruple and spent it without taste. Petronius savagely excoriated them in Trirnalchio, and Seneca, less bitter, smiled at the new rich who bought books in orna\u00ad mental sets but never read them.54 Probably these satires were in part the jealous reactions of a caste that saw its ancient prerogatives of exploitation and luxury encroached upon, and could not forgive the men who were rising to share its perquisites and power.\nThe success of the freedmen must have given some consoling hope to the class that did most of the manual work in Italy. Beloch estimated the slaves in Rome about 30  B.c. at some 400,000, ornearly half the population; in\n334\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XV\nItaly at 1,500,000. If we may believe the table gossipers of Athenaeus, some Romans had 20,000 slaves.55 A proposal that slaves be required to wear a distinctive dress was voted down in the Senate lest they should realize their numerical strength.56 Gden reckoned the proportion of slaves to freemen at Pergamum about A.D. 170 as one to three-i.e., twenty-five per cent; probably this proportion was not much different in other cities.56a Human prices varied from 330  sesterces for a farm slave to the 700,000 ($105,000) paid by Marcus Scaurus for Daphnis the grammarian;57 the average price was now 4000 sesterces ( $400). Eighty per cent of the employees in industry and retail trade were slaves, and most of the manual or clerical work in govern\u00ad ment was performed by servi publici-\"public slaves.\" Domestic slaves were of every variety and condition: personal servants, handicraftsmen, tutors, cooks, hairdressers, musicians, copyists, librarians, artists, physicians, philos\u00ad ophers, eunuchs, pretty boys to serve at least as cupbearers, and cripples to provide amusement by their deformities; there was a special market at Rome where one might buy legless, armless, or three-eyed men, giants, dwarfs, or hermaphrodites.58 Household slaves were sometimes beaten, occasionally killed. Nero's father killed his freedmen because they refused to drink as much as he wished.59 In an angry passage of his essay on anger Seneca de\u00ad scribes the \"wooden racks and other instruments of torture, the dungeons and other jails, the fires built around imprisoned bodies in a pit, the hook dragging up the corpses, the many kinds of chains, the varied punishments, the tearing of limbs, the branding of foreheads\";59a all these, apparently, entered into the life of the agricultural slave. Juvenal describes a lady as having slave after slave thrashed while her hair was being curled,60 and Ovid pictures another mistress jabbing hairpins into her maidservant's arms;61 but these tales have the earmarks of literary concoctions and must not be taken for history."]
[0.36544090509414673, -2.167672634124756, "F1G.\t--\"SappIJO,,\n,\\luseo :--.).:Jzionale,\u2022 :-,.:ap Jes\n \ni\nJ\n<l.)\n. Q..\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\nTHE SEXES\nThe moral life of youth was carefully guarded in the girl, leniently super\u00ad vised in the young man. The Roman, like the Greek, readily condoned the resort of men to prostitutes. The profession was legalized and restricted; brothels (lupanaria) were by law kept outside the city walls and could open only at night; prostitutes (meretrices) were registered by the aediles and were required to wear the toga instead of the stola. Some women enrolled as prostitutes to avoid the legal penalties of detected adultery. Fees were ad\u00ad justed to bring promiscuity within the reach of every pocketbook; we have heard of the \"quarter-of-an-as woman.\" But there was now a rising number of educated courtesans who sought to win patrons by poetry, singing, music, dancing, and cultured conversation. One did not have to go outside the walls to find these or other ladies of easy persuasion; Ovid assures us that they could be met under the porticoes, at the circus, in the theater, \"as numerous as stars in the sky\";84 and Juvenal found them in the precincts of temples, particularly that of Isis, a goddess lenient to love.85 Christian authors charged that prostitution was practiced within the cellas and between the altars of Roman temples.36\nMale prostitutes were also available. Condemned by law, tolerated by\ncustom, homosexualism flourished with Oriental abandon. \"I am stricken with the heavy dart oflove,\" sings Horace-and forwhom?-\"for Lyciscus, who claims in tenderness to outdo any woman\"; from this passion he can be freed \"only by another flame for some fair maid or slender youth.\" 37 Mar\u00ad rial's choicest epigrams turn upon pederasty; and one of Juvenal's least publishable satires represents the complaint of a woman against this out\u00ad rageous competition.38 Erotic pcetry of indifferent worth and gender, the Priapeia, circulated freely among sophisticated youths and immature adults. Marriage contended bravely with these rival outlets and, helped by anxious parents and matrimonial brokers, managed to find at least temporary hus\u00ad bands for nearly every girl. Unmarried women above nineteen were con\u00ad sidered \"old maids,\" but they were rare. The betrothed couple seldom saw each other; there was no courtship, not even a word for it; Seneca com\u00ad plained that everything else was tested before purchase, but not the bride by the groom.39 Sentimental attachment before marriage was uncommon; love poetry was addressed to married women or to women whom the poet never thought of marrying; and women's escapades came after marriage, as under similar conditions in medieval and modern France. The elder Seneca assumed widespread adultery among Roman women,40 and bis philosopher\n370\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVII\nson thought that a married woman content with two lovers was a paragon of fidelity.41 \"Pure women,\" sang the cynical Ovid, \"are only those who have not been asked; and a man who is angry at his wife's amours is a mere rustic.\" 42 These may be literary conceits; more reliable is the simple epitaph of Quintus Vespillo to his wife: \"Seldom do marriages last without divorce until death; but ours continued happily for forty-one years.\" 43 Juvenal tells of a woman who married eight times in five years.44 Having been wed for property or politics rather than for love, some women considered their duty fulfilled if they surrendered their dowries to their husbands and their per\u00ad sons to their lovers. \"Did we not agree,\" an adulteress in Juvenal explained to her unexpected husband, \"that we should both do as we liked?\" 45 The \"emancipation\" of women was as complete then as now, barring the formali\u00ad ties of the franchise and the letter of dead laws. Legislation kept women subject, custom made them free.\nIn a number of cases emancipation, as in our time, meant industrialization. Some women worked in shops or factories, especially in the textile trades; some became lawyers and doctors;46 some became politically powerful; the wives of provincial governors reviewed and addressed troops.47 The Vestal Virgins secured political appointments for their friends, and the women of Pompeii announced their political preferences on the walls. Conservatives moaned and gloated over the apparent fulfillment of Cato's warning that if women achieved equality they would turn it into mastery. Juvenal was horrified to find women actresses, athletes, gladiators, poets;48 Martial de\u00ad scribes them as fighting wild beasts, even lions, in the arena;49 Statius tells of women dying in such jousts.50 Ladies rode through the streets in sedan chairs, \"exposing themselves on every side to the view\";51 they conversed with men in porticoes, parks, gardens, and temple courts; they accompanied them to private or public banquets, to the amphitheater and the theater, where \"their bare shoulders,\" said Ovid, \"give you something charming to contem\u00ad plate.\" 52 It was a gay, colorful, multisexual society that would have aston\u00ad ished the Periclean Greeks. In the spring fashionable women filled the boats, shores, and villas of Baiae and other resorts with their laughter, their proud beauty, their amorous audacities, and political intrigue. Old men denounced them longingly.\nFrivolous or immoral women were then, as now, a conspicuous minority. Quite as numerous-though not always distinct-were the ladies who fell in love with art, religion, or literature. Sulpicia's verses were thought worthy of being handed down with those of Tibullus; they were highly erotic, but as they were addressed to her husband they were almost virtuous.53 Martial's friend Theophila was a philosopher, a real expert on the Stoic and Epicurean\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN  ROME\t371\nsystems. Some women busied themselves in philanthropy and social service, gave temples, theaters, and ponicoes to their towns, and contributed as patronesses to collegia. An inscription at Lanuvium speaks of a curia ntuli\u00ad erum, \"an assembly of women\"; Rome had a conventus matronarum; perhaps Italy had a national federation of women's clubs. In any case, after reading Martial and Juvenal, we are disconcened to find so many good women in Rome. Octavia faithful to Antony through every betrayal, and rearing devotedly his exotic children; Antonia her loving daughter, the chaste widow of Drusus, and the perfect mother of Germanicus; Mallonia, who publicly reproved Tiberius for his wickedness and then killed herself; Arria Paeta, who, when Caecina Paetus was ordered by Claudius to die, plunged a dag3\"er into her breast and, dying, handed the weapon to her husband with the assuring words, \"It does not hurt\";54 Paulina, who tried to die with Seneca; Politta, who, when Nero had her husband executed, began to starve herself, and, when the same sentence came to her father, joined him in suicide;55 Epicharis, the freedwoman who suffered every tor\u00ad ture rather than betray the conspiracy of Piso; the unnumbered women who concealed and protected their husbands in the proscriptions, went with them into exile, or like Fannia, wife of Helvidius, defended them at great risk and cost: these alone would tip the scale against all the trollops of Manial's epigrams and Juvenal's stings.\nBehind such heroines were the nameless wives whose marital fidelity and maternal sacrifices sustained the whole structure of Roman life. The old Roman virtues-pietas, gravitas, simplicitas-the mutual devotion of parents and children, a sober sense of responsibility, an avoidance of extravagance or display-still survived in Roman homes. The refined and wholesome families described in Pliny's letters did not suddenly begin with Nerva and Trajan; they had existed quietly through the age of the despots; they had survived the espionage of emperors, the debasement of a helpless populace, the vulgarity of the demimonde. We catch glimpses of such homes in the epitaphs of mate to mate and of parents to children. \"Here,\" reads one, \"lie the bones of Urbilia, wife of Primus. She was dearer to me than life. She died at twenty-three, beloved of all. Farewell, my consolation!\" And another: \"To my dear wife, with whom I passed eighteen happy years.For love of her I have sworn never to remarry.\" 56 We can picture these women in their homes-spinning wool, scolding and educating their children, directing servants, carefully administering their modest funds, and sharing with their husbands in the immemorial worship of the household gods. Despite her immorality it was Rome, not Greece, that raised the family to new heights in the ancient world.\n372\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVII\nDRESS\nIf we may judge from a few hundred statues, the Roman males of Nero's day were stouter and softer in figure and features than the men of the young Republic. World rule kept many of them characteristically hard and stem, fearful rather than lovable; but food and wine and sloth had rounded many others into shapes that would have scandalized the Scipios. They still shaved, or, more usually, were shaved by barbers (to11sores). A youth's first shave was a holyday in his life; often he piously dedicated his original whiskers to a god.57 Common Romans continued the republican tradition and had their hair cut close, or even cropped, but an increasing number of dandies had theirs curled; Mark Antony and Domitian are so represented. Many men wore wigs, some had the semblance of hair painted on their pates.58 All classes, indoors and out, now dressed in a simple tunic or blouse; the toga was donned only for formal occa\u00ad sions, by clients at receptions and by patricians in the Senate or at the games. Caesar wore a purple toga as a sign of office; many dignitaries imitated him; but soon the purple robe became a prerogative of the emperors. There were no irksome trousers, no elusive buttons, no drooping'hose; but in the second century men began to wrap their legs with fasciae, or bands. Footwear ranged from the sandal-a leather or cork sole attached Nipponwise by a thong between the big and second toes-to the high shoe of full leather, or of leather and cloth, usually worn with the toga in synthesis or full dress.\nRoman women of the early Empire, as seen in frescoes and statuary and on coins, were much like the women of the United States at the beginning of the twentieth century, except that they were nearly all brunette. Their figures were moderately slender, and their robes gave their carriage a hypnotic grace. They knew the value of sunshine, exercise, and fresh air; some brandished dumbbells, some swam assiduously, some dieted; others reined in their bosoms with stays.59 Feminine hair was usually combed back and bound in a knot behind the neck, often enclosed in a net, and tied with a band or ribbon over the head. Later fashions demanded a loftier coiffure, supported by wire and elaborated with a wig of blonde hair imported from German maids.60 A woman of fashion might occupy several slaves for hours in manicuring her nails and dressing her hair.61 Cosmetics were as varied as today. Juvenal describes \"beautification\" as one of the most important technologies of the age; physicians, queens, and poets wrote volumes on the subject.62 A Roman lady's boudoir was an arsenal of cosmetic instruments-tweezers, scissors, razors, files, brushes, combs, strigils, hair nets, wigs-and jars or phials of perfumes, creams, oils, pastes, pumice stone, soaps. Depilatories were used to remove hair, scented ointments to wave it or fix it. 1\\fany women applied to their faces a nocturnal mask of dough and asses' milk in a mixture concocted by Poppaea, who found it helpful in repairing a bad complexion; therefore asses followed her in all her travels; sometimes she took a\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\t373\nwhole herd with her and bathed in asses' milk.63 Faces were whitened or rouged with p:iint, brows and eyelashes were dyed black or painted over, sometimes the veins of the temple were traced with delicate lines of blue.64 Juvenal complained that a rich woman \"reeks of Poppaean oinnnents that stick to the lips of her unfortunate husband,\" who never sees her face. Ovid found these arts disillusion\u00ad ing and advised the ladies to conceal them from their lovers-all but the combing of their hair, which entranced him.66"]
[-10.159648895263672, 5.370120525360107, "Marching back into Asia, he met the vast polyglot army of D..rius at Gaugamela, near Arbela, and was dismayed by their multitude; he knew that one defeat would cancel all his victories. His soldiers comforted him: \"Be of good cheer, Sire; do not fear the great number of the enemy, for they will not be able to stand the very smell of goat that clings to us.,,.\u2022 He spent the night in reconnoitering the ground on which he was to give battle, and in offering sacrifices to the gods. His victory was decisive. The disorderly hosts of Darius could make no headway against the phalanxes, and knew not how to defend themselves against the swift and incalculable dashes of the Macedonian cavalry; they broke and fled, and Darius was not the last to go. While Darius' generals assassinated him as a coward, Alexander received the submission of Babylon, partook of its weaith, distributed some of it to his soldiers, but charmed the city by making obeisance to its gods, and decreeing the restoration of its sacred shrines. By the end of the year\n( 331) he had reached Susa, whose population, still remembering the ancient glory of Elam, welcomed him as a deliverer. He protected the city from pillage, but comforted his troops by dividing among them some of the fifty thousand talents ($300,000,000) that he found in Darius' vaults. To the people of Plataea he sent a substantial sum because they had so bravely resisted the Persians in 480; and to the Greek cities of Asia he appears to have remitted the \"donations\" that he had elicited from them at the outset of his campaign.\"\" And he announced proudly to the Greeks of the world that they were now completely free from Persian rule.\nHardly stopping to rest at Susa, he marched over mountains in the depth of winter to seize Persepolis; and so rapidly did he move that he was in Darius' palace before the Persians could conceal the royal treasury. Here again his good judgment left him, and he burned the magnificent city to the ground. His soldiers looted the houses,.ravaged the women, and killed\nDinocrates had pleased Alexander by proposing to carve Mt. Athos-six thousand feet high--into a figure of Alexander standing waist deep in the sea, holding a city in one hand and a harbor in the other.\"' The project was never carried out.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXII\nthe men. Perhaps they had been infuriated by seeing, on their approach to the town, eight hundred Greeks who, for various reasons, had suffered mutilation at the hands of Persians by the cutting off of legs, arms, or ears, or the gouging out of the eyes. Alexander, moved to tears by the sight, gave them lands, and assigned dependents to work for them.\nStill insatiate, he attempted now what Cyrus the Great had failed to ac\u00ad complish-the subjugation of the tribes that hovered on the eastern borders of Persia. Perhaps in his simple geography he hoped to find, beyond that mystic East, the ocean that would serve as a natural frontier for his con\u00ad quered realm. Entering Sogdiana, he came upon a village inhabited by the descendants of those Branchidae who, in 480, had surrendered to Xerxes the treasures of their temple near Miletus. Fevered with the thought that he was revenging the pillaged god, he ordered all the inhabitants slain, in\u00ad cluding the women and children-visiting the sins of the fathers upon the fifth generation. His campaign in Sogdiana, Ariana, and Bactriana was bloody and bootless; he achieved some victories, found some gold, and left enemies everywhere behind him. Near Bokhara his men captured Bessus, who had slain Darius. Alexander, suddenly making himself the avenger of the Great King, had Bessus whipped almost to death, had his nose and ears cut off, and then sent him to Ecbatana, where he was executed by having his arms tied to one, and his legs to the other, of two trees that had been drawn together by ropes, so that when the ropes were cut the trees pulled the body to pieces... At every new remove from Greece Alexander was becoming less and less a Greek, more and more a barbarian king.\nThe year 32 7 found him passing over the Himalayas into India. Vanity conspired with curiosity to lead him into such distant territory; his gen\u00ad erals advised against it, his army obeyed him unwillingly. Crossing the Indus, he defeated King Porus, and announced that he would continue to the Ganges. But his soldiers refused to go farther. He pied with them, and for three days, like a scion of Achilles, pouted in his tent; but they had had enough. Sadly he turned back, loath to face west again, and forced his way through hostile tribes with such personal bravery that his soldiers wept at their inability to realize all his dreams. He was the first to scale the walls of the Mallians; after he and two others had leaped into the city the ladders broke, and they found themselves alone amidst the enemy. Alexander fought till he sank exhausted by his wounds. \u2022Meanwhile his troops had made their way into the town, and soldier after soldier sacrificed his life to protect the fallen King. When the battle was over Alexander was carried to his tent, and his veterans kissed his garments as he passed. After three\nCHAP.xxn)\tALEXANDER\tS47\nmonths of convalescence he renewed his march along the Indus, and at last reached the Indian Ocean. There he sent on part of his forces by water under Nearchus, who skillfully accomplished the long voyage in unfamiliar seas. Alexander himself led the rest of his army northwest along the coast of India and through the desert of Gedrosia (Baluchistan), where the suf\u00ad ferings of hIS men rivaled those of Napoleon's army on the return from Moscow. Heat killed thousands, thirst killed more. A little water was found, and was brought to Alexander, but he deliberately poured it out upon the ground.\" When th.i:: remnants of his force reached Susa some ten thousand had died, and Alexander was half insane.\nIll. THEDEATH OF A GOD\nHe had now spent nine years in Asia, and he had changed the continent by his victories less than it had transformed him by its ways. He had been told by Aristotle to treat Greeks as freemen, \"barbarians\" as slaves. But he had been surprised to find among the Persian aristocrats a degree of refinement and good manners not often seen in the turbulent democracies of Greece; he admired the manner in which the Great Kings had organized their empire, and wondered how his rough Macedonians could replace such governors. He concluded that he could give some permanence to his conquests only by reconciling the Persian nobles to his lea,dership, and using them in administrative posts. More and more charmed by his new subjects, he abandoned the idea of ruling over them as a Macedonian, and conceived himself as a Greco-Persian emperor governing a realm in which-\u00ad Persians and Greeks would be on an equal footing, and would peaceably mingle their culture and their blood. The long quarrel of.Europe and Asia would end in a wedding feast.\nAlready thousands of his soldiers had married native women, or were living with them; should he not do likewise, marry the daughter of Darius, and reconcile the nations by begetting a king who would unite both dynas\u00ad ties in his veins? He had already married Roxana, a Bactrian princess; but this was a negligible impediment. He broached the plan to his officers, and suggested that they, too, should take Persian wives. They smiled at his hopes of uniting the two nations, but they had been a long time away from home, and the Persian ladies were beautiful. So in one great nuptial at Susa (324) Alexander married Statira, daughter of Darius III, and Pary\u00ad satis, daughter of Artaxerxes III, attaching himself in this way to both\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXII\nbranches of Persian royalty, while eighty of his officers took Persian brides. Thousands of similar marriages were soon afterward celebrated among the soldiers. Alexander gave each officer a substantial dowry, and paid the debts of the marrying soldiers-which amounted (if we may believe Ar\u00ad rian) to twenty thousand talents ($120,000,000) ... Tofurther this union of peoples he opened lands in Mesopotamia and Persia to Greek colonists, thereby reducing the pressure of population in some of the Greek states, and mitigating the class war; now began those Hellenized Asiatic cities which were to be a vital part of the Seleucid Empire. At the same time he drafted thirty thousand Persian youths, had them educated on Greek lines, and taught them the Greek manual of war.\nPossibly his wives had something to do with his rapid adoption of Orien\u00ad tal ways; possibly it was a failure of modesty, or a part of his plan. \"In Persia,\" says Plutarch, \"he first put on the barbaric\" (i.e., foreign) \"dress, perhaps with the view of making the work of civilizing the Persians easier, as nothing gains more upon men than a conformity to their customs. . . . However, he followed not the Median fashion ... but taking a middle way between the Persian mode and the Macedonian, so contrived his habit that it was not so flaunting as the one, and yet more pompous and magnificent than the other.\"\"\u00b0 His soldiers saw in this change the conquest of Alexan\u00ad der by the Orient; they felt that they had lost him, and they mournfully missed the signs of solicitude and affection which he had once showered upon them. The Persians made every obeisance to him, and flattered him to his heart's content; the Macedonians, themselves softened by Oriental luxury, grumbled at the tasks that he laid upon them, forgot his beneficence, murmured of desertion, and even plotted against his life. He began to pre\u00ad fer the society of the Persian grandees.\nHis culminating apostasy, or diplomacy, was his announcement of his own divinity. In 324 he sent word to all the Greek states except Mace\u00ad donia (where the insult to Philip might have aroused resentment) that he wished hereafter to be publicly recognized as the on of Zeus-Ammon. Most of the states complied, feeling it to be merely a form; even the ob\u00ad stinate Spartans agreed, saying, \"Let Alexander be a god if he wants to.\" It was not so much for a man to be a god in the Greek sense of the term; the chasm between humanity and deity was not as wide then as it was to become in modern theology; several Greeks had overleaped it, like Hip\u00ad podameia, Oedipus, Achilles, Iphigenia, and Helen. The Egyptians had always thought of their Pharaohs as gods; if Alexander had neglected to rank himself similarly the Egyptians might have been disturbed by so bold\nCHAP.XXII)\tALEXANDER\t549\na violation of precedent. The priests at Siwa, Didyma, and Babylon, who were believed to have special sources of information in this field, had all assured him of his divine origin. That (as Grote thought11) Alexander actu\u00ad ally believed himself to be a god in a more than metaphorical sense is quite unlikely. It is true that after his self-deification he became increasingly irritable and arrogant; that he sat on a golden throne, wore sacred vest\u00ad ments, and sometimes adorned his head with the horns of Ammon.\"' But when he was not playing his divinity for world stakes he smiled at his own honors. Being injured by an arrow, he remarked to some friends, \"This, you see, is blood, and not such ichor as flows from the wounds of the Immortals.\"11 That he had not taken too seriously his mother's tale of the thunderbolt appears from his flaming anger at Attalus' imputations on his birth, and his remark about the need of sleep as distinguishing man from the gods. Even Olympias laughed when she heard that Alexander had made her legend official. \"When,\" she asked, \"will Alexander stop slander\u00ad ing me to Hera?\"\"' Despite his godhead Alexander continued to offer sac\u00ad rifice to the gods-an unheard-of thing for a divinity. Plutarch and Arrian, able to judge the matter as Greeks, took it for granted that Alexander deified himself as a means to easier rule over a superstitious and heterogeneous population... Doubtless he felt that the task of unifying two hostile worlds would be facilitated by the reverence which the common people would give him if his claims to divinity were accepted by the upper classes. Per\u00ad haps, indeed, he thought to overcome the disruptive diversity of faiths in his empire by providing, in his own person, the beginning of a sacred myth and a common unifying faith.*\nThe Macedonian officers could not fathom Alexander's policy. The Greek spirit had touched them to the point of mental emancipation, but not to the point of philosophical toleration; they found it humiliating to prostrate themselves, as he now demanded, in approaching the King. One of his bravest officers, Philotas, son of his ablest and most favored general, Parmenio, entered into a conspiracy to kill the new god. Alexander got wind of it, had Philotas arrested, and wrung from,him by torture a confes\u00ad sion implicating his own father. Philotas was forced to repeat the confes\u00ad sion before the soldiers, who, in accord with their custom in such cases, at once stoned him to death; Parmenio was executed by messenger as prob-\nLucian gives the ancient view in one of his Dialogues of the Dead: \"Philip. You cannot deny that you are my son, Alexander; if you had been Ammon's son you would not have died. Alex. I knew all the time that you were my father. I only accepted the statement of the oracle because I thought it was good policy   When the barbarians thought they had a\ngod to deal with, they gave up the struggle; which made their conquest an easy matter.',.\n550\tT.HE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.llll\nably guilty, and in any case a presumptive enemy. From that moment to the end, the relations between Alexander and his army became increas\u00ad ingly strained-the troops ever more discontent, the King ever more sus\u00ad picious, severe, and lonely.\nHis solitary exaltation and the growing multitude of his cares inclined him to seek forgetfulness in heavy draughts of wine. At a banquet in Samarkand Cleitus, who had saved his life at the Granicus, drank himself into such candor as to tell Alexander that his victories had been won by his soldiers rather than by him, and that Philip's achievement had been much greater. Alexander, equally drunk, rose to strike him, but Ptolemy Lagus (soon to be ruler of Egypt) hurried Cleitus away. Cleitus, however, had more to say; he escaped from Ptolemy, and went back to finish his tirade. Alexan\u00ad der hurled a lance at him and killed him. Overcome with remorse, the King secluded himself for three days, refused to eat, fell into hysteria, and tried to end his own life. Soon afterward Hermolaus,\tpage whom Alex ander had unjustly punished, formed another conspiracy against him. The boy was appre\u00b7hended, and under torture made a confession incriminating Aristotle's nephew Callisthenes. The latter, who was accompanying the expedition as official historian, had already offended the King by refusing to prostrate himself before him, openly criticizing him for his Oriental ways, and boasting that Alexander would be known to posterity only through Callisthenes the historian. Alexander had him put in prison, where, seven months later, he died.\u2022 This incident put an end to the friendship between Alexander and Aristotle, who had for years been risking his life to defend Alexander's cause in Athens.\t\t\u2022"]
[-2.6011788845062256, 1.0641220808029175, "166: First rismg o the Maccabees; Book\nof Daniel\n165: Judas Maccabee restores theTemple services\n163-62: Antiochus V (Eupator) Seleucid emperor\n162-50: Demetrius I (Soter) Seleucid em\u00ad peror\n161: Judas Maccabee makes treaty with Rome\n16o: Defeat and death of Judas Mac\u00ad\ncabee\n160-39: Attalus II King of Pergamum\n157: Judea becomes an independent priestly state\n155: Carneades in Rome\n150-45: Alexander Balas, Seleucid emperor\n150: Hipparchus of Nicaea and Seleucus of Seleucia, astronomers; Moschus of Smyrna, poet\n146: Mummius sacks Corinth; Greece and Macedonia become a province of Rome\nCHAPTER XXIII\nGreece and Macedon\nI. THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER\nISTORIANS divide the past into epochs, years, and events, as thought divides the world into groups, individuals, and things; but history, like nature, knows only continuity amid change: historia non facit saltum-history makes no leaps. Hellenistic Greece did not feel Alexan\u00ad der's death as \"the end of an age\"; it looked upon him as the beginning of \"modern\" times, and as a symbol of vigorous youth rather than a factor in decay; it was convinced that it had now entered upon its richest maturity, and that its leaders were as magnificent as any in the past except the in\u00ad comparable young King himself.' In many ways it was right. Greek civ\u00ad ilization did not die with Greek freedom; on the contrary it conquered new areas and spread in three directions as the formation of vast empires broke down the political barriers to communication, colonization, and trade. Still enterprising and alert, the Greeks moved by hundreds of thousands into Asia and Egypt, Epirus and Macedon; and not only did Ionia flower again, but Hellenic blood, language, and culture made its way into the interior of Asia Minor, into Phoenicia and Palestine, through Syria and Babylonia, across the Euphrates and the Tigris, even to Bactria and India.\nNever had the Greek spirit shown more zest and courage; never had Greek\nletters and arts won so wide a victory.\nPerhaps that is why historians are wont to end their histories of Greece with Alexander; after him the extent and complexity of the Greek world baffle any unified view or continuous narrative. There were not only three major monarchies-Macedonia, Seleucia, and Egypt; there were a hundred Greek city-states, of all degrees of independence; there was a maze of alliances and leagues; there were half-Greek states in Epirus, Judea, Pergamum, Byzantium, Bithynia, Cappadocia, Galatia, Bactria; and in the west were Greek Italy and Sicily, torn between aging Carthage and youth\u00ad ful Rome. Alexander's rootless empire was too loosely bound together by language, communication, customs, and faith to survive him. He had left not one but several strong men behind him, and none could be content with less than sovereignty. The size and diversity of the new realm dis-\n557\n558\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t( CHAP, XXIII\nmissed all thought of democracy; self-government, as the Greeks under\u00ad stood it, presupposed a city-state whose citizens could come periodically to a common meeting place; and besides, had not the philosophers of demo\u00ad cratic Athens denounced democracy as the enthronement of ignorance, envy, and chaos? Alexander's successors-who were therefore termed Diadochi-had been Macedonian chieftains, long accustomed to rule by the sword; democracy, except as the occasional consultation of their aides, never entered their heads. After some minor trials at arms which disposed\n-0f lesser contenders, they divided the empire into five parts (32 1 )-An\u00ad tipater taking Macedonia and Greece, Lysimachus Thrace, Antigonus Asia Minor, Seleucus Babylonia, and Ptolemy Egypt. They did not bother to call a confirming synod of the Greek states. From that moment, except for some fitful interludes in Greece, and the aristocratic republic of Rome, monarchy ruled Europe until the French Revolution."]
[-3.997128486633301, 6.867109775543213, "Athens\n500: Hecataeus of Miletus, geographer 499: Ionia revolts; Aeschylus' first play 497: Ionian Greeks burn Sardis\n494: Persians defeat Ionians at Lade 493: Themistocles archon at Athens 490: Marathon; temple of Aphaea at\nAegina\n489: Aristides archon; trial of Mil\u00ad tiades\n488-72: Theron dictator at Acragas\n487: First selection of archons by lot 485-78: Gelon dictator at Syracuse\n485: Epicharmus establishes comedy at\nSyracuse\n4B2: Ostracism of Aristides\n48o: Battles of Artemisium, Thermo\u00ad pylae, Salamis, and Himera; Ageladas of Argos, sculptor\n479: Battles of Plataea and Mycale\nCB.APTER IV\nSparta\nTHE ENVIRONMENT OF GREECE\nJ ET us take an atlas of the classic world\u2022 and find our way among the neigh\u00ad\nhors of ancient Greece. By Greece, or Hellas, we shall mean all lands oc\u00ad cupied, in antiquity, by peoples speaking Greek.\nWe begin where many invaders entered-over the hills and through the val\u00b7 leys of Epirus. Here the ancestors of the Greeks must have tarried many a year, for they set up at Dodona a shrine to their thundering sky-god Zeus; as late as the fifth century the Greeks consulted th oracle there, and read the divine will in the clangor of caldrons or the rustling leaves of the sacred oak.1 Through southern Epirus flowed the river Acheron, amid ravines so dark and deep that Greek poets spoke of it as the portal or very scene of Hell. In Homer's day the Epirots were largely Greek in speech and ways; but then new waves of barbarism came down upon them from the north, and dissuaded them from civilization.\nFarther up the Adriatic lay Illyria, sparsely settled with untamed herdsmen who sold cattle and slaves for salt.9 On this coast, at Epidamnus (the Roman Dyrrachium, now Durazzo), Caesar disembarked his troops in pursuit of Pom\u00ad pey. Across the Adriatic the expanding Greeks snatched the lower coasts from the native tribes, and gave civilization to Italy. (In the end those native tribes would sweep back upon them, and one tribe, almost barbarous till .Alexander's time, would swallow them up, along with their motherland, in an unprecedented empire.) Beyond the Alps ranged the Gauls, who were to prove very friendly to the Greek city of Massalia (Marseilles); and at the western end of the Mediterranean lay Spain, already half civilized and fully exploited by the Phoenicians and Carthaginians when, about 550, the Greeks established their timid colony at Emporium (Ampurias). On the coast of Africa, menacingly opposite Sicily, was imperial Carthage, founded by Dido and the Phoenicians, tradition said, in 813; no mere village, but a city of 700,000 population, monopo\u00ad lizing the commerce of the western Mediterranean, dominating Utica, Hippo, and three hundred other towns in Africa, and controlling prosperous lands, miQes, and colonies in Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain. This fabulously wealthy metropolis was fated to lead the Oriental thrust against Greece in the west, as Persia would lead it in the east.\nOr the maps inside the coven of this book.\n67\n68\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\nFanher east on the African coast lay the prosperous Greek city of Cyrene, against a dark Libyan hinterland. Then Egypt. It was the belief of most Greeks that many elements of their civilization had come to them from Egypt; their legends ascribed the foundation of several Greek cities to men who, like Cadmus and Danaus, had come from Egypt, or had brought Egyptian culture to Greece by way of Phoenicia or Crete.\" Under the Saite kings (663-525) Egyptian commerce and art revived, and the ports of the Nile were for the first time opened to Greek trade. From the seventh century onward many famous Greeks\n-Thales, Pythagoras, Solon, Plato, and Democritus may serve as examples\u00ad visited Egypt, and were much impressed by the fullness and antiquity of its culture. Here were no barbarians, but men who had had a mature civilization, and highly developed arts, two thousand years before the fall of Troy. \"You Greeks,\" said an Egyptian priest to Solon, \"are mere children, talkative and vain, and knowing nothing of the past.\"' When Hecataeus of Miletus boasted to the Egyptian priests that he could trace his ancestry through fifteen gen\u00ad erations to a god, they quietly showed him, in their sanctuaries, the statues of 345 high priests, each the son of the preceding, making 345 generations since the gods had reigned on eanh.1 From the Egyptian cults of Isis and Osiris, in the belief of Greek scholars like Herodotus and Plutarch, came the Orphic doctrine of a judgment after death, and the resurrection ritual of Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis.8 Probably in Egypt, Thales of Miletus learned geometry, and Rhoecus and Theodorus of Samos picked up the art of hollow casting in bronze; in Egypt the Greeks acquired new skills in pottery, textiles, metalwork\u00ad ing, and ivory;' there, as well as from the Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Hittites, Greek sculptors took the style of their early statues-flat-faced, slant-eyed, closefisted, straight-limbed, stiff;\u2022 in the colonnades of Sakkara and Beni-Hasan, as well as in the remains of Mycenaean Greece, Greek architects found pan of their inspiration for the fluted column and the Doric style.8 And as Greece in its youth learned humbly from Egypt, so, when it was exhausted, it died, one might say, in the arms of Egypt; at Alexandria it merged its philosophies, its rites, and its gods with those of Egypt and Judea, in order that they might find a resurrected life in Rome and Christianity.\nSecond only to Egypt's was the influence of Phoenicia. The enterprising merchants of Tyre and Sidon acted like a circulating medium in the transmis\u00ad sion of culture, and stimulated every Mediterranean region with the sciences, techniques, ans, and cults of Egypt and the Near East. They excelled and perhaps instructed the Greeks in the building of ships; they taught them better methods in metalworking, textiles, and dyes;\" they played a pan, with Crete and Asia Minor, in passing on to Greece the Semitic form of the alphabet that had been developed in Egypt, Crete, and Syria. Farther east, Babylonia gave"]
[-8.260626792907715, -11.86359691619873, "were too timid to rally to him, or that he governed them as willfully as any tyrant, he received so little support that he had to abandon the island after a three years' campaign, making the prophetic remark, \"What a battlefield I am leaving to Carthage and Rome!\" Arriving with depleted forces in Italy, he was defeated at Beneventum (275), where for the first time the light-armed and mobile cohorts proved their superiority to the unwieldy phalanxes, and thereby wrote a chapter in military history.' Pyrrhus returned to Epirus, says the philo\u00ad sophical Plutarch,\nafter he had consumed six years in these wars; and though unsuc\u00ad cessful in his affairs, yet preserved his courage unconquerable among all these misfortunes, and was held, for military experience and per\u00ad sonal valor and enterprise, above all the other princes of his time; but what he got by brave actions he lost again by vain hopes, and by new desires of what he had not, kept nothing of what he had.8\nPyrrhus went out now to fresh wars, and was killed with a tile by an old woman in Argos. In that same year (272) Taras yielded to Rome.\nEight years later Rome began her century-long struggle against Carthage for the mastery of the western Mediterranean. After a generation of fighting Carthage ceded to Rome Sardinia, Corsica, and the Carthaginian portions of Sicily. In the Second Punic War Syracuse made the mistake of siding with Carthage, whereupon Marcellus starved it into surrender. The victors plundered the city so thoroughly that it never recovered. Marcellus \"removed to Rome,\" says Livy, \"the ornaments of Syracuse-the statues and pictures in which it abounded.... The spoils were almost greater than if Carthage itself had been taken.'\"' By 210 all Sicily had fallen forfeit to Rome. The island was trans\u00ad formed into a granary for Italy, and relapsed into an agricultural economy in which nearly all the work was done by hopeless slaves. Industries were discour\u00ad aged, trade was limited, wealth was sluiced off to Rome, and the free population withered away. Sicily disappeared from the history of civilization for a thou\u00ad sand years.\nD.  ROME THE LIBERATOR\nAt every step the expansion of Rome was aided by the mistakes of her enemies. In the year 230 two Romans were sent to Scodra, capital of Illyria (northern Albania) to remonstrate against the attacks of Illyrian pirates upon Roman shipping. Queen Teuta, who had been allowed to share the spoils, answered that \"it was contrary to the custom of the Illyrian rulers to hinder their subjects from winning booty from the sea.na When one envoy threatened war Teuta had him killed. Pleased with so inex-\n662\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECF-\t(CHAP. XXX\npensive an excuse for seizing the Dalmatian coast, Rome dispatched an ex\u00ad pedition which reduced Illyria to a Roman protectorate almost as easily in 229 B.c. asinA.D. 1939. Corcyra (Corfu), Epidamnus (Durazzo), and other Greek settlements became Roman dependencies. Since Greek trade had also suffered from Illyrian piracy, Athens, Corinth, and the two leagues applauded Rome as a deliverer, accepted her ambassadors, and admitted the Romans to participation in the Eleusinian mysteries and the Isthmian games. In 2 1 6 Hannibal annihilated the Roman army at Cannae, and marched up to the gates of Rome. While Rome faced the greatest crisis in the history of the republic, Philip V, King of Macedon, signed an alliance with Han\u00ad nibal and prepared to invade Italy (214). In the conference at Naupactus ( 2 1 3) the Aetolian delegate. Agelaus appealed for the unity of all Greeks, in\nthis First Macedonian War, against the rising power in the west:\nIt would be best of all if the Greeks never made war upon each other, but regarded it as the highest favor in the gift of the gods could they always speak with one heart and voice, and marching arm in arm like men fording a river, repel barbarian invaders and unite in preserving themselves and their cities.  For it is evident\nthat whether the Carthaginians beat the Romans or the Romans the Carthaginians in this war, it is not in the least likely that the victors will be content with the sovereignty of Italy and Sicily, but they are sure to come here and extend their ambitions beyond the bounds of justice. Therefore I implore you all to secure yourselves against this danger, and I address myself especially to King Philip. For you, Sire, the best security is, instead of exhausting the Greeks and making them an easy prey to the invader, on the contrary to take thought for them as for your own body, and to attend to the safety of every province of Greece as if it were part and parcel of your own do\u00ad minions.\u2022\nPhilip heard him politely, and became for a moment the idol of Greece. But his treaty with Hannibal, if we may believe the too patriotic Livy, specified that in return for Philip's attack upon Italy, Carthage, if success\u00ad ful in the present war, would help Philip to subdue all mainland Greece to Macedonia.10 Perhaps because the terms of such an agreement became known to the Greek states, most of them, including Agelaus' Aetolian League, entered into a pact with Rome against Macedon, and kept Philip so harassed at home that his invasion of Italy was indefinitely postponed. In 10,  Rome signed a treaty with Philip so that she might give all her attention\nCHAP. XXX)\tTHE   COMING  OF  ROME\nto Hannibal, and three years later the elder Scipio overwhelmed the Car\u00ad thaginian at Zama. As the last great century of Greek civilization came to an end Egypt, Rhodes, and Pergamum appealed to Rome for help against Philip. Rome responded by inviting the Second Macedonian War. Op\u00ad posed by nearly all of Greece as well as by Rome, Philip fought with the ferocity of a beast at bay. He used every treachery, stole whatever he found to his purpose, and treated captives with such cruelty that every man in Abydos, when Philip's siege was proving irresistible, killed his wife and children and then himself.11 In 197 Titus Quinctius Flamininus, a patrician of the type that made Polybius a pro-Roman enthusiast, so overwhelmed Philip at Cynoscephalae that suddenly all Macedonia-indeed, all Greece\u00ad lay at the mercy of Rome. To the disgust of his Aetolian allies (who claimed that they had won the battle), Flamininus, after exacting severe indemnities and appropriating a shipload of spoils, allowed the safely weakened Philip to keep his throne, on the ground that Macedonia was needed as a bulwark against the barbarians in the north.\nThe Roman general had learned Greek at Tarentum (as Rome called Taras), and had known the fascination of Greek literature, philosophy, and art. It was apparently his sincere resolve to liberate the Greek city-states from Macedonian domination, and to give them every opportunity to live in freedom and peace. Having with some difficulty convinced the Roman commissioners that this was a wise policy, he went to the Isthmian games at Corinth (196), where all the important Greek world was gathered (each man telling the next, says Polybius, what the Romans would do now), and announced through a herald: \"The Senate of Rome; and Titus Quinctius the proconsul, having overcome King Philip and the Macedonians, leave the following people free, without garrisons, subject to no tribute, and gov\u00ad erned by their own laws: the Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Phthiotic Achaeans, Magnesians, Thessalians, and Perrhaebians\"-i.e., all those mainland Greeks who were not already free. The greater part of the assemblage, unable to credit so unprecedented an act of liberality, cried out that the announcement should be repeated. When the herald read it again, \"such a mighty burst of cheering arose,\" says Polybius, \"that those who listen to the tale today cannot easily conceive what it was.\"\"' Many doubted the sincerity of the declaration, and looked for a trick behind it; but Fla\u00ad mininus that day began the removal of Roman troops from Corinth, and by 194 his entire army was back in Italy. Greece hailed him as \"Savior and Liberator,\" and entered happily upon its last days of freedom.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XXX\nm. ROME THE CONQUEROR\nThe Aetolians were not satisfied with these arrangements. Some of the cities that Rome had freed had once been under Aetolian domination, and were not now restored to the League. The Second Macedonian War was hardly over when the Aetolians invited Antiochus III to rescue Greece from Rome. Pergamum and Lampsacus, caught between the restless Gauls on the north and the expanding Seleucid power on the south, appealed to Rome for help against Antiochus. The Senate sent its ablest general, Publius Scipio Africanus, victor of Zama. With a few legions and the troops of Eumenes II, the Roman generals defeated Antiochus at Magnesia, and turning north\u00ad ward, drove back the Gauls. The Romans extended their protection over nearly all the Mediterranean coast of Asia, and then returned to Italy. Eumenes was grateful, but mainland Greece denounced him as a traitor to Hellas for calling in the barbarous Romans against his fellow Greeks.\nFor fickle Greece already regretted that she had ever accepted the favors of her rude rescuer from the west. It was observed that though Flamininus and his successors had given Greece freedom, they had taken in payment\u00ad from any city that had supported Philip or Antiochus or the Aetolians-so much booty that the Greeks dreaded another such liberation. For three days, in Flamininus' triumph, the spoils of his Grecian campaign passed in continuous train before the eyes of Rome: on the first day arms, armor, and innumerable statues of marble or bronze; on the second day 18,000 pounds of silver, 3,714 pounds of gold, and 100,000 silver coins; on the third day\n114 coronets.\" Moreover, the Romans had supponed, and now through their representatives continued actively to suppon, the moneyed classes in Greece against the poorer citizens, and had forbidden all manifestations of class war. The Greeks did not want peace at such a price; they wished to\nbe free to settle their own disputes, and to give play to national territorial ambitions; they could not bear changelessness. Soon the rival leagues were at odds, and faction ran rife everywhere. Each city or group laid conflicting claims before the Roman Senate; the Senate dispatched commissions to in\u00ad vestigate and adjudicate; the Greeks denounced this interference as vas\u00ad salage. The chains of foreign control were invisible but real; year after year the Greeks-all but the rich-felt them more sharply, and prayed for an end to this freedom. The Senate began to listen to those of its members who contended that there would never be order or quiet in Greece until Rome took full control.\nIn 179  Philip V died, and his eldest son Perseus, not without bloodshed,\nCHAP. XXX)\tTHE   COMING  OF  ROME\t665\ninherited his throne. Seventeen years of peace had restored the economy of Macedon, and had raised up a fresh generation of youths for the jaws of war. Perseus negotiated an alliance with Seleucus IV, and married Seleucus' daughter; Rhodes joined the alliance, and sent a great fleet to escort the bride. All Greece rejoiced, and saw in Perseus a living hope against the power of Rome. Eumenes II, fearful for the independence of Pergamurn, journeyed to Rome and urged the Senate, for its own sake, to de,stroy Macedon. On his way home he was almost killed in a private quarrel. It suited Rome to interpret the brawl as a plot of Perseus to assassinate the king; and a patriotic exchange of diplomatic recriminations announced the Third Macedonian War. Only Epirus and Illyria had the courage to help Perseus; the Greek states sent him secret letters of sympathy, but did noth\u00ad ing. In 168 Aemilius Paulus annihilated the Macedonian army at Pydna, destroyed seventy Macedonian cities, banished their upper classes to Italy, nd quartered the kingdom into four autonomous but tributary republics, among which all trade and intercourse were forbidden. Perseus was im\u2022 prisoned in Italy, and died of maltreatment in two years. Epirus was devas\u2022 tated, and 100,000 Epirots were sold into slavery at a dollar a head.\" Rhodes, which had played no active part in the war, was punished by the liberation of her possessions on the Asiatic coast, and by the establishment of a com\u00ad petitive and free port at Delos. The private papers of Perseus were cap\u00ad tured, and all Greeks who had offered him aid or comfort were banished or jailed. A thousand of the Achaean League's most prominent representa\u2022 tives, including Polybius, were deported to Italy; they remained in exile there for sixreen years, during which seven hundred of them died. The ad\u00ad miration of Greece for Rome the liberator had never been so intense as was now the Greek hatred of Rome the conqueror.\nThe severity of the victors had unwilled results. The weakening of Rhodes ended her policing of the Aegean, and revived a trade-destroying piracy. The removal of so many aristocrats left the field open to radical leadership in the cities of the Achaean League, and the class war enjoyed one of its bitterest periods. The rich clung to the protection of Rome, the poor demanded the expulsion both of the rich and of the Roman power. In 150 the surviving Achaean exiles returned from Italy, and joined in the demand for the repudiation of Roman authority in Greece. To weaken the Achaean power Rome sent to Greece a commission that ordered Corinth, Orchomenos, and Argos to secede from the League. The ladies of Corinth replied by emptying pails of refuse upon the heads of the commissioners.15 In 146 the League voted for a war of liberation, hoping that Rome's cam-"]
[7.003352642059326, 12.455808639526367, "Marriage is by purchase, usually in oxen or their equivalent, paid by the suitor to the father of the girl; the poet speaks of \"cattle-bringing maidens.\"\"\" The purchase is reciprocal, for the father usually gives the bride a substan\u00ad tial dowry. The ceremony is familial and religious, with much eating, dancing, and loose-tongued merriment. \"Beneath a blaze of torches they led the brides from their chambers through the city, and loud rose the bridal song. The young men whirled in the dance, and high among them did sound the flute and the lyre\";\"' so changeless are the essentials of our life. Once married, the woman becomes mistress in her home, and is honored in proponion to her children. Love in the truest sense, as a profound mutual tenderness and solicitude, comes to the Greeks, as to the French, after marriage rather than before; it is not the spark thrown off by the contact or nearness of two bodies, but the fruit of long association in the cares and industries of the home. The Homeric wife is as faithful as her husband is not. There are three adulteresses in Homer-Clytaemnestra, Helen, and Aphrodite; but they do injustice to the mortal average, if not to the divine. Formed out of this background, the Homeric family (barring the enor\u00ad mities of legends that play no part in Homer) is a wholesome and pleasing institution, rich in fine women and loyal children. The wor;nen function not only as mothers but as workers; they grind the grain, card the wool, spin, weave, and embroider; they do little sewing, since garments are mostly without seams; and cooking is normally left to men. Amid these labors they bear and rear children, heal their hurts, pacify their quarrels, and teach them the manners, morals, and traditions of the tribe. There is no formal education, apparently no teaching of letters, no spelling, no gram\u00ad mar, no books; it is a boy's utopia. The girl is taught the ans of the home, the boy those of the chase and war; he learns to 7sh and swim, to till the fields, set snares, handle animals, aim the arrow and the lance, and take\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.m\ncare of himself in all the emergencies of a half-lawless life. When the oldest boy grows up to manhood he becomes, in the absence of his father the responsible head of the family. When he marries he brings his bride to his father's home, and the rhythm of the generations is renewed. The individual members of the family change with time, but the family is the lasting unit, surviving perhaps for centuries, and forging in the turbulent\n.cru..cible. of the home the order and character without which all government\nIS m vain.\nTheArts\nThe Achaeans leave to merchants and lowly scribes the art of writing, which has presumably been handed down to them from Mycenaean Greece; they pre\u00ad fer blood to ink and flesh to clay. In all of Homer there is but one reference to writing,.. and there in a characteristic context; a folded tablet is given to a mes\u00ad senger, directing the recipient to kill the messenger. If the Achaeans have time for literature it is only when war and marauding allow a peaceful interlude; the king or prince gathers his retainers about him for a feast, and some wandering minstrel, stringing the lyre, recounts in simple . verse the exploits of ancestral heroes; this is, for the Achaeans, both poetry and history. Homer, perhaps wishing like Pheidias to engrave his own portrait upon his work, tells how Alcinous, King of the Phaeacians, calls for such song in entertaining Odysseus. \"Summon hither the divine minstrel, Demodocus; for to him above all others has the god granted skill in song.... Then the herald drew near, leading the good minstrel, whom the Muse loved above all other men, and gave him both good and evil; of his sight she deprived him, but gave him the gift of sweet song.\"\u2022\nThe only art except his own that interests Homer is toreutics-'the hammer\u00ad ing of metals into plastic forms. He says nothing of painting or sculpture, but calls up all his inspiration to describe the scenes inlaid or damascened upon Achilles' shield, or raised in relief upon Odysseus' brooch. He speaks briefly but illuminatingly about architecture. The common dwelling in Homer is apparently of sun-dried brick with a footing of stone; the floor is ordinarily of beaten earth, and is cleaned by scraping; the roof is of reeds overlaid with clay, and slopes only enough to carry off the rain. The doors are single or double, and may have bolts or keys.\"\u00b0 In the better dwellings the interior walls are of painted stucco, with ornamental border or frieze, and are hung with weapons, shields, and tapestries. There is no kitchen, no chimney, no windows; an open\u00ad ing in the roof of the central hall lets out some of the smoke that may rise from the hearth; the rest finds its way through the door, or settles in soot on the walls. Rich establishments have a bathroom; others content themselves with a tub.\nCHAP.m)\tTHE   HEROIC  AGE\tS3\nThe furniture is of heavy wood, often artistically carved and finished; Icmalius fashions for Penelope an armchair set with ivory and precious metals; and Odysseus makes for himself and his wife a massive bedstead designed to last for a century.\nIt is characteristic of the age that its architecture ignores temples and spends itself upon palaces, just as Periclean architecture will neglect palaces and lavish itself upon temples. We hear of the \"sumptuous home of Paris, which that prince had built with the aid of the most cunning architects in Troy\";01 of King Alcinous' great mansion, with walls of bronze, frieze of blue-glass paste, doors of silver and gold, and other features that may belong rather to poetry than to architecture; we hear something of Agamemnon's royal residence at Mycenae, and a great deal about Odysseus' palace at Ithaca. This has a front court, paved in part with stone, surrounded by a palisade or plastered wall, and adorned with trees, stalls for horses, and a heap of steaming dung on which Odysseus' dog Argos makes his bed in the sun.\u2022 A large pillared porch leads to the house; here the slaves sleep and often the visitors. Within, an anteroom opens upon a central hall supported by pillars, and sometimes lighted not only by the open\u00ad ing in the roof, but by a narrow clerestory or open space between the archi\u00ad trave and the eaves. At night braziers burning on tall stands give an unsteady illumination. In the center of the hall is the hearth, 'around whose sacred fire the family gathers in the evening for warmth and good cheer, and debates the ways of neighbors, the willfulness of children, and the vicissitudes of states.\nTheState\nHow are these passionate and vigorous Achaeans ruled? In peace by the family, in crisis by the clan. The clan is a group (genos, literally a genus) of persons acknowledging a common ancestor and a common chief\u00ad tain. The citadel of the chieftain is the origin and center of the city; there, as his force subsides into usage and law, clan after clan gathers, and makes a political as well as a kinship community. When the chieftain desires some united action from his clan or city, he summons its free males to a public assembly, and submits to them a proposal which they may accept or reject, but which only the most important members of the group may propose to change. In this village assembly-the one democratic element in an essentially feudal and aristocratic society-skilled speakers who can sway the people are valuable to the state; already, in old Nestor, whose voice \"flows sweeter than honey from his tongue,\"\"\" and in wily Odysseus, whose words fall \"like snowflakes upon the people,\"\"\" we have the beginnings of\nArgos dies of joy on recognizing his master after twenty years' separation.\n54\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.III\nthat stream of eloquence which will reach greater heights in Greece than in any other civilization, and will finally submerge it in ruin.\nWhen all the clans must act at once the chieftains follow the lead of the strongest of their number as king, and repon to him with their armies of freemen and attendant slaves. Those chieftains who are nearest to the king in residence and respect are called the King's Companions; they will be called that again in Philip's Macedonia and in Alexander's camp. In their boule, or council, the nobles exercise full freedom of speech, and address the king as merely and temporarily first among equals. Out of these insti\u00ad tutions-public assembly, council of nobles, and king-will come, in a hun\u00ad dred varieties and under a thousand shibboleths and phrases, the constitu\u00ad tions of the modern Western world.\nThe powers of the king are mrrowly limited and very wide. They are limited in space, for his kingdom is small. They are limited in time, for he may be deposed by the Council, or by a right which the Achaeans read\u00ad ily recognize-the right of the stronger. Otherwise his rule is hereditary, and has only the vaguest boundaries. He is above all a military commander, solicitous for his army, without which he might be found in the wroni. He sees to it that it is well equipped, well fed, well trained; that it has poi\u00ad soned arrows,\"' lances, helmets, greaves, spears, breastplates, shields, and chariots. So long as the army defends him he is the government-legisla\u00ad ture, executive, judiciary. He is the high priest of the state religion, and sacrifices for the people. His decrees are the laws, and his decisions are final; there is as yet no word for law... Below him the Council may sit occa\u00ad sionally to judge grave disputes; then, as if to set a precedent for all couns, it asks for precedents, and decides accordingly. Precedent dominates law because precedent is custom, and custom is the jealous older brother of law. Trials of any kind, however, are rare in Homeric society; there are hardly any public agencies of justice; each family must defend and revenge itself. Violence abounds.\nTo support his establishment the king does not levy taxes; he receives, now and then, \"gifts\" from his subjects. But he would be a poor king if he depended upon such presents. His chief income is derived, presumably, from tolls on the plunder that his soldiers and his ships gather on land or sea. Perhaps that is why, late in the thirteenth century, the Achaeans are found in Egypt and Crete; in Egypt as unsuccessful buccaneers, in Crete as passing conquerors. Then, suddenly, we hear of them inflaming their people with a tale of humiliating rape, collecting all the forces of all the tribes, equipping a hundred thousand men, and sailing in a vast and un-\nCHAP.m)\tTHE   HEROIC  AGE\t55\nparalleled armada of a thousand ships to try their fortunes against the spear\u00ad head of Asia on the plains and hill of Troy.\nTHE SIEGE OF TROY\nWas there such a siege? We only know that every Greek historian, and every Greek poet, and almost every temple record or legend in Greece, took it for granted; that archeology has placed the ruined city, generously multiplied, before our eyes; and that today, as until the last century, the story and its heroes are accepted as in essence real.  An Egyptian inscrip\u00ad\ntion of Rameses III reports that \"the isles were restless\" toward 1196 B.c.;9' and Pliny alludes to a Rameses \"in whose time Troy fell.\"08 The great Alexandrian scholar Eratosthenes, on the basis of traditional genealogies collated late in the sixth century before Christ by the geographer-historian Hecataeus, calculated the date of the siege as 1194 B.c.\nThe ancient Persians and Phoenicians agreed with the Greeks in tracing the great war to four abductions of beautiful women. The Egyptians, they said, stole Io from Argos, the Greeks stole Europa from Phoenicia, and Medea from Colchis; did not a just balancing of the scales require that Paris should abduct Helen?,.,.. Stesichorus in his penitent years, and after him Herodotus and Euripides, refused to admit that Helen had gone to Troy; she had only gone to Egypt, under constraint, and had merely waited there a dozen years for Menelaus to come and find her; besides, asked Herodotus, who could believe that the Trojans would fight ten years for one woman? Euripides attributed the expedition to excess population in Greece, and the consequent urge to expansion;\"\u00b0 so old are the youngest excuses of the will to power."]
[-10.478815078735352, -4.51641321182251, "\"Hall of the Double Ax\"; adding near by the conveniences of a theater, a royal villa, and a cemetery. On the lowest floor they plant massive square pillars of stone; on the upper floors they use circular columns of cypress, tapering strangely downward, to support the ceilings upon smooth round capitals, or to form shady porticoes at the side. Safe in the interior against a gracefully decorated wall they set a stone seat, simply but skillfully carved, which eager diggers will call the throne of Minos, and on which every tourist will modestly seat himself and be for a moment some inches a king. This sprawling palace in all likelihood is the famous Labyrinth, or sanctuary of the Double Ax (labrys), attributed by the ancients to Daedalus, and destined to give its name in aftertime to any maze-of rooms, or words, or ears.\u202238\nAs if to please the modem spirit, more interested in plumbing than in poetry, the builders of Cnossus install in the palace a system of drainage superior to anything else of its kind in antiquity. They collect in stone con\u00ad duits the water that flows down from the hills or falls from the sky, direct it through shafts to the bathroomst and latrines, and lead off the waste in terra-cotta pipes of the latest style-each section six inches in diameter and thirty inches long, equipped with a trap to catch the sediment, tapering at one end to fit into the next section, and bound to this firmly with a necking of cement... Possibly they include an apparatus for supplying running hot water to the household of the king.t\"9\nTo the complex interiors the artists of Cnossus add the most delicate decorations. Some of the rooms they adorn with vases and statuettes, some with paintings or reliefs, some with huge stone amphorae or massive urns, some with objects in ivory, faience or bronze. Around one wall they run a limestone frieze with pretty triglyphs and half rosettes; around another a panel of spirals and frets on a surface painted to simulate marble; around another they carve in high relief and living detail the contests of man and bull. Through the halls and chambers the Minoan painter spreads all the glories of his cheerful art: here, caught chattering in a drawing room, are Ladies in Blue, with classic features, shapely arms, and cozy breasts; here\nThe ascription of rooms is, of course, highly conjectural. It should be added that nearly all the exhwned decorations of the palace have been removed to the musewn at Heraclewn or elsewhere, while much of what remains in site has been tastelessly restored.\nt It is no longer agreed that the square depressions found in the floors of some rooms were baths; they have no outlets, and are made of gypswn, which water would gradually dissolve.\"\n:j: Mosso found similar drainage pipes in the villa at Hagia Triada. \"One day, after a heavy downpour of rain, I was interested to find that all the drains acted perfectly, and I saw the water flow from the sewers, through which a man could walk upright. I doubt if there is any other instance of a drainage system acting after four thousand years.'*\n20\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nare fields of lotus, or lilies, or olive spray; here are Ladies at the Opera, and dolphins swimming motionlessly in the sea. Here, above all, is the lordly Cupbearer, erect and strong, carrying some precious ointment in a slim blue vase; his face is chiseled by breeding as well as by art; his hair descends in-a thick braid upon his brown shoulders; his ears, his neck, his arm, and his waist sparkle with jewelry, and his costly robe is embroidered with a grace\u00ad ful quatrefoil design; obviously he is no slave, but some aristocratic youth proudly privileged to serve the king. Only a civilization long familiar with order and wealth, leisure and taste, could demand or create such luxury and such ornament.\nTHE FALL OF CNOSSUS\nWhen in retrospect we seek the origin of this brilliant culture, we find ourselves vacillating between Asia and Egypt. On the one hand, the Cretans seem kin in language, race, and religion to the Indo-European peoples of Asia Minor; there, too, clay tablets were used for writing, and the shekel was the standard of measurement; there, in Caria, was the cult of Zeus Labrandeus, i.e., Zeus of the Double Ax (labrys) ; there men worshiped the pillar, the bull, and the dove; there, in Phrygia, was the great Cybele, so much like the mother goddess of Crete that the Greeks called the latter Rhea Cybele, and considered the two divinities one.'\"a And yet the signs of Egyptian influence in Crete abound in every age. The two cultures are at first so much alike that some scholars presume a wave of Egyptian emigra\u00ad tion to Crete in the troubled days of Menes.\" The stone vases of Mochlos and the copper weapons of Early Minoan I are strikingly like those found in Proto-Dynastic tombs; the double ax appears as an amulet in Egypt, and even a \"Priest of the Double Ax\"; the weights and measures, though Asiatic in value, are Egyptian in form; the methods used in the glyptic arts, in faience, and in painting are so similar in the two lands that Spengler reduced Cretan civilization to a mere branch of the Egyptian.\"\nWe shall not follow him, for it will not do, in our search for the continu\u00ad\nity of civilization, to surrender the individuality of the parts. The Cretan quality is distinct; no other people in antiquity has quite this flavor of minute refinement, this concentrated elegance in life and art. Let us believe that in its racial origins the Cretan culture was Asiatic, in many of its arts Egyptian; in essence and total it remained unique. Per.haps it belonged to a complex of civilization common to all the Eastern- Mediterranean, in which each nation inherited kindred arts, beliefs, and ways from a wide\u00ad spread neolithic culture parent to them all. From that common civilization\nCHAP. I)\tCRETE\t21\nCrete borrowed in her youth, to it she contributed in her maturity. Her rule forged an order in the isles, and her merchants found entry at every port. Then her wares and her arts pervaded the Cyclades, overran Cyprus, reached to Caria and Palestine,.. moved north through Asia Minor and its islands to Troy, reached west through Italy and Sicily to Spain,\" penetrated the mainland of Greece even to Thessaly, and passed through Mycenae and Tiryns into the heritage of Greece. In the history of civilization Crete was the first link in the European chain.\nWe do not know which of the many roads to decay Crete chose; perhaps she took them all. Her once famous forests of cypress and cedar vanished; today two thirds of the island are a stony waste, incapable of holding the winter rains... Perhaps there too, as in most declining cultures, population control went too far, and reproduction was left to the failures. Perhaps, as wealth and luxury increased, the pursuit of physical pleasure sapped the vitality of the race, and weakened its will to live or to defend itself; a nation is born stoic and dies epicurean. Possibly the collapse of Egypt after the death of Ikhnaton disrupted Creto-Egyptian trade, and diminished the riches of the Minoan kings. Crete had no great internal resources; her prosperity required commerce, and markets for her industries; like modem England she had become dangerously dependent upon control of the seas. Perhaps internal wars decimated the island's manhood, and left it disunited against foreign attack. Perhaps an earthquake shook the palaces into ruins, or some angry revolution avenged in a year of terror the accumulated oppressions of centuries.\nAbout 1450 the palace of Phaestus was again destroyed, that of Hagia Triada was burned down, the homes of the rich burghers of Tylissus dis\u00ad appeared. During the next fifty years Cnossus seems to have enjoyed the zenith of her fortune, and a supremacy unquestioned throughout the Aegean. Then, about 1400, the palace of Cnossus itself went up in :flames. Everywhere in the ruins Evans found signs of uncontrollable fire-charred beams and pillars, blackened walls, and clay tablets hardened against time's tooth by the conflagration's heat. So thorough was the destruction, and so complete the removal of metal even from rooms covered and protected by debris, that many students suspect invasion and conquest rather than earth\u00ad quake.*\"' In any case, the catastrophe was sudden; the workshops of artists\nH archeological chronology would permit the deferment of this confia tion to the n :hood of 1250 it would be convenient to interpret the tragedy as an mcident in the A\t\tconquest of the Aegean preliminary to the siege of Troy.\n22\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. I\nand artisans give every indication of having been in full activity when death arrived. About the same time Gournia, Pseira, Zakro, and Palaikastro were leveled to the ground.\nWe must not suppose that Cretan civilization vanished overnight. Palaces were built again, but more modestly, and for a generation or two the pro\u00ad ducts of Crete continued to dominate Aegean art. About the middle of the thirteenth century we come at last upon a specific Cretan personality-that King Minos of whom Greek tradition told so many frightening tales. His brides were annoyed at the abundance of serpents and scorpions in his seed; but by some secret device his wife Pasiphae eluded these,'1 and safely bore him many children, among them Phaedra (wife of Theseus and lover of Hippolytus) and the fair-haired Ariadne. Minos having offended Poseidon, the god afflicted Pasiphae with a mad passion for a divine bull. Daedalus pitied her, and through his contrivance she conceived the terrible Minotaur. Minos imprisoned the animal in the Labyrinth which Daedalus had built at his command, but appeased it periodically with human sacrifice.\"'\nPleasanter even in its tragedy is the legend of Daedalus, for it opens one of the proudest epics of human history. Greek story represented him as an Athenian Leonardo who, envious of his nephew's skill, slew him in a moment of temperament, and was banished forever from Greece. He found refuge at Minos' court, astonished him with mechanical inventions and novelties, and became chief artist and engineer to the king. He was a great sculptor, and fable used his name to personify the graduation of statuary from stiff, dead figures to vivid portraits of possible men; the creatures made by him, we are informed, were so lifelike that they stood up and walked away unless they were chained w their pedestals... But Minos was peeved when he learned of Daedalus' connivance with Pasiphae's amours, and con\u00ad fined him and his son Icarus in the maze of the Labyrinth. Daedalus fashioned wings for himself and Icarus, and by their aid they leaped across the walls and soared over the Mediterranean. Disdaining his father's coun\u00ad sel, proud Icarus flew too closely to the sun; the hot rays melted the wax on his wings, and he was lost in the sea, pointing a moral and adorning a tale. Daedalus, empty-hearted, flew on to Sicily, and stirred that island to civiliza\u00ad tion by bringing to it the industrial and artistic culture of Crete.\u2022\"\"\nPausanias, father of all Baedekers, credits Daedalus with several statues, mostly of wood, and a marble relief of Ariadne dancing, as all extant in the second century A.D.n The Greeks never doubted the reality of Daedalus, and the experience of Schliemann warns us to be skeptical even of our skepticism. Old traditions have a way of being easily rejected by one generation of scholars, and laboriously confirmed by the next.\nCHAP. I)\tCRETE\nMore tragic still is the story of Theseus and Ariadne. Minos, victorious in a war against youthful Athens, exacted from that city, every ninth year, a tribute of seven girls and seven young men, to be devoured by the Minotaur. On the coming of the third occasion for this national humiliation the handsome Theseus-his father King Aegeus reluctantly consenting-had himself chosen as one of the seven youths, for he was resolved to slay the Minotaur and end the recurrent sacrifice. Ariadne pitied the princely Athenian, loved him, gave him a magic sword, and taught him the simple trick of unraveling thread from his arm as he penetrated the Labyrinth. Theseus killed the Minotaur, followed the thread back to Ariadne, and took her with him on his flight from Crete. On the isle of Naxos he married her as he had promised, but while she slept he and his companions sailed treach\u00ad erously away.*\"'\nWith Ariadne and Minos, Crete disappears from history till the coming of Lycurgus to the island, presumably in the seventh century. There are indications that the Achaeans reached it in their long raid of Greece in the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries, and Dorian conquerors settled there towards the end of the second millennium before Christ. Here, said many Cretans and some Greeks,\"\" Lycurgus, arid in less degree Solon, had found the model for their laws. In Crete as in Sparta, after the island had come under Dorian sway, the ruling class led a life of at least outward simplicity and restraint; the boys were brought up in the army, and the adult males ate together in public mess halls; the state was ruled by a senate of elders, and was administered by ten kosmoi or orderers, corresponding to the ephors of Sparta and the archons of Athens.\"' It is difficult to say whether Crete taught Sparta, or Sparta Crete; perhaps both states were the parallel results of similar conditions-the precarious life of an alien military aristocracy amid a native and hostile population of serfs. The comparatively enlight\u00ad ened law code of Gortyna, discovered on the walls of that Cretan town in"]
[-5.496492862701416, 11.487222671508789, "CRAP.fl)\tTHE  HEROIC  AGE\t43\nand found his way to Colchis, at the farther end of the Black Sea; there he sacrificed the ram and hung up its fleece as an offering to Ares, god of war. Aietes, King of Colchis, set a sleepless dragon to watch the fleece, for an oracle had said that he should die if a stranger carried it off; and to better assure himself he decreed that all strangers coming to Colchis should be put to death. His daughter Medea, who loved strange men and ways, pitied the wayfarers who entered Colchis, and helped them to escape. Her father ordered her to be confined; but she fled to a sacred precinct near the sea, and lived there in bitter brooding till Jason found her wandering on the shore.\nSome twenty years before (Greek chronologists said about 1245), Pelias, son of Poseidon, had usurped the throne of Aeson, King of Iolcus in Thessaly. Aeson's infant son Jason had been hidden by friends, and had grown up in the woods to great strength and courage. One day he ap\u00ad peared in the market place, dressed in a leopard skin and armed with two spears, and demanded his kingdom. But he was simple as well as strong, and Pelias persuaded him to undertake a heavy task as the price of the throne-to recover the Golden Fleece. So Jason built the great ship Argo (the Swift), and called to the adventure the bravest spirits in Greece. Heracles came, with his beloved companion Hylas; and Peleus, father of Achilles; Theseus, Meleager, Orpheus, and the fleet-footed maiden Atal\u00ad anta. As the vessel entered the Hellespont it was halted, seemingly by some force from Troy, for Heracles left the expedition to sack the city and kill its King Laomedon, and all his sons but Priam.\nWhen, after many tribulations, the Argonauts reached their goal, they were warned by Medea of the death that awaited all strangers in Colchis. But Jason persisted; and Medea agreed to help him gain the Fleece if he would take her to Thessaly and keep her as his wife until he died. He pledged himself to her, captured the Fleece with her aid, and fled back to his ship with her and his men. Many of them were wounded, but Medea quickly healed them with roots and herbs. When Jason reached Iolcus he again asked for the kingdom, and Pelias again delayed. Then Medea, by the arts of a sorceress, deceived the daughters of Pelias into boiling him to death. Frightened by her magic powers, the people drove her and Jason from lolcus, and debarred him forever from the throne.18 The rest belongs to Euripides.\nA myth is often a bit of popular wisdom personified in poetic figures, as the story of Eden suggests the disillusionment of knowledge and the liabili-\n44\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.m\nties of love; legend is often a fragment of history swelling with new fictions as it rolls down the years. It is probable that in the gene.ration before the historic siege of Troy the Greeks had tried to force their way through the Hellespont and open the Black Sea to colonization and trade; the story of the Argonauts may be the dramatized memory of that commercial explora\u00ad tion; and the \"golden fleece\" may refer to the woolen skins or cloths an\u00ad ciently used in northern Asia Minor to catch particles of gold carried down by the streams.\" A Greek settlement was actually made, about this time, on the island of Lemn6s, not far from the Hellespop.t. The Black Sea proved inhospitable despite its propitiating name, and the fortress of Troy rose again after Heracles' visitation to discourage adventures in the strait. But the Greeks did not forget; they would come again, a thousand ships in\u00ad stead of one; and on the plain of Ilion the Achaeans would destroy them\u00ad selves to free the Hellespont.\nHOMERIC CIVILIZATION\nHow shall we reconstruct the life of Achaean Greece ( 1300-1100 B.c.) out of the poetry of its legends? Our chief reliance must be upon Homer, who may never have existed, and whose epics are younger by at least three centuries than the Achaean Age. It is true that archeology has surprised the archeologists by making realities of Troy, Mycenae, Tiryns, Cnossus, and other cities described in the Iliad, and by exhmning a Mycenaean civilization strangely akin to that which spontaneously takes form between the lines of Homer; so that our inclination today is to accept as real the central characters of his fascinating tales. None the less, it is impossible to say how far the poems reflect the age in which the poet lived, rather than the age of which he writes. We shall merely ask, then, what did Greek tradition, as gathered together in Homer, conceive the Homeric Age to be? In any case we shall have a picture of Hellas in buoyant transit from the Aegean culture to the civilization of historic Greece.\nLabor\nThe Achaeans (i.e., the Greeks of the Heroic Age) impress us as less civ\u00ad ilized than the Mycenaeans who preceded them, and more civilized than the Dorians who followed them. They are above all physical-the men tall and powerful, the women ravishingly lovely in an unusually literal sense. Like the Romans a thousand years after them, the Achaeans look down upon literary\nCHAP.m)\tTHE   HEROIC  AGE\t45\nculture as effeminate degeneration; they use writing under protest, and the only literature they know is the martial lay and unwritten song of the trouba\u00ad dour. If we believe Homer we must suppose that Zeus had realized in Achaean society the aspiration of the American poet who wrote that if he were God he would make all men strong, and all women beautiful, and would then himself become a man. Homeric Greece is kalligynaikti\"-it is a dream of fair women. The men too are handsome, with their long hair and their brave beards; the greatest gift that a man can give is to cut off his hair and lay it as an offering upon the funeral pyre of his friend.'\" Nakedness is not yet cultivated; both sexes cover the body with a quadrangular garment folded over the shoulders, tied with a clasp pin, and reaching nearly to the knees; the women may add a veil or a gird!e, and the men a loincloth-which, as dignity increases, :will evolve into drawers and trousers. The well to do go in for costly robes, such as that which Priam brings humbly to Achilles in ransom for his son.17 The men are barelegged, the women bare-armed; both wear shoes or sandals outdoors, but are usually barefoot within. Both sexes wear jewelry, and the women and Paris anoint the body with \"rose-scented oil.\"18\nHow do these men and women live? Homer shows them to us tilling the soil, sniffing with pleasure the freshly turned dark earth, running their eyes with pride along the furrows they have ploughed so straight, winnowing the wheat, irrigating the fields, and banking up the streams against the winter floods;:u, he makes us feel the despair of the peasant whose months of toil are washed out by \"the torrent at the full that in swift course shatters the dykes, neither can the long line of mounds hold it in, nor the walls of the fruitful orchards stay its sudden coming.\"\"' The land is hard to farm, for much of it is mountain, or swamp, or deeply wooded hill; the villages are visited by wild beasts, and hunt\u00ad ing is a necessity before it becomes a sport. The rich are great stockbreeders, raising cattle, sheep, pigs, goats, and horses; one Erichthonius keeps three thou\u00ad sand brood mares with their foals.st The poor eat fish and grain, occasionally vegetables; warriors and the rich rely upon great portions of roast meat; they breakfast on meat and wine. Odysseus and his swineherd eat, between them, a small roast pig for luncheon, and a third of a five-year-old hog for dinner.\"\" They have honey instead of sugar, meat fat instead of butter; instead of bread they eat cakes of grain, baked large and thin on a plate of iron or a hot stone. The diners do not recline, as the Athenians will do, but sit on chairs; not at a central table but along the walls, with little tables between the seats. There are no forks, spoons, or napkins, and only such knives as the guests may carry; eating is managed with the fingers... The staple drink, even among the poor and among children, is diluted wine.\nThe land is owned by the family or the clan, not by the individual; the father administers and controls it, but he rmnot sell it.\"' In the Iliad great tracts are\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\ncalled the King's Commons or Demesne (temenos); in effect it belongs to the community, and in its fields any man may pasture his flocks. In the Odyssey these common lands are being divided, and sold to-or appropriated by-rich or strong individuals; the commons disappears in ancient Greece precisely as in modem England.\u2022\nThe soil might yield metal as well as food; but the Achaeans neglect to mine the earth, and are content to import copper and tin, silver and gold, and a strange new luxury, iron. A shapeless mass of iron is offered as a precious prize at the games held in honor of Patroclus_,.. it will make, says Achilles, many an agricultural implement. He says nothing of weapons, which are still of bronze.\"' The Odyssey describes the tempering of iron,\u2022 but th t epic probably belongs to a later agt:, than the Iliad.\nThe smith at his forge and the potter at his wheel work in their shops; other Homeric craftsmen-saddlers, masons, carpenters, cabinetmakers-go to work at the home that has ordered their product. They do not produce for a market, for sale or profit; they work long hours, but leisurely, without the sting and stimulus of visible competition.\"\" The family itself provides most of its needs; everyone in it labors with his hands; even the master of the house, even the local king, like Odysseus, makes bed and chairs for his home, boots and saddles for himself; and unlike the later Greeks he prides himself on his manual skill. Penelope, Helen, and Andromache, as well as their servant women, are busy with spinning, weaving, embroidery, and household cares; Helen seems lovelier when she displays her needlework to Telemachus\"\u00b0 than when she walks in beauty on the battlements of Troy.\nThe craftsmen are freemen, never slaves as in classic Greece. Peasants may in emergency be conscripted to labor for the king, but we do not hear of serfs bound to the soil. Slaves are not numerous, nor is their position degraded; they are mostly female domestics, and occupy a position in effect as high as that of household servants today, except that they are bought and sold for long terms instead of for precariously brief engagements. On occasion they are brutally treated; normally they are accepted as members of the family, are cared for in illness or depression or old age, and may develop a humane relation of affection with master or mistress. Nausicaa helps her bondwomen tQ wash the family linen in the stream, plays ball with them, and altogether treats them as com\u00ad panions.11 If a slave woman bears a son to her master, the child is usually free.\u2022 Any man, however, may become a slave, through capture in battle or in piratical raids. This is the bitterest aspect of Achaean life.\nHomeric society is rural and local; even the \"cities\" are mere villages nestling against hilltop citadels. Communication is by messenger or herald, or, over\n''When a smith tempers in cold water a great ax or an adze, it gives off a hissing; this is\nwhat gives iron its strength.\"D\nCHAP.m)\tTHE   HEROIC  AGE\t47\nlong distances, by signal fires flashing from peak to peak.\u2022 Overland traffic is made difficult and dangerous by roadless mountains and swamps and bridgeless streams. The carpenter makes carts with four wheels boasting of spokes and wooden tires; even so most goods are carried by mules or men. Trade by sea is easier, despite pirates and storms; natural harbors are numerous, and only on the perilous four-day trip from Crete to Egypt does the ship lose sight of land. Usu\u00ad ally the boat is beached at night, and crew and passengers sleep on trusty land. In this age the Phoenicians are still better merchants and mariners than the Greeks. The Greeks revenge themselves by despising trade, and pref erring piracy."]
[6.928703784942627, 3.6792240142822266, "Only one of these studies survives-the Athenaion Politeia, found in 1891. It is an admir\u00ad able constitutional history of Athens.\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t535\nlapses into despotism, aristocracy into oligarchy, timocracy into democracy in the sense of rule by the common man.\"\"' When the single ruler is good and able, monarchy is the best form of government; when he is a selfish autocrat we have tyranny, which is the worst form of government. An aristocratic government may be beneficial for a time, but aristocracies tend to deteriorate. \"Noble character is now seldom found among those of noble birth, most of whom are good for nothing   Highly gifted families\noften degenerate into maniacs, as, for example, the descendants of Alcibi\u00ad ades and the elder Dionysius; those that are stable often degenerate into fools and dullards, like the descendants of Cimon, Pericles, and Socrates.\"200 When aristocracy decays it is usually replaced by a plutocratic oligarchy, which is government by wealth. This is better than the despotism of a king or a mob; but it gives power to men whose souls have been cramped by the petty calculations of trade, or the villainous taking of interest,208 and issues, as like as not, in the conscienceless exploitation of the poor.=\nDemocracy-which here means government by the demos, by the com\u00ad mon citizen-is just as dangerous as oligarchy, for it is based upon the pass\u00ad ing victory of the poor over the rich in the struggle for power, and leads to a suicidal chaos. De_mocracy is at its best when it is dominated by peasant proprietors; it is at its worst when ruled by the urban rabble of mechanics and tradesmen.= It is true that the \"multitude judge of many things better than any one person, and that from their numbers they are less liable to corruption, as water is from its quantity.\"\"12 But government requires spe\u00ad cial ability and knowledge; and \"it is impossible for one who lives the life of a mechanic or hired servant to acquire excellence\"ma-i.e., good charac\u00ad ter, training, and judgment. All men are created unequal; \"equality is just, but only between equals\";2 and the upper classes will as readily make sedi\u00ad tions if an unnatural equality is enforced, as the lower classes will rebel when inequality is unnaturally extreme.*2111 When a democracy is dom\u00ad inated by the lower classes the rich are taxed to provide funds for the poor. \"The poor receive it and again want the same supply, while the giving it is like pouring water into a sieve.'\"11 And yet a wise conservative will not let people starve. \"The true patriot in a democracy ought to take care that the majority are not too poor ... he should endeavor that they may enjoy perpetual plenty; and as this is also advantageous to the rich, what can be saved out of the public money should be divided among the poor in such quantity as may enable each of them to buy a little field.\"2111\nEven slavery is legitimate, Aristotle thinks: as it is right that the mind should rule t e body, so it is just that those who excel in intelligence should rule those who excel only m strength.\"'\"\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XX!\nHaving thus given back almost as much as he took away, Aristotle offers\n$Orne modest recommendations, not for a utopia but for a moderately better society.\nWe proceed to inquire what form of government and manner of life is best for communities in general, not adapting it to that su\u00ad perior vinue which is above the reach of the common people, or that education which only every advantage of nature and fortune can furnish, JJ.Or to those imaginary plans which may be formed at pleasure; but to that mode of life which the greater part of mankind can attain to, and that government which most cities may establish.\"'\"\n. . . Whoever would establish a government upon community of goods ought to consult the experience of many years, which would plainly enough inform him whether such a scheme 1s useful; for al\u00ad most all things have already been found out.220 \u2022\u2022\u2022  What is common to many is taken least care of; for all men have greater regard for what is their own than for what they possess in common with others.sm ... It is necessary to begin by assuming a principle of general application, viz., that the part of the state which desires the con\u00ad tinuance of the new constitution ought to be strbnger than that winch does not.\"\"\" . . . It is plain, then, that those states are best instituted wherein the middle classes are a larger and more formid\u00ad able part than either the rich or the poor.... Whenever the num\u00ad ber of those in the middle state has been too small, those who were the more numerous, whether the rich or the poor, always over\u00ad powered them, and assumed to themselves the administration of public affairs.... When either the rich get the better of the poor, or the poor of the rich, neither of them will establish a free state....\nTo avoid these illiberal dictatorships from above or below, Aristotle pro\u00ad poses a \"mixed constitution\" or \"timocracy\"-a combination of aristocracy and democracy, in which the suffrage will be restricted to landowners, and a strong middle class will be the balance wheel and pivot of power. \"The land ought to be divided into two parts, one of which should belong to the community in general, the other to the individuals separately.\"'\"' All the citizens will own land; they \"are to eat at public tables in certain com\u00ad panies\"; and only they shall vote or bear arms. They will constitute a small minority-ten thousand at most-of the population. \"None of them should be permitted to exercise any mechanic employment or live by trade, for these are ignoble, and destroy excellence.\"\"\" But \"neither should they be husbandmen; ...\tthe husbandmen should be a separate order of people\"- presumably slaves. The citizens will elect the public officials, and hold each\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t537\nto account at the end of his term. \"Laws, properly enacted, should define the issue of all cases as far as possible, and leave as little as possible to the discretion of the judges... _,,..,. \"It is better that law should rule than any individual. ... He who entrusts any man with the supreme power gives it to a wild beast, for such his appetites sometimes make him; passion influ\u00ad ences those who are in power, even the very best of men; but law is reason without desire.\"221 The state so constructed shall regulate property, in\u00ad dustry, marriage, the family, education, morals, music, literature, and art. \"It is even more necessary to take care that the increase of the people should not exceed a certain number . . . to neglect this is to bring cer\u00ad tain poverty upon the citizens.\"= \"Nothing imperfect or maimed shall be brought up.\"\"20 Out of these sound foundations will grow the flowers of civilization and tranquillity. \"Since the highest virtue is intelligence, the pre-eminent duty of the state is not to train the citizens to military excel\u00ad lence, but to educate them for the right use of peace.\"\"\"\u00b0\nIt is unnecessary to sit in judgment upon Aristotle's work. Never before, so far as we know, had anyone reared so impressive an edifice of thought. When a man covers a vast field many errors may be forgiven him if the result adds to our comprehension of life. Aristotle's faults-or those of the volumes that we perhaps wrongly count as the considered product of his pen-are too obvious to need retailing. He is a logician, but is quite capable of bad reasoning; he lays down the laws of rhetoric and poetry, but his books are a jungle of disorder, and no breath of imagination stirs their dusty leaves. And yet, if we penetrate this verbiage we find a wealth of wisdom, and an intellectual industry that opened many paths in the country of the mind. He did not quite found biology, or constitutional history, or literary criticism-there are no beginnings-but he did more for them than any other ancient whom we know. To him science and philosophy owe a multitude of terms that in their Latin forms have facilitated learned com\u00ad munication and thought-principle,maxim, faculty, mean, category, energy, motive, habit, end....Hewas, as Pater called him, \"the first of the School\u00ad men\";081 and his long ascendancy over philosophical method and speculation suggests the fertility of his ideas and the depth of his insight. His treatises on ethics and politics stand above every rival in fame and influence. When all deductions have been made he still remains \"the master of those who know,\" an encouraging testimony to the elastic range of the human in\u00ad tellect, and a comforting inspiration to those who labor to bring man's scattered knowledge together into perspective and understanding.\nCHAPTER XXII\nAlexander\nTHE SOUL OF A CONQUEROR\nHE intellectual career of Aristotle, after he left his royal pupil, par\u00ad alJeled the military career of Alexander; both lives were expressions\nof conquest and synthesis. Perhaps it was the philosopher who instilled into the mind of the youth that ardor for unity which gave some grandeur to Alexander's victories; more probably that resolve descended to him from his father's ambitions, and was fused into a passion by his maternal blood. If we would understand Alexander we must always remember that he bore in his veins the drunken vigor of Philip and the barbaric intensity of Olym\u00ad pias. Furthermore, Olympias claimed descent from Achilles. Therefore the Iliad had a special fascination for Alexander; when he crossed the Helles\u00ad pont he was, in his interpretation, retracing the steps of Achilles; when he conquered Hither Asia he was completing the work that his ancestor had begun at Troy. Through all his campaigns he carried with him a copy of the Iliad annotated by Aristotle; often he placed it under his pillow at night beside his dagger, as if to symbolize the instrument and the goal.\nLeonidas, an austere Molossian, trained the boy's body, Lysimachus taught him letters, Aristotle tried to form his mind. Philip was anxious that Alexander should study philosophy, \"so that,\" he said, \"you may not do a great many things of the sort that I am sorry to have done.\"' To some extent Aristotle made a Hellene of him; through all his life Alexander ad\u00ad mired Greek literature, and envied Greek civilization. To two Greeks sitting with him at the wild banquet at which he slew Cleitus he said, ''Do you not feel like demigods among savages when you are sitting in com\u00ad pany with these Macedonians? ,,a\nPhysically, Alexander was an ideal youth. He was good in every sport: a swift runner, a dashing horseman, a brilliant fencer, a practiced bowman, a fearless hu ter. His friends wished him to enter the foot races at Olympia; he answered that he would be willing, if his opponents were kings. When\nall others had failed to tame the giant horse Bucephalu.s, Alexander suc\u00ad\nceeded; seeing which, says Plutarch, Philip acclaimed him with prophetic words: \"My soh, Macedonia is too small for you; seek out a larger empire,\n538"]
[8.942458152770996, 6.314979553222656, "Socr. But when a man begins to get older, he will no longer be guilty of that sort of insanity; he will follow the example of the reasoner who is seeking for truth, and not of the eristic who is contradicting for the sake of amusement; and the greater considera\u00ad tion of his character will increase and not diminish the honor of the pursuit.\"'\nPlato and his aides taught by lecturing, by dialogue, and by setting prob\u00ad lems to the students. One problem was to find \"the uniform and ordered movements by the assumption of which the apparent motions of the planets can be accounted for\";\"8 possibly Eudoxus and Heracleides derived some stimulus from these tasks. The lectures were technical, and sometimes dis\u00ad appointed those who had hoped for practical gain; but pupils like Aristotle,\nDemosthenes, Lycurgus, Hypereides, and Xenocrates were deeply influ\u00ad enced by them, and in many cases published the notes they had taken.\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\nAntiphanes said humorously that just as, in a far northern city, words froze into ice as they were spoken, and were heard in the summer when they thawed, so the words spoken by Plato to his students in their youth were finally understood by them only in their old age.\"\"\nThe Artist\nPlato himself professed never to have written any technical treatises,70 and Aristotle refers to the teaching in the Academy as Plato's \"unwritten doctrine.\"\" How far this differed from the teaching of the Dialogues we do not know.* Probably these were undertaken originally as a recreation, and in a half-humorous vein.\" It is one of the playful ironies of history that the philosophical works most reverenced and studied in European and American universities today were composed in an attempt to make philoso\u00ad phy intelligible to the layman by binding it up with a human personality. It was not the first time that philosophical dialogues had been written; Zeno of Elea and several others had used this method,'\" and Simon of Ath\u00ad ens, a leather cutter, had published, in dialogue, a report of the Socratic conversations held in his shop.\" It was in Plato a literary, not an historical, form; he did not pretend to give accurate accounts of conversations held thirty or .fifty years before, nor even to keep his references consistent. Gorgias, as well as Socrates, was astounded to hear the words that the young dramatist-philosopher had put into his mouth.'\" The Dialogues were writ\u00ad ten independently of one another, and perhaps at long intervals; we must not be shocked by slips of memory, much less by changes of view. There is no design unifying the whole, except as the continuing search of a visibly\ndeveloping mind for a truth which it never finds.t\nThe Dialogues are cleverly and yet poorly constructed. They vivify the drama of ideas, and build up a coherent and affectionate portrait of Socrates; but they seldom achieve unity or continuity, they often wander from subject to subject, and they are frequently cast into a clumsily indirect mood by being presented as narrative reports, by one man, of other men's\nCertain passages in Aristotle suggest a different understanding of Plato-especially of the theory of Ideas-than that which we get from the Dialogues.\nt The thirty-six Dialogues cannot be dated or authoritatively classified. We may arbi\u00ad\ntrarily divide them into (1) an early group-chiefly the Apology, Crito, Ly sis, Ion, Charmides, Cratylus, Euthyphro, and Euthydemus; (z) a middle group-chiefly Gorgias, Protagoras, Phaedo, Symposium, Phaedrus, and Republic; and (3) a later group-chiefly Parmenides, Theaetetus, Sophist, Statesman, Philebus, Timaeus, and Laws. The first group was probably composed before the age of thirty-four, the second before forty, the third after sixty, the interval being devoted to the Academy.'\"\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XX!\nconversations. Socrates tells us that he has \"a wretched memory,\"\" and then recites to a friend, verbatim, fifty-four pages of a discussion which he had carried on in his youth with Protagoras. Most of the Dialogues are weakened by the absence of vigorous interlocutors capable of saying to Socrates something .other than \"yes\" or its equivalent. But these faults are lost in the clear brilliance of the language, the humor of situation, expres\u00ad sion, and idea, the living world of varied characters humanly realized, and the frequent opening of windows into a profound and noble mind. We may judge the value that the anci nts unconsciously put upon these Dia\u00ad logues when we consider that they are the most complete product that has come down to us from any Greek author. Their form entitles them to as high a place in the annals of literature as their content has given them in the history of thought.\nThe earlier Dialogues are excellent examples of the youthful \"eristic\" condemned in the passage quoted a while back, but they are redeemed by the charming pictures they give of Athenian youth. The Symposium is the masterpiece of its genre, and the best introduction to Plato; its dramatic mise en scene (\"Imagine,\" says Agathon to his servants, \"that you are our hosts, and that I and the company are your guests\".,.), its living picture of Aristophanes, \"hiccoughing because he had eaten too much,\" its lively epi\u00ad sode of the drunken and scandalous Alcibiades, above all, its subtle com\u00ad bination of merciless realism in the portrayal of Socrates with the loftiest idealism in his conception of love-these qualities make the Symposium one of the peaks in the history of prose. The Phttedo is more subdued, and more beautiful; here the main argument, however weak, is honest, and gives its opponents a fair chance; the style flows more smoothly over a scene whose noble calm overcomes its tragedy, making the death of Socrates come as quietly as the turn of a river out of sight around a bend. Part of the dia\u00ad logue of the Phttedrus takes place on the banks of the Ilissus, while Socrates and his pupil are cooling their feet in the stream. Greatest of all dialogues, of course, is the Re-public, being the fullest exposition of Plato's philosophy, and in its earlier parts a dramatic conflict of personalities and ideas. The Pttrmenides is the worst specimen of empty logic-chopping in all literature, and the bravest example in the history of philosophy of a thinker irrefutably refuting his own mos,t beloved doctrine-the theory of Ideas. Then, in the later Dialogues, the artistry of Plato wanes, Socrates fades from the pic\u00ad ture, metaphysics loses its poetry, politics its youthful ideals; until, in the Laws, the weary inheritor of all the culture of many-sided Athens surren-\nCHAP.XX!)\tTHE\tZENITH  OF  PHILOSOPHY\nders to the lure of Spana, and gives up freedom, and poetry, and art, snd philosophy itself.\nThe Metaphysician\nThere is no system in Plato, and if here, for order's sake, his ideas are summarized under the classic heads of logic, metaphysics, ethics, esthetics, and politics, it should be remembered that Plato himself was too intense a poet to shackle his thought in a frame. Because he is a poet he has most difficulty with logic; he wanders about seeking definitions, and loses his way in perilous analogies; \"then we got into a labyrinth, and, when we thought we were at the end, came out again at the beginning, having still to see as much as ever.\"19 He concludes: \"I am not certain whether there is such a science of science\" as logic \"at all.\"80 Nevertheless he makes a beginning. He examines the nature of language, and derives it from iini\u00ad tative sound.81 He discusses analysis and synthesis, analogies and fallacies: he accepts induction, but prefers deduction;\"\" he creates, even in these pop\u00ad ular dialogues, technical terms-essence, power, action, passion, generation\n-which will be useful to later philosophy; he names five of the ten \"cate\u00ad gories\" that will make up part of Aristotle's fame. He rejects the Sophist view that the senses are the best test of truth, that the individual \"man is the measure of all things\"; if that were so, he argues, any man's, any sleeper's, any madman's, any baboon's report of the world would be as good as any other.\u2022\nAll that the \"rabble of the senses\" gives us is a Heracleitean flux of change; if we had only sensations, we should never have any knowledge or truth at all. Knowledge is possible through Ideas, through generalized iinages and forms that mold the chaos of sensation into the order of thought.\"' ff we could be conscious only of individual things thought would be impossible. We learn to think by grouping things into classes according to their likenesses, and expressing the class as a whole by a common noun; man enables us to think of all men, table of all tables, light of every light that ever shone on land or sea. These Ideas (ideai, eida) are not objective to the senses but they are real to thought, for they remain, and are un\u00ad changed, even when all the sense objects to which they correspond are destroyed. Men are born and die, but man survives. Every individual triangle is only imperfectly a triangle, sooner or later passes away, and therefore is relatively unreal; but triangle-the form and law of all triangles\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\n-is perfect and everlasting... All mathematical forms are Ideas, eternal and complete;* everything that geometry says of triangles, circles, squares, cubes, spheres would remain true, and therefore \"real,\" even if there had never been, and never would be, any such figures in the physical world. Abstractions also are real in this sense; individual acts of virtue have a brief existence, but virtue remains as a permanent reality for thought, and an instrument of thought; so with beauty, largeness, likeness, and so forth; these are as real to the mind as beautiful, large, or like things are real to the sense.87 Individual acts or things are what they are by partaking of, and more or less realizing, these perfect forms\u00b7or Ideas. The world of science and philosophy is composed not of individual things, but of ldeas;t.. his\u00ad tory, as distinct from biography, is the story of man; biology is the science not of specific organisms, but of life; mathematics is the study not of con\u00ad crete things but of number, relation, and form independently of things and yet as valid for all things. Philosophy is the science of Ideas.\nEverything in Plato's metaphysics turns upon the theonyof Ideas. God, the Prime Mover Unmoved, or Soul of the World,\" moves and orders all things according to the eternal laws and forms, the perfect and changeless Ideas which constitute, as the Neo-Platonists would say, the Logos, or Divine Wisdom or Mind of God. The highest of the Ideas is the Good. Sometimes Plato identifies this with God himself;\"' more often it is the guid\u00ad ing instrument of creation, the supreme form towards which all things are drawn. To perceive this Good, to vision the molding ideal of the creative process, is the loftiest goal of knowledge.\"\" Motion and creation are not mechanical; they require in the world, as in ourselves, a soul or principle of life as their originative power.\"'\nOnly that which has power is real;\"\" therefore matter is not basically real"]
[-1.1254825592041016, -3.864574432373047, "When an artisan undertook to do a certain task for several families, and set up his shop at some center within reach of them all, village economy supplemented, but did not supersede, domestic industry. So the miller took and ground the grain of many fields; later he baked the bread, and finally he delivered it. Forty bakeries were unearthed at Pompeii, and at Rome the pastrymakers were a sepa\u00ad rate guild. There were like,..-ise contractors who bought an olive crop on the trees and gathered the fruit;11 most estates, however, continued to process their own oil and bake their own bread. The clothing of peasants and philosophers was homespun, but the well-to-do wore garments that, though woven at home, were carded, cleaned, bleached, and cut in a fullery. Some delicate woolen fabrics were woren in factories; and such flax as was not made into sails or nets was\n322\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XV\nturned by factories into linen garments for women and handkerchiefs for men.12 In its next stage the cloth might be sent to a dyer, who not only colored it but impressed upon it such delicate designs as we find on the costumes in Pompeian murals. Tanning of leather had also reached the factory stage, but shoemakers were usually individual craftsmen, making shoes to order; some were specialists who made only fancy slippers for feminine feet.\nThe extractive industries were manned almost wholly by slaves or criminals. The gold and silver mines of Dacia, Gaul, and Spain, the lead and tin of Spain and Britain, the copper of Cyprus and Portugal, the sulphur of Sicily, the salt beds of Italy, the iron of Elba, the marble of Luna, Hymettus, and Paros, the porphyry of Egypt, and in general all subsoil natural resources, were owned by the state, were operated by it or on lease from it, and provided a main source of the national revenue; the gold of Spain alone yielded Vespasian $44,000,000 a year.13 The quest for minerals was a chief source of imperialist conquest; the mineral wealth of Britain, says Tacitus, was \"the prize of victory\" in Claudius' campaign.14 Wood and charcoal were the chief fuels. Petroleum was known in Commagene, Babylonia, and Parthia,15 and the defenders of Samosata threw it in flaming torches upon Lucullus' troops; but there is no sign of its commercial use as a fuel.\u2022 Coal was found in the Peloponnesus and northern Italy, but was used chiefly by smiths.16 The art of carburizing iron into steel had now spread from Egypt throughout the Empire. Most ironworkers, coppersmiths; gold\u00ad smiths, and silversmiths had a single forge and worked with one or two appren\u00ad tices. At Capua, Minturnae, Puteoli, Aquileia, Como, and elsewhere several forges and smelters were united in factories; those at Capua were apparently large-scale capitalist enterprises externally financed.\nThe building trades were well organized and specialized. Dendrophoroi (\"tree\u00ad bearers\") cut and delivered the wood, fabri lignarii (\"woodworkers\") made houses and furniture, caementarii mixed the cement, structores laid the founda\u00ad tions, arcuarii built the arches, parietarii raised the walls, tectores applied plaster, albarii whitewashed it, artifices plzcmbarii inserted the plumbing-usually with pipes of lead (plumbum), and marmorii paved marble floors; we may imagine the jurisdictional disputes. Bricks and tiles were provided by potteries, many of which had reached the factory stage. Trajan, Hadrian, and l\\farcus Aurelius owned such factories and made fortunes from them.17 The kilns of Arretium, Mutina, Puteoli, Surrentum, and Pollentia supplied the ordi ary tableware of all the European and African provinces as well as Italy. This wholesale production laid no claim to artistic excellence; the emphasis was now frankly on quantity; and the terra sigillata (\"signed earthenware\") that now crowded the Italia,,n market was distinctly inferior to the earlier product of Arretium. Outstanding work, as ,ve shall see, was done in glass.\nIn the fourth century a fire dart filled with flaming naphtha, and shot from a bow or a ca apult, was ai:iong,;11e weapons of war. \"It urns persistently wherever it falls,\" says Am\u00ad nuanus Marcellmus; and water poured upon 1t rouses the fire to greater heat; and there is no way of extinguishing it except by sprinkling it with dust.\" Ilia\nCHAP. XV)\tROME  AT WORK\nThe factory production of glass, brick, tiles, pottery, and metalware does not warrant us in ascribing an industrial capitalism to ancient Italy. Rome itself had only two large factories-a paper mill and a dyeing establishment;18 probably neither metals nor fuels were at hand in quantity, and the profits of politics seemed more honorable than the proceeds of industry. In the fac\u00ad tories of central Italy almost all the workers, and some of the managers, were slaves; in those of north Italy there was a greater proportion of freemen. Slaves were still sufficiently available to discourage the development of machinery; listless slave labor, with small stake in the product, was not likely to make inventions; some labor-saving devices were rejected because they might have caused technological unemployment; and the purchasing power of the people was too low to stimulate or support mechanized production.19 There were of course many simple machines, common to Italy, Egypt, and the Greek world: screw presses, screw pumps, water wheels, animal-driven gr:iin mills, spinning wheels, looms, the crane and pulley, the revolving mold for pottery.... But Italian life was now (A.D. 96) as highly industrialized as life was ever to be until the nineteenth century. It would hardly go further on the basis of slavery and a high concentration of wealth. Roman law con\u00ad tracepted large organizations by requiring every sharer in an industrial under\u00ad taking to be a legally responsible partner; it forbade \"limited liability\" companies and allowed joint-stock corporations only for the performance of governmental contracts. Since similar restrictions affected banks, these could seldom provide capital for large-scale enterprise. At no time would the industrial development of Rome or Italy equal that of Alexandria or the Hellenistic East.\nIll. THECARRIERS\nFrom Caesar to Commodus wheeled vehicles were forbidden in Rome by day; people then walked, or were carried in slave-borne chairs or litters. For longer distances they traveled on horseback or in horse-drawn carriages or chariots. Travel by public stagecoach averaged some sixty miles a day. Caesar once rode by carriage 800 miles in eight days; messengers bearing the news of Nero's death to Galba in Spain covered 33z miles in thirty-six hours; Tiberius, hurrying day and night, rode in three days 600 miles to stand beside his dying brother. The public post, by carriage or horse at all hours, averaged one hundred miles a day. Au-\n\tgustus had modeled it on the Persian system, as indispensable to imperial adminis\u00ad tration. It was called cursus publicus as serving the res -publica, or commonwealth, by carrying official correspondence. Private individuals could use it only by rare and special permission through a government diploma (\"double-folded\") or passport entitling the bearer to certain privileges and introducing him en route to persons of diplomatic importance. A more rapid means of communication was\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XV\nsometimes arranged by semaphores flashing signals from point to point; by this primitive telegraph the arrival of the grain ships at Puteoli was quickly made known to worried Rome. Nonofficial correspondence went by special courier or merchants or traveling friends; some traces suggest the existence, under the Empire, of private companies arranging to transmit private mail. Fewer letters were written than now, and better. Nevertheless, the movement of intelligence over western and southern Europe was as rapid in Caesar's day as at any time before the railway. In 54 B.c. Caesar's letter from Britain reached Cicero at Rome in twenty-nine days; in 1834 Sir Robert Peel, hurrying from Rome to London, required thirty days.20\nCommunication and transport were immensely aided by the consular roads.\n\tThese were the tentacles of Roman law, the members by which the mind of Rome became the will of the realm. They achieved in the ancient world a com\u00ad mercial revolution comparable in kind with that which the railroads effected in the nineteenth century. Until steam transportation came, the roads of medieval and modem Europe were inferior to those of the Empire under the Antonines. Italy alone had then 372 main routes, and 12,000 miles of paved thoroughfares; the Empire had 51 ,ooo miles of paved highways and a pervasive network of sec\u00ad ondary roads. Highways ran over the Alps to Lyons, Bordeaux, Paris, Rheims, Rauen, and Boulogne; others to Vienna, Mainz, Augsburg, Cologne, Utrecht, and Leiden; and from Aquileia a road skirted the Adriatic to connect with the Via Egnatia to Thessalonica. i\\1agnificent bridges replaced the ferries that had crept across a thousand impeding streams. At every mile on the consular roads stone markers gave the distance to the next town; 4000 of these survive. At in\u00ad tervals seats were placed for tired travelers. At every tenth mile a statio offered a stopping place, where fresh horses could be hired; at every thirty miles was a marzsio-an inn that was also a store, a saloon, and a brothel.21 The main halting points were the civitates, cities, usually equipped with fair hotels, which were in some cases owned and managed by the municipal govemment.22 Most innkeepers robbed their guests whenever convenient, and other thieves made the highways unsafe at night despite a garrison of soldiers at each statio. \"Itineraries\" could be bought, showing routes, stations, and intermediate distances.23 Rich men, disdain\u00ad ing the inns, brought their equipage and slaves with them, and slept in their guarded carriages or in the homes of friends or officials on the way.\nDespite all difficulties, there was probably more traveling in Nero's day than at any time before our birth. \"i\\1any people,\" says Seneca, \"make long voyages to see some remote sight\";24 and Plutarch speaks of \"globe-trotters who spend the best part of their lives in inns and on boats.\" 25 Educated Romans flocked to Greece and Egypt and Greek Asia, scratched their names on historic monuments; sought healing waters or climates, ambled by art collections in the temples, studied under famous philosophers, rhetors, or physicians, and doubtless used Pausanias as their Baedeker.26\nThese \"grand tours\" usually involved a voyage on one or more of the merchant vessels that cut the Mediterranean with a hundred routes of trade. \"Look at the\nCHAP. XV)\tROME  AT WORK\nharbors and seas,\" exclaimed Juvenal, \"filled with great keels, more peopled than the land.\" 27 Rome's rival ports, Puteoli, Ponus, and Ostia, were alive with fabri navales building ships, stuppatores calking them, saburarii loading sand into them as ballast, sacrarii unloading grain in sacks, mensores weighing it, lenuncularii operating tenders between large ships and the shore, and urinatores diving for goods fallen into the sea. Of corn barges alone twenty-five were drawn up the Tiber every working day; if we add the transport of building stone, metals, oil, wine, and a thousand other articles, we picture a river teeming with commerce and noisy with loading and carrying machines, with dockmen, porters, steve\u00ad dores, traders, brokers, and clerks.\nShips were driven with sails, aided by one or more banks of oars. They were larger, on the average, than before; Athenaeus describes a grain cargo vessel as\n420 feet long with a fifty-seven-foot beam;29 but this was highly exceptional. Some vessels had three decks; many took 250, several took a thousand, tons of freight. Josephus tells of one that carried 6oo persons-passengers and crew;30 another carried an Egyptian obelisk as large as that in Central Park, New York, together with 200\tsailors, 1 300\tpassengers, 93,000 bushels of wheat, and a load of linen, pepper, paper, and glass.31 Nevertheless, voyages except along the coasts were still dangerous, as Saint Paul found; between November and .March only a few vessels ventured across the open Mediterranean, and in midsummer east\u00ad ward voyages were made almost impossible by the etesian winds. Night sailing was now frequent, and every harbor of any pretense had a good lighthouse. Danger of piracy had almost disappeared from the Mediterranean. To discourage it, and starve rebellion, Augustus had stationed two main war fleets at Ravenna on the Adriatic and at Misenum on the Bay of Naples, besides minor squadrons at ten other points in the Empire. We may judge what Pliny called \"the im\u00ad mense majesty of the Roman peace\" by the fact that for two centuries we hardly hear of these fleets.\nPassenger schedules were largely indefinite, as sailings were determined by Weather and commercial convenience. Rates were low-e.g., two drachmas ($1.20) from Athens to Alexandria; but passengers brought their own food, and probably most of them slept on deck. Speed was as moderate as the fares, and varied with the winds, averaging six knots per hour; one might cross the Adriatic in a day, or, like Cicero, take three weeks from Patrae to Brundisium. A swift cruiser might make 2 30  knots in twenty-four hours.32 \\Vith favorable winds, six days carried one from Sicily to Alexandria or from Gades to Ostia, and four from Utica to Rome.33 The longest and most dangerous voyage was the six-month sail from Aden, in Arabia, to India, for monsoons forced vessels to hug the pirate\u00ad breeding coast all the way. At some time before A.D. 50 an Alexandrian Greek skipper, Hippalus, charted the periodicity of the monsoon winds and found that in certain seasons he could sail directly and safely across the Indian Ocean. The discovery was almost as important for that sea as the voyage of Columbus was for the Atlantic. From Egyptian ports on the Red Sea ships thereafter sailed to India in forty days. About A.D. Bo another Alexandrian captain, of unknown\n\u2022\n326\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XV\nname, wrote a Periplus of the Erythrean Sea as a handbook for merchants trading along the east African coast and with India. Meanwhile other mariners had developed routes through the Atlantic to Gaul, Britain, Germany, even to Scandinavia and Russia.34 Never before in human memory had the seas home so many vessels, products, and men."]
[8.945111274719238, -15.013406753540039, "and voluble Greeks; the Greek language was more often heard there than the Latin; if one wished to be read by all classes he had to write in Greek. Nearly all the early Christians in Rome spoke Greek; so did the Syrians, the Egyptians, and the Jews. A large colony of Egyptians-traders, artisans, artists-lived in the Field of Mars. Syrians, thin, affable, shrewd, were every\u00ad where in the capital, busy with trade, handicrafts, secretarial work, finance, and chicanery.\nThe Jews were already in Caesar's time a substantial element in the popu\u00ad lation of the capital. A few had come as early as 140 B.c.;13 many had been brought to Rome as war captives after Pompey's campaign of 63 B.C. They were rapidly emancipated, partly by their industry and thrift, panly be\u00ad cause their strict adherence to their religious customs was inconvenient for their masters. By 59 B.c. there were so many Jewish citizens in the assem\u00ad blies that Cicero represented opposition to them as political temerity.14 In general the republican party was hostile to the Jews, the populares and the emperors were friendly.15 * By the end of the first century they numbered some 20,000 in the capital.18 They lived mostly on the west side of the Tiber, where they suffered periodically from the floods. They worked on the near-by docks, engaged in handicrafts and retail business, and peddled goods through the city. There were some rich men among them, but only a few great merchants; Syrians and Greeks dominated international commerce. Synagogues were numerous in Rome, and each had its school, its scribes, and its gerousia, or senate of elders.19 The separatism of the Jews, their scorn of polytheism and image worship, the severity of their morals, their refusal to attend the theaters or the games, their strange customs and cere\u00ad monies, their poverty and resultant uncleanliness, led to the usual racial antagonisms. Juvenal denounced their fertility, Tacitus their monotheism, Ammianus Marcellinus their fondness for garlic.20 Bad feeling was heightened by the bloody capture of Jerusalem, and the procession of Jewish captives and sacred spoils featured in the triumph of Titus and in the reliefs on his arch. Vespasian heaped insult upon injury by ordering that the half shekel paid annually by the Jews of the Dispersion for the upkeep of the Temple at Jerusalem should henceforth be contributed yearly to the rebuilding of\nThey supponed Caesar consistently and were in turn protected by him. Augustus followed smt; but Tiberius, hostile to all foreign faiths, corujcripted 4000 of them for almost suicidal soldiering in Sardinia, aTid expelled the rest from Rome (A.D. 19).16 Twelve years later, con\u00ad Yinced that he had been misled in this matter by Sejanus, he withdrew his edict and ordered that the Jews should be unmolested in the practice of their religion and the pursuit of their customs.17 Caligula protected them in Rome and oppressed them abroad. Claudius exiled some because of riots, but by a general edict (4z) confirmed the right of the Jews throughout the Empire to live by their own laws. In 9-f Domitian banished the Jev;s of Rome to the valley of Ege a; in C}6 Nerva brought rliem back, restored their civic rights, and allowed rliem a gen\u00ad erauon of peace.\n366\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVII\nRome. Nevertheless, many educated Romans admired Jewish monotheism; some were convened to Judaism, and several, even of high family, observed. the Jewish Sabbath as a day of worship and rest.21\nIf we add to the Greeks, the Syrians, the Egyptians, and the Jews some Numidians, Nubians, and Ethiopians from Africa; a few Arabs, Parthians, Cappadocians, Armenians, Phrygians, and Bithynians from Asia; powerful \"barbarians\" from Dalmatia, Thrace, Dacia, and Germany; mustachioed nobles from Gaul, poets and peasants from Spain, and \"tattooed savages from Britain\" 22-we get an ethnic picture of a very heterogeneous and cosmopolitan Rome. Martial marveled at the pliable facility with which the courtesans of Rome readjusted their language and their charms to so varied and polyglot a clientele.23 Juvenal complained that the Orontes, Syria's great river, was flowing into the Tiber,24 and Tacitus described the capital as \"the cesspool of the world.\" 25 Oriental faces, ways, dress, words, gestures, quar\u00ad rels, ideas, and faiths made up a great part of the city's seething life. By the third century the government would be an Oriental monarchy; by the fourth the religion of Rome would be an Oriental creed, and the masters of the world would kneel to the god of the slaves.\nThere were elements of nobility in this motley crowd. It showed its con\u00ad\ntempt of Nero's mistress Poppaea when angry senators dared not speak, and it stormed the senate house to protest the wholesale slaughter of Pedanius Secundus' slaves.26 The simple virtues of the common man were not wanting in it; the family life of the Jews was exemplary, and the little Christian com\u00ad munities were troubling the pleasure-mad pagan world with their piety and their decency. But most of the inflowing peoples had literally been demor\u00ad alized by uprootage from their native surroundings, cultures, and moral codes; years of slavery had destroyed in them that self-respect which is the backbone of upright conduct; and daily friction with groups of different customs had worn away still more of their custom-made morality. If Rome had not engulfed so many men of alien blood in so brief a time, if she had passed all these newcomers through her schools instead of her slums, if she had treated them as men with a hundred potential excellences, if she had occasionally closed her gates to let assimiliation catch up with infiltration, she might have gained new racial and literary vitality from the infusion, and might have remained a Roman Rome, the voice and citadel of the West. The task was too great. The victorious city was doomed by the vastness and diversity of her conquests, her native blood was diluted in the ocean of her subjects, her educated classes were drawn down by the power of numbers to the culture of those who had been her slaves. Much breeding overcame good breeding; the fertile conquered became masters in the sterile master's house.\nCHAP. XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME\nEDUCATION\nWe do not know much of Roman childhood, but we can judge from Roman art and epitaphs that when children came they were loved not wisely but too well. Juvenal interrupts his wrath to write a tender passage on the good examples we must place before our children's eyes, the evil sights and sounds we must keep from them, the respect that we should show them even in the excesses of our love.27 Favorinus, in a discourse premimicking Rousseau, begged mothers to nurse their babes.28 Seneca and Plutarch spoke to the same effect, which was slight indeed; wet-nursing was the rule in all families that could afford it, with no evident tragedies ensuing.\u2022\nEarly education came from the nurse, who was usually Greek. There were fairy tales beginning, \"Once upon a time a king and a queen . . .\" Primary schooling was still entrusted to private enterprise. Rich men often hired tutors for their children, but Quintilian, like Emerson, warned against this as depriving the child of formative friendships and stimulating rivalries. Ordinarily the boy and girl of the free classes entered at the age of seven an elementary school, accom\u00ad panied each way by a paedagogus (\"child-leader\") to guard his safety and his morals. Such schools existed everywhere in the Empire, even in small country towns; the wall scribblings at Pompeii suggest a general literacy, and probably education was then as widespread in the Mediterranean world as at any time be\u00ad fore or since. Both the paedagogus and the teacher (Judi magister, \"schoolmas\u00ad ter\") were usually Greek freedmen or slaves. In Horace's youth and native town\neach pupil paid the teacher eight asses (forty-eight cents) monthly; 30 350 years later Diocletian fixed the maximum fee for the elementary teacher at fifty denarii ($20) per month per pupil; we may judge from this the rise of the teacher and the fall of the as.\nAbout the age of thirteen the successful student, of either sex, was graduated into a secondary or high school; Rome had twenty of these in A.D. 1 30. Here the scholars studied more grammar, the Greek language, Latin and Greek litera\u00ad ture, music, astronomy, history, mythology, and philosophy, generally through lecture-commentaries on the classic poets. Up to this point the girls seem to have taken the same courses as the boys, but they often sought additional instruc\u00ad tion in music and dancing. Since the secondary teachers (grammatici) were nearly always Greek freedmen, they naturally emphasized Greek literature and history; Roman culture took on a Greek tint, until by the end of the second century almost all higher education was given in Greek, and Latin literature was swallowed up in the general Hellenic koine and culture of the age.\nThe Roman equivalent of our college and university education was provided in the schools of the rhetcrs. The Empire bristled with rhetoricians who spoke\nToys and games were much as today. Roman children played hopscotch, tug-of-war, pitch and toss, !:ilindman's buff, hide-and-seek; and with dolls, hoops, skipping ropes, hobbyhorses, and kites. Roman youth played five distinguishable games of ball. One resembled our football, except that (or in that) it was played rather with arms and hands than with legs and feet.29\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVII\nfor their clients in court, or wrote speeches for them, or gave public lectures, or taught their art to pupils, or did all four. Many of them traveled from city to city, speaking on literature, philosophy, or politics, and giving exhibitions of how to handle any subject with oratorical skill. The younger Pliny tells of the Greek Isaeus, then sixty-three years old:\nHe proposes several questions for discussion, gives his audience liberty to call for any they please, and sometimes even to say what side of it he should defend; whereupon he rises, dons his gown, -.ind begins.... Hientroduces his theme with great propriety, his narrative is clear, his controversy ingenious, his logic forcible, and his rhetoric sublime.31\nSuch men might open a school, employ assistants, and gather a large student body. Pupils entered about their sixteenth year, and paid fees as high as 2000 sesterces per course. The chief subjects were oratory, geometry, astronomy, and philosophy-which included much that is now termed science. These con\u00ad stituted a \"liberal education\"-i.e., one designed for a well-to-do freeman (homo liber), who would presumably have no physical \\\\'Ork to perform. Petronius complained, as every generation does, that education unfitted youth for the problems of maturity: \"The schools are to blame for the gross foolishness of our young men, since in them they see or hear nothing at all of the affairs of everyday life.\" 32 We can only say that they gave the assiduous student that clarity and quickness of thought which have distinguished the legal profession in all ages, and that capacity for unscrupulous eloquence which marked the orators of Rome. Apparently no degrees were granted in these schools. The student might stay as long, and take as many courses, as he liked; Aulus Gellius remained till he was twenty-five. \\Vomen also attended, some after marriage. Those who wished further instruction went to Athens for philosophy at its bubbling source, to Alexandria for medicine, or to Rhodes for the last subtleties of rhetoric. Cicero spent $4000 a year maintaining his son in the university of Athens.\nBy Vespasian's time the schools of rhetoric had so grown in number and influence that the wily Emperor thought it advisable to bring the more important ones in the capital under governmental control by paying their head professors a state salary-the highest being 100,000 sesterces (S10,000) a year. \\Ve do not know to how many teachers or cities Vespasian e 1:ended this subsidy. We hear of private endowments for higher education, such as the younger Pliny estab\u00ad lished at Comum.33 Trajan provided scholarships for 5000 boys who had less money than brains. By the reign of Hadrian goYemmental financing of secondary schools had been adopted in many municipalities throughout the Empire, and a pension fund had been set as:de for retired teachers. Hadrian and Antoninus exempted the leading professors of each city from taxation and other civic burdens. Education r ached its height while superstition grew, morals declined, and literature decayed.\nFIG. 20-Portrait of a Y ozmg Girl\n1\\foseo delle Terme, Rome\n......\n;t\t-"]
[5.438216209411621, -8.06344985961914, "Animula vagula, blandula, Hospes comesque corporis, Quae nunc abibis in Ioca, Pallidula, rigida, nudula, Nee ut soles dabis iocos?\nSoul of mine, pretty one, flitting one, Guest and panner of my clay, vVhither wilt thou hie away\u00ad\nPallid one, rigid one, naked one,\nNever to play again, never to play?33\nANTONINUS PIUS\nOf Antoninus there is no history, for he had almost no faults and com\u00ad mitted no rimes_. His ancestors had come_ fro:11 Nimes two generations be\u00ad fore, and his family was one f the wealthies m Rome. Reaching the throne at fifty-one, he gave the Empire the most eqmtable, and not the least efficient, government it would ever have.\nHe was the most fortunate man that ever wore a crown. \\Ve are told that he was tall and handsome, healthy and serene, gentle and resolute, modest and\nCHAP.X\"IX)\tTHE  PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\nomnipotent, eloquent and a despiser of rhetoric, popular and immune to flat\u00ad tery. If we are.to believe his adopted son Marcus we should have to reject him as \"that faultless monster whom the world ne'er knew.\" The Senate called him Pius as a model of the milder Roman virtues, and Optimus Princeps as the best of princes. He had no enemies and hundreds of friends. But he was not unacquainted with grief. His elder daughter died as he was setting out as proconsul to Asia; his younger daughter proved a dubious wife to Aurelius; and scandal accused his own wife of being as faithless as she was beautiful. Antoninus bore these rumors silently; and after Faustina's death he established in her name and honor a fund for the support and education of girls and raised to her memory one of the loveliest temples in the Forum. He did not marry again, lest he mar the happiness and inheritance of his children, but contented himself with a concubine.\nHe was not a man of intellect in the narrower sense of that term. He had no learning and looked with an aristocrat's indulgence upon men of letters, philosophy, or art; nevertheless, he helped such men richly and invited them often to his home. He preferred religion to philosophy, worshiped the old gods with apparent sincerity, and gave his adopted sons an example of piety that Marcus never forgot. \"Do everything as a disciple of Antoninus,\" Marcus bade himself; \"remember his constancy in every reasonable act, his evenness in all things, his piety, and the serenity of his countenance, and his disregard of empty fame ... with how little he was satisfied; how laborious and patient, how religious without superstition.\" 34 Yet he was tolerant of non-Roman creeds, moderated Hadrian's measures against the Jews, and continued his predecessor's lenience toward the Christians. He was no kill\u00ad joy; he loved a jest and made many a good one; he played, fished, and hunted with his friends, and from his behavior none could have guessed that he was emperor. He preferred the quiet of his villa at Lanuvium to the luxury of his official palace and nearly always spent the evenings in the intimacy of his family. \\Vhen he inherited the throne he put aside all thought of that careless ease to which he had looked forward as the consolation of old age. Perceiving that his wife anticipated increased splendor he reproved her: \"Do you not understand that we have now lost what we had before?\" 35 He knew that he had succeeded to the cares of the world.\nHe began his reign by pouring his immense personal fortune into the imperial treasury. He canceled arrears of taxes, made gifts of money to the citizens, paid for many festival games, and relieved scarcities of wine, oil, and wheat by buying these and distributing them free. He carried on, but with moderation, the building program of Hadrian in Italy and the prov\u00ad inces. Yet he managed the national finances so ably that at his death the\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\ncombined treasuries of the state had 2,700,000,000 sesterces. He gave a public accounting of all his receipts and expenditures. He behaved toward the Senate as merely one of it and never took important measures without consulting its leaders. He devoted himself to the chores of administration as well as to problems of policy; \"he cared for all men and all things as his own.\" 36 He continued Hadrian's liberalization of the law, equalized the penalties of adultery for men and women, deprived ruthless masters of their slaves, restricted the torture of slaves ia trials, and decreed severe punish\u00ad ment for any owner who killed a slave. He encouraged education with state funds, provided for the education of poor children, and extended to recog\u00ad nized teachers and philosophers many privileges of the Senatorial class.\nHe ruled the provinces as well as he could without traveling. In all his long reign he was never absent for a day from Rome or its environs. He was con\u00ad tent to appoint to provincial governorships men of tried competence and honor. He was anxious to keep the Empire safe without war; \"he was con\u00ad tinually quoting the saying of Scipio, that he would rather save a single citizen than slay a thousand foes.\" 37 He had to wage some minor wars in order to suppress revolts in Dacia, Achaea, and Egypt, but he left these tasks to subordinates and was satisfied with Hadrian's cautious frontiers. Some tribes in Germany interpreted his mildness as weakness and perhaps were encouraged by it to prepare those invasions which rocked the Empire after his death; this is the one flaw in his statesmanship. For the rest the provinces were happy under him and accepted the Empire as the only alternative to chaos and strife. They showered him with petitions, which he almost always granted; and they could rely upon him to repair the ravages of any public calamity. Provincial authors-Strabo, Philo, Plutarch, Appian, Epictetus, Aelius Aristides-sang the praises of the pax Romana; and Appian assures us that he had seen at Rome the envoys of foreign states vainly asking admission for their countries to the boons of the Roman yoke.38 Never had monarchy left men so free, or so respected the rights of its subjects.39 \"The world's ideal seemed to have been attained. \\Visdom reigned, and for twenty-three years the world was governed by a father.\" 40\nIt only remained for Antoninus to crown a good life with a peaceful death. In his seventy-fourth year he fell sick of a stomach disturbance and was seized with a high fever. He called .Marcus Aurelius to his bedside and com\u00ad mitted to him the care of the state. He instructed his servants to transfer to Marcus' room the golden statue of Fortuna that had for many years stood in the bedchamber of the Prince. To the officer of the day he gave as watch\u00ad word aequani111itas; soon afterward he turned as if to sleep, and died (161). All classes and cities vied with one another in honoring his memory.\nCHAP. XIX)\tTHE\tPHILOSOPHER   KINGS\nTHE PHILOSOPHER AS EMPEROR\nAntoninus, said Renan, \"would have been without competition for the reputation of being the best of sovereigns, had he not designated Marcus Aurelius as his heir.\" 41 \"If,\" said Gibbon, \"a man were called upon to fix the period in the history of the world during which the condition of the human race was most happy and prosperous, he would without hesitation name that which elapsed from the accession of Nerva to the death of Aure\u00ad lius. Their united reigns are possibly the only period of history in which the happiness of a great people was the sole object of government.\" 42\nMarcus Annius Verus was born in Rome in 121. TheAnnii had come a century before from Succubo, near Cordova; there, it seems, their honesty had won them the cognomen V erus, \"true.\" Three months after the boy's birth his father died, and he was taken into the home of his rich grandfather, then consul. Hadrian was a frequent visitor there; he took a fancy to the boy and saw in him the stuff of kings. Seldom has any lad had so propitious a youth, or so keenly appreciated his good fortune. \"To the gods,\" he wrote fifty years later, \"I am indebted for having good grandparents, good parents, a good sister, good teachers, good kinsmen and friends, nearly everything good\";43 time struck a balance by giving him a questionable wife and a worthless son. His Meditations lists the virtues these people had, and the lessons he received from them in modestr., patience, manliness, abstemious\u00ad ness, piety, benevolence, and \"a simplicity of life far removed from the habits of the rich\"44-though wealth surrounded him on every side.\nNever was a boy so persistently educated. He was attached in boyhood to the service of temples and priests; he committed to memory every word of the ancient and unintelligible liturgy; and though philosophy later shook his faith, it never diminished his sedulous performance of the old exacting ritual. Marcus liked games and sports, even bird snaring and hunting, and some efforts were made to train his body as well as his mind and character. But seventeen tutors in childhood are a heavy handicap. Four grammarians, four rhetors, one jurist, and eight philosophers divided his soul among them. The most famous of these teachers was M. Cornelius Fronto, who taught him rhetoric. Though J\\1arcus loved him, lavished upon him all the kindnesses of an affectionate and royal pupil, and exchanged with him letters of intimate charm, the youth turned his back upon oratory as a vain and dishonest art, and abandoned himself to philosophy.\nHe thanks his instructors for sparing him logic and astrology, thanks Diognetus the Stoic for freeing him from superstition, Junius Rusticus for acquainting him with Epictetus, and Sextus of Chaeronea for teaching him\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nto live in conformity with nature. He is grateful to his brother Severus for telling him about Brutus, Cato of Utica, Thrasea, and Helvidius; \"from him I received the idea of a state in which there is the same law for all, a polity of equal rights and freedom of speech, and the idea of a kingly government that most of all respects the freedom of the governed\";45 here the Stoic ideal of monarchy takes possession of the throne. He thanks Maximus for teaching him \"self-government, and not to be led aside by anything; cheerfulness in all circumstances, and a just admixture of gentleness and dignity, and to do appointed tasks without complaining.\" 46 lt is clear that the leading philoso\u00ad phers of the time were priests without religion rather than metaphysicians without life. Marcus took them so seriously that for a time he almost ruined a naturally weak constitution with ascetic devotions. At the age of twelve he took on the rude cloak of a philosopher, slept on a little straw strewn over the floor, and long resisted the entreaties of his mother to use a couch. He was a Stoic before he became a man. He offers thanks \"that I preserved the flower of my youth; that I took not upon me to be a man before my time, but rather put it off longer than I needed . . . that I never had to do with Benedicta . . . and afterwards, when I fell into some fits of love, I was soon cured.\" 47\nTwo influences diverted him from professional philosophy and sanctity. One was the succession of minor political offices to which he was appointed; the realism of an administrator was crossed with the idealism of a meditative youth. The other was his close association with Antoninus Pius. He did not fret at Antoninus' longevity, but continued his life of stoic simplicity, philosophical study, and official duties, while living in the palace and serving his protracted apprenticeship; and the example of his adoptive father's devo\u00ad tion and honesty in government became a powerful influence in his develop\u00ad ment. The name by which we know him, Aurelius, was the clan name of Antoninus, which both Marcus and Lucius, on their adoption, had taken as their own. Lucius became a gay man of the world, a graceful adept in the pleasures of life. When, in 146, Pius desired a colleague to share the govern\u00ad ment with him, he named Marcus only and left to Lucius the empire of love. On the death of Antoninus, Marcus became sole emperor; but remember\u00ad ing Hadrian's wish, he at once made Lucius Verus his full colleague and gave him his daughter Lucilla in marriage. At the outset of his reign, as at the end, the philosopher erred through kindness. The division of rule was a bad precedent, which, in the heirs of Diocletian and Constantine, would divide and weaken the realm.\nMarcus asked the Senate to vote Pius diyine honors, completed with perfect taste the temple that Pius had raised to his wife, and rededicated it"]
[7.094936370849609, -8.353364944458008, "318\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\nHe writes with unmanly ven cfulness of the women who have refused him, and flings his epigrammatic mud at them with the delicacy of a scavenger. His love lyrics are iddressed to boys; he climbs to ecstasy over the fragrance of \"thy kisses, cruel lad.\" 133 One of his love poems begot a famous English counterpart:\nI do not 10\\\u00b7e you, Sabidius, the reason I cannot tell; This only I can say-I dislike you very well.\u2022\nIndeed there are many whom Martial does not like. He describes them under transparent pseudonyms and in language that can be found today only on the most private public walls.135 He is always libeling his enemies, as Statius is always celebrating his friends. Some of his victims retaliated by publishing under his name poems filthier than his own, or attacking the men whom Mar\u00ad tial ,vas anxious to please. From these technically perfect epigrams one could construct a full vocabulary of barroom urology.\nBut Martial's obscenity sits on him lightly. He shares it with his time, and never doubts that even highborn maidens in palace bowers will like it. \"Lucretia blushed and laid down my volume, but Brutus was present. Brutus, go away; she will read it.\" 136 The poetic license of the age allowed in\u00ad decencies-, provided the meter and diction were correct. Sometimes Martial boasts of his lubricity; \"no page of mine is without wantonness.\" 137 More often he is a bit ashamed of it, and begs us to believe that his life is cleaner than his verse.\nAt last he tired of purveying compliments and insults as a source of food; he began to long for a quieter, wholesomer life, and the haunts of his native Spain. He was now fifty-seven, with gray head and bushy beard, so swarthy that anyone, he tells us, could see at a glance that he had been born near the Tagus. He addressed a poetical bouquet to the younger Pliny and received in return a sum that paid his fare to Bilbilis. The little town welcomed him, forgiving his morals for his fame; he found simpler patrons there, but more open-handed than those at Rome. A kindly lady presented him with a modest villa, and there he spent his few remaining years. In Io r Pliny wrote: \"I have just heard of Martial's death. The news has deeply grieved me. He was a man of wit, piquant and mordant, who mixed in his verse salt and honey, and rot least of all, candor.\" 138 There must have been some secret virtue in the man if Pliny loved him.\n\tNon amo te, Sabidi, nee possum dicere quare; Hoc canrum possum dicere, non amo te.134\nCHAPTER XV\nRome at Work\nAD. 14-96\nmE  SOWERS\nO the Silver Age belongs the classic Roman work on agriculture-the De Re Rustica (65) of Junius Columella. Like Quintilian, Martial, and the Senecas, he came from Spain; he farmed several estates in Italy and retired to a residence in Rome. The best lands, he found, were taken up by the villas and grounds of the rich; the next best by olive orchards and vineyards; only inferior soils were left for tillage. \"\\Ve have abandoned the husbanding of our soil to our lowest slaves, and they treat it like barbarians.\" The freemen of Italy, he thought, were degenerating in cities when they should have been hardening themselves by working the earth; \"we ply our hands in circuses and theaters rather than among crops and vines.\" Columella loved the soil, and felt that the physical culture of the earth is saner than the literary culture of the town; farm\u00ad ing \"is a blood relative of wisdom\" ( consanguine a sapientiae). To lure men back to the fields he adorned his subject with polished Latin, and when he came to speak\nof gardens and flowers he fell into enthusiastic verse.\nIt was in this period that Pliny the naturalist pronounced a premature epitaph: latifundia perdidere ltaliam-\"the large farms have ruined Italy.\" Similar judg\u00ad ments occur in Seneca, Lucan, Petronius, Martial, and Juvenal. Seneca described cattle ranches wider than kingdoms, cultivated by fet ered slaves; some estates were so large, said Columella, that their masters could never ride around them.1 Pliny mentions an estate with 4117 slaves, 7200 oxen, and 257,000 other animals.2 Land distributions by the Gracchi, Caesar, and Augustus had raised the number of small holdings, but many of these had been abandoned during the ,vars and bought in by the rich. When imperial administration reduced plunder in the provinces, much patrician wealth went into large farms. The latifundia spread because greater profits flowed from producing cattle, oil, and ,vine than from growing cereals and vegetables, and the discovery that ranching, to be most profitable, required the operation of large areas under one management. By the close of the first Christian century these advantages were being offset by the rising cost of slaves and their slow and uninventive work.3 The long transition now began from slavery to serfdom. As peace diminished the flow of war cap\u00ad tives into bondage, some owners of large estates, instead of operating them with slaves, divided them into small holdings and leased these to free tenants (coloni,\n319\n320\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XV\ncultivators) who paid in rent and labor. Most of the ager publicus belonging to the government was now worked in this way. So were_ the extensive properties of the younger Pliny, who describes his tenants as healthy, sturdy, good-natured, talkative peasants-precisely such as one finds throughout Italy today, unchanged after all changes.\nThe modes and tools of tillage were essentially as they had been for centuries. Plow, spade, hoe, pick, pitchfork, scythe, rake, have preserved their forms almost unaltered for 3000 years. Com was ground in mills turned by water or by beasts. Screw pumps and water wheels raised water out of mines or into irrigation canals. Soils were protected by crop rotation, and fertilized by manure, alfalfa, clover, rye, or beans.4 Seed selection was highly developed. Skillful care drew three, sometimes four, harvests per year from the rich fields of the Campagna and the valley of the Po;5 from one planting of alfalfa four to six crops could be cut yearly for ten years.6 All but the rarest European vegetables were grown, some of them in greenhouses for the winter trade. Fruit and nut trees of every sort abounded, for Roman generals and merchants, and alien merchants and slaves, had brought in many new species: the peach from Persia, the apricot from Ar\u00ad menia, the cherry from Pantie Cerasus (whence its name), the grape from Syria, the damson (pruna damascena) from Damascus, the plum and filbert from Asia Minor, the walnut from Greece, the olive and fig from Africa\tClever\narboriculturists had grafted the walnut upon the arbutus, the plum upon the plane tree, the cherry upon the elm. Pliny enumerates twenty-nine varieties of figs grown in ltaly.7 \"Through the zeal of our farmers,\" said Columella, \"Italy has learned to produce the fruits of almost the whole world.\" 8 In tum it trans\u00ad mitted these arts to western and northern Europe. Our rich dietary has a wide geography and a long history behind it, and the very food that we eat may be part of our Oriental and classical heritage.\nOlive orchards were numerous, but vineyards were everywhere, beautifully terraced on the slopes. Italy produced fifty famous kinds of wine, and Rome alone drank 25,000,000 gallons per year-two quarts per week for each man, woman, and child, slave or free. Most wines were produced by capitalistic organization\u00ad by large-scale operations financed from Rome.9 Much of the product was ex\u00ad ported and taught the graces of wine to beer-drinking countries like Germany and Gaul. During this first century Spain, Africa, and Gaul began to grow their own grapes; Italian vintners Jost one provincial outlet after another, and glutted their domestic market in one of the few \"overproduction\" crises of Roman econ\u00ad omy. Domitian tried to ease the situation, and restore cereal culture, by prohibit\u00ad ing the further plantings of vines in Italy and ordering half of all vineyards in the provinces destroyed.10 These edicts aroused a fury of protest and could not be enforced. In the second century the wines of Gaul and the oil of Spain, Africa, and the East began to crowd Italian products out of Mediterranean markets, and the economic decline of Italy began.\nA large part of the peninsula was given over to grazing. The cheapest soils and\nCHAP. XV)\tROME  AT  WORK\t321\nslaves could be used for the raising of cattle, sheep, and swine. Careful attention was paid to scientific breeding. Horses were bred chiefly for war, hunting, and sport, seldom as draft animals; oxen drew the plow and the cart, mules bore burdens on their backs. Cows, sheep, and goats gave three kinds of milk, from which the Italian made delectable cheeses then as now. Swine were herded in woods rich with acorns and nuts; Rome, said Strabo, lived chiefly on pork fat\u00ad tened in the oak forests of northern Italy. Poultry fertilized the farmyard and helped feed the family, while bees provided the ancient and honorable substitute for sugar. If we add some acres of flax and hemp, a little hunting and much fish\u00ad ing, we get a picture of the Italian countryside as it was nineteen hundred years ago, and is today.\nTHE ARTISANS\nThere was not in Roman life-and perhaps there would not be in a healthy economy-so geographical a division between agriculture and industry as in our modern states. The ancient rural home-cottage, villa, or estate-was literally a manufactory, where the hands of men carried on a dozen vital industries, and the skill of women filled the house and its environs with a score of wholesome arts. There the woods were turned into shelter, fuel, and furniture, cattle were slain and dressed, grain was milled and baked, oil and wine were pressed, food was prepared and preserved, wool and flax were cleaned and woven; sometimes clay was fired into vessels, bricks, and tiles, and metal was beaten into tools; life there had an educative fullness and variety that come to few of us in our time of wider movement and narrowing specialties. Nor was this diversity of occupation the sign of a poor and primitive economy; the wealthiest households were the most self-sufficient, and prided themselves on making the largest part of what they needed. A family was an organization of economic helpmate:; engaged in the united agriculture and industry of a home."]
[-2.9267828464508057, -12.790240287780762, "\\Vhen this burned down after he had occupied it for twenty-eight years, he built his new palace on the plan of the old, and slept in the same narrow cubiculu111 as before. \u00a3yen when away from the eyes of the city he lived like a philosopher rather than a prince. His sole indulgence was to escape from public affairs by sailing leisurely along the Campanian coast.\nStep by step he persuaded, or graciously permitted, the Senate and the assemblies to grant him powers that in their total made him in ali but name a king. He kept always the title of imperator, as commander in chief of all the armed forces of the state. As the army remained for the most part out\u00ad side the capital and usually outside Italy, the citizens could forget, while they went through all the forms of the dead Republic, that they were living under a military monarchy in which force was hidden so long as phrases could rule. Octavian was chosen consul in 43 and 3 3, and in every year from 3 r to 2 3. By the tribunician authority conferred upon him in 36, 3o, and 2 3, he had for life the inviolability of a tribune, the right to initiate legislation in the Senate or the Assembly, and the power to veto the actions of any official in 'the government. No one protested against this amiable dictatorship. The businessmen who were making hay under the sun of peace, the senators who sniffed Octavian's Egyptian spoils, the soldiers who held their lands or status by his bounty, the beneficiaries of Caesar's laws, appointments, and will\u00ad all were now agreed with Homer that the rule of one man is best, at least if\n214\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI\nhe should be so free with his funds as Octavian, so industrious and competent, and so visibly devoted to the good of the state.\nIn 2 8, as co-censor with Agrippa, he took a census of the people, revised the membership of the Senate, reduced it to 600, and was himself named permanently princeps senatus. The title had meant \"first on the roll call of the Senate\"; soon it would mean \"prince\" in the sense of ruler, just as imperator, through Octavian's life tenure of the name, would come to mean \"emperor.\" History rightly calls his government, and that of his successors for two centuries, a \"principate\" rather than strictly a monarchy; for until the death of Commodus all the \"emperors\" recognized, at least in theory, that they were only the leaders (principes) of the Senate. To make the constitutional fa9ade of his authority more imposing, Octavian in 27 sur\u00ad rendered all his offices, proclaimed the restoration of the Republic, and ex\u00ad pressed his desire (at thirty-five) to retire to private life. Perhaps the drama had been arranged; Octavian was one of those cautious men who believe that honesty is the best policy, but that it must be practiced with discrimina\u00ad tion. The Senate countered his abdication with its own, returned to him nearly all his powers, implored him to continue his guidance of the state, and conferred upon him the title of Augustus which history has mistaken as his name. Hitheno the word had been applied only to holy objects and places, and to cenain creative or augmenting divinities (augere, to increase); applied to Octavian it clothed him with a halo of sanctity, and the protection of religion and the gods.\nThe people of Rome seem to have thought for a while that the \"restoration'' was real, and that they were receiving back the Republic in return for an ad\u00ad jective. Did not the Senate and the assemblies still make the laws, still elect the magistrates? It was so; Augustus or his agents merely \"proposed\" the laws and \"nominated\" the more important candidates. As imperator and consul he ruled the army and the Treasury and administered the laws; and by his tribunician privileges he controlled all other activities of the government. His powers were not much greater than those of Pericles or Pompey, or any energetic American president; the difference lay in their permanence. In 2 3 he resigned the consulate, but received from the Senat a \"proconsular authority\" that gave him control of all officials in all provinces. Again no one objected; on the contrary, when a scarcity of grain threatened, the people besieged the Senate with derilands that Augustus be made dictator. They had fared so ill under the Senatorial oligarchy that they were inclined toward a dictatorship, which would presumably cultivate their favor as a foil to the power of wealth. Augustus refused; but he took charge of the annona, or food supply, quickly ended the shortage, and earned such gratitude that Rome looked on with complacency as he remolded its institutions in his image.\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t215\nII. THE1'.\"EW ORDER\nLet us study this principate government in some detail, for in many ways it was one of the subtlest political achievements in history.\nThe powers of the prince were at once legislative, executive, and judicial: he could propose laws or decrees to assemblies or Senate, he could administer and enforce them, he could interpret them, he could penalize their viola\u00ad tion. Augustus, says Suetonius, regularly sat as a judge, sometimes till night\u00ad fall, \"having a litter placed upon the tribunal if he was indisposed.\tHe\nwas highly conscientious and very lenient.\" 1 Bearing the duties of so many offices, Augustus organized an informal cabinet of counselors like Maecenas, executives like Agrippa, generals like Tiberius, and an incipient clerical and administrative bureaucracy chiefly composed of his freedmen and slaves.\nCaius Maecenas was a wealthy businessman who devoted half his life to helping Augustus in war and peace, in politics and diplomacy, at last, un\u00ad willingly, in love. His palace on the Esquiline was famous for its gardens and its swimming pool of heated water. His enemies described him as an effeminate epicurean, for he flaunted silks and gems and knew all the lore of a Roman gourmet. He enjoyed and generously patronized literature and art, restored Virgil's farm to him and gave another to Horace, inspired the Georgics and the Odes. He refused public office, though he might have had almost any; he labored for years m\u00b7\u00b7er principles and details of administration and foreign policy; he had the courage to reprove Augustus when he thought him seriously wrong; and when he died (8 B.c.) the Prince mourned his loss as beyond repair.\nPerhaps it was on his advice that Augustus-himself of middle-class origin, and free from the aristocrat's contempt of trade-named so many businessmen to high administrative posts, even to provincial governorships. To a Senate offended by this innovation he made amends by many obeisances, by giving exceptional powers to Senatorial commissions, and by gathering about him a conci/ium prin\u00ad cipis of some twenty men, nearly all senators. In the course of time the decisions of this council acquired the force of senct11sconsulta, or decrees of the Senate; its powers and functions grew as those of the Senate waned. However he might lavish courtesies upon it, the S:nate was merelv his hio-hest instrument. As censor he four times revised its membership; he could, and did, eject individuals from it for official incompetence or private immorality; most of its new members were nominated by him; and the quaestors, praetors, and consuls who entered it after their term of office had been chosen bv him or with his consent. The richest businessmen of Italy were enrolled in the\" Senate, and the two orders were in some measure brought together in that concordia of united domination which\n216\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI\nCicero had proposed. The power of wealth checked the pride and privilege of birth, and an hereditary aristocracy checked the abuses and irresponsibility of wealth.\nAt the suggestion of Augustus the meetings of the Senate were confined to the first and fifteenth of each month and usually lasted but a day. As the princeps senatus presided, no measure could be submitted without his consent; and in fact all measures presented had been prepared by himself or his aides. The judicial and executive functions of the Senate now outweighed its lawmaking. It served as a supreme court, governed Italy through commissions, and directed the per\u00ad formance of various public works. It ruled those provinces which required no extensive military control, but foreign relations were now controlled by the Prince. Shorn in this way of its ancient authority, the Senate grew negligent in even its limited functions, and yielded ever more responsibility to the Emperor and his staff.\nThe assemblies still met, though with decreasing frequency; they still voted, but only on measures or nominations approved by the Prince. The right of the plebs to hold office was practically ended in 18 B.c. by a law restricting office to men having a fortune of 400,000 sesterces ($60,000) or more.2 Augustus ran for the consulate thirteen times and canvassed for votes like the rest; it was a gracious concession to dramatic technique. Corruption was hindered by requiring every candic;late to deposit, before election, a financial guarantee that he would ab\u00ad stain from bribery.3 Augustus himself, however, once distributed a thousand sesterces to each voting member of his tribe to make sure that its vote would be correct.4 Tribunes and consuls continued to be elected till the fifth century A.D.; 11 but as their major powers had fallen to the Prince, these offices were ad\u00ad ministrative rather than executive and finally became mere dignities. The aetual government of Rome was placed by Augustus in the hands of salaried regional officials, equipped with a force of 3000 police under a praef ectus urbi, or munic\u00ad ipal police commissioner. Further to assure order of the desired kind, and sup\u00ad port his own power, Augusrus, seriously violating precedent, kept six cohorts of a thousand soldiers each near Rome and three cohorts within it. These nine cohorts became the Praetorian Guard-i.e., guard of the praetorimn, or head\u00ad quarters of the commander in chief. It was this body that in A.D. 41 made Claudius emperor and began the subjection of the government to the army.\nFrom Rome the administrative care of Augustus passed to Italy and the provinces. He conferred Roman citizenship, or the limited franchise of \"Latin rights,\" upon all Italian communities that had borne their share in the war against Egypt. He helped the Italian cities with gifts, embellished them with new build\u00ad ings, and devised a plan whereby their local councilors might vote by mail in the assembly elections at Rome. He divided the provinces into two classes: those that required active defense, and those that did not. The latter (Sicily, Baetica, Narbonese Gaul, Macedonia, Achaea, Asia Minor, Bithynia, Pontus, Cyprus, Crete and Cyrene, and north Africa) he allowed the Senate to rule; the others\n-\"imperial provinces\"-were governed by his own legates, procurators, or pre-\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t217\nfects. This pleasant arrangement allowed him to keep control of the army, which was mostly quarte.ted m the \"endangered\" provinces; it gave him the lush revenue of Egypt; and it enabled him to keep an eye on the Senatorial governors through the procurators whom he appointed to collect the tribute in all the provinces. Each governor now received a fixed salary, so that his tempta\u00ad tion to mulct his subjects was moderately reduced; furthermore, a body of civil servants provided a continuing administration and a check upon the malfeasance of their temporary superiors. The kinglets of client states were treated with wise courtesy and gave Augustus full allegiance. He persuaded most of them to send their sons to live in his palace and receive a Roman education; by this generous arrangement the youths served as hostages until their accession, and then as un\u00ad witting vehicles of Romanization.\nIn the flush aftermath of Actium, and possessed of an enormous army and navy, Augustus apparently planned to extend the Empire to the Atlantic, the Sahara, the Euphrates, the Black Sea, the Danube, and the Elbe; the pax Romana was to be maintained not by passive defense but by an aggres\u00ad sive policy on every frontier. The Emperor in person completed the conquest of Spain and so ably reorganized the administration of Gaul that it remained at peace for nearly a century. In the case of Parthia he contented himself with the return of the standards and surviving captives taken from Crassus in 53; but he restored to the throne of Armenia a Tigranes favorable to Rome. He sent abortive expeditions to conquer Ethiopia and Arabia. In the decade from 19 to 9 B.c. his stepsons Tiberius and Drusus subjugated Illyria, Pannonia, and Raetia. Agreeably provoked by German invasions of Gaul, Augustus ordered Drusus to cross the Rhine, and rejoiced to learn that the brilliant youth had fought his way to the Elbe. But Drusus suffered internal injuries from a fall, lingered in pain for thirty days, and died. Tiberius, who loved Drusus with all the intensity of a restrained but passionate nature, rode\n400  miles on horseback from Gaul into Germany to hold his brother in his\narms in the final hours; then he conveyed the body to Rome, walking before the cortege all the way (9 B.c.). Returning to Germany, Tiberius in two campaigns (8-7 B.c., A.D. 4-5) forced the submission of the tribes between the Elbe and the Rhine.\nTwo disasters, coming almost together, changed this fever of expansion into a policy of peace. In A.D. 6 the lately won provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia revolted, massacred all the Romans in their territory, organized an army of 200,000 men, and threatened to invade Italy. Tiberius quickly made peace with the German tribes and led his depleted forces into Pan\u00ad nonia. \\Vith patient and ruthless strategy he captured or destroyed the crops that could supply the enemy, and by guerrilla warfare prevented new plantings, while he saw to it that his own troops were well fed. For three"]
[2.806387186050415, -10.502707481384277, "Antony was one half of what Caesar had been, as Augustus would be the other half; Antony was a good general, Augustus a superlative statesman; neither would be both. Born in 82 B.c., Antony had spent a large part of his life in camps and more in the quest of wine, women, good food, and fun. Though of high lineage and handsome features, he had the characteristic vir\u00ad tues of the common man: strength of body, animal spirits, good nature, gen\u00ad erosity, courage, and loyalty. He had scandalized even Caesar by keeping a harem of both sexes in Rome, and traveling with a Greek courtesan in his lit\u00ad ter.1 He had bought in Pompey's house at auction, occupied it, and then re-\n200\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.X\nfused payment.2 Now he found in Caesar's papers, or (some said) placed there, whatever it suited him to find-appointmentsfor his friends, decrees for his purposes, perquisites for himself; in two weeks' time he had paid off\n$1,500,000 in debts and had become a rich man. He seized the $25,000,000 that Caesar had deposited in the Temple of Ops and took another $5,000,000 from Caesar's private treasury. Noting that Decimus Brutus, whom Caesar had appointed governor of Cisalpine Gaul, had assumed that lucrative office despite sharing in the assassination of Caesar, Antony passed through the Assembly a bill giving himself that strategic province and consoling Decimus with Macedonia. Likewise Marcus Brutus and Cassius were to surrender Macedonia to Decimus and Syria to Dolabella, and were to content them\u00ad selves with sharing Cyrene anJ Crete.\nAlarmed by Antony's spreading power, the Senate invited to Rome, as a foil to him, Caesar's adopted son. Caius Octavius, who was to make himself the greatest statesman in Roman history, was eighteen years old in 44. By natural custom he took his adoptive father's name; adding his own as a modifier, he became Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, until, seventeen years later, he received that lofty name of Augustus by which the centuries have known him. His grandmother was Caesar's sister Julia; his grandfather had been a banker of plebeian stock at Velitrae, in Latium; his father had served as plebeian aedile, then praetor, then governor of Macedonia. The boy was trained to Spartan simplicity, and educated in the literature and philosophy of Greece and Rome. In the last three years he had lived a good part of the time in Caesar's palace. It was one of the sorrows of Caesar's life that he had no legitimate son and one of his profoundest insights that he adopted Oc\u00ad tavius. He took the boy with him to Spain in 45 and was pleased to see the courage with which the frail and nervous invalid endured the perils and hard\u00ad ships of the campaign. He had him carefully instructed in the arts of war and govemment.3 Many statues have made his features familiar: refined, deli\u00ad cate, serious, at once diffident and resolute, yielding and tenacious; an idealist forced to be a realist, a man of thought painfully learning to be a man of action. He was thin and pale and suffered from a poor digestion. He ate little, drank less, and outlived the strong men around him by abstinence a d the regularity of his life.\nLate in March of 44 a freedman arrived at Apollonia, in Illyria, where\nOctavian was stationed with the army, and brought the news of Caesar's death and will. The sensitive youth was horrified at men's ingratitude; all his love for the great-uncle who had so cherished him, and had worked so feverishly to rebuild a shattered state, welled up in him and filled him with a silent resolve to complete the labors of Caesar and avenge his death. He rode down to the sea, crossed to Brundisiurn, and hastened to Rome. His\nCHAP. X)\tANTONY\t201\nrelatives there advised him to stay in hiding lest Antony destroy him; his mother likewise recommended inaction; but when he scorned such a course she rejoiced, merely suggesting that whenever possible he should use pa\u00ad tience and subtlety rather than open war. He followed this wise counsel to the end.\nHe visited Antony and inquired what was being done against Caesar's enemies. He was shocked to find Antony busy planning to lead an army against Decimus Brutus, who had refused to surrender Cisalpine Gaul. He asked Antony to disburse Caesar's legacies according to will, especially the forty-five dollars bequeathed to every citizen. Antony saw many reasons for delay. Octavian thereupon distributed the money to Caesar's veterans out of funds borrowed by him from Caesar's friends, and with this approach, organized his own army.\nInfuriated by the insolence of this \"boy,\" as he called him, Antony an\u00ad nounced that an attempt had been made upon his life and that the would-be assassin had named Octavian as the instigator of his plan. Octavian protested his innocence. Cicero took advantage of the quarrel to persuade him that Antony was a ruffian, who must be defeated. Octavian agreed, joined his two legions with those of the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, and marched with them northward to battle Antony. Cicero lent this new civil war the aid of his invective in fourteen powerful \"Philippics\" against the public policy and private life of Antony, some delivered to the Senate or the Assembly, the rest published as propaganda broadcasts in the best tradition of martial blackening. In the ensuing engagement at Mutina (Modena), Antony lost and fled (44); but Hirtius and Pansa fell, and Octavian returned to Rome sole commander of the Senate's legions as well as his own. vVith this force behind him he compelled the Senate to name him consul, to repeal its amnesty to the conspirators, and to sentence them all to death. Discovering that Cicero and the Senate were now his enemies, and were merely using him as a temporary tool against Antony, he composed his differences with An\u00ad tony and formed with him and Lepidus the Second Triumvirate (43-33). Their combined armies marched into Rome and took it without resist\u00ad ance. Many of the senators and conservatives fled to south Italy and the provinces. The Assembly ratified the Triumvirate and gave it full power for five years.\nTo pay their troops, replenish their coffers, and revenge Caesar, the three men now let loose the bloodiest reign of terror in Roman history. They listed 3oo senators and 2000 businessmen for execution, and offered 2 5 ,ooo drachmas ($1 5 ,ooo) to any freeman, and 10,000 to any slave, who would bring in the head of a person proscribed.4 To have money became a capital crime; children to whom fortunes had been left were condemned and killed;\n202\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.X\nwidows were shorn of their legacies; 1400 rich women were required to turn over a large share of their property to the Triumvirs; at last even the savings deposited with the Vestal Virgins were seized. Atticus was spared because he had helped Antony's wife Fulvia; while acknowledging the courtesy, he sent great sums to Brutus and Cassius. The Triumvirs set their soldiers to guard all exits from the city. The proscribed hid in wells, sewers, attics, chimneys. Some died resisting, some submitted quietly to their slay\u00ad ers; some starved, hanged, or drowned themselves; some leaped from a roof or into a fire; some were killed by mistake; some, not proscribed, committed suicide on the bodies of slain relatives. Salvius the tribune, knowing him\u00ad self doomed, gave a last feast to his friends; the emissaries of the Triumvirs entered, cut off his head, left his body at the table, and bade the feast go on. Slaves took the opportunity to get rid of hard masters, but many fought to the death to protect their owners; one disguised himself as his master and suffered decapitation in his stead. Sons died to protect their fathers, others betrayed their fathers to inherit a part of their fortunes. Adulterers or de\u00ad ceived wives surrendered their husbands. The wife of Coponius secured his safety by sleeping with Antony. Antony's wife Fulvia had tried to buy the mansion of her neighbor Rufus; he had refused to sell; now, though he of\u00ad fered it to her as a gift, she had him proscribed and nailed his severed head to his front door/1\nAntony placed Cicero high on the list of those who should be killed. Antony was the husband of Clodius' widow and the stepson of the Cata\u00ad linarian Lentulus whom Cicero had slain in jail; and he resented with some reason the unstinted vituperation of the \"Philippics.\" Octavian protested, but not too long; he could not forget Cicero's glorification of Caesar's assas\u00ad sins and the pun by which that reckless wit had excused to the conservatives his dalliance with Caesar's heir.* Cicero tried to escape; but being buffeted and sickened by the sea, he disembarked and spent the night in his villa at Formiae. The next day he wished to stay there and await his executioners, preferring them to a choppy sea; but his slaves forced him into a litter and were carrying him toward the ship when Antony's soldiers came upon them. The servants wished to resist, but Cicero bade them set the litter down and yield. Then, \"his person covered with dust, his beard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles,\"\u2022 he stretched his head out so that the soldiers might more conveniently decapitate him (43). By Antony's com\u00ad mand Cicero's right hand was also cut off and brought with the he;d to the Triumvir. Antony laughed in triumph, gave the assassins 250,000 drachmas, and had head and hand hung up in the Forum.8\nCicero ad said of Octavian: laud fzmz adolescentem, ornandum, tollendzmz-\"the boy\nis to be pr:used, decorated, and exalted ; but tollendum also meant \"to be killed.\" 6\nCHAP.X)\tANTONY\t203\nEarly in 42 the Triumvirs led their forces across the Adriatic and marched through .Macedonia into Thrace. There Brutus and Cassius had massed the last republican army, financed by exactions beyond even Roman precedent. Fram the Eastern cities of the Empire they demanded, and received, ten years' taxes in advance. \\\\Then the Rhodians _proved reluctant, Cassius stormed the great port, ordered all citizens to surrender their wealth, killed those who hesitated, and carried away $10,000,000. In Cilicia he quartered hissoldiers in the homes of Tarsus till it paid him $9,000,000 to leave; to raise this sum the citizens auctioned off all municipal lands, melted down all tem\u00ad ple vessels and ornaments, and sold free persons into slavery-first boys and girls, then women and old men, finally youths; many, on learning that they had been sold, killed themselves. In Judea Cassius levied $4,200,000 and sold the inhabitants of four towns into slavery. Brutus, too, could raise money by force. \\Vhen the citizens of Lycian Xanthus refused his demands, he besieged them until, starving but obdurate, they committed suicide en masse.9 For the most part Brutus, loving philosophy, tarried in Athens; but the city was filling with young Roman nobles clamoring for a war of restoration.\n\\Vhen sufficient funds had been raised Brutus closed his books, joined his troops with those of Cassius, and took the field.\nThe rival armies met at Philippi in September of 42. Brutus' wing forced back Octavian's and captured his camp; but Antony's routed the legions of Cassius. Cassius ordered his shield-bearer to kill him and was obeyed. Antony could not follow up his success at once; Octavian was confined to his tent with illness, and his troops were in disorder. Antony reorganized the whole army and after a few days' rest led them against Brutus and put the last remnants of the republican forces to flight. Seeing his men yield, Brutus realized, perhaps with relief, that all was lost; he threw himself upon the sword of a friend and died. Antony, coming upon the body, covered it with his own purple robe. They had once been friends.\nANTONY AND CLEOPATRA\nThe old aristocracy fought its last land battle at Philippi. Many of them\n-Cato's son, Hortensius' son, Quintilius Varus, and Quintus Labeo-joined Brutus and Cassius in suicide. The victors divided the Empire between them: Lepidus was given Africa, Octavian took the West, Antony, having his choice, took Egypt, Greece, and the East. Always needing money, Antony forgave the Eastern cities their contributions to his enemies on condition that they give him a like sum-ten years' taxes within a year. His old geniality returned as victory made him seemingly secure. He reduced\n204\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. X"]
[2.3857805728912354, -10.252863883972168, "his demands upon the Ephesians when their women, dressed as Bacchantes, greeted him as the god Dionysus; but he gave his cook the house of a Mag\u00ad nesian magnate as reward for a distinguished supper. He called an assembly of the Ionian cities at Ephesus and settled the boundaries and affairs of these states with such good judgment that Augustus a decade later found little to change. He pardoned all who had fought against him except those who had shared in killing Caesar. He gave relief to the cities that had suffered most severely from Cassius and Brutus, released several of them from every Roman tax, freed many who had been sold into slavery by the conspirators, and liberated the cities of Syria from the despots who had overthrown their democracies.10\nWhile displaying these graces of his simple character, Antony surren\u00ad dered to such exuberant sensuality that his subjects lost respect for his authority. He surrounded himself with dancers, musicians, courtesans, and roisterers, and took wives and concubines whenever a fair woman struck his Olympian fancy. He had sent messengers to bid Cleopatra present herself before him at Tarsus and answer charges that she had aided Cassius to raise money and troops. She came, but in her own time and way. While Antony sat on a throne in the forum, waiting for her to plead and be judged, she sailed up the river Cydnus in a barge with purple sails, gilded stern, and silver oars that beat time to the music of flutes and fifes and harps. Her maids, dressed as sea nymphs and graces, were the crew, while she herself, dressed as Venus, lay under a canopy of cloth of gold. When the news of this seductive apparition spread among the people of Tarsus they flocked to the shore, leaving Antony solitary on his throne. Cleopatra invited him to dine with her on her ship. He came with an overawing retinue; she feted them with every luxury, and corrupted his generals with gifts and smiles. Antony had almost fallen in love with her as a girl in Alexandria; now he found her, at twenty-nine, in the full maturity of her charms. He began by reproving her, and ended by presenting her with Phoenicia, Coele-Syria, Cyprus, and parts of Arabia, Cilicia, and Judea.11 She rewarded him accord\u00ad ing to his desire and invited him to Alexandria. There he spent a carefree winter (41-40), drinking the Queen's love, listening to lectures at the Museum, and forgetting that he had an empire to rule. She herself was not in love. She knew that Egypt, rich but weak, would soon attract the cu\u00ad pidity of omnipotent Rome; the only salvation for her country and her throne lay in marriage with Rome's lord. She had sought this with Caesar; she sought it now with Antony. And he, who had no policy but Caesar's, was tempted to realize the dream of uniting Rome and Egypt and making his capital in the fascinating East.\t\u00b7\nWhile Antony frolicked in Alexandria, his wife Fulvia and his brother\nCHAP. X)\tANTONY\t205\nLucius were plotting to overthrow Octavian's power in Rome. Octavian had found no happiness there: the Senate was a rump of adventurers and generals, labor was restless with unemployment, the populares were dis\u00ad organized, Sextus Pompey was blocking the import of food, business was petrified with fear, taxation and spoliation had ruined nearly every fortune, and many men were living in a reckless and sensual riot on the ground that the morrow might in any case bring repudiation of the currency, or further spoliation, or death. Octavian himself was anything but an exemplar of chastity at this time. To perfect the confusion, Fulvia and Lucius raised an army and called upon Italy to oust him. Marcus Agrippa, Octavian's general, besieged Lucius in Perusia and starved him out (March, 40). Fulvia died of illness, frustrated ambition, and grief over Antony's neglect of her. Octavian pardoned Lucius in the hope of maintaining peace with Antony, but Antony crossed the sea and besieged Octavian's troops in Brundisium. The armies,showing more sense than their leaders,refused to fight each other, and compelled them to a peaceable agreement {40). As a pledge of good behavior Antony married Octavian's sister, the gentle and virtuous Octavia. Everybody was briefly happy; and Virgil, writing now his Fourth Eclogue, predicted the return of Satum's utopian reign.\nIn 38 Octavian fell in love with Livia, the pregnant wife of Tiberius\nClaudius Nero. He divorced his first wife Scribonia, persuaded Nero to release Livia, married her, and found, in her persuasive counsel and her aristocratic connections as a member of the Claudian gens, a passage to rec\u00ad onciliation with the propertied classes. He reduced taxes, returned 30,000 runaway slaves to their masters, and set himself patiently to restoring order in Italy.\"\\Vith the help of Agrippa, and of 1 20 ships contributed by Antony, he destroyed the fleet of Sextus Pompey, secured Rome's food supply, and ended the resistance of the Pompeians {36). The Senate by acclamation named him tribune for life.\nAfter marrying Octavia in a state ceremony at Rome, Antony went with her to Athens. There for a time he enjoyed the novel experience of living with a good woman. He put aside politics and war and, with Octavia at his side, attended the lectures of philosophers. Meanwhile, however, he studied the plans that Caesar had left for conquering Parthia. Labienus, son of Caesar's general, had entered the services of the Parthian king and had led Parthian armies victoriously into Cilicia and Syria-lucrative provinces of Rome (40). To meet this threat Antony needed soldiers; to pay soldiers he needed money; and of this Cleopatra had plenty. Suddenly tiring of virtue and peace, he sent Octavia back to Rome and asked Cleopatra to meet him at Antioch. She brought him a few troops, but she disapproved of his gran\u00ad diose plans and apparently gave him little of her fabulous treasury. He\n206\tCAESAR  AN-D  CHRIST\t(CHAP. X\ninvaded Parthia with 100,000 men (36), tried in vain to capture its citadels, and lost ahnost half his forces in a heroic retreat through 300 miles of hostile country. On the way he annexed Armenia to the Empire. He awarded him\u00ad self a triumph and shocked Italy by celebrating it at Alexandria. He sent a letter of divorce to Octavia (32), married Cleopatra, confirmed her and Caesarian as joint rulers of Egypt and Cyprus, and bequeathed the Eastern provinces of the Empire to the son and daughter that Cleopatra had borne him. Knowing that he would soon have to square accounts with Octavian, he abandoned himself to a year of frolic and luxury. Cleopatra encouraged him to dare the last gamble for omnipotence, helped him to raise an army and a fleet, and chose as her favorite oath, \"As surely as I shall one day give judg\u00ad ment in the Capitol.\"13\nANTONY AND OCTAVIAN\nOctavia bore her rejection silently, lived quietly in Antony's house at Rome, and brought up faithfully his children by Fulvia and the two daugh\u00ad ters that she herself had given him. The daily sight of her mute desolation inflamed Octavian's conviction that both Italy and he were doomed if An\u00ad tony's plans succeeded. He saw to it that Italy should realize the situation: Antony had married the Queen of Egypt, had assigned to her and her illep.-iti\u00ad mate offspring the most tribute-yielding of Rome's provinces, was seeking to make Alexandria the capital of the Empire, and would reduce Rome and Italy to subordinate roles. When Antony sent a message to the Senate (which he had for years ignored) proposing that he and Octavian should retire to private life, and that the institutions of the Republic should be restored, Octavian escaped a difficult situation by reading to the Senate what he claimed was Antony's will, which he had taken by force from the Vestal Virgins. It named Antony's children by Cleopatra his sole heirs, and directed that he should be buried beside the Queen in Alexandria.14 The last clause was as decisive for the Senate as it should have proved suspicious; instead of raising doubts that a will filed in Rome should have made such provisions, it convinced the Senate and Italy that Cleopatra was scheming to absorb the Empire through Antony. With characteristic subtlety Octavian de\u00ad clared war (32) against her rather than Antony, and made the conflict a holy war for the independence of Italy.\nIn September, 32, the fleet of Antony and Cleopatra sailed into the Ionian ea, 500 warships strong; n such armada had been seen before. Supporting It was an army of 100,000 mfantry and 12,000 cavalry, mostly supplied by Eastern princes and kings in the hope of makiag this a war of liberation from\nCHAP. X)\tANTONY\t207\nRome. Octavian crossed the Adriatic with 400 vessels, 80,000 foot, 12,000 horse. For almost a year the rival forces prepared and maneuvered; then, on September 2, 31, they fought at Actium, in the Ambracian Gulf, one of the decisive battles of history. Agrippa proved the better tactician, and his light ships more manageable than Antony's heavy-towered leviathans. Many of these were consumed by fires set by burning brands cast upon them by Octavian's crews. \"Some sailors,\" says Dio Cassius,\nperished by the smoke before the flames could reach them; others were cooked in their armor, ,vhich became red hot; others were roasted in their vessels as though in ovens. Many leaped into the sea; of these some were mangled by sea monsters, some were shot by arrows, some were drowned. The only ones to obtain an endurable death were those who killed one another.15\nAntony saw that he was losing, and signaled to Cleopatra to carry out their prearranged plan for retreat. She headed her squadron southward and waited for Antony; unable to extricate his flagship, he abandoned it and rowed out to hers. As they sailed for Alexandria he sat alone on the prow, his head between his hands, conscious that everything was lost, even honor.\nFrom Actium Octavian went to Athens; thence to Italy to quell a mutiny among his troops, who clamored for the plunder of Egypt; then to Asia to depose and punish Antony's adherents and raise new funds from long\u00ad suffering cities; then to Alexandria ( 30). Antony had left Cleopatra and was staying on an island near Pharos; thence he sent offers of peace, which Oc\u00ad ta,\u00b7ian ignored. Unknown to Antony, Cleopatra sent Octavian a golden scepter, crown, and throne as tokens of her submission; according to Dio he replied that he would leave her and Egypt untouched if she would kill Antony.16 The beaten Triumvir wrote to Octavian again, reminding him of their former friendship and of \"all the wanton pranks in which they had shared as youths\"; and agreed to kill himself if the victor would spare Cleo\u00ad patra. Again Octavian made no reply. Cleopatra gathered all that she could of the Egyptian treasury into a palace tower and informed Octavian that she would destroy it all, and herself, unless he granted an honorable peace. Antony led what small forces remained to him in a last fight; his desperate courage won a temporary victory; but on the next day, seeing Cleopatra's mercenaries surrender, and receiving a report that Cleopatra was dead, he stabbed himself. \\Vhen he learned that the repon was false he begged to be brought to the tower in whose upper chambers the Queen and her at\u00ad tendants had locked themselves; they drew him up through the window, and he died in her arms. Octavian allowed her to come forth and bury her lover; then he granted her an audience and, immune to what lure survived in a\n208\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. X\nbroken woman of thirty-nine, he gave her terms that made life seem worth less to one who had been a queen. Convinced that he intended to take her as captive to adorn a Roman triumph, she arrayed herself in her royal robes, put an asp to her breast, and died. Her handmaidens Charmion and Iris followed her in suicide.18\nOctavian permitted her to be buried beside Antony. Caesarian, and An\u00ad tony's eldest son by Fulvia, he slew; the children of Antony and the Queen he spared and sent to Italy, where Octavia reared them as ff they were her own. The victor found the Egyptian treasury intact and as abundant as he had dreamed. Egypt escaped the indignity of being named a Roman prov\u00ad ince; Octavian merely mounted the throne of the Ptolemies, succeeded to their possessions, and left a praef ectus to administer the country in his name. Caesar's heir had conquered those of Alexander, and absorbed Alexander's realm; the West again, as at Marathon and Magnesia, had triumphed over the East. The battle of the giants was over, and an invalid had won.\nThe Republic died at Pharsalus; the revolution ended at Actium. Rome had completed the fatal cycle known to Plato and to us: monarchy, aris\u00ad tocracy, oligarchic exploitation, democracy, revolutionary chaos, dictator\u00ad ship. Once more, in the great systole and diastole of history, an age of freedom ended and an age of discipline began.\nBOOK III\nTHE\tPRINCIPA TE\n30 B.C.-A.D. 192"]
[-3.3146839141845703, -15.153779029846191, "218\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XI\nyears he persisted in this policy despite universal criticism at home; at last he had the satisfaction of seeing the starving rebels disband, and of re-estab\u00ad lishing the Roman power. But in that same year (A.D. 9) Arminius organized a revolt in Germany, lured the three legions of Varos, the Roman governor, into a trap, and killed every man of them except those who, like Varos, fell upon their own swords. When Augustus heard of this he was \"so deeply affected,\" says Suetonius, \"that for several months he cut neither his beard nor his hair; and sometimes he would dash his head against a door, and cry out, 'Quintilius Varos, give me back my legions!' \" 6 Tiberius hastened to Germany, reorganized the army there, stood off the Germans, and, by Au\u00ad gustus' orders, withdrew the Roman boundary to the Rhine.\nIt was a decision costly to the Emperor's pride but creditable to his judg\u00ad ment. Germany was surrendered to \"barbarism\"-i.e., to a nonclassic culture\n-and was left free to arm its growing population against Rome. However, the same reasons that had argued for the conquest of Germany would have demanded the subjection of Scythia-southern Russia. Somewhere the Em\u00ad pire had to stop; and the Rhine was a better frontier than any other west of the Urals. Having annexed northern and western Spain, Raetia, Noricum, Pannonia, Moesia, Galatia, Lycia, and Pamphylia, Augustus felt that he had sufficiently earned his title of \"the increasing god.\" At his death the Empire covered 3,340,000 square miles, more than the mainland of the United States, and over a hundred times the area of Rome before the Punic \\ Vars. Augustus advised his successor to be content with this, the greatest empire yet seen; to seek rather to unite and strengthen it within than to extend it without. He expressed his surprise \"that Alexander did not regard it as a greater task to set in order the empire that he had won than to win it.\" 7 The Pax Romana had begun.\nSATURN/A REGNA\nIt could not be said that Augustus had made a desert and called it peace. Within a decade after Actium the Mediterranean knew such economic quickening as no tradition could parallel. The restoration of order was in itself a stimulus to recovery. The renewed safety of the seas, the stability of government, the conservatism of Augustus, the consumption of Egypt's hoarded treasure, the opening of new mines and mints, the reliability and accelerated circulation of the curre!}cy, the easing of congested population into agricultural allotments and colonial settlements-how could prosperity resist so unanimous an invitation? A group of Alexandrian sailors, landing at Puteoli when Augustus was near by, approached him in festal dress and of-\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t219\nfered him incense as to a deity. It was because of him, they said, that they could voyage in safety, trade in confidence, and live in peace.8\nAugustus was convinced, as became the grandson of a banker, that the best economy was one that united freedom with security. He protected all classes with well-administered laws, guarded the highways of trade, lent money without interest to responsible land-owners, 9 and mollified the poor with state grain, lotteries, and occasional gifts; for the rest he left enterprise, production, and exchange freer than before. Even so, the works directed by the state were now of unprecedented magnitude, and played some part in restoring economic life. Eighty-two temples were built; a new forum and basilica were added to facilitate the operations of finance and the courts; a new senate house replaced the one that had incinerated Clodius; colonnades were erected to temper the sun; the theater that Caesar had begun was completed and named after Marcellus, son-in-law of Augustus; and rich men were prodded by the Emperor into spending part of their fortunes in adorning Italy with basilicas, temples, libraries, theaters, and roads. \"Those that celebrated triumphs,\" says Dio Cassius, \"he commanded to erect out of their spoils some public work to commemorate their deeds.\" 9a Augustus hoped to make the majesty of Rome enhance and symbolize her power and his own. Toward the close of his life he remarked that he had found Rome a city of brick and had left it a city of marble.9b It was a forgivable exaggera\u00ad tion: there had been much marble there before, and much brick remained. But seldom had any man done so much for a city.\nHis indispensable aide in the reconstruction of Rome was Marcus Vip\u00ad sanius Agrippa. This perfect friend had shared with Maecenas the guidance of Augustus' policy. In his year as aedile (33 B.c.) Agrippa had won the public to Octavian by opening 170 public baths, distributing free oil and salt, presenting games for fifty-five successive days, and providing free barbers for all citizens for a year-apparently all at his own expense. His ability might have made him another Caesar; he pref erred to serve Augustus for a generation. So far as we know, his life was unstained by public or private scan&:l; Roman gossip, which sooner or later besmirched everyone else, left him untouched. He was the first Roman to realize the importance of sea power. He planned, built, and commanded the fleet, defeated Sextus Pompey, suppressed piracy, and won a world for Augustus at Actium. After these victories and his pacification of Spain, Gaul, and the Bosporan kingdom, he was thrice offered a triumph and always refused. Enriched by a grateful prince, he continued to live without luxury, and devoted himself as ardently to public works as he had done to the preservation of the state. Out of his own purse he hired hundreds of laborers to repair roads, buildings,\n220\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XI\nand sewers, and reopen the Marcian aqueduct. He constructed a new aque\u00ad duct, the Julian, and further improved the water supply of Rome with 700 wells, 500 fountains, and r 30 reservoirs. When the people complained of the high price of wine Augustus slyly remarked, \"My son-in-law Agrippa has seen to it that Rome shall not go thirsty.\" 10 This greatest of Roman engineers created a spacious harbor and shipbuilding center by connecting the Lucrine and Avernian lakes with the sea. He built the first of the imposing public baths that were to distinguish Rome among the cities. He constructed, again out of his own funds, a temple to Venus and Mars, which was rebuilt by Hadrian, is known to us as the Pantheon, and stJl bears on its portico the words, M. AGRIPPA .\u2022.\tFECIT. He organized a thirty-year survey of the Empire, wrote a treatise on geography, and made in painted marble a map of the world. Like Leonardo he was a scientist, an engineer, an inventor of military projectiles, and an artist. His early death at the age of fifty ( r 2 B.c.) was among the many sorrows that darkened the later years of Augustus, who had given him his daughter Julia in marriage, and had hoped to bequeath the Empire to him as the man best fitted to govern it honestly and well.\nCostly public works combined with extended governmental services to raise state expenditures beyond precedent. Salaries were now paid to provincial and municipal officials, bureaucrats and police; a large lrmy and navy were main\u00ad tained; buildings were put up or restored without number; com and games bribed the populace to peace. Since expenses were met out of current revenue, and no national debt was laid upon the future, taxation under Augustus became a science and an unremitting industry. Augustus was not relentless; often he forgave taxes to harassed individuals and cities or paid them out of his personal funds. He returned to the municipalities 35,000 pounds of gold offered him as a \"coronation gift\" on the occasion of his fifth consulate; and he refused many other donations.12 He abolished the land tax laid upon Italy in the Civil War; in its stead he levied upon all citizens in the Empire a five per cent tax on be\u00ad quests to any persons except near r\"latives and the poor.13 A tax of one per cent was placed upon auction sales, four per cent upon the sale of slaves, five per cent upon their manumission; and custom dues from two and a half to five per cent were collected on nearly all ports of entry. All citizens were subject also to municipal taxes, and Roman realty did not share in Italy's exemption from the tax on land. Taxes were paid for water supplied from the public mains. Con\u00ad siderable revenue came from the leasing of public lands, mines, and fisheries, from the state monopdy of salt, and the fines imposed by the courts. The prov\u00ad inces paid a tributum soli, or land tax, and a tribzttztm capitis-literally a head or poll tax, actually a tax on personal property. Taxes flowed into two coffers at Rome, both stored in temples: the national Treasury (aerariztm) controlled by the Senate, and the imperial Treasury (fiscus) owned and managed by the\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t221\nEmperor.\u2022 To the latter came the income not only from his vast personal prop\u00ad erties, but bequests from well-wishers and friends. Such legacies, in the lifetime of Augustus, amounted to 1,400,000,000 sesterces.\nAll in all, taxation under the Principate was not oppressive, and until Com\u00ad modus the results were worth the cost. The provinces prospered and raised altars of gratitude or expectation to Augustus the god; even in sophisticated Rome he had to censure the people for the extravagance of their eulogies. One enthusiast ran through the streets calling upon men and women to \"devote\" themselves to Augustus-i.e., promise to kill themselves when he died. In 2 n.c. Messala Corvinus, who had captured Octavian's camp at Philippi, proposed that the title of pater patriae should be conferred upon Augustus. The Senate, pleased to have so little responsibility while retain\u00ad ing honors and wealth, gladly heaped upon the Emperor this and other titles of praise. The business classes, now richer than ever, celebrated his birthday with a two-day festival year after year. \"All sorts and conditions of men,\" says Suetonius,14 \"brought him gifts on the kalends of January\"\u00ad New Year's Day. When fire destroyed his old palace every city, apparently every tribe and guild, in the Empire sent him a contribution to rebuild it; he refused to take more than a denarius from any individual, but never\u00ad theless he had more than enough. All the l\\Iediterranean world, after its long ordeal, seemed happy; and Augustus might believe that his patience and labor had accomplished his great task.\nTHE AUGUSTA. REFORMATION\nHe destroyed his own happiness by trying to make people good as well as happy; it was an imposition that Rome hever forgave him. Moral reform is the most difficult and delicate branch of statesmanship; few rulers have dared to attempt it; most rulers have left it to hypocrites and saints.\nAugustus began modestly enough by seeking to check the racial trans\u00ad formation of Rome. Population there was not declining; on the contrary, it was growing by mass and dole attraction and the import of wealth and slaves. Since freedmen were included in the dole, many citizens freed old or sickly slaves to have them fed by the state; kinder motives freed more, and many slaves saved enough to buy their liberty. As the sons of freed\u00ad men automatically became citizens, the emancipation of slaves and the fertility of aliens combined with the low birth rate of the native stocks to\nThe fisci were, in the Republic, the sealed baskets in which the provincial money tribute was brought to Rome.\n222\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XI\nchange the ethnic character of Rome. Augustus wondered what stability there could be in so heterogeneous a population, and what loyalty to the Empire might be expected of men in whose veins ran the blood of subject peoples. By his urging, the lex Fufia Caninia (2 B.c.) and later measures enacted that an owner of not more than two slaves might free them all, the owner of from three to ten sbves might free half of them, the owner of from eleven to thirty one-third, the owner of from thirty-one to one\n, hundred one-fourth, the owner of from 101 to 300 one-fifth; and no master might free more than a hundred.\nOne might wish that Augustus had limited slavery instead of freedom. But antiquity took slavery for granted, and would have contemplated with horror the economic and social effects of a wholesale emancipation, just as the employers of our time fear the sloth that might come from security. Augustus was thinking in terms of race and class; he could not conceive a strong Rome without the character, courage, and political ability that had marked the old Roman; above all, the old aristocracy. The decay of the ancient faith among the upper classes had washed away the supernatural supports of marriage, fidelity, and parentage; the passage from farm to city had made children less of an asset, more of a liability and a toy; women wished to be sexually rather than maternally beautiful; in general the desire for individual freedom seemed to be running counter to the needs of the race. To accentuate the evil, legacy hunting had become the most profitable occupation in ltaly.16 .Men without children were sure to be courted in their declining years by expectant ghouls; and so large a number of Romans relished this esurient courtesy that it became an added cause of childlessness. Protracted military service drew a considerable proportion of young men from marriage in their most nubile years. A large number of native-stock Romans avoided wedlock altogether, preferring prostitutes or concubines even to a varied succession of wives. Of those who married, a majority appear to have limited their families by abortion, infanticide, coitus inter\u00ad ruptus, and contraception.18\nAugustus was disturbed by these insignia of civilization. He began to feel that a movement backward to the old faith and morals was necessary. Respect for the mos maiorum revived in him as the years cleared his vision and tired his frame. It was not good, he felt, for the present to break too sharply with the past; a nation must have a continuity of traditions to be sane, as a man must have memory. He read with aging seriousness the historians of Rome, and envied the virtues they ascribed to the ancients. He relished the speech of Quintus Metellus on marriage, read it to the Senate, and recommended it to the people by imperial proclamation. A large part of the older generation agreed with him; it formed a kind of puritan p;rty"]
[10.272068977355957, -4.256106853485107, "Erasure is as important as writing. Prune what is turgid, elevate what is commonplace, arrange what is disorderly, introduce rhythm where the 1:inguage is harsh, modify where it is too absolute   The best\nmethod of correction is to put aside for a time what we have written, so that when we come to it again it may have an aspect of novelty, as of being another man's work; in this way we may preserve ourselves from regarding our writings with the affection that we lavish upon a newborn child.121\nDelivery, like composition, should touch the emotions, but avoid exuberant gesticulation. \"It is feeling and force of imagination that makes us eloquent,\" but \"shout and bellow with uplifted hand, pant, wag your head, smite your hands together, slap your thigh, your br:!ast, your forehead, and you will go straight to the heart of the dingier members of your audience.\" 122\nTo all this excellent counsel Quintilian adds, in his twelfth book, the best literary criticism that has survived from antiquity. He enters with zest into the ancient and modern war between the ancients and the moderns, and finds truth precariously in the middle. He does not, li!-:e Fronto, wish to return to the rude simplicity of Cato and Ennius, but still more he would shun the \"voluptuous and affected\" fluency of Seneca; he prefers, as a model for students, the virile yet polished speech of Cicero, the one Roman writer who had in his line surpassed the Greeks.123 Quintilian's own style is often that of a schoolmaster, moribund with definitions, classification, and distinc\u00ad tions, and rising to eloquence only in denouncing Seneca; but it is a vigorous style, whose dignity is lightened now and then with touches of humanity and wit. Behind the good sense of the words we feel always the quiet good\u00ad ness of the man; it is a moral stimulus to read him. Perhaps the Romans \\.Vho had the privilege of his instruction took from it some part of the moral renovation that, more than any brilliance of letters, ennobled the age of the\nyounger Pliny and Tacitus.\nSTATIUS A1'\"'D MARTIAL\nWe have left to the last two poets who belonged to the sa'11e epoch, sough\u00ad the favor of the same emperor and the same patrons, and yu never mentior,\nCAESAR  AND CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIV\neach other: one the purest, the other the coarsest, poet in the history of im\u00ad perial Rome. Publius Papinius Statius was the son of a Neapolitan poet and grammarian; his environment and his education gave him everything but money and genius. He lisped in numbers, startled salons with poetical im\u00ad provisations, and wrote an epic, the Thebaid, on the war of the Seven against Thebes. We cannot read it today, for its movement is obstructed with dead gods, and its smooth verses have an overpowering virtus dormitiva. But his contemporaries liked it; crowds gathered to hear him recite it in a Naples theater; they understood his mythological machinery, welcomed the deli\u00ad cacy of his sentiment, and found that his lines ran trippingly on the tongue. The judges in the Alban poetry contest gave him the first prize; rich men became his friends and helped him stave off penury;124 Domitian himself in\u00ad vited him to dinner in the domus Flavia, and Statius repaid him by describing the palace as heaven and the Emperor as god.\nTo Domitian and other patrons, to his father and his friends, he addressed the most pleasing of his poems, the Silvae, modest idyls and eulogies in light and happy verse. In the Capitoline games, however, another poet won the crown, Statius' star waned in fickle Rome, and he persuaded his reluctant wife to return with him to his boyhood home. In Naples he began another epic, the Achilleid; then suddenly, in 96, he died, a youth of thirty-five. He was not a great poet; but he struck a welcome note of kindliness and tenderness amid a literature too often sarcastic and bitter, and a society corrupt and coarse beyond any precedent. He would have been as famous as Martial if he had been as obscene.\nMarcus Valerius .i\\1artialis was born at Bilbilis in Spain in the fortieth year of our era. At twenty-four he came to Rome and won the friendship of Lucan and Seneca. Quintilian advised him to butter his bread by practicing law, but Martial preferred to starve on poetry. His friends were suddenly swept away in the conspiracy of Piso, and he was reduced to addressing his poems to rich men who might give him a dinner for an epigram. He lived in a third-floor garret, probably alone; for thou3h he indites two poems to a woman whom he calls his wife, they are so foul that she must have been an invention or a bawd.126\nHis poems, he lets us know, were read throughout the Empire, even among the Goths; he rejoices to learn that he was almost as famous as a racehorse, but he fretted to see his publisher enriched while he himself received nothing from the sale of his books. He descended to suggesting, in an epigram, that he badly needed a toga; the Emperor's rich freedman Parthenius sent him one; he replied in two stanzas, one of which celebrated the newness of the garment, the other its cheap worthlessness. In time he found some more gen\u00ad erous patrons; one gave him a little farm at Nomentum, and somehow he\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE  SILVER  AGE\nraised funds to buy a simple home on the Quirinal hill. He became a \"client\" or retainer to one rich man after another, waited upon them in the morning, and received an occasional gift; but he felt the shame of liis situation and\nmourned that he did not have the courage to be contentedly poor and therefore free.127He could not afford to be poor, for he had to mingle in the\nsociety of men who could reward his verse. He showered Domitian with lauds and announced that if Jupiter and Domitian were to invite him to din\u00ad ner on the same day he would tum down the god; but the Emperor pre\u00ad\nferred Statius. Martial became jealous of the younger poet and suggested that a live epigram was worth more than a dead epic.128\nThe epigram had till now been a pretty conceit on any passing subject, sometimes a dedication, a compliment, an epitaph; Martial molded it into a briefer, sharper form, barbed with satiric sting. We do him injustice when we read these 1561 epigrams in a few sittings; they were issued in twelve books at divers times, and the reader was expected to use them in small por\u00ad tions as bors d'oeuvres, not as a prolonged feast. Most of them seem trivial today; their allusion was local and temPorary, too well timed to endure.\nMartial does not take them very seriously; the bad ones, he agrees, out\u00ad number the good, but he had to fill a volume.129 He is a master of versifica\u00ad\ntion, knows all the meters and all the tricks of the poetic trade; but he avoids rhetoric as proudly as his prose patrician analogue, Petronius. He cares nothing for the mythological furniture that littered the literature of his age; he is interested in real men and women and their intimate life and describes\nthem with relish and spite; \"my pages,\" he says, \"taste of men.\" 130 He  can\n\"take down\" some stiff aristocrat or stingy millionaire, some pompous lawyer or fa.mous orator; but he likes better to tell of barbers, cobblers, hawkers, jockeys, acrobats, auctioneers, poisoners, perverts, and prostitutes. His scenes are laid not in ancient Greece but in the baths, the theaters, the streets, the circus, the homes, and tenements of Rome. He is the poet laureate of worthless men.\nHe is more interested in money than in love, and most often thinks of the latter in one gender. There is some sentiment in him, and he speaks very tenderly of a friend's child just dead; but there is no gallant line in his books,\nnot even a noble wrath. He chants a litany of evil smells, and adds, \"All these stenches I prefer to yours, Bassa.\" 131 He describes one of his m!5tressr.;:\nYour tresses, Galla, are manufactured far away; you lay aside your teeth at night as you do your silk dresses; you lie stored away in a hundred caskets, and your face does not sleep with you; you wink with an eyebrow brought to you in the morning. No respect moves you for your outworn carcass, which you may now count as one of your ancestors.132"]
[8.482110977172852, 2.5068345069885254, "CHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\nto Antoninus and Faustina both.* He paid the Senate every courtesy and rejoiced to see that many of his philosopher friends had found their way into its membership. All ltaly and all the provinces acclaimed him as Plato's dream come true: the philosopher was king. But he had no thought of attempting a Utopia. Like Antoninus he was a conservative; radicals do not grow up in palaces. He was a philosopher-king in the Stoic rather than the Platonic sense. \"Never hope,\" he admonished himself, \"to realize Plato's Republic. Let it be sufficient that you have in some degree ameliorated mankind, and do not think such improvement a matter of small importance. Who can change the opinions of men? And without a change of sentiments what can you make but reluctant slaves and hypocrites?\" He had discovered that not all men wished to be saints; and he sadly reconciled himself to a world of corruption and wickedness. \"The immortal gods consent for countless ages to endure without anger, and even to surround with blessings, so many and such evil men; but thou, who hast so short a time to live, art thou already weary?\" 48 He decided to rely on example rather than law. He made him\u00ad self in fact a public servant; he carried all the burdens of administration and judgment, even that part which Lucius had agreed to take but was neglect\u00ad ing; he allowed himself no luxury, treated all men with simple fellowship, and wore himself out by being easy of access. He was not a great states\u00ad man: he spent too much of the public funds in cash gifts to the people and the army,\u00b7gave each member of the Pnet01;ian Guard 20,000 sesterces, in\u00ad creased the number of those who could apply for free corn, provided fre\u00ad quent and costly games, and remitted large sums in unpaid taxes and tribute; it was generosity with many precedents, but unwise at a time when rebellion or war visibly threatened, or was breaking out, in several provinces and on far-spread frontiers.\nMarcus continued sedulously that reform of law which Hadrian had begun. He increased the number of court days and reduced the length of trials. He himself often sat as judge, inflexible against grave offenses, but usually merciful. He devised legal protection for wards against dishonest guardians, for debtors against creditors, for provinces against governors. He connived at the rejuvenation of the forbidden collegia, legalized those associations which were chiefly burial societies, made them legal persons eligible for bequests, and established a fund for the bterment of poor citizens. He gave the alimenta the widest extension in their history. After the death of his wife he created an endowment for the aid of young women; a pretty bas-relief shows ussuch girls crowding around the younger Faustina,\nIts ten Corinthian monolithic columns are among the finest remains in the Forum. The portico is intact, and the cella, though shorn of its marble facing, has survived as the Church of San Lorenzo in l\\liranda.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nwho pours wheat into their laps. He abo_lished mix d bathing, f_orbade e \u00ad travagant remuneration to actors and gladiators, restricted accordmg to the1r wealth the expenditures of the cities on games, required the use of foiled weapons in gladiatorial contests, and did all that sanguinary custom would allow to banish death from the arena. The people loved him but not his laws. When he enlisted gladiators in his army for the .Marcomannic \\Vars the popu\u00ad lace cried out in good-humored anger: \"He is taking our amusement from us; he wants to force us to be philosophers.\" 49 Rome was preparing, but not quite ready, to be puritan.\nIt was his misfortune that his fame as a philosopher, and the long peace under Hadrian and Antoninus, encouraged rebels within and barbarians without. In 162 revolt broke out in Britain, the Chatti invaded Roman Ger\u00ad many, and the Parthian king Vologases III declared war upon Rome. Marcus chose able generals to put down the revolt in the north, but he delegated to Lucius Verus the major task of fighting Parthia. Lucius got no farther than Antioch. For there lived Panthea, so beautiful and accomplished that Lucian thought all the perfections of all sculptural masterpieces had come together in her; to which were added a voice of intoxicating melody, fingers skilled on the lyre, and a mind enriched with literature and philosophy. Lucius saw her, and, like Gilgamesh, forgot when he was born. He abandoned himself to pleasure, to hunting, at last to debauchery, while the Parthians rode into terror-stric)cen Syria. Marcus made no comment on Lucius but sent to Avidius Cassius, second in charge in Lucius' army, a plan of campaign whose military excellence helped the general's own ability not only to drive the Parthians back across Mesopotamia, but to plant the Roman standards once more in Seleucia and Ctesiphon. This time the two cities were burned to the ground lest they serve again as bases for Parthian campaigns. Lucius returned from Antioch to Rome and was awarded a triumph, which he magnanimously insisted that Marcus should share.\nLucius brought with him the invisible victor of the war-pestilence. It had appea:ed first amon_g the tro ps of A_vidius in captu ed Seleucia; it spread so rapidly that he withdrew his army mto Mesopotamia, while the Parthians rejoiced at the vengeance of their gods. The retreating leaions carried the plague with them to Syria; Lucius took some of these soldiers to Rome to\nmarch in his t umph; they inf cted eve17 city through ,:vhich they passed and every region of the Empire to which they were later assigned. The ancient historians tell us more of its ravages than of its nature; their descrip\u00ad tions suggest exanthematous typhus or possibly bubonic plaQUe.52 Galen thought it similar to the disease that had wasted the Athenians ud'der Pericles: in both cases black pustules almost covered the body, the victim was racked with a hoarse cough, and his \"breath stank.\" 53 Rapidly it swept through\nCHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t429\nAsia Minor, Egypt, Greece, Italy, arid Gaul; within a year ( 1 66-67) it had killed more men than had been lost in the war. In Rome 2000 died of it in one day, including many of the aristocracy;54 corpses were carried out of the city in heaps. Marcus, helpless before this intangible enemy, did all he could to mitigate the evil; but the medical science of his day could off er him no guidance, and the epidemic ran its course until it had established an immunity or had killed all its carriers. The effects were endless. Many locali\u00ad ties were so despoiled of population that they reverted to jungle or desert; food production fell, transport was disorganized, floods destroyed great quantities of grain, and famine succeeded plague. The happy hilaritas that had marked the beginning of Marcus' reign vanished; men yielded to a be\u00ad wildered pessimism, flocked to soothsayers and oracles, clouded the altars with incense and sacrifice, and sought consolation where alone it was offered them-in the new religions of personal immortality and heavenly peace.\nAmid these domestic difficulties news came ( 167) that the tribes along the Danube-Chatti, Quadi, l\\larcomanni, Iazyges-had crossed the river,. overwhelmed a Roman garrison of 20,000 men, and were pouring un\u00ad hindered into Dacia, Raetia, Pannonia, Noricum; that some had made their way over the Alps, had defeated every army sent against them, were be\u00ad sieging Aquileia (near Venice), were threatening Verona, and were laying waste the rich fields of northern Italy. Never before had the German tribes moved with such unity or so closely threatened Rome. Marcus acted with surprising decisiveness. He put away the pleasures of philosophy and de\u00ad termined to take the field in what he foresaw would be the most momentous of Roman wars since Hannibal. He shocked Italy by enrolling policemen, gladiators, slaves, brigands, and barbarous mercenaries into legions depleted by war and pestilence. Even the gods were conscripted to his purpose: he bade the priests of alien faiths to offer sacrifice for Rome according to their various rites; and he himself burned such hecatombs at the altars that a wit circulated a message sent him by white oxen, begging him not to be too victorious; \"if thou shouldst conquer, we are lost.\" 55 To raise war funds without levying special taxes he auctioned off in the Forum the wardrobes, art objects, and jewels of the imperial palaces. He took careful measures of defense-fortified the border towns from Gaul to the Aegean, blocked the passes into Italy, and bribed German and Scythian tribes to attack the in\u00ad vaders in the rear. \\Vith energy and courage all the more admirable in a man who hated war, he trained his army into disciplined strength, led them through a hard campaign mapped out with strategic skill, drove the be\u00ad siegers from Aquileia, and routed them even to the Danube, until nearly all were captured or dead.\n430\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XIX\nHe understood that this action had not ended the German danger; but thinking the situation safe for a ti.'Tle, he returned with his colleague to Rome. On the way Lucius died of an apoplectic stroke, and gossip, which, like politics, has no bowels of mercy, whispered that Marcus had poisoned him. From January to September, 169, the Emperor rested at home from efforts that had strained his frail body close to the breaking point. He suf\u00ad fered from a stomach ailment that often left him too weak to talk; he con\u00ad trolled it by eating sparingly, one light meal a day. Those who knew his condition and his diet marveled at his laqors in the palace and the field and could only say that he made up in resolution what he lacked in strength. On several occasions he called in the most famous physician of the age, Galen of Pergamum, and praised him for the unpretentious remedies he prescribed.56\nPerhaps a succession of domestic disappointments co-operated with\npolitical and military crises to aggravate his illness and make him old at forty\u00ad eight. His wife Faustina, whose pretty face has come down to us in many a sculptured portrait, may not have relished sharing bed and board with incarnate philosophy; she was a lively creature, who longed for a gayer life than his sober nature could give her. The talk of the town assumed her infidelity; the mimes satirized him as a cuckold and even named his rivals.57 Like Antoninus with Faustina the mother, Marcus said nothing; instead, he promoted the supposed paramours to high office, gave Faustina every sign of tenderness and respect, had her deified when she died ( r 75), and thanked the gods, in his Meditations, for \"so obedient and affectionate a wife.\" 58 No evidence exists upon which to condemn her.59 Of the four children that she gave him-and whom he loved with a passion still warm in his letters to Fronto-one girl died in childhood; the surviving daughter was saddened by Lucius' life, and widowed by his death. Twin sons came in 161; one died at birth, the other was Commodus. Scandalmongers called him a gladiator's gift to Faustina,60 and he strove all his life long to confirm the tale. But he was a handsome and vigorous lad; Marcus forgivably doted on him, pre\u00ad sented him to the legions in a manner symbolic of naming a successor, and engaged the best teachers in Rome to fit him for rule. The youth preferred to model cups, dance, sing, hunt, and fence; he developed an understandable aversion to books, scholars, and philosophers, but enjoyed the company of gladiators and athletes. Soon he surpassed all comrades in lying, cruelty, and coarse speech\u2022. Marcus was too g od to be great enough to discipline him or renoun e hrm; he kept_on hopm that education and responsibility woul? sober hrm and make him grow mto king. The lonely Emperor, emaciated, beard u_nte ded, eyes weary with anxiety and sleeplessness, turned back from his wife and son to the tasks of government and war.\nCHAP.XIX)\tTHE   PHILOSOPHER  KINGS\t431\nThe assaults of the central European tribes against the frontier had stopped only for a breathing spell; in this struggle to destroy an Empire and make barbarism free, peace was but an armistice. In 169 the Chatti invaded the Roman regions of the upper Rhine. In 170 the Chauci attacked Belgica, and another force besieged Sarmizegetusa; the Ccstoboii crossed the Balkans into Greece and plundered the Temple of the .Mysteries at Eleusis, fourteen miles from Athens; the Mauri or Moors invaded Spain from Africa, and a new tribe, the Longobardi or Lombards, made its first appearance on the Rhine. Despite a hundred defeats, the fertile barbarians were growing stronger, the barren Romans weaker. Marcus saw that it was now a war to the death, that one side must destroy the other or go under. Only a man schooled in the Roman and Stoic sense of duty could have transformed himself so completely from a mystic philosopher into a competent and suc\u00ad cessful general. The philosopher remained, hidden under the imperator's\narmor; in the very tumult of this Second Marcomannic War (169-75), in his camp facing the Quadi on the river Granna,* Marcus wrote that little book of Meditations by which the world chiefly remembers him. This glimpse of a frail and fallible saint, pondering the problems of morality and destiny while leading a great army in a conflict on which the fate of the Empire turned, is one of the most intimate pictures that time has preserved of its great men. Pursuing the Sarmatians by day he could write with sym\u00ad pathy of them at night: \"A spider, when it has caught a fly, thinks it has done a great deed. So does one who has run down a hare    or who has\ncaptured Sarmatians.    Are they not all alike robbers?\" 61\nNevertheless, he fought the Sannatians, the Marcomanni, the Quadi, the Iazyges, through six hard years, defeated them, and marched his legions as far north as Bohemia. It was apparently his plan to use the Hercynian and Carpathian ranges as a new frontier; if he had succeeded, Roman civilization might have made Germany, like Gaul, Latin in speech and classical in heritage. But at the height of his successes he was shocked to learn that Avidius Cassius, after putting down a revolt in Egypt, had declared himself emperor. Marcus surprised the barbarians with a hasty peace, merely annex\u00ad ing a ten-mile strip on the north bank of the Danube and leaving strong garrisons on the southern side. He summoned his soldiers, told them that he would gladly yield his place to Avidius if Rome wished it, promised to pardon the rebel, and marched into Asia to encounter him. Meanwhile a centurion killed Cassius, and the rebellion collapsed. Marcus passed through . Asia Minor and Syria to Alexandria, mourning like Caes3r that he had been cheated of a chance for clemency. At Smyrna, Alexandria, and Athens he\nProbably the Gran, a tributary of the Danube.\n432\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIX\nwalked the streets without a guard, wore the mantle of a philosopher, at\u00ad tended the lectures of the leading teachers, and joined with them in dis\u00ad cussion, speaking Greek. During his stay at Athens he endowed professor\u00ad ships in each of the great schools of doctrine-Platonic, Aristotelian, Stoic, and Epicurean.\nIn the fall of 1 76, after almost seven years of war, Aurelius reached Rome and was accorded a triumph as the savior of the Empire. The Emperor associated Commodus with himself in the victory and now made him, a lad of fifteen, his colleague on the throne. For the first time in nearly a century the principle of adoption was put aside and the hereditary principate was resumed..Marcus knew what perils he was inviting for the Empire; he chose them as a lesser evil than the civil war that Commodus and his friends would wage if he were denied the throne. vVe must not judge him with hind\u00ad sight; neither did Rome anticipate the consequences of this love. There the plague had burned itself out, and men were beginning to be happy again. The capital had suffered little from the wars, which had been financed with remarkable economy and little extra taxation; while battle raged on the frontiers trade flourished within, and money jingled everywhere. It was the height of Rome's tide and of its Emperor's popularity; all the world ac\u00ad claimed him as at once a soldier, a sage, and a saint."]
[-8.638321876525879, -0.9039457440376282, "THE ENGINEERS\nThe ships and roads that carried goods, the bridges that bound the roads, the harbors and docks that received the ships, the aqueducts that brought clean water to Rome, the sewers that drained the rural marshes and the city's waste, were the work of Roman, Greek, and Syrian engineers operating with armies of free labor, legionaries, and slaves. They raised or drew heavy loads or stones by pulleys on cranes or vertical beams, worked by windlasses on treadmills turned by animals or men.35 They banked the treacherous Tiber with walls set back in three stages, so that low water would not expose the muddy bed.* They dredged a multiple harbor at Ostia for Claudius, Nero, and Trajan, opened lesser havens at Marseilles, Puteoli, Misenum, Carthage, Brundisium, and Ravenna, and re\u00ad newed the greatest of all at\u2022 Alexandria. They emptied the Fucine Lake and reclaimed its bed for cultivation by boring a tunnel through a mountain of rock. They lined the subsoil of Rome with sewers of concrete, brick, and tile which lasted for hundreds of years. They drained the swamps of Campania sufficiently\nto make it habitable, for many sumptuous palaces are indicated by the ruins there.36t They executed the astonishing public works by which Caesar and the\nemperors mitigated unemployment and beautified Rome.\nThe consular roads were among their simpler achievements. How did these highways compare with those of today? They were from sixteen to twenty-four feet wide, but near Rome part of this width was taken up with sidewalks (mar\u00ad gines) paved with rectangular stone slabs. They went straight to their goal in brave sacrifice of initial economy to permanent saving: they overleaped countless streams with costly bridges, crossed marshes with long, arched viaducts of brick and stone, climbed up and down steep hills with no use of cut and fill, and crept along mountainsides or high embankments secured by powerful retaining walls. Their pavement varied with locally available material. Usually the bottom layer (pavimentum) was a four- to six-inch bed of sand, or one inch of mortar. Upon this were imposed four strata of masonry: the statumen, a foot deep, consisting of stones bound with cement or clay; the rudens, ten inches of rammed concrete; the nucleus, twelve to eighteen inches of successively laid and rolled layers of\nIn 1870 the Italian government built embankments at a uniform width with unpleasant results in the dry season.\t'\nt Apparently the Volsci had drained the Pontine marshes before 600 B.c. Their Roman con\u00ad querors neglected the drainage canals, and the region again became swampv and malarial.\nCaesar planned its reclamation, and Augustus and Nero made some progress on the work\u00b7 but the task was not accomplished till 193 r.\t'\nCHAP. XV)\tROME  AT  WORK\t327\nconcrete; and the su:mma crusta of silex or lava polygonal slabs, one to three feet in diameter, and eight to twelve inches thick. The upper surface of the slabs was smoothed, and the joints were so well fitted as to be hardly discernible. Occa\u00ad sionally the surface was of concrete; on less important roads it might be of gravel; in Britain it was composed of flint stones laid in cement upon a gravel bed. The substructure was so deep that little attention was given to drainage. All in all, these were the most durable roads in history. Many of them are still in use; but their steep gradients, designed for pack mules and small vehicles, have compelled their abandonment by modem traffic.37\nThe bridges that carried these roads were themselves high exemplars of wedded science and art. The Romans inherited from Ptolemaic Egypt the principles of hydraulic engineering; they employed them on an unprecedented scale, and the methods they transmitted remained unchanged till our time. They carried to its ancient limit the building of foundations and piers under water. They drove into the bed a double cylinder of piles, boarded each cylinder tightly, drained the water from between them, covered the exposed bottom with rock or lime, and on this basis raised the pier. Eight bridges crossed the Tiber at Rome: some sacredly ancient like the Pons Sublicius, on which no metal might be used; some so well built that like the Pons Fabricius they are functioning to this day. From these spans the Roman arch would go forth to bridge a hundred thousand streams in the white man's world.\nPliny thought that the aqueducts were Rome's greatest achievement. \"If one will note the abundance of water skillfully brought into the city for many public and private uses; if he will observe the lofty aqueducts required to maintain a proper elevation and grade, the mountains that had to be pierced, the depres\u00ad sions that had to be filled-he will conclude that the whole globe offers nothing more marvelous.\" 38 From distant springs fourteen aqueducts, totaling 1 300 miles, brought through tunnels and over majestic arches into Rome some 300,000,000 gallons of water daily-as large a quantity per capita as in any modem city.39 These structures had their faults; leaks developed in the lead pipes and required frequent repair; by the end of the Western Empire all the aqueducts h:id gone out of use.* But when we consider that they fed ample water to homes, tene\u00ad ments, palaces, fountains, gardens, parks, and public bath2 where thousands bathed at once, and that enough remained to create artificial lakes for naval bat\u00ad tles, we begin to see that despite terror and corruption Rome was the best managed capital of antiquity and one of the best equipped cities of all time.\nAt the head of the water department at the close of the first century was Sextus Julius Frontinus, whose books have made him the most famous of Roman engineers. He had already served as praetor, as governor of Britain, and several terms as com::::.!. Like modem British statesmen he found time to \\\\\u00b7rite books as well as to govern states; he published a work on military science, of which the\nOne of them, the Aqua Virgo, now feeds the Fontana di Tre\\.i; three others have bern restored, and supply Rome with water today.\np8\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XV\nconcluding portion, Stratagemata, remains,* and left us his personal account of the water system of Rome (De aquis urbis R01nae). He describes the corruption and malfeasance that he found in his department on taking office, and how palaces and brothels secretly tapped the water mains, and so greedily that once Rome ran out of water.41 He describes his resolute reforms; tells in proud detail the sources, length, and function of each aqueduct; and concludes like Pliny: \"Who will venture to compare with these mighty conduits the idle Pyramids, or the famous but useless works of the Greeks?\" 42 We sense here the frankly utilitarian Roman with little taste for beauty apart from use; we can understand him and admit that a city should have clean water before it has Parthenons. Through these anless books we perceive that even in the age of the despots there were Romans of the old type, men of ability and integrity, conscientious ad\u00ad ministrators who made the Empire prosper under the lords of misrule and opened a way for monarchy's golden age.\nTHE TRADERS\nThe improvement of government and transport expanded Mediterranean trade to an unprecedented amplitude. At one end of the busy process of ex\u00ad change were peddlers hawking through the countryside everything from sulphur matches to costly imported silks; wandering auctioneers who served also as town criers and advertised lost goods and runaway slaves; daily markets and periodical fairs; shopkeepers haggling with customers, cheating with false or tipped scales, and keeping a tangential eye for the aedile's inspectors of weights and measures. A little higher in the commercial hierarchy were shops that manufactured their own merchandise; these were the backbone of both industry and trade. At or near the ports were wholesalers (magnarii) who sold, to retailers or consumers, goods recently brought in from abroad; sometimes the owner or captain of a vessel would sell his cargo directly from the deck.\nFor two centuries Italy enjoyed an \"unfavorable\" balance of trade-cheerfully bought more than she sold. She exported some Arretine pottery, some wine and oii some metalware, glass, and perfumes from Campania; for the rest her prod\u00ad ucts were kept at home. Meanwhile the wholesalers had agents buying goods for Italy in all parts of the Empire, and foreign merchants had Greek or Syrian drummers touting and placing their goods in Italy. By this double process the delicacies of half the planet came to please the palate, clothe the flesh, and adorn the home of the Roman optimate. \"Whoever wishes to see all the goods of the world,\" said Aelius Aristides, \"must either journey throughout the world or stay in Rome.\" 43 From Sicily came com, cattle, hides, wine, wool, fine woodwork, statuary, jewelry; from north Africa com and oil; from Cyrenaica silphium; from central Africa wild beasts for the arena; from Ethiopia and east Africa ivory, apes, tortoise shell, rare marbles, obsidian, spices, and Negro slaves; from\nBook III opens with an instructive remark: \"The invention of encrines of war has loner since reached its limit, and I see no funher hope for any improvement in the art.\" 40\t\"'\nCHAP.XV)\tROME  AT  WORK\t329\nwest Africa oil, beasts, citron, wood, pearls, dyes, copper; from Spain fish, cattle, wool, gold, silver, lead, tin, copper, iron, cinnabar, wheat, linen, cork, horses, ham, bacon, and the finest olives and olive oil; from Gaul clothing, wine, wheat, timber, vegetables, cattle, poultry, pottery, cheese; from Britain tin, lead, silver, hides, wheat, cattle, slaves, oysters, dogs, pearls, and wooden goods. From Bel\u00ad gium flocks of geese were driven all the way to Italy to supply goose livers for aristocratic bellies. From Germany came amber, slaves, and furs; from the Danube wheat, cattle, iron, silver, and gold; from Greece and the Greek isles cheap silk, linen, wine, oil, honey, timber, marble, emeralds, drugs, artworks, perfumes, diamonds, and gold. From the Black Sea came corn, fish, furs, hides, slaves; from Asia Minor fine linen and woolen fabrics, parchment, wine, Smyrna and other figs, honey, cheese, oysters, carpets, oil, wood; from Syria wine, silk, linen, glass, oil, apples, pears, plums, figs, dates, pomegranates, nuts, nard, balsam, Tyrian purple, and the cedar of Lebanon; from Palmyra textiles, perfumes, drugs; from Arabia incense, gums, aloes, myrrh, laudanum, ginger, cinnamon, and pre\u00ad cious stones; from Egypt com, paper, linen, glass, jewelry, granite, basalt, ala\u00ad baster, and porphyry. Finished products of a thousand kinds came to Rome and the West from Alexandria, Sidon, Tyre, Antioch, Tarsus, Rhodes, Miletus, Ephesus, and the other great cities of the East, while the East received raw mate\u00ad rials and money from the West.\nIn addition to all this there was a substantial import trade from outside the Empire. From Parthia and Persia came gems, rare essences, morocco leather, rugs, wild beasts, and eunuchs. From China-through Parthia, or India, or the Caucasus-came silk, raw or manufactured; the Romans thought it a vegetable product combed from trees and valued it at its weight in gold.44 Much of this silk came to the island of Cos, where it was woven into dresses for the ladies of Rome and other cities; in A.n. 91 the relatively poor state of .1\\.fessenia had to for\u00ad bid its women to wear transparent silk dresses at religious initiations; it was with such garments that Cleopatra touched the hearts of Caesar and Antony.45 In return the Chinese imported from the Empire carpets, jewels, amber, metals, dyes, drugs, and glass. Chinese historians speak of an embassy coming by sea to the Emperor Huan-ti in 166 from the Emperor \"An-Tun\"-Marcus Aurelius An\u00ad toninus; more probably it was a band of merchants posing as ambassadors. Six\u00ad teen Roman coins, dating from Tiberius to Aurelius, have been found in Shansi. From India came pepper, spikenard, and other spices (the same that Columbus would seek), herbs, ivory, ebony, sandalwood, indigo, pearls, sardonyx, onyx, amethyst, carbuncle, diamonds, iron products, cosmetics, textiles, tigers, and ele\u00ad phants. We may judge the extent of this trade, and the Roman hunger for luxuries, by noting that Italy imported more from India than from any other country except Spain.46 From one Egyptian port alone, Strabo avers, 120 ships sailed every year for India and Ceylon.41 In exchange India took a modest quan\u00ad tity of wine, metals, and purple, and the rest-over 100,000,000 sesterces per year\n-in bullion or coin. A like amount went to Arabia and China, and probably to\nSpain.48"]
[1.7607030868530273, 8.47321605682373, "510\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\ning and high philosophy-capturing the citadel of the finest imagination in Greek history. Plato's plan for a communistic aristocracy was the brilliant endeavor of a rich conservative to reconcile his scorn of democracy with the radical idealism of his time.\nHe came of a family so ancient that on his mother's side his pedigree went back to Solon, and on his father's side to the early kings of Athens, even to Poseidon, god of the sea.00 His mother was the sister of Charmides and the niece of Critias, so that opposition to democracy was almost in his blood. Named Aristocles-\"best and renowned\"-the youth distinguished himself in almost every field: he excelled in the study of music, mathematics, rhet\u00ad oric, and poetry; he charmed the women, and doubtless the men, with his good looks; he wrestled at the Isthmian games, and was nicknamed Plat<m, or broad, because of his robust frame; he fought in three battles, and won a prize for bravery.81 He wrote epigrams, amorous verses, and a tragic tetralogy; he was hesitating between poetry and politics as a career when, at the age of twenty, he succumbed to the fascination of Socrates. He must have known him before, since the great gadfly had long been a friend of his uncle Charmides; but now he could understand Socrates' teaching, and enjoy the sight of the old man tossing ideas, like an acrobat, into the air, and impaling them on the prongs of his questioning. He burned his poems, forgot Euripides, athletics, and women, and followed the master as if under an hypnotic spell. Perhaps he took notes every day, feeling with an artist's sensitivity the dramatic possibilities of this grotesque and lovable Silenus.\nThen, when Plato was twenty-three, came the tory revolution of 404, led by his own relatives; the tense days of the oligarchic terror, and the brave defiance of the Thirty by Socrates; the death of Critias and Char\u00ad mides, the restoration of the democracy, the trial and death of Socrates: all the world seemed to collapse about the once carefree youth, and he fled from Athens as if it were a haunted city. He found some comfort at Megara in the home of Eucleides, and then at Cyrene, perhaps with Aris\u00ad tippus; thence he appears to have gone to Egypt and studied the mathemati\u00ad cal and historical lore of the priests.89 About 395 he was back in Athens, and a year later fought for the city at Corinth. About 387 he set forth again, studied the Pythagorean philosophy with Archytas at Taras and with Timaeus at Locri, passed over to Sicily to see Mt. Etna, formed a friend\u00ad ship with Dion of Syracuse, was introduced to Dionysius I, was sold into slavery, and was back safe in Athens in 386. With the three thousand drachmas raised to reimburse his ransomer, and which Anniceris refused, Plato's friends now bought for him a suburban recreation grove named\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t511\nfrom its local god Academus;\"'\u2022 and there Plato founded the university that was destined to be the intellectual center of Greece for nine hundred years.*\nThe Academy was technically a religious fraternity, or thittsos, dedi\u00ad cated to the worship of the Muses. The students paid no fees, but as they came for the most part from upper-class families their parents could be expected to make substantial donations to the institution; rich men, says Suidas, \"from time to time bequeathed in their wills, to the members of the school, the means of living a life of philosophic leisure.\".. Dionysius II was reported to have given Plato eighty talents ($480,000)\"'-which might ex\u00ad plain the philosopher's patience with the King. The comic poets of the time satirized the students as affected in their manners and overnice in their dress-with elegant caps and canes, and a short cloak or academic gown;.. so old are the manners of Eton, and the black robes of scholarship. Women were admitted to the student body, for Plato remained to this extent a radi\u00ad cal, that he was an ardent feminist. The chief studies were mathematics and philosophy. Over the portal was a warning inscription-medeis ageometre\u00ad tos eisito-\"Let no one without geometry enter here\"; perhaps a consider\u00ad able measure of mathematics formed a requirement for admission. Most of the mathematical advances of the fourth century were made by men who had studied in the Academy. The mathematical course included arith\u00ad metic (theory of number), advanced geometry, \"spheric\" (astronomy), \"music\" (probably including literature and history), law, and philosophy... Moral and political philosophy came last, if Plato followed the advice which\n-half justifying Anytus and Meletus-he puts into the mouth of Socrates:\nSocr. You know that there are certain principles about justice and good which were taught us in childhood; and under their pa\u00ad rental authority we have been brought up, obeying and honoring them.\nGlaucon. That is tme.\nSocr. And there are also opposite maxims and habits of pleasure which flatter and attract our soul, but they do not influence those who have any sense of right, and who continue to honor the maxims of their fathers and obey them.\nGl. Troe.\nSocr. Now, when a man is in this state, and the questioning spirit asks what is fair and honorable, and he answers as the law directs, and\nIt was not the first university: the Pythagorean school of Crotona, as far back as 520, had offered a variety of courses to a united scholastic community; and the school of Isocrates antedated the Academy by eight years.\n512\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nthen arguments come and refute the word of the legislator, and he is driven into believing that nothing is fair any more than foul, or just and good any more than the opposite, and the same of all his time-honored notions, do you think that he will still honor and obey them?\nGl. That is impossible.\nSocr. And when he ceases to think them honorable and natural as heretofore, and he fails to discover the true, can he be expected to pursue any life other than that which flatters his desires?\nGl. He cannot.\nSocr. And from being an observer of the law he is converted into a lawless person?\nGl. Unquestionably....\nSocr. Therefore every care must be taken in introducing our thirty-year-old citizens to dialectic.... They must not be allowed to taste the dear delight too early; that is one thing specially to be avoided; for young men, as you may have observed, when they first get the taste in their mouths, argue for amusement, and are always contradicting and refuting others in imitation of those who refute them; they are like puppy-dogs, who delight to tear and pull at all who come near them.\nGl. Yes, that is their great delight.\nSocr. And when they have made many conquests and received defeats at the hands of many, they violently and speedily get into a way of not believing anything that they believed before, and hence ... philosophy has a bad name with the rest of the world.\nGl. That is very true."]
[11.565957069396973, 5.231261730194092, "those of his students.\"\" The History of Animals is a mine of mistakes. We learn there that mice die if they drink in summer; that elephants suffer from only two diseases-catarrh and flatulence; that all animals but man develop rabies when bitten by a mad dog; that eels are generated spon\u00ad taneously; that only men have palpitation of the heart; that the yolk of several eggs shaken together collects into the middle; that eggs float in strong brine.'n Aristotle knows the internal organs of animals better than those of men, for neither he nor Hippocrates seems to have overridden religious taboos and practiced human dissection.1'111 He thinks that man has only eight ribs, that women have fewer teeth than men,1.., that the heart lies higher than the lungs, that the heart and not the brain is the seat of sensa\u00ad tion,*180 that the function of the brain is (literally) to cool the blood.m. Finally he (or some ponderous proxy) carries the theory of design to depths that make the\u00b7 judicious smile. \"It is evident that plants are created for the sake of animals, and animals for the sake of men.\" \"Nature has made the buttocks for repose, since quadrupeds can stand without fatigue, bQt man needs a seat.msa And yet even this last passage reveals the scientist: the author takes it for granted that man is an animal, and seeks natural causes for the anatomical differences between beasts and men. All in all, the History of Animals is Aristotle's supreme work, and the greatest scientific product of fonrth-century Greece. Biology waited twenty centuries for its equal.\nThe Philosopher\nWhether through a sincere piety, or through a cautious respect for the opinions of mankind, Aristotle becomes less of a scientist and more of a meta\u00ad physician as he turns to the study of man. He defines the soul (psyche), or vital principle as \"the primary entelechy of an organism\"-i.e., the organism's inherent and destined form, its urge and directon of growth. The soul is not something added to, or residing in, the body, it is coextensive with the body; it is the body itself in its \"powers of self-nourishment, self-growth, and self decay\"; it is the sum of the functions of the organism; it is to the body as vision is to the eye.183 Nevertheless, this functional aspect is basic; it is the functions that make the structures, the desires that mold the organs, the soul that forms the body: \"All natural bodies are organs of the soul.\"f8'\nThe soul has three grades-nutritive, sensitive, and rational. Plants share\nHe was misled by the insensitivity of cerebral tissue to direct stimulus.\nt ''The soul,\" Aristotle adds in a startling idealistic aside, \"is in a certain way all existing things; for all things are either perceptions or thoughts.''1811 Having bowed to Berkeley, Aristotle also bows to Hume: \"Mind is one and continuous in the sense in which the process of thinking is so; and thinking is identical with the thoughts which are its parts.,_\n532\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nwith animals and men the nutritive soul-the capacity for self-nourishment and internal growth; animals and men have in addition the sensitive soul-the capacity for sensation; the higher animals as well as men have the \"passive rational\" soul-the capacity for the simpler forms of intelligence; man alone has the \"active rational\" soul-the capacity to generalize and originate. This last is a part or emanation of that creative and rational power of the universe which is God; and as such it cannot die.187 But this immortality is impersonal; what survives is the power, not the personality; the individual is a unique and mortal compound of nutritive, sensitive, and rational faculties; he achieves immortality only relatively, through reproduction, and only impersonally, through death.\u2022\nJust as the soul is the \"form\" of the body, so God is the \"form\" or \"entelechy\" of the world-its inherent nature, functions, and purposes.t All causes! at last go back to the First Cause Uncaused, all motions to the Prime Mover Un\u00ad moved; we must assume some origin or beginning for the motion and power in the world, and this source is God. As God is the sum and source of all motion, so he is the sum and goal of all purposes in nature; he is the Final, as well as the First, Cause. Everywhere we see things moving to specific ends; the front teeth grow sharp to cut food, the molars grow flat to grind it; the eyelid winks to protect the eye, the pupil expands in the dark to let in more light; the tree sends its roots into the earth, its shoots toward the sun.189 As the tree is drawn by its inherent nature, power, and purposes toward the light, so the world is drawn by its inherent nature, power, and purposes, which are God. God is not the creator of the material world, but its energizing form; he moves it not from behind, but as an inner direction or goal, as something be\u00ad loved moves the lover.111\u00b0 Finally, says Aristotle, God is pure thought, rational soul, contemplating itself in the eternal forms that constitute at once the essence of the world, and God.\nThe purpose of art, like that of metaphysics, is to capture the essential form of things. It is an imitation or representation of life,\"\"1 but no mechani\u00ad cal copy; that which it imitates is the soul of the matter, not the body or matter itself; and through this intuition and mirroring of essence even the representation of an ugly object may be beautiful. Beauty is unity, the\nOther interpretations of Aristotle's contradictory pronouncements on this point are possible. The text follows the Cambridge Ancient History, VI, 345; Grote, Aristotle, II, 233; and Rohde, Psyche, 493.\nt The essential aspect of anything, in Aristotle as in Plato, is the \"form\" (eidos), not the\nmatter which is formed; the matter is not the \"real being,\" but a negative and passive poten\u00ad tiality which acquires specific existence only when actuated and determined by form.\n:j: Every effect, says Aristotle, is produced by four causes: material (the component stuff), efficient (the agent or his act), formal (the nature of the thing), and final (the goal). He gives a peculiar example: \"What is the material cause of a man? The menses\" (i.e., the pro\u00ad vision of an ovum). ''What is the efficient cause? The semen\" (i.e., the act of insemination). ''What is the formal cause? The nature\" (of the agents involved). \"What is the final cause? The purpose in view.'\"\"\"\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t533\nco-operation and symmetry of the parts in a whole. In drama this unity is primarily a unity of action; the plot must concern itself with one action chiefly, and may admit other actions only to advance or illuminate this cen\u00ad tral tale. If the work is to be of high excellence the action must be noble or heroic. \"Tragedy,\" says Aristotle's celebrated definition, \"is a repre\u00ad sentation of an action that is heroic and complete and of a certain magni\u00ad tude, by means of language enriched with all kinds of ornament   it rep\u2022\nresents men in action, and does not use narrative; and through pity and fear it brings relief to these and similar emotions.\",... By arousing our pro\u00ad foundest feelings, and then quieting them through a subsiding denouement, the tragic drama offers us a harmless and yet soul-deepening expression of emotions that might otherwise accumulate to neurosis or violence; it shows us pains and sorrows more awful than our own, and sends us home dis\u00ad charged and cleansed. In general there is a pleasure in contemplating any work of true art; and it is the mark of a civilization to provide the soul with works worthy of such contemplation. For \"nature requires not only that we should be properly employed, but that we should be able to enjoy our leisure in an honorable way.\",..\nWhat, then, is the good life? Aristotle answers, with frank simplicity, that it is the happy life; and he proposes to consider, in his Ethics,* not (like Plato) how to make men good, but how to make them happy. All other things than happiness, he thinks, are sought with some other end in view; happiness alone is sought for its own sake.'\"' Certain things are neces\u00ad sary to lasting happiness: good birth, good health, good looks, good luck, good reputation, good friends, good money, and goodness.'\"\" \"No man can be happy who is absolutely ugly.\"'\"\" \"As for those who say that he who is being tortured on the wheel, or falls into great misfortunes, is happy pro\u00ad vided only he be good, they talk nonsense.\"11\" Aristotle quotes, with a can\u00ad dor rare in philosophers, the answer of Simonides to Hieron's wife, who had asked whether it was better to be wise or to be rich: \"Rich, for we see the wise spending their time at the doors of the rich.\"'\"\" But wealth is merely means; it does not of itself satisfy anyone but the miser; and since it is relative, it seldom satisfies a man long. The secret of happiness is action, the exercise of energy in a way suited to a man's nature and circumstances. Virtue is a practical wisdom, an intelligent appraisal of one's own good.,.. Usually it is a golden mean between two extremes; intelligence is needed\nThe Nicomacbean Ethics (so called because edited by Aristotle's son Nicomachus) and the Politics were originally one book. The plural title forms-ta ethika and ta politika-were used by the Greek editors to suggest the treatment of various moral and political problems; and these forms have been retained in the English adoption of the words.\n534\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXI\nto find the mean, and self-control (enkrateia, inner strength) to practice it. \"He who is angry at what and with who:qi he ought,\" says a typically Aristotelian sentence, \"and further, in right manner and time, and for a proper length of time, is praised.\"200 Virtue is not an act but a habit of doing the right thing. At first it has to be enforced by discipline, since the young cannot judge wisely in these matters; in time that which was the result of compulsion becomes a habit, \"a second nature,\" and almost as pleasant as desire.\nAristotle concludes, quite contrary to his initial placing of happiness in action, that the best life is the life of thought. For thought is the mark or special excellence of man, and \"the proper work of man is a working of the soul in accordance with reason.\"201 \"The most fortunate of men is he who combines a measure of prosperity with scholarship, research, or con\u00ad templation; such a man comes closest to the life of the gods.\"... \"Those who wish for an independent pleasure should seek it in philosophy, for all other pleasures need the assistance of men.\"'03\nThe Statesman\nAs ethics is the science of individual happiness, so politics is the science of collective happiness. The function of the state is to organize a society for the greatest happiness of the greatest number. \"A state is a collective body of citizens sufficient in themselves for all the purposes of life.'\"\u00b0' It is a natural product, for \"man is by nature a political animal\"200-i.e., his in\u00ad stincts lead him to association. \"The state is by nature prior to the family and the individual\": man as we know him is born into an already organized society, which molds him in its image.\nHaving collected and studied, with his students, 158 Greek constitu\u00ad tions,\u2022 Aristotle divided them into three types: monarchy, aristocracy, and timocracy-governrnent respectively by power, by birth, and by excel\u00ad lence. Any one of these forms may be good according to time, place, and circumstance. \"Though one form of government may be better than oth\u00ad ers,\" reads a sentence which every American should memorize, \"yet there is no reason to prevent another from being preferable to it under particular conditions.\"200 Each form of government is good when the ruling power seeks the good of all rather than its own profit; in the contrary case each is bad. Each type, therefore, has a degenerate analogue when it becomes government for the governors instead of for the governed; then monarchy"]
[4.531022548675537, 7.4321160316467285, "The Homeric Greeks have no money, but use, as media for exchange, ingots of iron, bronze, or gold; the ox or cow is taken as a standard of v-tlue. A gold ingot of fifty-seven pounds is called a talent (talanton, weight).\"' Much barter remains. Wealth is computed realistically in goods, especially cattle, rather than in pieces of metal or paper that may lose or alter their value at any moment through a change in the economic theology of men. There are rich and poor in Homer as in life; society is a rumbling cart that travels an uneven road; and no matter how carefully the cart is constituted, some of the varied objects in it will sink to the bottom, and others will rise to the top; the potter has not made all the vessels of the same earth, or strength, or fragility. Already in the second book of the Iliad we hear the sound of the class war; and as Thersites flies oratorically at Agamemnon we recognize an early variation on a persistent theme.\u2022\nMorals\nAs we read Homer the impression forms that we are in the presence of a society more lawless and primitive than that of Cnossus or Mycenae. The Achaean culture is a step backward, a transition between the brilliant Aegean civilization and the Dark Age that will follow the Dorian conquest. Homeric life is poor in art, rich in action; it is unmeditativei buoyant, swift; it is too young and strong to bother much about manners or philosophy. Probably we misjudge it by seeing it in the violent crisis or disorderly aftermath of war.\nThere are, it is true, many tender qualities and scenes. Even the warriors are generous and affectionate; between parent and child there is a love as profound as it is silent. Odysseus kisses the heads and shoulders of the members of his family when, after their long separation, they recognize him; and in like manner they kiss him... Helen and Menelaus weep when they learn that this noble lad, Telemachus, is the son of the lost Odysseus who fought so valiantly for them.\" Agamemnon himself is capable of tears\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.m\nso abundant that they remind Homer of a stream pouring over rocks.18 Friendships are firm among the heroes, though possibly a degree of sexual inversion enters into the almost neurotic attachment of Achilles to Patroclus, especially to Patroclus dead. Hospitality is lavish, for \"from Zeus are all strangers and beggars.\".. Maids bathe the foot or the body of the guest, anoint him with unguents, and may give him fresh garments; he receives food and lodging if he needs them; and perhaps a gift.'\u00b0 \"Lo,\" says \"fair\u00ad cheeked Helen,\" as she places a costly robe in Telemachus' hands, \"I too give thee this gift, dear child, a remembrance of the hands of Helen, against the day of thy longed-for marriage, for thy bride to wear.'\"1 It is a picture that reveals to us the human tenderness and fine feeling that in the Iliad must hide themselves under the panoply of war.\nEven war does not thwart the Greek passion for games. Children and adults engage in skillful and difficult contests, apparently with fairness and good humor; Penelope's suitors play draughts, and throw the disk or Jave\u00ad lin; the Phaeacian hosts of Odysseus play at quoits, and a strange medley of ball and dance.* When the dead Patroctus has been cremated, according to Achaean custom, games are played that set a precedent for Olympia\u00ad foot races, disk-throwing, javelin-throwing, archery, wrestling, chariot races, and single combat fully armed; all in excellent spirit, except that only the ruling class may enter, and only the gods may cheat.411\nThe other side of the picture is less pleasing. As a prize for the chariot race Achilles offers \"a woman skilled in fair handiwork\"; and on the funeral pyre horses, dogs, oxen, sheep, and human beings are sacrificed to keep the dead Patroclus well tended and fed.\" Achilles treats Priam with fine courtesy, but only after dragging Hector's body in mangled ignominy around the pyre. To the Achaean male, human life is cheap; to take it is no serious matter; a moment's pleasure can replace it. When a town is captured the men are killed or sold into slavery; the women are taken as concubines if they are attractive, as slaves if they are not. Piracy is still a respected occupation; even kings organize marauding expeditions, plu der towns and villages, and enslave their population; \"Indeed,\" says Thucyd\u00ad ides, \"this came to be the main source of livelihood among the early Hel-\n\"Then Alcinous ordered Halias and Laodamas to dance, by themselves, for never did any one dare join himself with them. They took in their hands the fine ball, purple-dyed ... and played. The first, bendin his body right back, would hurl the ball towards the shadowy crowds, while the other in his turn would spring high into the air and catch it gracefully before his feet touched the ground. Then, after they had made full trial of tossing the ball high, they began oassing it back and forth between them, all the while they danced upon the f,:uitful earth.''\"'\t'\nCHAP.m)\tTHE   HEROIC  AGE\nlenes, no disgrace being yet attached to such an occupation,\"\"' but some glory; very much as, in our times, great nations may conquer and subjugate defenseless peoples without loss of dignity or righteousness. Odysseus is in\u00ad sulted when he is asked is he a merchant, \"mindful of the gains of his greed\";'\u00b0 but he tells with pride how, on his return from Troy, his provisions having run low, he sacked the city of Ismarus and stored his ships with food; or how he ascended the river Aegyptus \"to pillage the splendid fields, to carry off the women and little children, and to kill the men.\"\" No city is safe from sudden and unprovoked attack.\nTo this lighthearted relish for robbery and slaughter the Achaeans add an unabashed mendacity. Odysseus can hardly speak without lying, or act without treachery. Having captured the Trojan scout Dolon, he and Diomed promise him life if he will give them the information they require; he does, and they kill him.\"' It is true that the other Achaeans do not quite equal Odysseus in dishonesty, but not because they would not; they envy and admire him, and look up to him as a model character; the poet who pictures him considers him a hero in every respect; even the goddess Ath\u00ad ena praises him for his lying, and counts this among the spe.cial charms for which she loves him. \"Cunning must he be and knavish,\" she tells him, smiling, and stroking him with her hand, \"who would go beyond thee in all manner of guile, aye, though it were a god that met thee. Bold man, crafty in counsel, insatiate in deceit, not even in thine own land, it seems, wast thou to cease from guile and deceitful tales, which thou lovest from the bottom of thine heart.\"\u2022\nIn truth we ourselves are drawn to this heroic Munchausen of the ancient world. We discover some likable traits in him, and in the hardy and subtle people to which he belongs. He is a gentle father, and in his own kingdom a just ruler, who \"wrought no wrong in deed or word to any man in the land.\" \"Never again,\" says his swineherd, \"shall I find a master so kind, how far soever I go, not though I come again to the house of my father and mother!\"'0 We envy Odysseus his \"form like unto the immortals,\" his frame so athletic that though nearing fifty he throws the disk farther than any of the Phaeacian youths; we admire his \"steadfast heart,\" his \"wis\u00ad dom like to Jove's\";51 and our sympathy goes out to him when, in his despair of ever seeing again \"the smoke leaping up from his own land,\" he yearns to die, or when, in the midst of his perils and sufferings, he steels himself with words that old Socrates loved to quote: \"Be patient now, my soul; thou hast endured still worse than this.\"u He is a man of iron in body and mind, yet every inch human, and therefore forgivable.\n50\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.m\nThe secret of the matter is that the Achaean's standard of judgment is as different from ours as the virtues of war differ from those of peace. He lives in a disordered, harassed, hungry world, where every man must be his own policeman, ready with arrow and spear, and a capacity for look\u00ad ing calmly at flowing blood. \"A ravening belly,\" as Odysseus explains, \"no man can hide   Because of it are the benched ships made ready that\nbear evil to foeman over the unresting sea.\"\"' Since the Achaean knows little security at home, he respects none abroad; every weakling is fair play; the supreme virtue, in his view, is a brave and ruthless intelligence. Virtue is literally virtus, manliness, arete, the quality of Ares or Mars. The good man is not one that is gentle and forbearing, faithful and sober, industrious and honest; he is simply one who fights bravely and well. A bad man is not one that drinks too much, lies, murders, and betrays; he is one that is cowardly, stupid, or weak. The.re were Nietzscheans long before Nietzsche, long before Thrasymachus, in the lusty immaturity of the European world.\nSexes\nAchaean society is a patriarchal despotism tempered with the beauty and anger of woman, and the .fierce tenderness of parental love.\u2022 Theoretically the father is supreme: he may take as many concubines as he likes,t he may\noffer them to his guests, he may expose his children on the mountaintops to die, or slaughter them on the altars of the thirsty gods. Such paternal omnip\u00ad\n.>tence does not necessarily imply a brutal society, but only one in which the organization of the state has not yet gone far enough to preserve so\u00ad cial order; and in which the family, to create such order, needs the powers that will later be appropriated by the state in a nationalization of the right to kill. As social organization advances, paternal authority and family unity decrease, freedom and individualism grow. In practice the Achaean male is usually reasonable, listens patiently to domestic eloquence, and is devoted to his children.\nWithin the patriarchal framework the position of woman is far higher in Homeric than it will be in Periclean Greece. In the legends and the\nThere are vestiges of an earlier and \"matriarchal\" condition: before Cecrops, said Athenian tradition, \"children did not lmow their own father\"-i.e., presumably, descent was reckoned through the mother; and even in Homeric days many of the gods especially wor\u00ad shiped by Greek cities were goddesses-Hera at Argos, Athena at Athens, Demeter and Persephone at Eleusis-with no visible subordination to any male deity.\"'\nt Theseus had so many wives that an historian drew up a learned catalogue of them.\u2022\nCHAP.III)\tTHE  HEROIC  AGE\tSI\nepics she plays a leading role, from Pelops' courtship of Hippodameia to Iphigenia's gentleness and Electra's hate. The gynaeceum does not confine her, nor does the home; she moves freely among men and women alike, and occasionally shares in the serious discourse of the men, as Helen does with Menelaus and Telemachus. When the Achaean leaders wish to fire the imagination of their people against Troy they appeal not to political or racial or religious ideas, but to the sentiment for woman's beauty; the loveliness of Helen must put a pretty face upon a war for land and trade. Without woman the Homeric hero would be a clumsy boor, with nothing to live for or die for; she teaches him something of courtesy, idealism, and softer ways."]
[-2.4491302967071533, 8.249249458312988, "A.D. 1884, belongs apparently to the early fifth century; in an earlier form it may have influenced the legislators of Greece. In the sixth century Thaletas of Crete taught choral music at Sparta, and the Cretan sculptors Dipoenus and Scyllis instructed the artists of Argos and Sicyon. By a hundred channels the old civilization emptied itself out into the new.\nThe Athenians counted all this as history. They treasured for centuries, by continually repairing it, the ship in which Theseus had sailed to Crete, and used it as a sacred vessel in sending envoys annually to the feast of Apollo at Delos.\nCHAPTER  II\nBefore Agamemnon\nSCHLIEMANN\nN the year 1822 a lad was born in Germany who was to turn the spade\u00ad work of archeology into one of the romances of the century. His father had a passion for ancient history, and brought him up on Homer's stories of the siege of Troy and Odysseus' wanderings. \"With great grief I heard from him that Troy had been so completely destroyed that it had disap\u00ad peared without leaving any trace of its existence.\"' At the age of eight, having given the matter mature consideration, Heinrich Schliemann an\u00ad nounced his intention to devote his life to the rediscovery of the lost city. Atthe age of ten he presented to his father a Latin essay on the Trojan War. In 1836 he left school with an education too advanced for his means, and became a grocer's apprentice. In 1841 he shipped from Hamburg as cabin boy on a steamer bound for South America. Twelve days out the vessel foundered; the crew was tossed about in a small boat for nine hours, and was thrown by the tide upon the shores of Holland. Heinrich became a clerk, and earned a hundred and .fifty dollars a year; he spent half of this on books, and lived on the other half and his dreams.\" His intelligence and application had their natural results; at twenty-five he was an independent merchant with interests on three continents; at thirty-six he felt that he had enough money, retired from commerce, and gave all his time to archeology. \"In the midst of the bustle of business I had never forgotten Troy, or the\nagreement I had made with my father to excavate it.\"\"\nIn his travels as a merchant he had made it a practice to learn the language of each country he traded with, and to write in that language the current pages of his diary.' By this method he learned English, French, Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Russian, Swedish, Polish, and Arabic. Now he went to Greece, studied the language as a living speech, and was soon\nCHAP.II)\tBEFORE  AGAMEMNON\t25\nable to read both ancient and modem Greek as fluently as German.\u2022 Henceforth, he declared, \"I should .find it impossible to live anywhere but on classical soil.\"\" Since his Russian wife refused to leave Russia, he adver\u00ad tised for a Greek wife, laid down precise specifications for the position, and at the age of forty-seven chose a bride of nineteen from among the photo\u00ad graphs he received. He married her almost at sight, and unwittingly in the ancient style of purchase; her parents charged him for her a price com\u00ad mensurate with their conception of his fortune. When his new wife bore him children he reluctantly consented to baptize them, but solemnized the ceremony by laying a copy of the Iliad upon their heads and reading a hundred hexameters aloud. He named them Andromache and Agamemnon, called his servants Telarnon and Pelops, and christened his Athenian home Bellerophon.1 He was an old man mad about Horner.\nIn 1870 he went to the Troad-the northwest comer of Asia Minor\u00ad and made up his mind, against all current scholarly opinion, that Priam's Troy lay buried under the hill called Hissarlik. After a year of negotiations he secured permission from the Turkish Government to explore the site; he engaged eighty laborers, and set to work. His wife, who loved him for his eccentricities, shared his toil in the earth from sunrise to sunset. All winter long an icy gale from the north drove a blinding dust into their eyes, and swept with such violence through the cracks of their frail cottage that no lamp could be kept lit in the evening. Despite the fire in the hearth the water froze nearly every night. \"We had nothing to keep us warm except our enthusiasm for the great work of discovering Troy.\"9\nA year passed before they were rewarded. Then, blow by blow, a work\u00ad man's pick exposed a large copper vessel, and this, opened, revealed an astonishing treasure of some nine thousand objects in silver and gold. The canny Schliemann hid the find in his wife's shawl, dismissed his workmen to an unexpected siesta, hurried to his hut, locked the door, spread out the precious things on -the table, linked each one fondly with some passage in\n\"In order to acquire quickly the Greek vocabulary,\" Schliemann writes, \"I procured a modem Greek translation of Paul et Virginie, and read it through, comparing every word widt its equivalent in the French original. When I had finished this task I knew at least one half the Greek words the book contained; and after repeating the operation I knew them all, or nearly so, without having lost a single minute by being obliged to use a dictionary   Of\nthe Greek grammar I learned only the declensions and the verbs, and never lost my precious time in studying its rules; for as I saw that boys, after being troubled and tormented for eight years and more in school with the tedious rules of grammar, can nevenheless none of them write a letter in ancient Greek without making hundreds of atrocious blunders, I thought the method pursued by the schoolmasters must be altogether wrong   Ilearned ancient Greek\nas I would have learned a living language.\"\u2022\n26\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CBAP.U\nHomer, adorned his wife with an ancient diadem, and sent messages to his friends in Europe that he had unearthed \"the Treasury of Priam.\"\" No one would believe him; some critics charged him with having placed the objects where he found them; and at the same time the Sublime Porte sued him for taking gold from Turkish soil. But scholars like Virchow, Dorpfeld, and Bumouf came to the site, verified Schliemann's reports, and carried on the work with him until one buried Troy after another was uncovered, and the problem was no longer whether Troy had existed, but which of the nine Troys exhumed had been the Ilios of the Iliad.\nIn 1876 Schliemann resolved to confirm the epic from another direction\u00ad to show that Agamemnon too was real. Guided by Pausanias' classic de\u00ad scription of Greece,\u2022 he sank thirty-four shafts at Mycenae in the eastern Peloponnesus. Turkish officials interrupted the work by claiming half of the material that he had found at Troy. Unwilling to let the precious \"Treasury of Priam\" lie unseen in Turkey, Schliemann clandestinely dis\u00ad patched the objects to the State Museum at Berlin, paid the Porte five times more damages than were required of him, and resumed his digging at Mycenae. Again he was rewarded; and when he saw his workers carrying up to him skeletons, pottery, jewelry, and golden masks, he telegraphed joyfully to the King of Greece that he had discovered the tombs of Atreus and Agamemnon.1\u00b0 In 1884 he moved on to Tiryns and, guided again by Pausanias, unearthed the great palace and cyclopean walls that Homer had described.n\nSeldom had any man done so. much for archeology. He had the faults of his virtues, for his enthusiasm drove him into a reckless haste that de\u00ad stroyed or confused many exhumed objects in order to reach at once the goal that he sought; and the epics that had inspired his labors misled him into thinking that he had discovered Priam's hoard at Troy, and the tomb of Agamemnon at Mycenae. The world of scholarship doubted his reports, and the museums of England, Russia, and France long refused to accept as genuine the relics that he had found. He consoled himself with vigorous self-appreciation, and went on digging courageously until disease struck him down. In his last days he hesitated whether to pray to the God of Christianity or to the Zeus of classic Greece. \"To Agamemnon Schliemann, best beloved of sons, greeting!\" he writes. \"I am very glad that you are going to study Plutarch, and have finished Xenophon ... I pray Zeus the Father and Pallas Athene that they will grant you a hundred returns of the\nPausanias traveled through Greece about A.D, 16o, and described it in his Periegesis, of\nTour.\nCHAP.II)\tBEFORE  AGAMEMNON\nday in health and happiness.\"'\" He died in 1890, worn out by climatic hardships, scholastic hostility, and the incessant fever of his dream.\nLike Columbus he had discovered a world stranger than the one he sought. These jewels were older by many centuries than Priam and Hecuba; these graves were not the tombs of the Atridae, but the ruins of an Aegean civilization, on the Greek mainland, as ancient as the Minoan Age in Crete. Unknowingly Schliemann had proved Horace's famous line\u00ad vixerunt fortes mite Agamemnona-\"there lived many brave men before Agamemnon.\"* Year by year, as Dorpfeld and Muller, Tsountas and Starnatakis, Waldstein and Wace dug more widely into the Peloponnesus, and still others explored Attica and the islands, Euboea and Boeotia, Phocis and Thessaly, the soil of Greece gave up the ghostly relics of a culture before history. Here too men had been lifted from barbarism to civilization by the passage from nomadic hunting to settled agriculture, by the replace\u00ad ment of stone tools with copper and bronze, by the conveniences of writ\u00ad ing and the stimulus of trade-. Civilization is always older than we think; and under whatever sod we tread are the bones of men and women who also worked and loved, wrote songs and made beautiful things, but whose names and very being have been lost in the careless flow of time.\nIN THE PALACES OF THE KINGS"]
[6.758156776428223, 15.801929473876953, "Asleep lie mountain-top and mountain-gully, shoulder also and ravine; the creeping things that come from the dark earth, the beasts that lie upon the hillside, the generation of the bees, the monsters in the depths of the purple sea; all lie asleep, and with them the tribes of the winging birds.t\"\"\nAleman, Alcaeus, Sappho, Stesichorus, Ibycus, Anacreon, Simonides, Pindar, Bacchylides.\nt How strangely simifar this is-as if one feeling united two poets across twenty-five cen\u00ad turies-to Goethe's ''Wanderer's Night-Song\":\nUber allen Gipfeln 1st Ruh,\nIn allen Wipfeln\nSeiirest du\nKaum emen Hauch;\nDie vogelein schweigen im Walde. Watte our, balde\nRuhest du auch.\u2022\nO'er all the hill-tops\nIs quiet now, In all the tree-tops\nHearest thou Hardly a breath;\nThe birds are asleep in the trees. Wait; soon like these\nThou, too, shalt rest.11\nCHAP. IV)\tSPARTA\t77\nWe may judge from these poets that the Spanans were not always Spar\u00ad tans, and that in the century before Lycurgus they relished poetry and the arts as keenly as any of the Greeks. The choral ode became so closely associated with them that when the Athenian dramatists wrote choral lyrics for their plays they used the Doric dialect, though they wr\"te the dialogue in the Attic speech. It is hard to say what other arts flourished in Lace\u00ad daemon in those halcyon days, for even the Spanans neglected to preserve or record them. Laconian pottery and bronze were famous in the seventh century, and the minor arts produced many refinements for the life of the fortunate few. But this little Renaissance was ended by the Messenian Wars. The conquered land was divided among the Spanans, and the number of serfs was almost doubled. How could thirty thousand citizens keep in lasting subjection four times their number of Perioeci, and seven times\u00b7 their number of Helots? It could be done only by abandoning the pursuit and patronage of the arts, and turning every Spanan into a soldier ready at any moment to suppress rebellion or wage war. The constitution of Lycurgus achieved this end, but at the cost of withdrawing Sparta, in every sense but the political, from the history of civilization.\nLycurgus\nGreek historians from Herodotus onward took it for granted that Lycur\u00ad gus was the author of the Spanan code, just as they accepted as historical the siege of Troy and the murder of Agamemnon. And as modem scholar\u00ad ship for a century denied the existence of Troy and Agamemnon, so today it hesitates to admit the reality of Lycurgus. The dates assigned to him vary from 900 to 600 B.c.; and how could one man take out of his head the most unpleasant and astonishing body of legislation in all history, and impose it in a few years not only upon a subject population but even upon a self-willed and warlike ruling class?\"\" Nevenheless it would be pre\u00ad sumptuous to reject on such theoretical grounds a tradition accepted by all Greek historians. The seventh century was peculiarly an age of per\u00ad sonal legislators-Zaleucus at Locris (ca. 660), Draco at Athens (620), and Charondas at Sicilian Catana (ca. 610)-not to speak of Josiah's dis\u00ad covery of the Mosaic code in the Temple at Jerusalem (ca. 621). Prob\u00ad ably we have in these instances not so much a body of personal legislation as a set of customs harmonized and clarified into specific laws, and named, for convenience's sake, from the man who codified them and in most cases\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\ngave them a written form.\u2022 We shall record the tradition, while remem\u00ad bering that it has in all likelihood personified and foreshortened a process of change, from custom to law, that required many authors and many years.\nAccording to Herodotus,\" Lycurgus, uncle and guardian of the Spartan King Charilaus, received from the oracle at Delphi certain rhetra, or edicts, which were described by some as the laws of Lycurgus themselves, or by others as a divine sanction for the laws that he proposed. Apparently the legislators felt that to alter certain customs, or to establish new ones, the safest procedure would be to present their proposals as commands of the god; it was not the first time that a state had laid its foundations in the sky. Tradition further relates that Lycurgus traveled in Crete, admired its insti\u00ad tutions, and resolved to introduce some of them into Laconia.\"\" The kings and most of the nobles grudgingly accepted his reforms as indispensable to their own security; but a young aristocrat, Alcander, resisted violently, and struck out one of the legislator's eyes. Plutarch tells the story with his usual simplicity and charm:\nLycurgus, so far from being daunted or discouraged by this acci\u00ad dent, stopped short, and showed his disfigured face, and eye beaten out, to his countrymen. They, dismayed and ashamed at the sight, delivered Alcander into his hands to be punished   Lycurgus, hav\u00ad\ning thanked them, dismissed them all, excepting only Alcander; and taking him with him into his house, neither did nor said anything severely to him, but ... bade Alcander to wait upon him at table. The young man, who was of an ingenuous temper, without murmur\u00ad ing did as he was commanded; and being thus admitted to live with Lycurgus, he had an opportunity to observe in him, besides his gen\u00ad tleness and calmness of temper, an extraordinary sobriety and an indefatigable industry; and so, from being an enemy, became one of his most zealous admirers, and told his friends and relations that he was not that morose and ill-natured man they had taken him for, but the one mild and gentle character of the world...\nHaving completed his legislation, Lycurgus (says a probably legendary coda to his story) pledged the citizens not to change the laws till his return. Then he went to Delphi, retired into seclusion, and starved himself to death, \"thinking it a statesman's duty to make his very death, if possible, an act of service to the state.'m\nLycurgus, however, was believed to have forbidden the writing of his laws."]
[-2.759653091430664, 17.57300567626953, "it the plaintive mooing to which Schliemann, never at a loss for explanations, traced the name Mycenae (Miikenai).\"' The finest of these metal relics from Tiryns and Mycenae are two bronze daggers inlaid with electron and burnished gold, and elegantly engraved with wildcats chasing ducks, and lions pursuing leopards or fighting men... Most peculiar of all the remains are the golden masks,\napparently laid over the faces of dead royalty. One mask.8\" looks for all the world like the face of a cat; however, the gallant Schliemann ascribed it not to ay.. taemnestra but to Agamemnon.\nThe unquestioned masterpieces of Mycenaean art were found neither at Tiryns nor at Mycenae but in a tomb at Vaphio, near Sparta, where a minor prince once emulated the magnificence of the northern kings. Here, amid another treasure of jewelry, were two thin cups of beaten gold, simply formed and yet worked with the loving patience of all great art. The craftsmanship is so like the best Minoan that most students are inclined to attribute these cups to some Cretan Cellini; but it would be a pity to deprive the Mycenaean cul\u00ad ture of its most perfect memorials. The subject-the snaring and taming of a bull-seems characteristically Cretan; and yet the frequency with which such scenes are engraved upon Mycenaean rings and seals or painted upon the palace walls shows that the bull sport was as popular on the mainland as on the island. On one of the cups the bull is caught in a net of heavy rope; his mouth and nostrils gape with breathless anger and fatigue as he struggles to get free and imprisons himself the more; while on the other side a second bull gallops off in terror, and a third charges at a cowboy who catches it bravely by the horns. On the companion cup the captured bull is being led away; as we tum the vessel around we see him already reconciled to the restraints of civilization, and engaged, as Evans puts it, in \"amorous conversation\" with a cow.11 Many centuries were to pass before such skillful work would appear again in Greece.\nThe Mycenaean himself, as well as most of his art, is found in the tombs; for he folded and buried his dead in uncomfortable jars, and seldom cremated them as the Heroic Age would do. Apparently he believed in a future life, for many objects of use and value were placed in the graves. For the rest Mycenaean religion, so far as it reveals itself to us, gives every evidence of Cretan origin or kinship. Here as in Crete are the double ax, the sacred pillar, the holy dove, and the cult of a mother goddess associated with a young male deity, presumably her son; and here again are attendant divinities in the form of snakes. Through all the transformations of religion known to us in Greece the mother goddess has remained. After the Cretan Rhea came Demeter, the Mater Dolorosa of the Greeks; after Demeter the Virgin Mother of God. Today, standing on the ruins of Mycenae, one sees, in the little village below, a modest Christian church. Grandeur is gone; simplicity and consolation remain. Civilizations come and\nCHAP.II)\tBEFORE  AGAMEMNON\t33\ngo; they conquer the earth and crumble into dust; but faith survives every\ndesolation.\nAfter the fall of Cnossus Mycenae prospered as never before; the rising wealth of the \"Shaft Grave Dynasty\" raised great palaces upon the hills of Mycenae and Tiryns. Mycenaean art took on a character of its own, and captured the markets of the Aegean. Now the commerce of the mainland princes reached eastward into Cyprus and Syria, southward through the Cyclades to Egypt, westward through Italy to Spain, northward through Boeotia and Thessaly to the Danube; and found itself balked only at Troy. Like Rome absorbing and disseminating the civilization of Bellas, so Mycenae, won by the culture of dying Crete, spread the Mycenaean phase of that culture throughout the Mediterranean world.\nIV, TROY\nBetween the Greek mainland and Crete 2 20 islands dot the Aegean, forming a circle around Delos, and therefore called the Cyclades. Most of them are rugged and barren, precarious mountain survivals of a land half drowned in the sea; but some were rich enough in marble or metal to be already busy and civilized, as the world goes, long before Greek history comes into our view. In 1896 the British School of Athens dug into the soil of Melos at Phylakopi and found tools, weapons, and pottery remarkably akin, age by age, to the Minoan; and a like research in other islands has built up a prehistoric picture of the Cyclades conforming in time and character, though never comparable in artistic excellence, with the bioscope of Crete. The Cyclades were cramped for land, totaling less than a thousand square miles among them, and proved, like classic Greece, incapable of uniting under one political power. By the sev\u00ad enteenth century B.c. the little isles had passed in government and art, even, here and there, in language and writing, under Cretan domination. Then, in the final perJ9d ( 1400-1200), the imports from Crete fell away, and the islands increasingly took their pottery and their styles from Mycenae.\nMoving eastward into the Sporades (Scattered) Islands, we find in Rhodes another prehistoric culture of the simpler Aegean type. In Cyprus the rich deposits of copper that gave the island its name brought it a measure of wealth throughout the Bronze Age (3400-1200), but its wares\u2022 remained crude and undistinguished before the coming of Cretan influence. Its population, pre\u00ad dominantly Asiatic, used a syllabic script akin to the Minoan, and worshiped a\nSedulously collected by General di Cesnola, and now in the Metropolitan Museum of\nArt in New York.\n34\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.U\ngoddess apparently descended from the Semitic Ishtar, and destined to become the Aphrodite of the Greeks,\u2022 After 1600 the metal industry of the island developed rapidly; the mines, owned by the royal government, exported copper to Egypt, Crete, and Greece: the foundry at Enkomi made famous daggers, and the potters sold their globular bowls from Egypt to Troy. The forests were cut into timber, and cypress from Cyprus began to compete with the cedars of Lebanon. In the thirteenth century Mycenaean colonists founded the col\u00ad onies that were to become the Greek cities of Paphos, sacred to Aphrodite, and Citiurn, birthplace of the Stoic Zeno, and Cyprian Salamis, where Solon paused in his wanderings to replace chaos with law.\nFrom Cyprus Mycenaean trade and influence crossed to Syria and Caria, and thence, as well as by other \"rowing-stones,\" they moved up the coa!its and islands of Asia until they reached Troy. There, on a hill separated by three miles from the sea, Schliemann and Dorpfeld found nine cities, super\u00ad imposed each upon its predecessor, as if Troy had had nine lives.\n(1) In the lowest strata were the remains of a neolithic village coming down to 3000 B.c. Here were walls of rough stones, mortared with mud; clay whorls, bits of worked ivory, tools of obsidian, and pieces of hand\u00ad\npolished black pottery. (2) Above this lay the ruins of the Second City, which Schliemann believed to have been Homer's Troy. Its enclosing walls, like those of Tiryns and Mycenae, were of cyclopean stones; at in\u00ad tervals there were fortresses, and at the corners great double gates, of which two are well preserved. Some houses survive to a height of four feet, their walls built of brick and wood upon a stone foundation. The red-painted pottery, wheel-turned but crude, indicates a life span for this city from approximately 2400 to 1900. Bronze has replaced stone for tools and weapons, and jewelry abounds; but the statuettes are unprepossessingly primitive. The Second City was apparently destroyed by fire; signs of con\u00ad flagration are numerous, and persuaded Schliemann that this was the work of Agamemnon's Greeks.\n( 3-5) Above the \"Burnt City\" are the relics of three successive hamlets, small and poor, and negligible in archeological content. (6) About 1600 another city rose on the historic hill. Through the passionate haste of his work, Schliemann mixed the objects of this stratum with those of the second, and dismissed the Sixth City as an unimportant \"Lydian settle\u00ad ment.\"\u2022 But Dorpfeld, continuing the excavations after Schliemann's death, and for a time with Schliemann's money,\"' revealed a town consider\u00ad ably larger than the Second, ornate with substantial buildings in dressed stone, and enclosed by a thirty-foot wall of whose four gates three remain.\nCHAP.ll)\tBEFORE  AGAMEMNON\t3S\nIn the ruins were monochrome vases of finer workmanship than before, vessels like the \"Minyan\" ware of Orchomenos, and potsherds so like those found at Mycenae that Dorpfeld considered them to be imponations from that city, and therefore contemporary with the Shaft Grave Dynasty (1400-1200). On these and other shifting grounds current opinion iden\u00ad tifies the Sixth City with Homer's Troy,\u2022\u2022 and assigns to it the \"Treasury of Priam\" that Schliemann thought he had found in the Second City-six bracelets, two goblets, two diadems, a fillet, sixty earrings, and 8700 other pieces, all in gold.88 The Sixth City too, we are assured, perished by fire, shortly after 1200. Greek historians traditionally assigned the siege of Troy\nto 1194-II 84 B.C.t\nWho were the Trojans?  An Egyptian papyrus mentions certain \"Dar\u00ad\ndenui\" as among the allies of the Hittites at the battle of Kadesh ( 1287); it is likely that these were the ancestors of the \"Dardenoi\" who in Homer's terminology are one with the Trojans... Probably these Dardani were of Balkan origin, crossed the Hellespont in the sixteenth century with the kindred Phrygians, and settled in the lower valley of the Scamander.\u2022 Herodotus, however, identified the Trojans with the Teucrians, and the Teucrians, according to Strabo, were Cretans who settled in the Troad,t perhaps after the fall of Cnossus.'\u00b0 Both Crete and the Troad had a sacred Mt. Ida, the \"many-fountained Ida\" of Homer and Tennyson. Presumably the region was subject at various times to political and ethnic influences from the Hittite hinterland. All in all, the excavations indicate a civilization panly Minoan, panly Mycenaean, panly Asiatic, partly Danubian. Homer represents the Trojans as speaking the same language and worshiping the same gods as the Greeks; but later Hellenic imagination preferred to think of Troy as an Asiatic city, and-0f the famous siege as the first known episode in an endless contest between Semite and Aryan, East and West.a.\nMore significant than the racial complexion of its people was the strategic"]
[1.4986153841018677, 6.585590839385986, "468\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nbling and profligacy; and the whole people spent more on public banquets and entertainments than on the provision necessary for the well-being of the state.\"91\nThe voluntary limitation of the family was the order of the day, whether by contraception, by abortion, or by infanticide. Aristotle notes that some women prevent conception \"by anointing that part of the womb upon which the seed falls with oil of cedar, or ointment of lead, or frankincense commingled with olive oil.\"*\"\" The old families were dying out; they existed, said Isocrates, only in their tombs; the lower classes were multiply\u00ad ing, but the citizen class in Attica had fallen from 43,000 in 431  to 22,000 in 400 and 2 r,ooo in 3 r 3 ... The supply of citizens for military service suf\u00ad fered a corresponding decrease, partly from the dysgenic carnage of war, partly from the reduced number of those who had a property stake in the state, partly from unwillingness to serve; the life of comfort and domes\u00ad ticity, of business and scholarship, had replaced the Periclean life of exer\u00ad cise, martial discipline, and public office.\"' Athletics were professionalized; the citizens who in the sixth century had crowded the palaestra and the gymnasium were now content to exert themselves vicariously by witness\u00ad ing professional exhibitions. Young men received some grounding, as epheboi, in the art of war; but adults found a hundred ways of escaping mili\u00ad tary service. War itself had become professionalized by technical compli\u00ad cations, and required the full time of specially trained men; citizen soldiers had to be replaced with mercenaries-an omen that the leadership of Greece must soon pass from statesmen to warriors. While Plato talked of philoso\u00ad pher kings, soldier kings were growing up under his nose. Greek mer\u00ad cenaries sold themselves impartially to Greek or \"barbarian\" generals, and fought as often against Greece as for her; the Persian armies that Alexan\u00ad der faced were full of Greeks. Soldiers shed their blood now not for a fatherland, but for the best paymaster that they could find.\nMaking honorable exceptions for the archonship of Eucleides (403) and the financial administration of Lyeurgus (338-26), the political corruption and turbulence that had followed the death of Pericles continued during the fourth century. According to the law, bribery was punished with death; according to Isocrates,'\" it was rewarded with military and political preferment. Persia had no difficulty in bribing the Greek politicians to make war upon other Greek states or upon Macedon; at last even Demos-\nOn a similar use of olive oil in our own time, cf. Himes, Medical History of Contracep\u00ad\nrion,So,\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\nthenes illustrated the morals of his time. He was one of the noblest of one of the lowest groups in Athens-the rhetors or hired orators who in this century became professional lawyers and politicians. Some of these men, like Lycurgus, were reasonably honest; some of them, like Hypereides, were gallant; most of them were no better than they had to be. If we may take Aristotle's word for it, many of them specialized in invalidating wills.\"' Several of them laid up great fortunes through political opportunism and reckless demagogy. The rhetors divided into parties, and tore the air with their campaigns. Each party organized committees, invented catchwords, appointed agents, and raised funds; those who paid the expenses of all this frankly confessed that they expected to \"reimburse themselves doubly.\"\"' As politics grew more intense, patriotism waned; the bitterness of faction absorbed public energy and devotion, and left little for the city. The con\u00ad stitution of Cleisthenes and the individualism of commerce and philosophy had weakened the family and liberated the individual; now the free indi\u00ad vidual, as if to avenge the family, turned around and destroyed the state.\nIn or near 400 the triumphant democrats, to insure the presence of the poorer citizens at the ekklesia and thereby to prevent its domination by the propertied classes, extended state payment to attendance at the Assem\u00ad bly. At first each citizen received an obol ( 17 cents); as the cost of living rose this was increased to two obols, then to three, until in Aristotle's time it stood at a drachma ($1) per day... It was a reasonable arrangement, for the ordinary citizen towards the end of the fourth century, earned a drachma and a half for a day's work; he could not be expected to leave his employ\u00ad ment without some recompense. The plan soon gave the poor a majority in the Assembly; more and more the well to do, despairing of victory, stayed home. It was of no use that a revision of the constitution in 403 con\u00ad fined the power of legislation to a body of five nomothetai, or lawmakers, selected from the citizens chosen by lot for jury service; this new group also inclined to the side of the commons, and its interposition lowered the prestige and authority of the more conservative Council. Perhaps in con\u00ad sequence of the payment for attendance, the level of intelligence in the Assembly seems to have fallen in the fourth century-though our authori\u00ad ties for this are prejudiced reactionaries like Aristophanes and Plato.\"\" Isocrates thought that the Assembly should be paid by Athens' enemies to meet frequently, since it made so many mistakes.'\u00b0\nThese mistakes cost Athens both her empire and her freedom. The same lust for wealth and power that had undermined the first Confederacy now wrecked the second. After the fall of Sparta at Leuctra Athens felt that\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nit might again expand. In organizing the new empire she had pledged her\u00ad self not to\u00b7permit the appropriation of land outside of Attica by Athenian subjects.\" No'\\;\\' she conquered Samos, the Thracian Chersonese, and the cities of Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone on the coasts of Macedonia and Thrace, and colonized them with Athenian citizens. The allied states pro\u00ad tested, and many of them withdrew from the Confederation. Methods of coercion and punishment that had been used and had failed in the fifth century were used, and failed, again. In 357 Chios, Cos, Rhodes, and By\u00ad zantium declared a \"Social War\" of rebellion. When two of Athens' ablest generals, Timotheus and Iphicrates, judged it unwise to give battle in a storm to the rebel fleet in the Hellespont, the Assembly indicted them for cowardice. Timotheus was fined the impossible sum of one hundred talents ($600,000), and fled; Iphicrates was acquitted, but never served Athens again. The rebels fought off all attempts to subdue them, and in 355 Athens signed a peace acknowledging their independence. The great city was left without allies, without leaders, without funds, and without friends.\nPossibly subtler factors entered into the weakening of Athens. The life of thought endangers every civilization that it adorns. In the earlier stages of a nation's history there is little thought; action flourishes; men are direct, uninhibited, frankly pugnacious and sexual. As civilization develops, as customs, institutions, laws, and morals more and more restrict the opera\u00ad tion of natural impulses, action gives way to thought, achievement to imagination, directness to subtlety, expression to concealment, cruelty to sympathy, belief to doubt; the unity of character common to animals and primitive men passes away; behavior becomes fragmentary and hesitant, conscious and calculating; the willingness to fight subsides into a disposi\u00ad tion to infinite argument. Few nations have been able to reach intellectual refinement and esthetic sensitivity without sacrificing so much in virility and unity that their wealth presents an irresistible temptation to impecuni\u00ad ous barbarians. Around every Rome hover the Gauls; around every Athens some Macedon.\nTHE RISE OF SYRACUSE\nDespite a full measure of political turbulence, Syracuse, throughout the fourth century, was one of the richest and most powerful cities in Greece. Dionysius I, unscrupulous, treacherous, and vain, was the most capable administrator of his time. By turning the island of Ortygia into a fortress-\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\t471\nresidence for himself, and walling in the causeway that bound it with the mainland, he had rendered his position almost immune to attack; and by doubling the pay of his soldiers, and leading them to easy victories, he se.cured from them a personal loyalty that kept him on the throne for thirty-eight years. Having established his government, he changed his early policy of severity to one of conciliatory mildness, and a kind of egalitarian despotism.\u2022 He gave choice tracts of land to his officers and his friends, and (as a military measure) assigned nearly all the residences on Ortygia and the causeway to his soldiers; all the remaining soil of Syra\u00ad cuse and its environs he distributed equally among the population, free and slave. Under his guidance Syracuse flourished, though he taxed the peo\u00ad ple almost as severely as the Assembly taxed the Athenians. When the women became too ornate Dionysius announced that Demeter had ap\u00ad peared to him in a dream and bidden him order all feminine jewelry to be deposited in her temple. He obeyed the goddess, and the women for the most part obeyed him. Soon afterward he \"borrowed\" the jewelry from Demeter to finance his campaigns.\"\nFor at the bottom of all his plans lay the resolve to expel the Carthaginians from Sicily. Envious of Hannibal's resort to battering machines in the siege of Selinus, Dionysius gathered into his service the best mechanics and engi\u00ad neers of western Greece, and set them to improve the tools of war. These men invented, among many new engines of offense and defense, the katapeltes, or catapult, for throwing heavy stones and similar projectiles; this and other military innovations passed from Sicily to Greece, and were taken up by Philip of Macedon. A call was sent out for mercenaries, and the armorers of Syracuse manufactured in unheard-of quantities weapons and shields to fit the habits and skills of each group of soldiers engaged. Land battles among the Greeks had heretofore been fought by infantry. Dionysius organized a large body of cavalry, and here, too, gave hints to Philip and Alexander. At the same time he poured funds into the building of two hundred ships, mostly quadriremes or quinqueremes; in speed and power this was such an armada as\nGreece had never seen.t\nWhen he condemned the Pythagorean Phintias (less correctly Pythias) to death for con\u00ad spiracy, Phintias asked leave to go home for a day to settle his affairs. His friend Damon (not the music master of Pericles and Socrates) offered himself as hostage, and volunteered to suffer death in case Phintias should not return. Phintias returned; and Dionysius, as sur\u00ad prised as Napoleon at any sincere friendship, pardoned Phintias, and begged to be admitted mto so steadfast a comradeship.\"\nt A bireme was a galley with two banks or decks of oars; a trireme, quadrireme, or quin\u00ad quereme probably had not three, four, or five banks of oars, but so many men on each bench. wmdling so many oars through one oarlock or port.\n472\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CRAP.XIX\nBy 397 all was ready, and Dionysius sent an embassy to Carthage to demand the liberation of all Greek cities in Sicily from Carthaginian rule. Anticipating a refusal, he invited these cities to expel their foreign governments. They did; and still enraged by the memory of Hannibal's massacres, they put to death, with tortures seldom used by Greeks, all Carthaginians who fell into their hands. Dionysius did his best to stop the carnage, hoping to sell the captives as slaves. Carthage ferried over a vast army under Himilcon, and war went on at inter\u00ad vals in 397,392,383, and 368. In the end Carthage recovered all that Dionysius had won from her, and after the bloodshed matters stood as before.\nWhether through lust for power, or feeling that only a united Sicily could end Carthaginian rule, Dionysius had meanwhile turned his arms against the Greek cities in the island. Having subjugated them, he crossed over into Italy, conquered Rhegium, and mastered all southwest Italy. He attacked Etruria and took a thousand talents from its temple at Agylla; he planned to plunder the shrine of Apollo at Delphi, but time did not permit. Greece mourned that in the same year (387) liberty had fallen in the west, and in the east had been sold to Persia by the King's Peace. Three years before, Brennus and the Gauls had stood in triumph at the gates of Rome. Everywhere the barbarians on the fringe of the Greek world were growing stronger; and the ravages of Dionys\u00ad ius in southern Italy paved the way for the conquest of its Greek settlements first by the surrounding natives, and then by the half-barbarous Romans. At the next Olympic games the orator Lysias called upon Greece to denounce the new tyrant. The multitude attacked the tents of Dionysius' embassy, and refused to hear his poetry.\nThe same despot who, after capturing Rhegium, offered freedom to its inhabitants if they would bring him nearly all their hoarded wealth as ransom, and then, when the wealth had been surrendered, sold them as slaves, was a man of wide culture, not prouder of his sword than of his pen. When the poet Philoxenus, asked by the dictator for his opinion of the royal verses, pronounced them worthless, Dionysius sentenced him to the quarries. The next day the King repented, had Philoxenus released,"]
[15.191190719604492, 6.352795124053955, "In his later years Plato tried to prove the Pythagorean converse, that all Ideas are mathe\u00ad matical forms.80\nt Cf. Carrel: \"For modern scientists, as for Plato, Ideas are the sole reality.\"\"\" Cf. Spinoza:\n\"I do not understand, by the series of causes and real entities, a series of individual mutable things, but rather the series of fixed and eternal things. For it would be impossible for human weakness to follow up the series of individual mutable things, not only because their number surpasses all counting, but because ... the existence of particular things has no connection with their essence, and is not an eternal truth.\" (In order that the geometry of triangles may be true, it is not necessary that any particular triangle should exist.) \"However, there is no need that we should understand the series of individual mutable things, for their essence ... is only to be found in fixed and eternal things. and from the laws inscribed in those things as their true codes, according to which all individual things are made and arranged.\"00 Note that in Plato's theory of Ideas Heracleitus and Parmenides are reconciled: Heracleitus is right, and flux is true, in the world of sense; Parmenides is right, and changeless unity is true, in the world of Ideas.\nCHAP.XX!)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\n(tome on), but is merely a principle of inertia, a possibility waiting for God or soul to give it specific form and being according to some Idea. The soul is the self-moving force in man, and is part of the self-moving Soul of all things... It is pure vitality, incorporeal and immortal. It existed before the body, and has brought with it from antecedent incarnations many memories which, when awakened by new life, are mistaken for new knowledge. All mathematical truths, for example, are innate in this way; teaching merely arouses the recollection of things known by the soul many lives ago... After death the soul or principle of life passes into other organisms, higher or lower according to the deserts it has earned in its previous avatars. Per\u00ad haps the soul that has sinned goes to a purgatory or hell, and the virtuous soul goes to the Islands of the Blest.08 When through various existences the soul has been purified of all wrongdoing, it is freed from reincarnation, and mounts to a paradise of everlasting happiness.,...\nThe Moralist\nPlato knows that many of his readers will be skeptics, and for a while he struggles to find a natural ethic that shall stir men's souls to righteous\u00ad ness without relying on heaven, purgatory, and hell.101 The Dialogues of his middle period turn more and more from metaphysics to morals and poli\u00ad tics: \"The greatest and fairest sort of wisdom by far is that which is con\u00ad cerned with the ordering of states and families.\"11\"1 The problem of ethics lies in the apparent conflict between individual pleasure and social good. Plato presents the problem fairly, and puts into the mouth of Callias as strong an argument for selfishness as any immoralist has ever given.\"'\" He recognizes that many pleasures are good; intelligence is needed to discrim\u00ad inate between good and harmful pleasures; and for fear that intelligence may come too late we must inculcate in the young a habit of temperance, a sense of the golden mean.1\u00b0'\nThe soul or principle of life has three levels or parts-desire, will, and thought; each part has its own virtue-moderation, courage, and wisdom; to which should be added piety and justice-the fulfillment of one's obli\u00ad gations to his parents and his gods. Justice may be defined as the co-opera\u00ad tion of the parts in a whole, of the elements in a character, or of the people in a state, each part performing its fittest function properly.\"'\" The Good\nHow much of this Hindu-Pythagorean-Orphic doctrine of immortality was protective coloration it is hard to say. Plato presents it half playfully, as if it were merely a useful myth, a poetic aid to decency.100\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nis neither reason alone nor pleasure alone, but that mingling of them, in pro\u00ad ponion and measure, which produces the Life of Reason.108 The supreme good lies in pure knowledge of the eternal forms and laws. Morally \"the highest good ... is the power or faculty, if there be such, which the soul has of loving the truth, and of doing all things for the sake of truth.\"11\" He who so loves truth will not care to return evil for evil;= he will think it bet\u00ad ter to suffer injustice than to do it; he will \"go fonh by sea and land to seek after men who are incorruptible, whose acquaintance is beyond price.\n. . . The true votaries of philosophy abstain from all fleshly lusts; and when philosophy offers them a purification and release from evil, they feel that they ought not to resist her influence; to her they incline, and whither she leads they follow her.\"'09\nPlato had burned his poems, and lost his religious faith. But he remained a poet and a worshiper; his conception of the Good was suffused with esthetic emotion and ascetic piety; philosophy and religion became one in him, ethic and esthetic were fused. As he grew older he became incapable of seeing any beauty apart from goodness and truth. He would censor, in his ideal state, all an and poetry that might seem to the government to have an immoral or unpatriotic tendency,; all rhetoric and all nonreligious drama would be barred; even Homer-seductive painter of an immoral theology-would have to go. The Dorian and Phrygian modes of music might be allowed; but there must be no complicated instruments, no vir\u00ad tuosos making \"a beastly noise\" with their technical displays,U0 and no radi\u00ad cal novelties.\nThe introduction of a new kind of music must be shunned as im\u00ad periling the whole state, for styles of music are never disturbed without affecting the most important political institutions   The\nnew style, gradually gaining a lodgment, quietly insinuates itself into manners and customs, and from these it . . . goes on to attack laws and constitutions, displaying the utmost impudence, until it ends by overturning everything.w\nBeauty, like vinue, lies in :fitness, symmetry, and order. A work of art should be a living creature, with head, trunk, and limbs all vitalized and unified by one idea.= True beauty, thinks our passionate puritan, is intel\u00ad lectual rather than physical; the figures of geometry are \"eternally and ab\u00ad solutely beautiful,\" and the laws whereby the heavens are made are fairer than the stars.na Love is the pursuit of beauty, and has three stages, accord\u00ad ing as it is love of the body, or of the soul, or of truth. Love of the body, between man and woman, is legitimate as a means to generation, which is\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF  PHILOSOPHY\na kind of immortality;m nevertheless this is a rudimentary form of love, unworthy of a philosopher. Physical love between man and man, or woman and woman, is unnatural, and must be suppressed as frustrating reproduc\u00ad tion.\"\" This can be done by sublimating it in the second or spiritual stage of love: here the older man loves the younger because his comeliness is a symbol and reminder of pure and eternal beauty, and the yl1t:nger loves the older because his wisdom opens a way to understanding and honor. But the highest love is \"the love of the everlasting possession of the Good,\" that love which seeks the absolute beauty of the perfect and eternal Ideas or forms.\"\" This, and not fleshless affection between man and woman, is \"Platonic love\"-the point at which the poet and the philosopher in Plato merge in the passionate desire for understanding, an almost mystic longing for the Beatific Vision of the law and structure and life and goal of the world.\nFor he, Adeimantus, whose mind is fixed upon true being, has no time to look down upon the affairs of men, or to be filled with jealousy and enmity in the struggle against them; his eye is ever directed towards fixed and immutable principles, which he sees neither injuring nor injured by one another, but all in order mov\u00ad ing according to reason; these he imitates, and on these, so far as he can, he will mold his life.UT\nThe Utopian\nNevertheless he is interested in the affairs of men. He sees a social vision too, and dreams of a society in which there shall be no corruption, no poverty, no tyranny, and no war. He is appalled at the bitterness of political faction in Athens, \"strife and enmity and hatred and suspicion forever recurring.\"11\" Like a blue blood, he despises the plutocratic oli\u00ad garchy, \"the men of business ... pretending never so much as to see those whom they have already ruined, inserting their sting-that is, their money\u00ad into anybody else who is not on his guard against them, and recovering the principal sum many times over: this is the way in which they make drones and paupers to abound in the state.'1110 \"And then democracy comes into being, after the poor have conquered their opponents, slaughtering some and banishing some, while to the remainder they give an equal share of freedom and power.\"120 The democrats turn out to be as bad as the pluto\u00ad crats: they use the power of their number to vote doles to the people and offices to themselves; they flatter and pamper the multitudes until liberty\n520\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nbecomes anarchy, standards are debased by qmnipresent vulgarity, and manners are coarsened by unhindered insolence and abuse. As the mad pursuit of wealth destroys the oligarchy, so the excesses of liberty destroy democracy.\nSocr. In such a state the anarchy grows and finds a way into pri\u00ad vate houses, and ends by getting among the animals and infecting them. . . . The father gets accustomed to descend to the level of his sons ... and the son to be on a level with his father, having no fear of his parents, and no shame....Thmeaster fears and flatters his scholars, and the scholars despise their masters and tutors. . . . Young and old are alike, and the young man is on a level with the old, and is ready to compete with him in word or deed; and old men ...  imitate the young. Nor must I forget to tell of the liberty and equality of the two sexes in relation to each other    Truly,\nthe horses and asses come to have a way of marching along with all the rights and dignities of freemen ... all things are just ready to burst with liberty...."]
[-1.8180137872695923, 4.066745281219482, "The basic principle of democracy is freedom inviting chaos; the basic prin\u00ad ciple of monarchy is power inviting tyranny, revolution, and war. From Philip to Perseus, from Chaeronea to Pydna (338-168), the foreign and civil wars of the city-states were supplemented by the external and internal wars of the king\u00ad doms, for the perquisites of government tempted a hundred generals to contests for thrones. Violence was as popular, condottieri as numerous and brilliant, in Hellenistic Greece as in Renaissance Italy. When Antipater died Athens re\u00ad volted again, and put to death old Phocion, who had ruled it as justly as possible in Antipater's name. Cassander, Antipater's son, recaptured the city for Macedon (318), widened the franchise to holders of a thousand drachmas, and left as his regent the philosopher, scholar, and dilettante Demetrius of Phalerum, who gave the city ten years of prosperity and peace. Meanwhile Antigonus I (\"Cyclops\") dreamed of uniting all of Alexander's empire under his one eye; he was defeated at lpsus (301) by a coalition, and lost Asia, Minor to Seleucus I. His son Demetrius Poliorcetes (\"Taker of Cities\") liberated Greece from Mace\u00ad donian rule, gave Athens twelve years more of democracy, was lodged as the\ngrateful city's guest in the Parthenon, brought courtesans to live with him there: drove some young men to desperation by his amorous attentions,\u2022 won a brilliant\nnaval victory over Ptolemy I at Cyprus (308), besieged Rhodes for six years with new siege instruments but without success, made himself king of Macedon (294), ended Athenian liberty with a garrison, fell into ever new wars, was de\u00ad feated and captured by Seleucus, and drank himself to death.\nDamocles, sought out everywhere by Demetrius and at last about to be captured, killed himself by plunging into a caldron of boiling water.\u2022 We must not misjudge the Athemam from one such instance of virtue.\nCHAP.XXIII)\tGREECE  AND MACEDON\t;59\nFour years later (279), taking advantage of the disorder brought on by the struggle for power in the eastern Mediterranean, a horde of Celts, or \"Gauls,\" under Brennus* marched down through Macedonia into Greece. Brennus, says Pausanias, \"pointed out the weak state of Greece, the im\u00ad mense wealth of her cities, the votive offerings in the temples, the great quantities of silver and gold.\"' At the same time a revolution broke out in Macedonia under the leadership of Apollodorus; part of the army joined in, and helped the angry poor in their periodical revenge of despoiling the rich. The Gauls, doubtless guided by a Greek, found their way through secret passes around Thermopylae, killed and plundered indiscriminately, and advanced upon the rich temple at Delphi. Repulsed there by a Greek force and a storm that in Greek belief was Apollo's defense of his shrine, Brennus retreated and killed himself in shame. The surviving Gauls crossed over into Asia Minor. \"They butchered all the males,\" writes Pausanias,\nand likewise old women, and babes at their mothers' breasts; they drank the blood, and feasted on the flesh of infants that were fat. High-spirited women, and maidens in their flower, committed sui\u00ad cide ... those that survived were subjected to every kind of outrage.\n. . . Some of the women rushed upon the swords of the Gauls, and voluntarily courted death; to others death came from absence of food or sleep, as these merciless barbarians ravished them in turn, and wreaked their lusts upon them whether dying or dead.t\"\nAfter suffering years of such devastation, the Greeks of Asia bought off the invaders, and persuaded them to retire into northern Phrygia (where their settlements become known as Galatia), Thrace, and the Balkans. For two generations the Gauls levied fear tribute from Seleucus I and the Greek cities of the Asiatic coasts and the Black Sea; Byzantium alone paid them $240,000 a year.t\" As the emperors and generals of Rome were to be occupied, in the third century after Christ, in repelling barbarian inroads, so the kings and generals of Pergamum, Seleucia, and Macedonia gave much of their resources and energies, in the third century before Christ, to driv\u00ad ing back the recurring waves of Celtic invasion. Throughout its history ancient civilization lived on the edge of a sea of barbarism that repeatedly threatened to inundate it. The stoic courage of citizens perpetually pre-\nNot the Brennus who had invaded Italy in 390 B.c.\nt We have no Gallic version of these matters, nor any \"barbarian\" account of Greek inva\u00ad sions into Asia, Italy, or Sicily.\n:j: In the following pages, to allow for the rise of prices in the Hellenistic age, the talent will be reckone.<! as equivalent to $3000 in the United States of 1939.\n560\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CRAP,XXIII\npared had once kept back the peril; but stoicism was dying in Greece pre\u00ad cisely at the time that d vised its classic formulation and its name..\nAntigonus II, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes and called \"Gonatas\" for reasons now unknown, drove the Gauls out of Macedonia, put down the revolt of Apollodorus, and ruled Macedonia with a ility and moderation for thirty-eight years (277-39). He gave generously to literature, science, and philosophy, brought poets like Aratu of Soll to his court, and formed a lifelong friendship with Zeno the Stoic; he was the first of that very discontinuous line of philosopher-kings which ended in Marcus Aurelius. Nevertheless it was during his reign that Athens made a last bid for free\u00ad dom. In 267 the nationalist party came into power under the leadership of a young pupil of Zeno's, Chremonides. It secured the aid of Egypt, ousted the Macedonian troops, and announced the liberation of Athens. Antigonus came down at his leisure and recaptured the city (262), but dealt with it as became one who respected philosophy and old age. He established garrisons in the Piraeus, on Salamis, and at Sunium, and en\u00ad joined Athens from engaging in alliances or wars; for the rest he left the city completely free.\nOther Greek states were solving in other ways the problem of recon\u00ad ciling liberty with order. About 279 little Aetolia, peopled like Macedon with half-barbarous and never-conquered mountaineers, began to organize the cities of northern Greece-chiefly those of the Delphic Amphictyony\u00ad into the Aetolian League; and about the same time the Achaean League of Patrae, Dyme, Pellene, and other towns attracted to its membership many cities of the Peloponnese. In either league the constituent municipalities kept control of all local government, but surrendered their armed forces and foreign relations to a federal council, and a st:rategos, elected by such of the citizens as could attend the annual assembly at Aegium in Achaea, or at Thermus in Aetolia. Each league maintained peace, and established common-measures, weights, and coinages throughout its area-an achieve\u00ad ment in co-operation that makes the third century in some ways politically superior to the age of Pericles.\nThe Achaean League was transformed into a first-class power by Aratus of Sicyon. At the age of twenty this new Themistocles freed Sicyon from its dictator by a night attack with a handful of men. By eloquence and subtle negotiation he persuaded all the Peloponnesus except Sparta and Elis to join the League, which chose him as its st:rategos annually for ten years ( 245-35). With a few hundred men he secretly entered Corinth, scaled the almost inaccessible Acrocorinthus, routed the Macedonian troops, and re-\nCHAP.XXIII)\tGREECE  AND  MACEDON\t561\nstored the city to freedom. Passing on to the Piraeus, he bribed the Mace\u00ad donian garrison tosurrender, and announced the liberation of Athens. From that moment to the Roman conquest Athens enjoyed a unique self-gov\u00ad ernment-militarily powerless, but left inviolate by the Hellenistic states because her universities had made her the intellectual capital of the Greek world. Athens turned to philosophy, and contentedly disappeared from political history.\nNow at the height of their power, the two leagues began to weaken themselves by war with each other and class war within. In 2 20 the Aetoli\u00ad an League, with Sparta and Elis, fought the bitter \"Social\" War against the Achaean League and Macedon. Aratus, the defender of freedom, was also the protector of wealth; in each city the League supported the party of property. The poorer citizens complained that they could not afford to attend the distant assemblies of the League, and were thereby in effect disfranchised; they were skeptical of a liberty that meant the full privilege of the clever and the strong to exploit the simple and the weak; more and more they gave their applause to demagogues who called for a redistribu\u00ad tion of the land. Like the rich of a century before, the poor began to favor Macedonia against their own governments.\nMacedonia, however, was ruined by the honesty of Antigonus III. He had assumed power as regent for his stepson, Philip, and had promised to surrender the throne upon Philip's coming of age. The cynics of the time called him \"Doson\"-the Promiser-apparently because they took it for granted that he was lying. But he kept his word, and in 221 Philip V, aged seventeen, began a long reign of intrigue and war. He was a man of cour\u00ad age and capacity, but of unscrupulous subtlety. He seduced the wife of Aratus' son, poisoned Aratus, killed his own son on suspicion of con\u00ad spiracy, and arranged banquets of poisoned wine for those who stood in the way of his plans.' He enlarged and enriched Macedonia, and left it more populous and prosperous than for one hundred and fifty years past. But in 215, fearful of the growing power of Rome, he made the historic mistake of allying himself with Hannibal and Carthage. A year later Rome declared war upon Macedonia, and began the conquest of Greece.\nIl.  THE STRUGGLE FOR WEALTH\nAthenaeus, who is as reliable as any gossip, tells us that Demetrius of Phalerum, about 31 o, took a census of Athens, and reported 2 1 ,ooo citizens, 10,000 metics or aliens, and 400,000 slaves.\u2022 The last figure is incredible,\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.x:xm\nbut we know nothing that contradicts it. Very probably the number of rural slaves had grown; estates were becoming larger, and were being worked more and more by slaves under a slave overseer managing for an absentee landlord.\" Under this system a more scientific agriculture devel\u00ad oped; Varro knew filty Greek manuals of the art. But the processes of erosion and deforestation had already gutted much of the land. Even in the fourth century Plato had expressed the belief that rain and flood, in the flow of time, had carried away much of the arable surface of Attica; the surviving hills, in his metaphor, were a skeleton from which the flesh had been washed away.10 Many areas of Attica were in the third century so denuded of topsoil that their ancient farms were abandoned. The for\u00ad ests of Greece were vanishing, and timber, like food, had to be brought in from abroad.11 The mines at Laurium were worn out and almost deserted; silver could be gotten more cheaply from Spain; .and the gold mines of Thrace, which had once poured their wealth into Athens, now enriched the treasury and beautified the coinage of Macedon."]
[-6.693179607391357, -7.6193647384643555, "into a little space .an intense life of political turmoil, literary competition, artistic exuberance, epicurean lu.nrry, and exciting public games. The land was fertile and produced the finest olives and grapes in Italy; hence came the famous Surrentine and Falernian wines. Probably Varro was thinking of Campania when he challenged the world: \"You who have wandered over many lands, have you ever seen any better cultivated than Italy? . . . Is not Italy so stocked with fruit trees as to seem one great orchard?\" 6 At the southern end of Campania a precipitous peninsula ran out from Salernum to Surrentum. Villas nestled among the vines and orchards on the hills and garlanded the shore. Surrentum was as beautiful as Sorrento is now; the elder Pliny called it \"Nature's own delight,\" upon which she had poured out all her gifts.7 Hardly anything seems to have changed there in two thousand years; the people and their customs are probably the same, almost the same their gods; and the cliffs still stand the sea's unending siege.\nFacing this promontory lay the buffeted isle of Capreae (Capri). On the southern side of the gulf Vesuvius smoked, while Pompeii and Herculaneum slept under their lava coat. Then came Neapolis, \"Newtown,\" the most Greek of Italian cities in Trajan's day; in Naples' laziness we watch an echo of its ancient addiction to love and sport and art. The people were Italian; the culture, customs, games, were Greek. Here were fine temples, palaces, and theaters; here, every fifth year, were held those contests in music and poetry at which Statius had won a prize. In the western corner of the gulf was the port of Puteoli (Pozzuoli), named from the stench of its sulphur pools; 8 it throve on Rome's trade and on manufactures of iron, pottery, and glass; an amphitheater here shows us, by its well-preserved underground passages, how gladiators and beasts were-introduced into the arena. Across the harbor of Puteoli sparkled the villas of Baiae, doubly attractive in their setting between mountains and sea; here Caesar, Caligula, and Nero played and rheumatic Romans came to bathe in mineral springs. The place profited from its reputation for gambling and immorality; Varro reports that maidens there were common property, and many boys were girls; 9 Claudius thought Cicero irremediably disgraced for having gone there once.10 \"Do you sup\u00ad pose,\" asks Seneca, \"that Cato would ever have dwelt in a pleasure palace, so that he might count the lewd women as they sailed past, the many kinds of barges painted in all sorts of colors, the roses wafted about the lake?\" 11 A few miles north of Baiae, in the crater of a dead volcano, Lake Avernus emitted sulphurous fumes of such potency that legend said no bird could fly above it and live. Near it was the cave through which Aeneas, in Virgil's epic, had made his facilis descensus Avenzi into Tartarus. North of the lake was the old city of Cumae, now slowly dying through the superior attrac\u00ad tions of her daughter-city Neapolis, the better harbors of Puteoli and Ostia,\nCHAP. XXI)\tIT ALY\t457\nand the industries of Capua. Capua lay thirty miles inland, in a fenile region that sometimes harvested four crops in a year; 12 and its bronze and iron works were unrivaled in Italy. Rome had so severely punished it for help\u00ad ing Hannibal that for two centuries it failed to recover, and Cicero spoke of it as the \"abode of the politically dead.\" 13 Caesar restored it with thou\u00ad sands of new colonists, and in Trajan's time it was prospering again.\nListed so rapidly, these major cities of classic Italy are merely names; we mistake them for words on a map and hardly feel that they were the noisy abodes of sensitive men eagerly pursuing food and drink, women and gold. Let us tum over the ashes of one Roman habitation, and from its strangely preserved vestiges try to recapture some movement of the Iife that ran in those ancient streets.\nPOMPEII\nPompeii was one of the minor towns of Italy, hardly noticed in Latin literature except for its fish sauces, its cabbage, and its burial. Founded by Oscans perhaps as early as Rome, peopled by Greek immigrants, captured by Sulla and turned into a Roman colony, it was partly destroyed by an eanhquake in A.O. 63 and was being rebuilt when Vesuvius destroyed it again. On August 24, A.O. 79, the volcano exploded and hurled dust and rock high into the air amid clouds of smoke and flashes of flame. A heavy rainfall turned the erupted matter into a torrent of mud and stone, which in six hours covered Pompeii and Herculaneum to a depth of eight or ten feet. All that day and the next the eanh shook and buildings fell. Audiences were buried in the ruins of theaters,1-1 hundreds were choked by dust or fumes, and tidal waves shut off escape by sea. The elder Pliny was at that time com\u00ad manding the western fleer at Misenum, near Pureoli. Moved by appeals for help and by curiosity to observe the phenomenon at closer range, he boarded a small vessel, landed on the southern shore of rhe gulf, and rescued several persons; but as the party ran from the advancing hail and smoke, the old scientist was overcome, fell in his tracks, and died.15 The next morning his wife and his nephew joined the desperate crowd that fled down the coast, while from Naples to Sorrento the continuing eruption blackened the day into night. Many refugees, separated in the darkness from their husbands, wives, or children, made the terror worse with their laments and shrieks. Some prayed to divers gods for help; some cried out that all gods were dead and that the long-predicted end of the world had come.16 \\Vhen, on the third day, the sky cleared at last, lava and mud had covered everything of Pompeii but the rooftops, and Herculaneum had completely disappeared. Of approximately 20,000 population in Pompeii, probably some 2000 lost\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXI\ntheir lives. Several of the dead were preserved by a volcanic embalmment: the rain and pumice stone that fell-upon them made a cement that hardened as it dried; and the filling of these impromptu molds has made some grue\u00ad some plaster casts. A few of the survivors dug into the ruins to recover valuables; thereafter the site was abandoned and was slowly covered by the detritus of time. In r 709 an Austrian general sank a shaft at Herculaneum, but the tufa layer was so thick (in some places sixty-five feet) that excava\u00ad tions had to proceed by slow and costly tunneling. The exhuming of Pompeii began in 1749 and has gone on at intervals since. Today most of the ancient town has been uncovered and has revealed so many houses, ob\u00ad jects, and inscriptions that in some ways we know ancient Pompeii better than ancient Rome.\nThe center of its life, as in every Italian city, was the forum. Once, doubt\u00ad less, it had been the gathering point for farmers and their produce on market days; games were held there, and dramas were performed. There the citizens had raised shrines to their gods; at one end to Jupiter, at the other to Apollo, and near by to Venus Pompeiana, the patron goddess of the town. But they were not a religious people; they were too busy with industry and politics, games and venery, to have much time for worship; and even in worship they honored the phallus as the crown of their Dionysian ritual.17 When economic and state affairs swelled in volume and dignity, great buildings rose around the forum for administration, negotiation, and exchange.\nWe may judge from modern Italian towns how the adjoining streets throbbed with the hawking of peddlers, the disputes of buyers and sellers, the noise of crafts by day and revelry by night. In the ruins of the shops excavators found some of the charred and petrified nuts, loaves, and fruits that so narrowly escaped a purchaser. Farther down the streets were the taverns, gambling houses, and brothels, each zealous to be all in one.\nWe might not have guessed the keenness of Pompeii's life had not its people scratched their sentiments upon public walls. Three thousand such graffiti have been copied there, and presumably there were thousands more. Sometimes the authors merely inscribed their names or obscene audacities, as men still love to do; sometimes they gave hopeful instructions to enemies, as Sll11zius Cornelio, mspendere-\"Samius to Cornelius: go hang yourself.\" Many of the inscriptions are love messages, often in verse: Romula notes that she \"tarried here with Stephylus\"; and a devoted youth writes, Victoria vale, et ubique es, suaviter stermttas-\"Good-by, Victoria, and wherever you are may you sneeze pleasantly.\" 18\nQuire as numerous as these messages are the carved or painted announce\u00ad ments of public events or private offerings. Landlords advertised vacancies, losers described missing articles; guilds and other groups declared themselves\nCHAP. XXI)\tITALY\t459\nfor promising candidates in the municipal campaigns. So \"the fishermen have named Popidius Rufus for aedile\"; \"the lumbermen and the char\u00ad coal sellers ask you to elect l\\tlarcellinus.\" 19 Some graffiti announced gladia\u00ad torial games, others proclaimed the valor of famous gladiators like Celadus, suspirium puellarum, \"the maidens' sigh,\" or breathed devotion to a favorite actor-\"Actius, darling of the people, come back soon!\" 20 Pompeii lived to be amused. It had three public baths, a palaestra, a small theater seating\n2500, a larger one accommodating 5000, and an amphitheater where 20,000\npersons could enjoy by proxy the agony of death. One inscription reads: \"Thirty pairs of gladiators furnished by the duumvir . . . will fight at Pompeii on November 24, 25, and 26. There will be a hunt [venatio]. Hurrah for J\\faius! Bravo, Paris!\" Maius was duumvir or city magistrate; Paris was the leading gladiator.\nThe remains of the domestic interiors suggest a life of solid comfort and varied art. vVindows were xceptional, central heating was rare; bathrooms appear in the richer homes, and a few houses had an outdoor pool in a peri\u00ad styled garden. Floors were of cement or stone, sometimes of mosaic. One frank moneymaker had the words Salve lucrum-\"Hail, gain!\" lettered in his floor; another inscribed his with Lucrum gandium-\"Gain is joy.\" 21 Little has been found of the ancient furniture; nearly all was of wood, and perished; but a few tables, couches, chairs, and lamps of marble or bronze have survived. In the museums at Pompeii and Naples may be seen the miscellanea of domestic life: pens, inkstands, scales, kitchen utensils, toilet articles, and musical instruments.\nThe art recovered from Pompeii or near it suggests that not only the aristocrats of the villas, but the merchants of the city enjoyed the cultural accessories of life. A private library unearthed at Herculaneum had 1756 volumes or rolls. \\Ye must not repeat what we have said of the Boscoreale cups, or the rich vistas and graceful women painted upon the walls of Pompeian homes. Many dwellings had excellent sculptures, and the forum contained 1 50 statues. In the Temple of Jupiter a head of the god was found which Pheidias himself might have carved-strength and justice framed in the curls of abounding hair and beard. In the Temple of Apollo was a statue of Diana, equipped with a hole in the back of the head through which a hidden ministrant might utter oracles. In one Herculanean villa enough first\u00ad class bronzes were found to fill a famous room at the Naples Museum. Pre\u00ad sumably the masterpieces in this collection-the Resting lvf.ercury, the Narcissus or Dionysus, the Drunken Satyr, and the Dancing Faun-were of Greek origin or workmanship; they reveal the skillful technique, and the shameless joy in the healthy body, characteristic of Praxitelean art. One of them, however, a bravely realistic bust in bronze, shows the bald head and\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXI\nsharp but not unkindly face of L. Caecilius Iucundus, a Pompeian auctioneer whose accounts, inscribed upon 154 wax tablets, were found in his house at Pompeii. Supremely human in its mixture of coarseness and intelligence, wisdom and warts, this work of a contemporary-perhaps Italian-sculptor is a welcome foil to the unwrinkled gods and goddesses who surround it in the Naples Museum, and who confess by their smooth and placid features that they never lived.\nMUNICIPAL LIFE\nLife, private and public, individual and corporate, has never been lived more intensely than in ancient Italy. But the events of our own time are too vital and absorbing to let us spare interest for the details of municipal organi\u00ad zation under the Caesars; the confusing diversities of constitution and the jealous gradations of franchise are no longer a part of that living past which is our matrix: and our theme.\nIt was a basic feature of the Roman Empire that though divided into provinces it was organized into an assemblage of relatively self-governed city-states each o\\\\\u00b7ning an extensive hinterland. Patriotism meant love of one's city rather than of the Empire. Normally the freemen of each community were content to exer\u00ad cise a purely local franchise; and those non-Romans who had won Roman citizen\u00ad ship rarely went to Rome to vote. As the example of Pompeii shows, the decay of the assemblies in the capital was not accompanied by a similar debasement in the cities of the Empire. Most Italian municipalities had a senate (curia)-and most Eastern cities had a council (bou/e)-that formulated ordinances, and an assembly ( c01nitia, ekklesia) that chose the magistrates. Each magistrate was expected to give his city a substantial sum (smmna bonoraria, from bonos, office) for the privilege of serving it, and custom required him also to make incidental dona\u00ad tions for public benefits or games. As no pay attached to office, the democracy\u00ad or aristocracy-of freemen issued almost everywhere in an oligarchy of wealth and power.\nFor two hundred years, from Augustus to Aurelius, the municipalities of Italy prospered. There was a majority of poor in them, of course; nature and privilege had seen to this; but never before or since, so far as history tells, have the rich done so much for the poor. Practically all the expenses of operating the city, of financing dramas, spectacles, and games, of building temples, theaters, stadiums, palaestras, libraries, basilicas, aqueducts, bridges, and baths, and adorning these with arches, porticoes, painting, and statuary, fell upon men of means; and in the first two centuries of the Empire these philanthropies were carried out with a competitive patriotism that in some cases bankrupted the families that con\u00ad tributed, or the cities that maintained, the benefactions. In time of famine it was usual for the wealthy to buy food and distribute it gratis among the poor; on"]
[-7.000625133514404, -3.169997453689575, "CHAP. xn)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t353\nCupids parodying the industries of Pompeii, including the wine business of the Vettii. The bite of time has gnawed in o these once brilliant surfaces, but enough remains to shock the visitor into modesty; the figures are almost perfectly drawn, and so colorful with the flesh of life that they can still make the blood stir lustily in living veins.\nIt is by reference to these Pompeian paintings that connoisseurs have tried to understand the nature, and classify the periods and styles, of pictorial art in ancient Italy. The method is precarious, for Pompeii was more Greek than Latin; but what remains of classic painting in Rome and its suburbs falls in tolerably well with the Pompeian development. In the First or In\u00ad crustation Style (second century B.c.) walls were often colored to resemble inlaid marble slabs (crustae), as in the \"House of Sallust\" at Pompeii. In the Second or Architectural Style (first century B.c.) the wall was painted to simulate a building or fa ade or colonnade. Often the columns were repre\u00ad sented as seen from within, and open country was pictured between them; in this way the artist gave to a probably windowless room cool vistas of trees and flowers, fields and streams, peaceful or playful animals; the im\u00ad prisoned dweller could fancy himself in Lucullus' gardens by merely look\u00ad ing at the wall; he might fish or row or hunt, or indulge a fondness for birds without suffering their untimeliness; nature was taken into the house. The Third or Ornate Style (A.D. 1-50) employed architectural forms purely for ornament, and subordinated landscape to figures. In the Fourth or Intri\u00ad cate Style (A.D. 50-79) the artist let his fancy riot, im\u00b7ented fantastic struc\u00ad tures and shapes, placed them in positions gaily scornful of gravity, piled gardens and columns, villas and pavilions, upon one another in modernistic disarray,26 and occasionally achieved the impressionistic effect of a picture supplemented by unconscious memory and suffused with light. In all these kindred styles architecture was handmaid and mistress to painting, served it and used it, and gave body to a tradition that reawoke, after sixteen cen\u00ad turies, in Nicolas Poussin.\nIt is a pity that the subjects of the major extant paintings so seldom venture beyond Greek myth. \\Ve tire of these same gods and satyrs, heroes and sinners-Zeus and Mars, Dionysus and Pan, Achilles and Odysseus, Iphigenia and Medea; though a like charge could be brought against the Renaissance. There are a few pictures of still life, and here and there a fuller, an innkeeper, or a butcher shines on Pompeian walls. Love often dominates the scene: a girl sits brooding over some secret longing not unrelated to the Eros who stands beside her; young men and women gambol amorously on the grass; Psyches and Cupids frolic as if the town haJ never known any\u00ad thing but love and wine. If we may judge from their representation in these murals, the women of Pompeii deserved to have life center about their\n354\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP, XVI\ncomeliness. vVe see them engrossed in the game of \"knucklebones,\" or lean\u00ad ing gracefully over a lyre, or composing poetry with a meditative stylus at the lips; their faces are quiet with maturity, their forms are healthily full, their robes fall about them with Pheidian amplitude and rhythm, they walk like Helens conscious of their divinity. One of them performs a Bacchic dance, apparently in thin air; her right arm, hand, and foot are as lovely as anything in the history of painting. Some male characters must be in\u00ad cluded with these masterpieces: Theseus victor over the Minotaur, Hercules rescuing Deianira or adopting Telephus, Achilles angrily surrendering the reluctant Briseis; in this last picture every .figure nears perfection and Pompeian painting is at its best. Humor is represented, too: a disheveled pedagogue stumbles forward on his staff; a jolly satyr shakes his shanks in sardonic revelry, a bdd ribald Silenus is caught in a mood of musical ecstasy. Taverns and brothels came in for appropriate decoration, and no eager tourist need be told that Priapus still .flaunts his precious powers on Pompeian walls. At the other end of the gamut, in the Villa Item, is a series of religious pictures, suggesting the use of the place for celebrating the Dionysian mysteries: in one fresco a little girl, palsied with piety, reads from an apparently sacred book; in another a procession of damsels advances, blowing pipes and bringing sacrifice; in a third a nude lady dances on tip\u00ad toe while a neophyte kneels exhausted by some ritualistic whipping.27 Finer than any of these is a mural found in the ruins of Stabiae, presaging Botti\u00ad celli and called Spring: a woman walks slowly through a garden, gathering flowers; only her back is seen, and the graceful turning of her head; but seldom has any art conveyed so movingly the poetry of this simple theme. The most powerful of all the pictures recovered from these ruins is the Medea found at Herculaneum, and preserved in the Naples Museum-a brooding woman, magnificently draped, meditating the murder of her chil\u00ad dren; apparently this is a copy of the painting for which Caesar paid the\nartist, Timomachus of Byzantium, forty talents ($144,ooo).27a\nFew pictures of such quality have been found in Rome. But in the suburban villa of Livia at Prima Porta a supreme example was discovered of that landscape painting in which Italy so far excels Greece. The eye is lured as if across a court to a marble trellis, beyond which is a jungle of plants and flowers so accurately eproduced that botanists can now identify and catalogue them; every leaf 1s carefully drawn and colored; birds perch here and there as if for a moment, and insects creep amid the foliage. Only less masterly is the \"Aldobra11di11i'' lVedding found on the Esquiline in 16o6, and enthusiastically studied by Rube s,. Vand}'.'k , and Goethe. Perhaps it is a copy of a Greek work; perhaps It 1s an original by a Roman Greek, or by a Roman; we can only say that these figures-the quiet and timid bride,\nCHAP. XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t355\nthe goddess who counsels her, the mother absorbed in preparations, the maidens waiting to play the lyre and sing-are all done with a delicacy and sensitivity that make this mural.a distinguished relic of classic art.\nRoman painting laid no claim to originality; Greek artists carried with them everywhere the same traditions and methods; and even the vague impressionism of these pictures may be offshoots of Alexandrian skills. But there is in them a fineness of line, and a richness of color, that explain why painters like Apelles and Protogenes were held in as high repute as sculptors like Polycleitus and Praxiteles. Sometimes the color is as full as if Giorgione had laid it on; sometimes the subtle gradations of light and shade suggest Rembrandt; sometimes a crude figure catches the ungainly realism of Van Gogh. Perspective here is often faulty, and hasty workmanship limps behind mature conception. But a fresh vitality redeems these faults, the rhythm of the drapery lures the eye, and the woodland scenes must have been a delight to dwellers in a crowded town. Our taste today is more re\u00ad strained; we like to leave a wall its own significance, and have hesitated, till yesterday, to cover it with paint. But to the Italian a wall was a prison, seldom opening through a window upon the world; he wished to forget the barrier, and be deluded by art into some verdant peace. Perhaps he was right: better a pictured tree on a wall than a m1gic casement's prospect of a thousand unkempt rooftops blaspheming the sky and festering in the sun.\nARCHITECTURE\nPrinciples, Materials, and Forms\nWe have reserved for the climactic edification of our forgotten visitor the greatest of Rome's arts, that in which she most ably defended herself against the Greek invasion, and displayed all her originality, courage, and power. Originality, however, is not parthenogenesis; it is, like parentage, a novel combination of pre-existing elements. All cultures are eclectic in their youth, as education begins with imitation; but when the soul or nation comes of age it stamps its character, if it has any, upon all its works and words. Rome, like other Mediterranean cities, took the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders from Egypt and Greece; but also she took the arch, the vault, and the dome from Asia, and with them made such a city of palaces, basilicas, amphitheaters, and baths as the earth had not yet beheld. Roman architecture became the art expression of the Roman spirit and state: bold\u00ad ness, organization, grandeur, and brutal strength raised these unparalleled structures upon the hills. They were the Roman soul in stone.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nMost of the leading architects in Rome were Romans, not Greeks. One of them, 1\\larcus Vitruvius Pollio, wrote a world classic On Architecture (ca. 27 B.C.).* Having served as military engineer under Caesar in Africa, and as an architect under Octavian, Vitruvius retired in old age to formulate the principles of Rome's most honored art. \"Nature has not given me\nstature,\" he confessed, \"my face is homely with years, and illness has stolen my strength; therefore I hope to win favor by my knowledge and my book.\" 29 As Cicero and Quintilian made philosophy a prerequisite for the orator, so Vitruvius required it of the architect; it would improve his pur\u00ad poses while science improved his means; it would make him \"high-minded, urbane, just, loyal, and without greed; for no true work can be done without good faith and clean hands.\" 30 He described the materials of architecture, the orders and their elements, and the diverse types of building in Rome;\nand added discourses on machinery, water clocks, speedometers, t aqueducts,\ntown planning, and public sanitation. As against the rectangular design established by Hippodamus in many Greek cities, Vitruvius recommended the radial arrangement used in Alexandria (and modern \\Vashington); the Romans, however, continued to lay out their towns on the rectangular plan of their camps. He warned Italy that in several localities its drinking water led to goiter, and declared that poisoning could come from working with lead. He explained sound as a vibratory motion of the air, and wrote our oldest extant discussion of architectural acoustics. His book, rediscovered in the Renaissance, deeply influenced Leonardo, Palladio, and Michelangelo. The Romans, says Vitruvius, built with wood, brick, stucco, concrete, stone, and marble. Bricks were the usual substance of walls, arches, and vaults, and served as a frequent facing for concrete. Stucco too was often used as a facing. It was made of sand, lime, marble dust, and water, took a high polish, and was laid on in several coats, often to a thickness of three inches; hence it could keep its form for nineteen centuries, as in some parts\nof the Colosseum. In making and using concrete the Romans were un\u00ad\nrivaled until our time. They took the volcanic ash abounding near Naples, mixed it with lime and water, threw in fragments of brick, pottery, marble, and stone, and produced, from the second century B.c. onward, an opus caeme11ticum as ard as rock? and capable of being poured into almost any shape. They cast 1t as we do, m troughs formed of boards. By its means they could cover large unsupported spaces with rigid domes free from the lateral thrust of an arched roof; in this way they topped the Pantheon and the\nSome students suspect the work of being a third-century forgery, but the evidence inclines toward authenticity.28\nt More accurately, odometers. A peg att ched to the axle of the wheel advanced bya cog\na smaller wheel, whose much slower revoluoon caused a pebble to fall into a box,31\nCHAP.XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t357"]
[-8.589818000793457, -4.371890544891357, "living by his art. He dreamed of performing publicly in one day on the water organ, the flute, and the pipes, and then appearing as actor and dancer in the part of Virgil's Turnus. In 59 he gave a semipublic concert as a harpist (citharoedus) in his gardens on the Tiber. For five years more he controlled his longing for a larger audience; at last he dared it in Naples; there the Greek spirit ruled, and the people would forgive and understand him. The auditorium was so overcrowded for his exhibition that it crumbled to pieces shortly after the audience had left. Encouraged, the young Emperor appeared as singer and harpist in the great theater of Pompey at Rome (65). In these recitals he sang poems apparently composed by himself;* some frag\u00ad ments have survived and show a moderate talent. Besides many lyrics, he wrote a long epic on Troy (with Paris as hero), and began a still longer one on Rome. To complete his versatility, he came upon the boards as an actor, playing the roles of Oedipus, Heracles, Alcmaeon, even the matricide Orestes. The populace was delighted to have an emperor entertain it and kneel on the stage, as custom required, to ask for its applause. It took up the songs that Nero sang and repeated them in the taverns and the streets. His\nSuetonius claims to have seen the royal manuscripts, with text and corrections in Nero's hand.77\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MON ARCHY\t279\nenth siasm for music spread through all ranks. His popularity, instead of wamng, grew.\nThe Senate was more horrified by these displays than by all the gossip of sexual license and perversion that ran about the palace. Nero replied that the Greek custom of confining athletic and artistic competitions to the citizen class was better than the Roman custom of leaving these to the slaves; certainly the contests should not take the form of slowly executing criminals. The young murderer decreed that so long as he ruled, no combat in the arenas should be carried to the death.78 To restore the Greek tradition and dignify his own performances, he persuaded or compelled certain senators to compete in public as actors, musicians, athletes, gladiators, and charioteers. Some patricians, like Thrasea Paetus, showed their disapproval of his ways by absenting themselves from the Senate when Nero c<'lme to address it; some others, like Helvidius Priscus, denounced him violently in those aristo\u00ad cratic salons that had become the last refuge of free speech; and the Stoic philosophers in Rome spoke ever more openly against this impish epicurean on the throne. Plots were laid to depose him. His spies discovered them, and like his predecessors he countered with a reign of terror. The law of maiestas was revived (6 2), and accusations were brought against men whose opposi\u00ad tion or wealth made their deaths culturally or financially desirable. For Nero, like Caligula, had now exhausted the Treasury with his extravagance, his gifts, and his games. He announced his intention to confiscate completely the estates of citizens whose wills left insufficient sums to the Emperor. He stripped many temples of their votive offerings, and melted down their images of silver or gold. When Seneca protested and privately criticized his conduct-worse, his poetry-Nero dismissed him from the court (62), and the old philosopher spent the remaining three years of his life in the seclu\u00ad sion of his villas. Burrus had died some months before.\nNero now surrounded himself with new aides, mostly of coarser strain. Tigellinus, urban prefect, became his chief adviser, and smoothed the Prince's path to every indulgence. In 62 Nero divorced and dismissed Octavia on the ground of barrenness, and twelve days later married Poppaea. The people protested mutely by throwing down the statues that Nero had raised to Poppaea and crowning those of Octavia with flowers. The angry Poppaea convinced her lover that Octavia was planning to remarry, and that a revolution was being organized to replace him in power with Octavia's new mate. If we may follow Tacitus, Nero invited Anicetus, who had killed Agrippina, to confess adultery with Octavia and implicate her in a plot to overthrow the Prince. Anicetus played his part as commanded, was banished to Sardinia, and lived out his life in ease and wealth. Octavia was exiled to Pandateria. There, a few days after her arrival, imperial agents came to\n280\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Xlll\nmurder her. She was still but twenty-two, and could not believe that life must end so soon for one so guiltless. She pleaded with her slayers, saying that she was now only Nero's sister and could do him no harm. They cut off her head and brought it to Poppaea for their reward. The Senate, in\u00ad formed that Octavia was dead, thanked the gods for having again preserved the Emperor.79\nNero himself was now a god. After the death of Agrippina a consul-elect had proposed a temple \"to the deified Nero.\" When, in 63, Poppaea bore him a daughter who died soon afterward, the child was voted a divinity. When Tiridates came to receive the crown of Armenia he knelt and wor\u00ad shipped the Emperor as Mithras. vVhen Nero built his Golden House he prefaced it with a colossus r 20 feet high, bearing the likeness of his head haloed with solar rays that identified him as Phoebus Apollo. Actually he was now, at twenty-five, a degenerate with swollen paunch, weak and slender limbs, fat face, blotched skin, curly yellow hair, and dull gray eyes. As a god and an artist he fretted over the :flaws of the palaces he had in\u00ad herited, and planned to build his own. But the Palatine was crowded, and at its base were on one side the Circus .Maximus, on another the Forum, and on the .others slums. He mourned that Rome had grown so haphazardly, instead of being scientifically designed like Alexandria or Antioch. He dreamed of rebuilding Rome, of being its second founder, and renaming it\nNeropolis.\nOn July 18, 64, a fire broke out in the Circus Mapmus, spread rapidly, burned for nine days, and razed two thirds of the city. Nero was at Antium when the conflagration started; he hurried to Rome and arrived in time to see the Palatine palaces consumed. The Domus Transitoria, which he had just built to connect his palace with the gardens of Maecenas, was one of the first structures to fall. The Forum and the Capitol escaped, and the region east of the Tiber; throughout the remainder of the city countless homes, temples, precious manuscripts, and works of art were destroyed. Thousands of people lost their lives amid falling tenements in the crowded streets; hundreds of thousands wandered shelterless through the nights, crazed with horror, and listening to rumors that Nero had ordered the fire, was scatter\u00ad ing incendiaries to renew it, and was watching it from the tower of i\\1aecenas while singing his lines on the sack of Troy and accompanying himself on the lyre.* He energetically guided attempts to control or localize the :flames and to provide relief; he ordered all public buildings and the imperial gardens to be thrown open to the destitute; he raised a city of tents on the\nTacirus <::v, 38), Sueto us (''Ner ,'' 38), and Dio Cassius (LXIT, 16) all agree in accusing Ne!o of stanmg and renewing the fire m order to rebuild Rome. There is no proof of his guilt or 1nnoccnce.\nCHAP.xm)\tTHE OTHER  SIDE  OF MONARCHY\nField of Mars, requisitioned food from the surrounding country, and arranged for the feeding of the people.80 He bore without remonstrance the accusatory lampoons and inscriptions of the infuriated populace. According to Tacitus (whose Senatorial prejudice muse always be remembered), he cast about for some scapegoat, and found one in\na race of men detested for their evil practices, and commonly called Chrestiani. The name was derived from Chrestus, who, in the reign of Tiberius, suffered under Pontius Pilate, Procurator of Judea. By that event the sect of which he was the founder received a blow which for a time checked the growth of a dangerous superstition; but it revived soon after, and spread with recruited vigor not only in Judea\n... but even in the city of Rome, the common sink into which everything infamous and abominable flows like a torrent from all quarters of the world. Nero proceeded with his usual artifice. He found a set of profligate and abandoned wretches who were induced to confess themselves guilty; and on the evidence of such men a num\u00ad ber of Christians were convicted, not indeed on clear evidence of having set the city on fire, but rather on account of their sullen hatred of the whole human race. They were put to death with exquisite cruelty, and to their sufferings Nero added mockery and derision. Some were covered with skins of ,vild beasts, and left to be devoured by dogs; others were nailed to crosses; numbers of them were burned alive; many, covered with inflammable matter, were set on fire to serve as torches during the night.... At length the brutality of these measures filled every breast with pity. Humanity relented in favor of the Christians.81\nWhen the debris had been cleared away Nero undertook with visible pleasure the restoration of the city along the lines of his dream. Contribu\u00ad tions for this purpose were solicited or elicited from every city in the Em\u00ad pire, and those whose homes had been destroyed were enabled to rebuild out of these funds. The new streets were made wide and straight, the new houses were required to have their fa<;ades and first stories of stone, and had to be sufficiently separated from other buildings to oppose a protective gap to the spread of fire. The springs that flowed beneath the city were channeled\ninto a reserve water supply in case of future conflagrations. Out of the imperial Treasury Nero built porticoes along the main thoroughfares, pro\u00ad viding a shaded porch for thousands of homes. Antiquarians and old men missed the picturesque, time-hallowed sights of the old city; but soon all agreed that a healthier, safer, and fairer Rome had risen from the fire.\nNero might have earned forgiveness for his crimes had he now molded his life as he had remade his capital. But Poppaea died in 65, in advanced pregnancy, allegedly from a kick in the stomach; rumor said this had been\n282\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.Xlll\nNero's answer to her reproaches for having come home late from the races.82 He grieved bitterly over her passing, for he had eagerly awaited an heir. He had her body embalmed with rare spices, gave her a pompous funeral, and delivered a eulogy over the corpse. Having found a youth, Sporus, who closely resembled Poppaea, he had him castrated, married him by a formal ceremony, and \"used him in every way like a woman\"; whereupon a wit ex\u00ad pressed the wish that Nero's father had had such a wife.83 In the same year he began the building of his Golden House; and its extravagant decoration, cost, and extent-covering an area that once had sheltered many thousands of the poor-renewed the resentment of the aristocracy and the suspicions of the plebs.\nSuddenly Nero's spies brought him word of a widespread conspiracy to put Calpurnius Piso on the throne (65). His agents seized some minor per\u00ad sonages in the plot, and by torture or threat drew from them confessions implicating, among others, Lucan the poet and Seneca. Bit by bit the whole plan was laid bare. Nero's revenge was so savage that Rome credited the rumor that he had vowed to wipe out the whole Senatorial class. \\Vhen Seneca received the command to kill himself he argued for a while and then complied; L9can likewise opened his veins and died reciting his poetry. Tigellinus, jealous of Petronius' popularity with Nero, bribed one of the epicure's slaves to testify against his master, and induced Nero to order Petronius' death. Petronius died leisurely, opening his veins and then closing them, conversing in his usual light manner with his friends and reading poetry to them; after a walk and a nap he opened his veins again and passed away quietly.84 Thrasea Paetus, the leading exponent of the Stoic philosophy in the Senate, was condemned not for taking part in the plot, but on the general ground of deficient enthusiasm for the Emperor, for not enjoying Nero's singing, and for composing a laudatory life of Cato. His son-in-law Helvidius Priscus was merely banished, but two others were put to death for writing in their praise. Musonius Rufus, Stoic philosopher, and Cassius Longinus, a great jurist, were exiled; two brothers of Seneca-Annaeus Mela, father of Lucan, and Annaeus Novatus, the Gallia who in Athens had freed Saint Paul-were ordered to commit suicide.\nHaving cleared the lines in his rear, Nero left in 66 to compete in the Olympic games and make a concen tour of Greece. \"The Greeks,\" he re\u00ad marked, \"are the only ones who have an ear for music.\" 85 At Olympia he drove a quadriga in the races; he was thrown from the car and was nearly crushed to death; restored to his chariot he continued the contest for a while, but gave up before the end of the course. The judges, however, knew an emperor from an athlete and awarded him the crown of victory. Overcome with happiness when the crowd applauded him, he announced\nCHAP. XIII)\tTHE  OTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\nthat thereafter not only Athens and Sparta but all Greece should be free\u00ad i.e., exempt from any tribute to Rome. The Greek cities accommodated him by running the Olympian, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian games in one year; he responded by taking part in all of them as singer, harpist, actor, or athlete. He obeyed the rules of the various competitions carefully, was all courtesy to his opponents, and gave them Roman citizenship as consola\u00ad tion for his invariable victories. Amid his tour he received news that Judea was in revolt and that all the \\Vest was hot with rebellion. He sighed and continued his itinerary. When he sang in a theater, says Suetonius, \"no one was allowed to leave, even for the most urgent reasons. And so it was that some women gave birth there, while some feigned death to be carried out.\" 86 At Corinth he ordered work started on a canal to cut the Isthmus as Caesar had planned; the task was begun, but was laid aside during the turmoil of the following year. Alarmed by further reports of uprisings and plots, Nero returned to Italy (67), entered Rome in a formal triumph, and showed, as trophies, the 1808 prizes he had won in Greece."]
[7.25405216217041, -4.5664544105529785, "This efflorescence transformed both literature and society. Letters and the arts took on new dignity. Grammarians lectured on living authors; people sang snatches from them in the streets. \\Vriters mingled with states\u00ad men and highborn ladies in luxurious salons such as history would never know again until the flowering of France. The aristocracy became literary, literature became aristocratic. The lusty vigor of Ennius and Plautus, Lucre-\nCHAP.XII)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t235\ntius and Catullus, was exchanged for a delicate beauty, or a teasing com\u00ad plexity, in expression and thought. \\Vriters ceased to mingle with the people, ceased therefore to describe their ways or speak their language; a divorce set in between literature and life that finally sucked the sap and spirit out of Latin letters. Forms were set by Greek models, themes by Greek tradition or Augustus' court. Poetry, when it could spare time from Theocritean shepherds or Anacreontic love, was to sing didactically the joys of agriculture, the morality of ancestors, the glory of Rome, and the splendor of its gods. Literature became a handmaiden of statesmanship, a polyphonic sermon calling the nation to Augustan ideas.\nTwo forces opposed this conscription of letters by the state. One was Horace's hated and \"profane crowd,\" which liked the salty tang and inde\u00ad pendence of the old satires and plays rather than the curled and perfumed beauty of the new. The other was that demimonde of jollity and sin to which Clodia and Julia belonged. This younger set was in full rebellion against the Julian laws, wanted no moral reform, had its own poets, circles, and norms. In letters as in life the two forces fought each other, crossing in Tibullus and Propertius, matching the chaste piety of Virgil with the obscene audacities of Ovid, crushing two Julias and one poet with exile, and at last exhausting each other in the Silver Age. But the ferment of great events, the releasing leisure of wealth and peace, the majesty of a world acknowledging Rome's sway, overcame the ccrrosion of state subsidies and produced a Golden Age whose liter::ture was the most perfect, in form and utterance, in all the memory of men.\nVIRGIL\nThe most lovable of Romans was hem in 70 B.c. on a farm near Mantua, where the river Mincio wanders slowly toward the Po. The capital would henceforth give birth to very few great Romans; they would come from Italy in the century that was divided by the birth of Christ, and thereafter from the provinces. Perhaps Virgil's veins contained scme Celtic blood, for Mantua had long been peopled by Gauls; technically he w:::s a Gaul by birth, for it was only twenty-one years later that Cisalpine Gaul received the Roman franchise from Caesar. The man who most eloquently sang the majesty and destiny of Rome would never show the hard masculinity of the Roman stock, but would touch Celtic strings of mysticism, tenderness, and grace rare in the Roman breed.\nHis father saved enough as a coun clerk to buy a farm and raise bees.\n236\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nIn that murmurous quietude the poet spent his boyhood; the full foliage of the well-watered north lingered in his later memory, and he was never really happy away from those fields and streams. At twelve he was sent to school at Cremona, at fourteen to Milan, at sixteen to Rome. There he studied rhetoric and allied subjects under the same man who was to teach Octavian. Probably after this he attended the lectures of Siro the Epicurean at Naples. Virgil tried hard to accept the philosophy of pleasure, but his rural background had ill-equipped him. He seems to have returned north after his education, for in 41 B.c. we find him swimming for life to escape a soldier who seized by force his father':. farm; Octavian and Antony had confiscated it because the region had favored their enemies. Asinius Pollio, the learned governor of Cis:!lpine Gaul, tried to have the farm returned, but failed. He atoned by giving his patronage to the young man, and en\u00ad couraging him to continue the Eclogues he was composing.\nBy the year 37 Virgil was drinking in the wine of fame in Rome. The Eclogues (\"Selections\") had just been published and had been well received; some verses had been recited on the stage by an actress and had been enthusiastically applauded.0 The poems were pastoral sketches in the man\u00ad ner, sometimes the phrases, of Theocritus, beautiful in style and rhythm, the most melodious hexameters that Rome had yet heard, full of pensive tenderness and romantic love. The youth of the capital had been long enough detached from the soil to idealize country life; everyone was pleased to imagine himself a shepherd moving with his flocks up and down the Apen\u00ad nine slopes, and breaking his heart with love unreturned.\nRealer than these Theocritan ghosts were the rural scenes. Here, too, Virgil idealized, but he did not have to imitate. He had heard the wood\u00ad man's lusty song and the hovering restlessness of bees; 8 and he had known the emptyhearted despair of the farmer who, like thousands then, had lost his land.9 Above all, he felt intensely the hopes of the age for an end to faction and war. The Sibylline Books had predicted that after the Age of Iron the Golden Age of Saturn would return. \\Vhen, in 40 B.c., a son was born to Virgil's patron, Asinius Pollio, the poet announced in his Fourth Eclogue that this birth would usher in utopia:\nUltima Cumaei venit iam carminis aetas; magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo. lam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna; iam nova progenies, caelo demittitur alto. Tu modo nascenti puero, quo ferrea primum desinet, ac toto surget gens aurea mundo, casta fave Lucina; tuus iam regnat Apollo-\nCHAP. XII)\tTHE  GOLDEN  AGE\t237\n\"Now comes the final age [announced] in the Cumean [Sibyl's] chant; the great succession of epochs is born anew. Now the Virgin\u2022 returns, the reign of Saturn returns; now a new race descends from heaven on high.0 chaste Lucina [goddess of births]! smile upon the boy just born, in whose time the race of iron shall first cease, and a race of gold shall arise throughout the world. Thine own Apollo is now king.\"\nTen years later these prophecies were fulfilled. The iron tools of war were laid aside; a new generation took charge, armed and infatuated with gold. Through the brief remainder of Virgil's life Rome would know no funher turmoil; prosperity and happiness increased, and Augustus was hailed as a savior, though not an Apollo. The quasi-royal coun welcomed the optimism of the poet's verse; 1\\faecenas invited him, liked him, and saw in him a popular instrument of Octavian's reforms. This judgment showed insight; for to all appearances Virgil, now thirty-three, was an awkward rustic, shy to the point of stammering, shunning any public place\n\u00b7where he might be recognized and pointed out, ill at ease in the voluble and aggressive fashionable society of Rome. Besides, even more than Octavian, he was an invalid, suffering from headaches, throat ailments, stomach dis\u00ad orders, and frequent spitting of blood. Virgil never married, and seems to have felt no more than his Aeneas the full abandon of love. Apparently he consoled himself for a time with the affection of a boy slave; for the rest he was known, at Naples, as \"the virgin.\" 10\nMaecenas treated the youth generously, had Octavian restore his farm, and suggested to him some poems glorifying agricultural life. At that moment (37 B.c.) Italy was paying a penalty for letting so much of her soil go to pasturage, orchards, and vines; Sextus Pompey was blocking the import of food from Sicily and Africa, and a shonage of grain threatened another revolution. City life was enervating the young manhood of Italy; from every standpoint the health of the nation seemed to require the restora\u00ad tion of farming. Virgil readily agreed; he knew rural life; and though too frail now to bear its hardships, he was just the man to paint its attractive features with affectionate memory. He hid himself in Naples, and after seven years of file work emerged with his most perfect poems, the Georgics\n-literally \"the labor of the land.\" Maecenas was delighted, and brought Virgil south with him to meet Octavian, then (29 B.c.) returning from his victory over Oeopatra. At the little town of Atella the weary general rested and listened for four enchanted days to the 2000 lines. They fell in with his policies more completely than even Maecenas had foreseen. For he proposed now to disband the larger pan of the immense armies that had\nAstraca, or Justice, the last immortal to leave the earth in the legend of the Saturnian age.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nwon the world for him, to settle his veterans on the land, and at once to quiet them, feed the cities, and preserve the state, through rural toil. From that moment Virgil was free to think only of poetry.\nIn the Georgics a great artist deals with the noblest of the arts-the cultiva\u00ad\ntion of the earth. Virgil borrows from Hesiod, Aratus, Cato, Varro; but he transforms their rough prose or limping lines into finely chiseled verse. He covers dutifully the diverse branches of husbandry-the variety and treatment of soils, the seasons for sowing and reaping, the culture of the olive and the vine, the raising of cattle, horses, and sheep, and the care of bees. Every aspect of fanning interests and beguiles him; he has to caution himself to get on;\nSed fugit interea, fugit irreparabile tempus,\nSingula dum capti circum vectamur amore-11"]
[3.5356087684631348, -8.721481323242188, "CHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\nPtolemy XII and his daughter Cleopatra, who were to marry each other and reign together.\nCleopatra was a Macedonian Greek by origin, and more probably blonde than brunette.45 She was not panicularly beautiful; but the grace of her carriage, the vivacity of her body and her mind, the variety of her accom\u00ad plishments, the suavity of her manners, the very melody of her voice, com\u00ad bined with her royal position to make her a heady wine even for a Roman general. She was acquainted with Greek history, literature, and philosophy; she spoke Greek, Egyptian, Syrian, and allegedly other languages, well; she added the intellectual fascination of an Aspasia to the seductive abandon of a completely uninhibited woman. Tradition credits her with a treatise on cosmetics and another on the alluring subject of Egyptian measures, weights, and coins.46 She was an able ruler and administrator, effectively promoted Egyptian commerce and industry, and was a competent financier even when making love. vVith these qualities went an Oriental sensuality, an impetuous brutality that dealt out suffering and death, and a political ambi\u00ad tion that dreamed of empire and honored no code but success. If she had not borne the intemperate blood of the later Ptolemies in her veins she might have achieved her purpose of being the queen of a unified Mediter\u00ad ranean realm. She saw that Egypt could no longer be independent of Rome and knew no reason why she should not dominate their union.\nCaesar was not pleased to learn that Pothinus had banished Cleopatra and now ruled as regent for young Ptolemy. Secretly he sent for her, and secretly she came. To reach him she had herself concealed in some bedding which her attendant Apollodorus carried into Caesar's apartment. The amazed Roman, who never let his victories in the field outnumber his conquests in love, was captivated by her courage and wit. He reconciled her with Ptolemy, and re-established her with her brother on the throne of Egypt. Learning from his barber that Pothinus and the Egyptian general Achillas were plot\u00ad ting to kill him and slaughter the small force that he had brought with him, he delicately arranged the assassination of Pothinus. Achillas escaped to the Egyptian army and roused it to insurrection; soon all Alexandria was alive with soldiers vowing death to Caesar. The Roman garrison which had been stationed in the city by the Senate was inspired by its officers to join in rising against this treasonable interloper who presumed to settle the suc\u00ad cession to the throne of the Ptolemies, and even to beget an heir for its future. In this emergency Caesar acted with his customary resourcefulness. He turned the royal palace and the near-by theater into fortresses for himself and his men, and sent for reinforcements from Asia Minor, Syria, and Rhodes. When he saw that his defenseless fleet would soon fall into the hands of his enemies, he ordered it burned; in the fire an uncertain portion\n188\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nof the Alexandrian library was consumed. By desperate sallies he captured, lost, and recaptured the island of Pharos, as being essential to the entry of the relief he awaited; in one of these engagements he swam for his life, amid a storm of arrows, when the Egyptians drove him and 400  of his men off the connecting mole into the sea. Thinking the rebels victorious, Ptolemy XII left the royal palace, joined them, and disappeared from history. When reinforcements arrived, Caesar routed the Egyptians and the Senatorial garri\u00ad son in the Battle of the Nile. He rewarded Cleopatra for her fidelity to him in this crisis by making her younger brother Ptolemy XIII coregent with her, which left her in effect the supreme ruler of Egypt.\nIt is hard to understand why Caesar remained nine months in Alexandria while hostile armies were being organized against him nea:r Utica, and while Rome, stirred to radical revolt by Caelius and Milo, longed for his fine administrative hand. Perhaps he felt that he deserved a little rest and play after ten years of war. He \"often feasted with Cleopatra till daybreak,\" says Suetonius, \"and would have gone through Egypt with her in her royal barge almost to Ethiopia, had not his soldiers threatened mutiny\"; 47 they had not all found queans. Perhaps he gallantly waited to share the pains of her confinement. A child was born to her in 47 and was named Caesarion; according to Mark Antony, Caesar acknowledged the boy as his son.48 It is not impossible that she whispered to him the pleasant thought of making himself king, marrying her, and uniting the .Mediterranean world under one bed.\nThis, however, is conjectural as well as scandalous; nothing but circum\u00ad stantial evidence supports it. Certainly Caesar flew to action when he learned that Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, had recaptured Pontus, Lesser Armenia, and Cappadocia, and was inviting the East to rise once more against divided Rome. His wisdom in \"pacifying\" Spain and Gaul before meeting Pompey was now apparent; had the \\Vest revolted at one time with the East the Empire would probably have broken up, the \"barbarians\" would have moved southward, and Rome might never have known an Augustan age. Re-forming his three legions, Caesar set out in June of 47, marched with characteristic speed along the coast of Egypt through Syria and Asia Minor into Pontus, defeated Pharnaces at Zela (August z), and sent to a friend at Rome the laconic report, Veni,vidi, vici-\"I came, I saw, I conquered.\" 49 At Tarentum (September z6) he was met by Cicero, who asked forgive\u00ad ness for himself and other conservatives. Caesar consented amiably. He was shocked to find that during his twenty months' absence from Rome the Civil War had become a social revolution: that Cicero's son-in-law Dola\u00ad bella had joined forces with Caelius, and had proposed to the Assembly a bill canceling all debts; that Antony had let loose his soldiers upon Dolabella's\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\nanned proletaires, and 800 Romans had been killed in the Forum. Caelius, as praetor, had recalled Milo; together they had organized an army in southern Italy and had invited the slaves to unite with them in a thorough\u00ad going revolution. They had met with small success, but their spirit was in the air. At Rome the radicals were celebrating the memory of Catiline and again garlanding his tomb. Meanwhile the Pompeian army in Africa had grown as large as the one that had been beaten at Pharsalus. Pompey's son Sextus had organized a new army in Spain, and the grain supply of Italy was once more hanging in the balance. Such was the situation in October, 47, when Caesar reached Rome and Calpumia, bringing with him Cleopatra, her boy husband-brother, and Caesarion.\nIn the few months permitted him between campaigns he set about restor\u00ad ing order. Having been reappointed dictator, he appeased the radicals for a moment by repealing the last of Sulla's laws and canceling for a year all rents belo\"\\v 2000 sesterces in Rome; at the same time he tried to comfort the conservatives by making Marcus Brutus governor of Cisalpine Gaul, assuring Cicero and Atticus that he would abet no war against property, and ordering the re-erection of the statues of Sulla, which the proletaires had knocked down. \\Vhen he turned his thoughts to the Pompeians he was discouraged to hear that his most trusted legions were in revolt because of long-overdue pay and were refusing to embark for Africa. As the Treasury was nearly empty, he raised funds by confiscating and selling the property of rebel aristocrats; he had learned, he said, that soldiers depend upon money, money upon power, and power upon soldiers.50 He suddenly ap\u00ad peared among the rebellious legions, called them together, and quietly told them that they were released from service and might go to their homes; he added that he would make up all arrears to them when he had triumphed in Africa \"with other soldiers.\" \"At this expression,\" says Appian, \"shame seized upon them all, that they were abandoning their commander in this moment when enemies surrounded him on every side. . . . They cried out that they repented of their revolt, and besought him to keep them in his service.\" 51 He yielded with charming reluctance, and sailed with them for Africa.\nAt Thapsus, on April 6, 46, he met the combined forces of Metellus Scipio, Cato, Labienus, and Juba I, the Numidian king. Again he lost the first encounter; again he re-formed his lines, attacked, and won. His blood\u00ad crazed soldiers, blaming his clemency at Pharsalus for having to fight this second battle, slaughtered 10,000 of the 80,000 Pompeians, giving no quarter; they did not propose to meet these men again. Juba committed suicide-; Scipio fled and died in an engagement at sea; Cato with a small division escaped to Utica. When the officers wished to defend the city against\n190\tCAESAR  AND  CH RIST\t(CHAP. IX\nCaesar, Cato persuaded them that it was impossible. He provided funds for those who planned flight, but advised his son to submit to Caesar. He himself rejected both courses. He spent the evening in philosophical discussion; then he retired to his room and read Plato's Phaedo. Suspecting that he would kill himself, his friends took his sword from his bedside. When they had relaxed their vigil he compelled his servant to bring back the weapon. For a while he feigned sleep; then suddenly he took the sword and plunged it into his abdomen. His friends rushed in; a physician put back the extruding intestines and sewed and bandaged the wound. As soon as they had left the room Cato removed the bandage, tore open the wound, pulled out his entrails, and died.\nWhen Caesar came he mourned that he had no chance to pardon Cato; he could only pardon the son. The Uticans gave the dead Stoic a magnificent funeral, as if knowing that they were burying a republic almost five cen\u00ad turies old.\nTHE STATESMAN\nAfter appomtmg Sallust governor of Numidia, and reorgamzmg the provinces of Africa, Caesar in the fall of 46 returned to Rome. The fright-\n\tened Senate, recognizing the advent of monarchy, voted him the dictatorship for ten years, and such a triumph as Rome had never seen before. He paid each of his soldiers 5000 Attic drachmas ($3000), much more than he had promised them. He feasted the citizens at 22,000 tables, and for their amuse\u00ad ment provided a sham sea battle involving 10,000 men. E:irly in 45 he left for Spain, and at Munda defeated the last Pompeian army. When, in October, he reached Rome, he found all Italy in chaos. Oligarchic misrule and a century of revolution had disordered agriculture, industry, finance, and trade. The exhaustion of the provinces, the hoarding of capital, and the precariousness of investment had disturbed the flow of money. Thousands of estates had fallen into ruin; 100,000 men had been drawn from production into war; peasants beyond number had been driven by the competition of foreign grain or latifundia slaves to join the proletariat in the towns and listen hungrily to promising demagogues. The surviving aristocracy, un\u00ad melted by Caesar's clemency, plotted against him in their clubs and palaces. He appealed to them in the Senate to recognize the necessity of dictatorship, and to co-operate with him in a healing reconstruction. They scorned the advances of the usurper, denounced the presence of Cleopatra as his guest in Rome, and whispered that he was planning to make himself king and move the seat of the Empire to Alexandria or Ilium.\nCaesar alone, therefore. though prematurely old at fifty-five, set himself\n./\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\nwith Roman energy to remake the Roman state. He knew that his victories would be meaningless if he could not build something better than the wreckage that he had cleared away. \"\\Vhen, in 44, his dictatorship for ten years was extended for life, he did not much exaggerate the difference, though he could hardly foresee that in five months he would be dead. The Senate heaped adulation and titles upon him, perhaps to make him odious to a people that hated the very name of king. It let him wear the laurel wreath, with which he hid his baldness, and carry even in peace the imperator's powers. Through these he controlled the Treasury, and as pontif ex maxinms, the priesthoods; as consul he could propose and execute laws; as tribune his person was inviolable; as censor he could make or unmake senators. The assemblies kept the right to vote on proposed measures, but Caesar's lieutenants, Dolabella and Antony, managed the assemblies, which in general favored his policies. Like other dictators he sought to base his power upon popularity with the people.\nHe subordinated the Senate almost to the role of an advisory council. He enlarged it from 600 to 900 members and permanently transformed it with 400 new appointees. i\\fany of these were Roman businessmen; many were leading citizens of Italian or provincial cities; some had been cen\u00ad turions, soldiers, or sons of slaves. The patricians were alarmed to see the chieftains of conquered Gaul enter the Senate and join the rulers of the Empire; even the wags of the capital resented this and circulated a \u2022satiric couplet:\nGallos Caesar in trizmzphum ducit, idem in curicrm;\nGalli braccas deposuerunt, latum clavum smnpserunt-"]
[1.0831701755523682, -12.216429710388184, "Caesar entered Rome (March 16) unresisted and unarmed, having left his troops in near-by towns. He proclaimed a general amnesty and restored municipal administration and social order. The tribunes convoked the Sen\u00ad ate; Caesar asked it to name him dictator, but it refused; he asked it to send envoys to Pompey to negotiate peace, but it refused. He sought funds from the national Treasury; the tribune Lucius .Metellus barred his way, but yielded when Caesar remarked that it was harder for him to utter threats than to execute them. Henceforth he made free use of the state's money; but with unscrupulous impartiality he deposited in the Treasury the booty from his later c mpaigns. Then he returned to his soldiers, and prepared to meet the three annies that the Pompeians were organizing in Greece, Africa, and Spain.\nTo secure the grain supply upon which Italy's life depended, he sent the impetuous Curio with two legions to take Sicily. Cato surrendered the island and withdrew to Africa; Curio pursued him with the recklessness of Regu\u00ad lus, gave battle prematurely, was defeated, and died in action, mourning not his own death, but the injury he had done to Caesar. Meanwhile Caesar had led an army to Spain, partly to ensure the renewal of its grain exports to Italy, partly to forestall a rear attack when he marched to meet Pompey. In Spain, as in Gaul, he made serious blunders in strategy.32 For a time his outnumbered army faced starvation and defeat; but, as usual, he redeemed himself by brillia t improvisation and personal bravery.33 By altering the course of a river he turned blockade into counterblockade; he waited patiently for the entrapped army to surrender, though his troops fretted for\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\naction; at last the Pompeians gave in, and all Spain came over to Caesar (August, 49). Returning toward Italy by land, he found his way blocked at Marseilles by an army under Lucius Domitius, whom he had captured and released at Corfinium. Caesar took the town after a hard siege, reorganized the administration of Gaul, and by December was back in Rome.\nHis political position had been strengthened by this campaign, which had reassured the worried bellies of the capital. The Senate now named him dictator, but he surrendered that title after being elected one of the two consuls for 48. Finding Italy in a credit crisis due to the fact that the hoard\u00ad ing of currency had depressed prices, and debtors were refusing to pay in dear money what they had borrowed in cheap money, he decreed that debts might be paid in goods valued by state arbitrators at prewar prices; this, he thought, was \"the most suitable way both of maintaining the honor of the debtors and of removing or diminishing the fear of that general repudia\u00ad\ntion of debts which is apt to follow war.\" 31 It is a revelation of how slowly\nreform had moved in Rome that he was compelled again to forbid enslave\u00ad ment for debt. He permitted the interest already paid on debts to be deducted from the principal, and limited interest to one per cent per month. These measures satisfied most creditors, who had feared confiscation; correspond\u00ad ingly they disappointed the radicals, who had hoped that Caesar would continue Catiline by abolishing all debts and redividing the land. He dis\u00ad tributed corn to the needy, canceled all sentences of banishment except Milo's, and pardoned all returning aristocrats. No one thanked him for his moderation. The forgiven conservatives resumed their plotting against his life; and while he was facing Pompey in Thessaly the radicals abandoned him for Caelius, who promised them a complete abolition of debts, the confiscation of large properties, and the reallotment of all land.\nNear the end of 49 Caesar joined the troops and fleet that his aides had collected at Brundisium. A winter crossing of the Adriatic by an army was in those days unheard of; the twelve vessels at his disposal could carry over only a third of his 60,000 men at one time; and Pompey's superior squadrons patrolled all islands and harbors along the opposite coast. Nevertheless, Caesar set sail and crossed to Epirus with 20,000 men. On their way back to Italy his ships were wrecked. Wondering what delayed the remainder of his army, Caesar tried to recross in a small skiff. The sailors rowed out against the surf and were nearly drowned. Caesar, dauntless amid their terror, encouraged them with the possibly legendary exhortation: \"Fear not; you carry Caesar and his fortune.\" 35 But ,vind and waYe tossed the boat back upon the shore, and Caesar had to abandon the attempt. i\\lean\u00ad while Pompey, with 40,000 men, seized Dyrrhachium and its rich stores; then, with the indecision that marked his obese years, he failed to attack\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t185\nCaesar's depleted and starving force. During this delay Mark Antony gath\u00ad ered another fleet and brought over the rest of Caesar's army.\nReady now to join battle, but still loath to turn Roman against Roman, Caesar sent an envoy to Pompey proposing that both leaders should lay down their commands. Pompey gave no reply.* Caesar attacked and was repulsed; but Pompey failed to follow his victory with pursuit. Against Pompey's advice his officers put all captives to death, while Caesar spared his 37-a contrast that raised the morale of Caesar's troops and lowered that of Pompey's. Caesar's men begged him to punish them for the cowardice they had shown in this their first fight against Roman legions. When he refused, they besought him to lead them back to battle; but he thought it wiser to retreat into Thessaly and let them rest.\nPompey now made the decision that cost him his life. Afranius advised him to return and recapture undefended Italy; but the majority of his coun\u00ad selors urged him to pursue and destroy Caesar. The aristocrats in Pompey's camp exaggerated the victory at Dyrrhachium and supposed that the great issue had there been decided. Cicero, who had finally joined them, was shocked to hear them dispute as to their respective shares in the coming restoration, and to see with what luxury they lived in the midst of war\u00ad their meals served on silver plate, their tents comfonable with carpets, bril\u00ad liant with hangings, garlanded with flowers.\nExcepting Pompey himself [Cicero wrote], the Pompeians carried on the war with such rapacity, and breathed such principles of cruelty in their conversation, that I could not contemplate even their success without horror    There was nothing good among them but their\ncause.... A proscription was proposed not only individually but collectively.... Lentulus had promised himself Hortensius' house, Caesar's gardens, and Baiae.38\nPompey would have preferred a more Fabian strategy, but taunts of cow\u00ad ardice prevailed upon him, and he gave orders to march.\nAt Pharsalus, August 9, 48, the decisive battle was fought to the bitter end. Pompey had 48,000 infantry, 7000 horse; Caesar had 22,000 and 1000.39 \"Some few of the noblest Romans,\" says Plutarch, \"standing as spectators outside the battle   could not but reflect to what a pass private ambition\nhad brought the Empire.... Thwheole flower and strength of the same city, meeting here in collision with itself, offered plain proof how blind and mad a thing human nature is when passion is aroused.\" 40 Near relatives, even brothers, fought in the opposed armies. Caesar bade his men spare all Romans who should surrender; as to the young aristocrat Marcus Brutus,\nOur only authority for this embassy is Caesar.36\n186\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nhe said, they were to capture him without injuring him, or, if this proved impossible, they were to let him escape.41 The Pompeians were overwhelmed by superior leadership, training, and morale; 1 5,ooo of them were killed or wounded, 20,000 surrendered, the remainder fled. Pompey tore the insignia of command from his clothing and took flight like the rest. Caesar tells us that he lost but 200 men 42-which casts doubt upon all his books. His army was amused to see the tents of the defeated so elegantly adorned, and their tables laden with the feast that was to celebrate their victory. Caesar ate Pompey's supper in Pompey's tent.\nPompey rode all night to Larissa, thence to the sea, and took ship to Alexandria. At Mytilene, where his wife joined him, the citizens wished him to stay; he refused courteously, and advised them to submit to the con\u00ad queror without fear, for, he said, \"Caesar was a man of great goodness and clemency.\" 43 Brutus also escaped to Larissa, but there he dallied and wrote to Caesar. The victor expressed great joy on hearing that he was safe, readily forgave him, and at his request forgave Cassius. To the nations of the East, which-controlled by the upper classes-had supported Pompey, he was likewise lenient.,He distributed Pompey's hoards of grain among the starving population of Greece, and to the Athenians asking pardon he replied with a smile of reproof: \"How often will the glory of your ancestors save you from self-destruction?\" 44\nProbably he had been warned that Pompey hoped to resume the contest with the army and resources of Egypt, and the forces that Cato, Labienus, and Metellus Scipio were organizing at Utica. But when Pompey reached Alexandria, Pothinus, eunuch vizier of young Ptolemy XII, ordered his servants to kill Pompey, presumably in expectation of reward from Caesar. The general was stabbed to death as he stepped upon the shore, while his wife looked on in helpless terror from the ship in ,vhich they had come.\n\\Vhen Caesar arrived, Pothinus' men presented him with the severed head. Caesar turned away in horror and wept at this new proof that by diverse means men come to the same end. He established his quarters in the royal palace of the Ptolemies and set himself to regulate the affairs of the ancient kingdom.\nCAESAR A:!\\\"'D CLEOPATRA\nSince the death of Ptolemy VI (145) Egypt h::d rapidly decayed. Her kings were no longer able to maintain social order or national freedom; the Roman Senate increasingly dictated their policy, and garrisoned Alexandria with Roman troops. By the will of Ptolemy XI, whom Pompey and Gabinius had established on the throne, the government had descended to his son"]
[-0.8097343444824219, -17.363597869873047, "Again a widow, Julia, richer and lovelier than ever, entered with saucy abandon upon a succession of amours which became at once the scandal\nand the joy of a Rome that fretted under the \"Julian laws.\" To quiet this gossip, and perhaps to reconcile his daughter with his wife, Augustus made\na third match for Julia. Livia's son Tiberius was compelled to divorce his ' pregnant wife, Vipsania Agrippina, daughter of Agrippa, and to marry the equally reluctant Julia (9 B.c.). The young old Roman did his best to be a good husband; but Julia soon gave up the effort to adjust her epicurean to his stoic ways, and resumed her illicit loves. Tiberius bore the infamy for a time in furious silence. The lex lulia de adulteriis required the husband of an adulteress to denounce her to the courts; Tiberius disobeyed the law\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t-  23 I\nto protect its author, and perhaps himself, for he and Livia had hoped that Augustus would adopt him as his son and transmit to him the leadership of the Empire. \\Vhen it became clear that the Emperor favored, instead, Julia's children by Agrippa, Tiberius resigned his official posts and retired to Rhodes. There for seven years he lived as a simple private citizen, de\u00ad voting himself to solitude, philosophy, and astrology. Freer than ever, Julia passed from one lover to another, and the revels of her set filled the Forum with turmoil at night.41\nAugustus, now (2 B.c.) an invalid of sixty, suffered all that a father and ruler could bear from the simultaneous collapse of his family, his honor, and his laws. By these laws the father of an adulteress was bound to indict her publicly if her husband had failed to do so. Procfs of her misconduct were laid before him, 2nd the friends of Tiberius let it be known that unless Augustus acted they would accuse Julia before the court. Augustus decided to anticipate them. While the merrymaking was at its height, he issued a decree banishing his daughter to the island of Pandateria, a barren rock off the Campanian coast. One of her lovers, a son of Antony, was forced to kill himself, and several others were exiled. Julia's freedwoman Phoebe hanged herself rather than testify against her; the distraught Emperor, hear\u00ad ing of the act, said, \"I would rather have been Phoebe's father than Julia's.\" The people of Rome begged him to forgive his daughter, Tiberius added his request to theirs, but pardon never came. Tiberius, enthroned, merely changed her place of residence to a less narrow confinement at Rhegium. There, broken and forgotten after sixteen years of imprisonment, Julia died. Her sons Gaius and Lucius had long preceded her in death: Lucius of an illness in l\\1arseilles (A.D. 2), Gaius of a wound received in Armenia (A.D. 4). Left without aide or successor at a time when Germany, Pannonia, and Gaul were threatening revolt, Augustus reluctantly recalled Tiberius (A.D. 2), adopted him as son and coregent, and sent him off to put down the rebellions.\n\\Vhen he returned (A.D. 9), after five ye:irs of arduous and successful cam\u00ad paigning, all Rome, which hated him for his stern puritanism, resigned itself to the fact that though Augustus was still prince, Tiberius had begun to rule.\nLife's final tragedy is unwilling continuance-to outlive one's self and be forbidden to die. \\Vhen Julia went into exile Augustus was not in years an old man; others were still vigorous at sixty. But he had lived too many lives, and died too many deaths, since he had come to Rome, a boy of eighteen, to avenge Caesar's murder and execute his will. How many wars and battles and near-defeats, how many pains and illnesses, how many con\u00ad spiracies and perils, and bitter miscarriages of noble aims, had befallen him in those crowded forty-two years-and the snatching away of one hope\n232\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI\nand helper after another, until at last only this dour Tiberius remained! Perhaps it had been wiser to die like Antony, at the peak of life and in the arms of love. How sadly pleasant must have seemed, in retrospect, the days when Julia and Agrippa were happy, and grandchildren frolicked on the palace floor. Now another Julia, daughter of his daughter, had grown up and was following her mother's morals as if resolved to illustrate all the amatory arts of her friend Qvid's verse. In A.D. 8, having received proofs of her adultery, Augustus exiled her to an isle in the Adriatic, and at the same time banished Ovid to Tomi on the Black Sea. \"Would that I had never married,\" mourned the feeble and shrunken Emperor, \"or that I had died without offspring!\" Sometimes he thought of starving himself to death.\nAll the great structure that he had built seemed to be in ruins. The powers that he had assumed for order's sake had weakened into degeneration the Senate and the assemblies from which he had taken them. Tired of ratifica\u00ad tions and adulations, the senators no longer came to their sessions, and a mere handful of citizens gathered in the comitia. Offices that had once stirred creative ambition by the power they brought were now shunned by the able as empty and expensive vanities. The very peace that Augustus had organized, and the security that he had won for Rome, had loosened the fibre of the people. No one wanted to enlist in the army, or recognize the inexorable periodicity of war. Luxury had taken the place of simplicity, sexual license was replacing parentage; by its own exhausted will the great race was beginning to die.\nAll these things the old Emperor keenly saw and s'.ld]y felt. No one then could tell him that despite a hundred defects and half a dozen idiots on the throne, the strange and subtle principate that he had established would give the Empire the longest period of prosperity ever known to mankind; and that the Pax Romana, which had begun as the Pax Augusta, would in the perspective of time be accounted the supreme achievement in the history of statesmanship. Like Leonardo, he thought that he had failed.\nDeath came to him quietly at Nola in the seventy-sixth year of his age (A.D. 14). Tothe friends at his bedside he uttered the words often used to conclude a Roman comedy: \"Since well I've played my part, clap now your hands, and with applause dismiss me from the stage.\" He embraced his wife, saying, \"Remember our long union, Livia; farewell\"; and with this simple parting he passed away.42 Some days later his corpse was born<; through Rome on the shoulders of semtors to the Field of Mars, and there cremated while children of high degree chanted the lament for the dead.\nCHAPTER  XII\nTheGolden Age\n30  B.C.-A.D. I 8\nTHE  AUGUSTAN STL\"\\1ULUS\nF peace and security are more favorable than war to the production of literature and art, yet war and profound social disturbances tum up the earth about the plants of thought and nourish the seeds that mature in peace. A quiet life does not make great ideas or great men; but the compulsions of crisis, the imperatives of survival, weed out dead things by the roots and quicken the growth of new ideas and ways. Peace after successful war has all the stimulus of a rapid convalescence; men then rejoice at mere being,\nand sometimes break into song.\nThe Romans were grateful to Augustus because he had cured, even if by a major operation, the cancer of chaos that had been consuming their civic life. They were astonished to find themselves rich so soon after devastation; and they were elated to note that despite their recent defenseless disorder they were still masters of what seemed to them the world. They looked back upon their history, from the first to this second Romulus, from creator to restorer, and judged it epically wonderful; they were hardly surprised when Virgil and Horace put their gratitude, their glory, and their pride into verse, and Livy into prose. Better still, the region they had conquered was only panly barbarous; a large area of it was the realm of Hellenistic culture-of refined speech, subtle literature, enlightening science, mature philosophy, and noble art. This spiritual wealth was now pouring into Rome, stirring imitation and rivalry, compeJJing language and letters to spruce up and grow. Ten thousand Greek words slipped into the Latin vocabulary, ten thousand Greek statues or paintings entered Roman forums, temples, streets, and homes.\nMoney was passing down, even to poets and artists, from the captors of Egypt's treasure, the absentee owners of Italy's soil, and the exploiters of the Empire's resources and trade. \\Vriters dedicated their works to rich men in the hope of receiving gifts that would finance their further toil; so Horace addressed his odes to Sallust, Aelius Lamia, Manlius Torquatus, and Mun\u00ad atius, Plancus. 1'1essala Corvinus gathered about him a coterie of authors\n233\n234\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XII\nwhose star was Tibullus, and Maecenas redeemed his wealth and poetry by presents to Virgil, Horace, and Propertius. Until his final irascible years, Augustus followed a liberal policy toward literature; he was glad to have letters and art take up the energies that had disturbed politics; he would pay men to write books if they would let him govern the state. His generosity to poets became so renowned that a swarm of them buzzed around him wherever he went. \\Vhen a Greek persisted, day after day, in pressing verses into his hand as he left his palace, Augustus retaliated by stopping, composing some lines of his own, and having an attendant give them to the Greek. The latter offered the Emperor a few denarii and expressed his regret that he could not give more. Augustus rewarded his wit, not his poetry, with IOo,ooo sesterces.1\nThe stream of books swelled now to proportions unknown before. Everyone from fool to philosopher wrote poetry.2 Since all poetry, and most literary prose, were des:gncd to be read aloud, gatherings were formed at which authors read their productions to invited or general audiences or, in rare moments of tolerance, to one another. Juvenal thought that a compelling reason for living in the country was to escape the poets ,vho infested Rome.3 In the bookshops that crowded a district called the Argiletum, writers assembled to compute literary genius, while impecunious bibliophiles furtively read snatches of the books they could not buy. Placards on the walls announced new titles and their cost. Small volumes sold for four or five sesterces, average volumes for ten ($1. 50); elegant editions like Martial's epigrams, usually illustrated with a portrait of the author, brought some five denarii ($3).4 Books were exported to all parts of the Empire, or were published simultaneously in Rome, Lyons, Athens, and Alexandria;411 Martial was pleased to learn that he was bought and sold in Britain. Even poets now had private libraries; Ovid affectionately describes his.5 We gather from Martial that there were already book fanciers who collected de luxe editions, or rare manuscripts. Augustus established two public libraries; Tiberius, Vespasian, Domitian, Trajan, and Hadrian built others; by the fourth century there were twenty-eight in Rome. Foreign students and writers came to study in these libraries and in public archives; so Dionysius came from Halicarnassus, and Di\u00ad odorus from Sicily. Rome was now the rival of Alexandria as the literary center of the W estem world."]
[-3.658233165740967, -15.810112953186035, "Tragedy was rapidly catching up with his comedy. In March, 68, the Gallic governor of Lyons, Julius Vindex, announced the independence of Gaul; and when Nero offered 2,500,000 sesterces for his head, Vindex retorted, \"He who brings me Nero's head may have mine in return.\" 87 Pre\u00ad paring to take the field against this virile antagonist, Nero's first care was to choose wagons to carry along with him his musical instruments and theatrical effects.88 But in April word came that Galba, commander of the Roman army in Spain, had joined fortunes with Vindex and was marching toward Rome. Hearing that the Praetorian Guard was ready to abandon Nero for proper remuneration, the Senate proclaimed Galba emperor. Nero put some poison into a small box and, so anned, fled from his Golden House to the Servilian Gardens on the road to Ostia. He asked such officers of the Guard as were in the palace to accompany him; all refused, and one quoted to him a line of Virgil: \"Is it, then, so hard to die?\" He could not believe that the omnipotence which had ruined him had suddenly ceased. He sent appeals for help to various friends, but none replied. He went down to the Tiber to drown himself, but his courage failed him. Phaon, one of his freedmen, offered to conceal him in his villa on the Via Salaria; Nero grasped at the proposal, and rode through the dark four miles out from the center of Rome. He spent that night in Phaon's cellar, clad in a soiled tunic, sleep\u00ad less and hungry, and trembling at every sound. Phaon's courier brought word that the Senate had declared Nero a public enemy, had ordered his arrest, and had decreed that he should be punished \"after the ancient manner.\" Nero asked what this was. \"The condemned man,\" he was told, \"is stripped, is fastened to a post by a fork passing through his neck, and is\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\nthen beaten to death.\" Terrified, he tried to stab himself; but he made the mistake of testing the poniard's point first and found it disconcertingly sharp. Qua/is artif ex pereo! he moumed-\"What an artist dies in me!\"\nAs a new day dawned he heard the clatter of horses: the Senate's soldiers had tracked him down. Quoting a verse of poetry-\"Hark! now strikes upon my ear the trampling of swift couriers\"-he drove a dagger into his throat; his hand faltered, and his freedman Epaphroditus helped him to press the blade home. He had begged his companions to keep his corpse from being mutilated, and Galba's agents granted the wish. His old nurses, and Acte his former mistress, buried him in the vaults of the Domitii (68). Many of the populace rejoiced at his death and ran about Rome with liberty caps on their heads. But many more mourned him, for he had been as generous to the poor as he had been recklessly cruel to the great. They lent eager hearing to the rumor that he was not really dead but was fighting his way back to Rome; and when they had reconciled themselves to his passing they came for many months to strew flowers before his tomb.89\nTHE THREE EMPERORS\nServius Sulpicius Galba reached Rome in June of 68. He was of noble birth, for he traced his lineage on his father's side to Jupiter, and on his mother's to Pasiphae, wife of Minos and the bull. In this year of his exalta\u00ad tion he was already bald, and his hands and feet were so crooked with gout that he could not wear a shoe or hold a book.90 He had the usual vices, normal and abnormal, but it was not these that made his reign so brief. What shocked army and populace were his economy of the public funds and his strict administration of justice.91 When he ruled that those who had received gifts or pensions from Nero must return nine tenths to the Treasury, a thousand new enemies arose, and Galba's days ran out.\nA bankrupt senator, Marcus Otho, announced that he could pay his debts only by becoming emperor.92 The Guards declared for him, marched into the Forum, and met Galba riding in a litter. Galba offered his neck unresisting to their swords; they cut off his head, his arms, his lips; one of them carried the head to Otho, but as he could not hold it well by the sparse and blood-wet hair, he thrust his thumb into the mouth. The Senate hastened to accept Otho, just as Roman armies in Germany and Egypt were hailing as emperors their respective generals-Aulus Vitellius and Titus Flavius Vespasianus. Vitellius invaded Italy\u00b7with his hardy legions, and swept away the weak resistance of the northern garrisons and the Praetorian Guard.\nCHAP.XIII)\tTHE\tOTHER  SIDE  OF  MONARCHY\nOtho killed himself after a reign of ninety-five days, and Vitellius mounted the throne.\nIt does not speak well for the Roman military system that so senile a man as Galba should have commanded in Spain, or so slothful an epicurean as Vitellius in Germany. He was a gourmand who thought of the Principate chiefly as a feast, and made a banquet of every meal. He governed in the intervals; and as these grew shorter he left state affairs to his freedman Asiaticus, who in four months became one of the richest men in Rome. When Vitellius learned that Vespasian's general Antonius was leading an army into Italy to dethrone him, he delegated his defense to subordinates and continued to feast. In October of 69 the troops of Antonius defeated the defenders of Vitellius at Cremona in one of the bloodiest battles of ancient times. They marched into Rome, where the remnants of Vitellius' legions fought bravely for him while he took refuge in his palace. The populace, says Tacitus, \"flocked in crowds to behold the conflict, as if a scene of car\u00ad nage were no more than a public spectacle exhibited for their amusement\"; while the battle raged some of them plundered shops and homes, and prosti\u00ad tutes plied their trade.93 The soldiers of Antonius triumphed, killed with\u00ad out quarter, and pillaged without stint; and the mob, as ready as history to applaud the victors, helped them to ferret out their enemies. Vitellius, dragged from his concealment, was led half naked through the city with a noose around his neck, was pelted with dung, was tortured without haste, and at last, in a moment of mercy, was slain (December, 69). The corpse was drawn through the streets with a hook and flung into the Tiber.94\nVESPASIAN\n\\Vhat a relief to meet a man of sense, ability, and honor! Vespasian, busy directing the war against Judea, took his time in coming to occupy the dangerous eminence that his soldiers had won for him, and which the Senate hurriedly confirmed. When he arrived (October, 70), he set himself with inspiring energy to restore order to a society disturbed in every aspect of its life. Perceiving that he would have to repeat the labors of Augustus, he modeled his behavior and policy upon those of that prince. He made his peace with the Senate and re-established constitutional government; he freed or recalled those who had been convicted of lese-majeste under Nero, Galba, Otho, and Vitellius; he reorganized the army, limited the number and power of the Praetorian Guard, appointed competent generals to suppress revolts in the provinces, and was soon able to close the Temple of Janus as a sign and pledge of peace.\n286\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XIII\nHe was sixty, but in the unimpaired vigor of his powerful frame. He was built foursquare in body and character, with a broad, bald, and massive head, coarse but commanding features, and small sharp eyes that pierced every sham. He had none of the stigmata of genius; he was merely a man of firm will and practical intelligence. He had been born in a Sabine village near Reate, of purely plebeian stock. His accession was a fourfold revolu\u00ad tion: a commoner had reached the throne, a provincial army had overcome the Praetorians and crowned its candidate, the Flavians had succeeded the Julio-Claudians, and the simple habits and virtues of the Italian bourgeois replaced, at the court of the emperor, the epicurean wastefulness of the city\u00ad bred descendants of Augustus and Livia. Vespasian never forgot, or sought to conceal, his modest ancestry. \\Vhen expectant genealogists traced his family back to a companion of Hercules he laughed them into silence. Periodically he returned to the home of his birth to enjoy its rustic ways and fare, and he would not allow anything there to be changed. He scorned luxury and laziness, ate the food of peasants, fasted one day in each month, and declared war upon extravagance. \\Vhen a Roman whom he had nominated for office came to him smelling of perfume, he said, \"I would rather you smelled of garlic,\" and ,vithdrew the nomination. He made him\u00ad self easily accessible, talked and lived on a footing of equality with the people, enjoyed jokes at his own expense, and allowed everyone great free\u00ad dom in criticizing his conduct and his character. Having discovered a con\u00ad spiracy against him he forgave the plotters, saying that they were fools not to realize what a burden of cares a ruler wore. He lost his good temper in one case only. Helvidius Priscus, restored to the Senate from the exile into which Nero had sent him, demanded the restoration of the Republic, and reviled Vespasian without concealment or restraint. Vespasian asked him not to attend the Senate if he proposed to continue such abuse; Helvidius refused. Vespasian banished him and tarnished an excellent reign by ordering him put to death. He regretted the action later, and for the rest, says Suetonius, showed \"the greatest patience under the frank language of his friends ...  and the impudence of philosophers.\" 95 These latter were not so much Stoics as Cynics, philosophical anarchists who felt that all gov\u00ad ernment was an imposition and attacked every emperor.\nTo get fresh blood into a Senate depleted by family limitation and civil\nwar, Vespasian secured appointment as censor, brought to Rome a thousand distinguished families from Italy and the western provinces, enrolled them in the patrician or equestrian orders, and over many bitter protests filled out the Senate from their ranks. The new aristocracy, under the stimulus of his example, improved Roman morals and society. It was not spoiled yet by idle wealth, nor yet so removed from labor and the soil as to disdain the\nCHAP. xm)   THE  OTHER SIDE OF MONARCHY\nroutine tasks of life and administration; and it had something of the Emperor's order and decency of life. Out of it came those rulers who, after Domitian, gave Rome good government for a century. Conscious of the evils that had flowed from the use of freedmen as imperial executives, Vespasian replaced most of them with men from this provincial infiltration and from Rome's expanding business class. With their help he accomplished in nine years a miracle of rehabilitation.\nHe calculated that 40,000,000,000 sesterces were needed to transform bankruptcy into solvency.96 * To raise this sum he taxed almost everything, raised the provincial tribute, reimposed it upon Greece, recaptured and let public lands, sold royal palaces and estates, and insisted upon such economy that the citizens denounced him as a miserly peasant. A tax was placed even upon the use of the public urinals that adorned ancient like modem Rome; his son Titus protested against such undignified revenue, but the old Emperor held some coins of it to the youth's nose and said, \"See, my child, if they smell.\" 97 Suetonious accuses him of adding to the imperial income by selling offices, and by promoting the most rapacious of his pro\u00ad vincial appointees so that they might be swollen with spoils when he sud\u00ad denly summoned them, examined their transactions, and confiscated their gains. The crafty financier, however, used none of the proceeds for him\u00ad self, but poured them all into the economic recovery, architectural adorn\u00ad ment, and cultural advancement of Rome.\nIt remained for this blunt soldier to establish the first system of state education in classical antiquity. He ordered that certain qualified teachers of Latin and Greek literature and rhetoric should thereafter be paid out of public funds and should receive a pension after twenty years of service. Perhaps the old skeptic felt that teachers had some share in forming public opinion and would speak better of a government that paid their way. Prob\u00ad ably for like reasons he restored many of the ancient temples, even in rural districts. He rebuilt the Temple of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, which had been burned down by the Vitellians over his soldiers' heads; raised a majestic shrine to Pax, the goddess of peace; and began the most renowned of Roman buildings, the Colosseum. The upper classes mourned as they saw their for\u00ad tunes taxed to provide public works for the state and wages for proletaires; and the workers were not particularly grateful. He roused the people to an energetic campaign for clearing away the debris left by the recent war, and he himself carried the first load. When an inventor showed him plans for a hoisting machine that would greatly reduce the need for human labor in these enterprises of removal and construction, he refused to use it, saying,\n. \" The fi e given by Suetonius is often rejected as incredible; but probably it was reckoned ma depreciated currency.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XIII\n\"I must feed my poor.\" 98 In this moratorium on invention Vespasian recog\u00ad nized the problem of technological unemployment, and decided against an industrial revolution.\nThe provinces prospered as never before. Their wealth was now twice as\ngreat-at least in monetary terms-as under Augustus, and they bore the increased tribute without injury. Vespasian sent the able Agricola to govern Britain, and delegated to Titus the task of ending the revolt of the Jews. Titus captured Jerusalem and returned to Rome with all the honors that usually crown superior killing. A spectacular triumph led a long procession of captives and spoils through the streets, and a famous arch was raised to commemorate the victory. Vespasian was proud of his son's success but disturbed by the fact that Titus had brought home a pretty Jewish princess,"]
[-7.019903182983398, -3.965684413909912, "CHAP. xvi)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t349\nthe capture of Jerusalem. One relief shows the burning city, its walls in ruins, its people wild with fear, its wealth looted by legionaries; another pictures Titus riding into Rome in his chariot amid soldiers, animals, magis\u00ad trates, priests, and prisoners, followed by the holy candelabra of the Temple, and varied spoils of war. The artists here experimented bravely: they cut different figures to different levels, and distributed them on diverse planes; they chiseled the background to give an illusion of depth; and they painted the whole to convey additional shades of fullness and distance. The action was shown not in separate episodes but in continuity, as on the friezes of Mesopotamia and Egypt, and later on the columns of Trajan and Aurelius; so the sense of motion and life was better conveyed. The figures were not idealized and softened into a mood of Attic repose as in the Hellenistic Ara Pacis; they were taken from the flesh and the dirt, and carved in the eanhy tradition of Italian realism and vitality. The subject was not perfect gods but living men.\nIt is this vigorous realism that distinguishes Roman sculpture from the Greek; but for this recurrent fidelity to their own bent the Romans would have added little to art. About 90 B.c. a Greek from south Italy, Pasiteles,\n'  went to Rome, lived there for sixty years, did excellent work in silver, ivory, and gold, introduced silver mirrors, made skillful copies of Greek master\u00ad pieces, and wrote five volumes on the history of an; he was both the Vasari and the Cellini of his time. Another Greek, Arcesilaus, made for Caesar a famous statue of his distant relative, Venus Genetrix. Apollonius of Athens, probably in Rome, carved the powerful Torso Beli:edere of the Vatican: a work conceived with moderation, proclaiming no bulging muscles, but showing a man in the fullness of healthy strength; we can only say of it that it is perfect so tar as it goes. For a time the studios busied themselves giving Greek form to Italian gods, even to divine abstractions like Chance and Chastity. Presumably in this period and in Rome Glycon of Athens carved the Farnese Hercules. \\Ve cannot tell to what age or country the Apollo Belvedere belongs; perhaps it was a Roman copy of an original by Leochares of Athens. Every student knows how its calm beauty stirred Winckelmann to Uranian ecstasy.21 Juno received now two renowned em\u00ad bodiments: the porphyry Farnese Juno of the Naples l\\1useum and the Ludovisi Juno of the Terme-cold and stern, righteous and just; one begins to understand Jove's wanderings.\t\u2022\nAll these, and the graceful Perseus and Andromeda of the Capitoline\n.Museum, were in the Greek style, idealized and generalized, and tiresomely divine. More arresting are the ponrait busts that constitute a bronze-and\u00ad marble dictionary of Roman physiognomy from Pompey to Constantine. Some of these too are idealized, particularly the Julio-Claudian heads; but\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nthe old Etruscan realism, and the ever-present example of unflattering death masks, reconciled the Romans to being represented as ugly, provided they were shown as strong. So many of them bequeathed their effigies to public places that at times Rome seemed to belong less to the quick than to the dead. Some worthies could not bide their end, but erected themselves as statues before their death, until the jealous emperors, to make room for the living, forbade such premature immortality.\nThe greatest of the portrait busts is the so-named Head of Caestrr, of black basalt, in Berlin. We do not know whom it represents; but the sparse hair and sharp chin, the thin and bony face, the heavy lines of weary thought, the resolution yielding to disillusionment, accord well with the traditional attribution. Only second to it is the colossal head of Caesar in Naples: here the wrinkles have set almost into bitterness, as if the giant had at last dis\u00ad covered that no mind is broad enough to understand, much less to rule, the world. Realistic to repulsiveness is the Pompey of the Ny Carlsberg Glyp\u00ad totek in Copenhagen: all the brave triumphs of his youth forgotten in the dull obesity of a beaten man. Of Augustus we have half a hundred statues, many of them masterly: Augus s the boy (in the Vatican), serious, keen, noble-the finest portrait of an actual youth in any age; Augustus at thirty (in the British Museum )-a bronze figure of burning determination, remind\u00ad ing us of Suetonius' statement that the Emperor could quell a mutiny with a glance; Augustus the priest (in the Terme), a profound and pensive face emerging from a prison of drapery; and Augustus imperator, found in the ruins of Livia's villa at Prima Porta, and now in the Vatican. The breast\u00ad plate of this famous figure is covered with esoteric and distracting reliefs,\u2022 the pose is stiff, the legs are too mighty for such an invalid; but the head has a quiet and self-confident power that reveals the hand and soul of a great artist-who could not quite forget the Dorypboros of Polycleitus.\nLivia herself was fortunate in the artist who made the head now in\nCopenhagen. The hair is stately, the bent Roman nose smacks of character, the eyes are thoughtful and tender, the lips pretty but firm; this -is the woman who stood quietly behind Augustus' throne, overthrew all her rivals and enemies, and mastered everybody but her son. Tiberius too fared well; idealized though it is, the seated figure in the Lateran Museum is a chef\u00ad d'oeuvre worthy of the hand that carved the diorite Chephren in Cairo. Claudius was not so lucky; surely the sculptor was making fun of him, or illustrating Seneca's Pumpkinification, when he carved him up as a worried Jupiter, fat and amiable and dumb. Nero tried hard to develop a sense of\n'They ponra}'.' _the return of the Panhian standards, the submis ion of the conquered provinces, the fertility of the earth (Terra J\\1ater) at peace, and the mantle of protection spread over all by Jove.\nCHAP.XVI)\tROME  AND ITS ART\t351\nbeauty, but his real passion was for fame and size; he saw no better function for Zenodotus, the Scopas of this age, than to consume his time in making a colossus of Nero as Apollo, 117 feet high.* Hadrian had it removed to the foreground of the Flavian Amphitheater, which thence derived its name of Colosseum.22\n\\Vith the honest Vespasian sculpture returned to reality. He let himself be represented frankly as a veritable plebeian, with coarse features, wrinkled brow, bald head, and enormous ears. Kinder is the bust in the Terme, show\u00ad ing a spirit harassed with affairs of state, or the businesslike face of the massive head in Naples. Titus comes down to us with a like cubical cranium and homely countenance; it is hard to think of this stout street vendor as the darling of mankind. Domitian had the good sense, in the realistic Flavian age, to have himself so hated in life that all his images were ordered destroyed after his death.\nWhen the artist left the palace and roamed the streets he could give free play to the Italic imp of humorous truth. Some old man, surely less equipped with wisdom and denarii than the philosopher-premier, posed for the disheveled scarecrow once labeled Seneca. Athletes had their muscles im\u00ad mortalized for a moment by famous artists; and gladiators, as statues, found entry into the best homes, from patrician villas to Farnese palaces. The Roman sculptors relented when they handled the figures of women; now and then they carved an irascible shrew, but also they molded some Vestal Virgins of a graceful gravity, occasional incarnations of tenderness like the Clytie of the British Museum, and aristocratic ladies as fragilely charming as the dolls of Watteau or Fragonard.23 They were adept in the portrayal of children, as in the bronze Boy of the Metropolitan Museum, or the Innocenm of the Capitoline. They could chisel or cast the forms of animals with startling vividness, as in the wolves' heads found at Nemi in 1929, or the prancing horses of St. Mark's. They seldom achieved the smooth perfection of the Periclean schools; but that was because they loved tJ:ie individual more than the type, and relished the life-giving imperfections of the real. With all their limitations they stand supreme in the history of portrait art.\nPAINTING\nThe ancient visitor would have found painting even more popular than sculpture in Rome's temples and dwellings, porticoes and squares. He would have come upon many works of old masters there-Polygnotus, Zeux.is,\n\\Vith its pedestal, 153. The Statue of Liberty, without its base, is 104 feet in height.\n352\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nApelles, Protogenes, and others-as dear to the opulent Empire as the paint\u00ad ings of the Renaissance are to rich America; and he would have seen in greater abundance, through their better preservation, the products of Alexandrian and Roman schools. The art was old in Italy, where every wall craved ornament. Once even Rom'.ln nobles had practiced it; but the Hellenistic invasion had made painting Greek and servile, and at last Valerius Maximus marveled that Fabius Pictor should have stooped to paint murals in the Temple of He::tlth.24 There were exceptions: toward the end of the Republic Arellius made a name for himself by hiring prostitutes to pose for his goddesses; in the time of Augustus a dumb aristocrat, Quintus Pedius, took up painting because his defect closed most professions to him; and Nero employed for the interior of his Golden House one Amulius, who \"painted with the greatest gravity, always in his toga.\" 25 But such men were rari names in the crowd of Greeks who, at Rome and Pompeii and throughout the peninsula, made copies or variations of Greek paintings on Greek or Egyptian themes.\nThe art was practically limited to fresco and tempera. In fresco a freshly plastered wall was painted with water-moistened colors; in tempera the pigments were mixed with an adhesive sizing and laid upon a dry surface. Portrait painters sometimes employed an encaustic process in which the tints were fused in hot w:ix. Nero had his picture painted on a canvas 120 feet high-the first known use of this material. Painting, as we have seen, was applied to statues, temples, stage scenery, and great linen pictures intended for exhibition in triumphs or in the Forum; but its favored re\u00ad ceptacle was the external or intern:11 wall. The Romans seldom placed furniture against a wall or hung pictures there; they preferred to use the\nentire space for one painting, or for a group of related designs. In this way the mural became a part of the house, an integral item in the architectural\ndesign.\nThe caustic humor of Vesuvius has presen\u00b7ed for us some3 500 frescoes\u00ad more paintings at Pompeii than can be found in all the rest of the classic world. Since Pompeii was a minor town we may imagine how many such murals brightened the homes and shrines of classic Italy. The best survivors have been removed to the Naples 1\\foseum; even there their lithe grace impresses us; but only the ancients knew them in the full depth of their color and in the architectural framework that gave each picture a func\u00ad tion and a place. In the House of Vettii the murals have been left in situ: in a dining room Dionysus surprises the sleeping Ariadne; on the opposite wall Daedalus displays his wooden cow to Pasiphae; at the farther end Hermes looks on calmly as Hephaestus fastens Ixion to the torturing wheel; and in another room a succession of humorous frescoes shows carefree"]
[-3.316307544708252, -9.272098541259766, "160: Galen, physician; Pausanias, geog\u00ad rapher\n190: Sexrus Empiricus, philosopher\n227: End of the Arsacid Dynasty\nCHAPTER  XXI\nItaly\nA ROSTER OF CITIES\nJ ET us stop at this precarious zenith and try to realize that the Empire\nL was greater than Rome.vVe have lingered unduly at this brilliant center,\nwhich hypnotizes historians as it fascinated provincials. In truth the vitality of the great realm no longer dwelt in the corrupt and dying capital; its surviving health and strength, much of its beauty, most of its mental life lay in the provinces and in Italy. We can have no just idea of what Rome meant, nor of its astonishing achievement in organization and pacification, until we leave it and surrender ourselves to a tour of the thousand cities that made up the Roman world.*\n\"How shall I commence this undertaking?\" the elder Pliny asked as he began his description of Italy, \"so vast is the number of places-what man could enumer\u00ad ate them all?-and so great is their individual renown!\" 1 Around and south of Rome lay Latium, once her mother, then her enemy, then her granary, then a paradise of suburbs and villas for Romans who had both money and taste. South and west from the capital fine roads and the Tiber led to the rival harbors of Portus and Ostia on the Tyrrhenian Sea. Ostia had its great age in the second and third centuries of our era. Merchants and longshoremen crowded its streets and filled its theaters; its homes and apartment houses were remarkably like those of Rome today; as late as the fifteenth century a Florentine traveler marveled at the wealth of the town and its sumptuous adornment. Some surviving columns, and an altar elegantly designed and carved with delicate floral reliefs, show that even this commercial population had absorbed the classic conception of the beautiful.\nSouthward on the coast rose Antium (Anzio), where the richest Romans, many emperors, and favored gods had palaces or temples reaching out into the Mediterranean to catch any passing breeze; in its three miles of ruins were found such master sculptures as the Borghese Gladiator and the Apollo Belvedere. Near by an extant monument reminds \"excellent citizens,\" now nineteen centuries dead, that they have recently had the pleasure of seeing eleven gladiators die in combat with ten ferocious bears.2 To the north, beyond the coastal hills, Aquinum gave birth to Juvenal, and Arpinum plumed itself on Marius and Cicero. Twenty\nThe reader may follow this pilgrimage on the end maps of this book.\n453\n454\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXT\nmiles from Rome was the old town of Praeneste (Palestrina), its pretty homes built upon terraces in the mountain slopes, its g dens famous for their roses, its peak crowned with a celebrated temple to the goddess Fortuna Pri.nigenia, who gave good luck to women in childbirth, and exchanged oracles for cash. Tus\u00ad culum, ten miles from Rome, was similarly rich in gardens and villas; here old Cato was born, and Cicero placed his Tusculan Disputations.\u2022 Most renowned of Rome's suburbs was Tibur (Tivoli), where Hadrian spread his country house and Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, spent her captive years.\nNorth of Rome, Etruria experienced under the Principate a modest resurrec\u00ad tion. Perusia was largely destroyed and partly restored by Augustus, whose artists beautified there an old Etruscan arch. Arretium gave Maecenas to. Rome and pottery to the world. Pisae was already hoar with age: it traced its name and origin to a colony of Greeks from Pisa in the Peloponnesus, and made a living by organizing the lumber business along the Arnus River. Farther up the same stream was a young Roman colony, Florentia, rare among cities because it probably underestimated its future. At the northwestern extremity of Etruria were the quarries of Carrara; Rome's finest marble was conveyed thence to the port of Luna, and went by ship to the capital. Genua had long served as an outlet for the goods of northwestern Italy; as far back as 209 B.c. we hear of the Carthaginians destroying it in a ruthless commercial war; it has been destroyed many times since, and has always achieved a fairer reincarnation.\nUnder the Alps lay Augusta Taurinorum, founded by the Taurini Gauls and made a Roman colony by Augustus; its ancient pavements and drains can still be seen under the streets of Turin; and a massive gate survives from Augustan days to remind us that the city was once a fortress against invaders from the north. Here the lazy Padus (Po), rising in the Cottian Alps, turns eastward 250 miles to divide north Italy into what the early Republic knew as Transpadane and Cis\u00ad padane Gaul. In all the peninsula the valley of the Po was the region most fertile, populous, and prosperous. At the foot of the Alps were those lakes-Verbanus (Maggiore), Larius (Como), and Benacus (Garda)-whose splendor feasted the eye and soul of those generations as well as ours. From the younger Pliny's Comum a main trade route led south to Mediolanum (Milan). Settled by the Gauls in the fifth century B.c., it was already a metropolis and educational center in the days of Virgil; by A.D. 286 it would replace Rome as the capital of the W estem Empire. Verona controlled the trade over the Brenner Pass and was rich enough to have an amphitheater (recently restored) seating 25,000 specta\u00ad tors. Along the winding Po rose Placentia (Piacenza), Cremona, Mantua, and Ferrara-originally frontier towns designed to hold the Gauls at bay.\nNorth of the Po and east of the Adige lay Venetia. The district took its name from the Veneri, early immigrants from Illyria. Herodotus tells how the leaders of these tribes annually brought together the marriageable lasses in their villages, put a price upon each according to her beauty, wed her to the man who paid\nTusculum's heir, Frascati, is still the resort of the Italian rich; there are the villas Aldo\u00ad brandini, T orlonia, Mondragone, etc.a\nCHAP.XX!)\tITALY\t455\nthe price, and used the money to provide alluring dowries for the less alluring girls.4 Venice itself was not yet born, but at Pola on the lstrian peninsula, at Tergeste (Trieste), Aquileia, and Patavium (Padua), substantial cities crowned the head of the Adriatic. Pola still has from Roman days a stately arch, a pretty temple, and an amphitheater only less impressive than its model, the Colosseum. South of the Po a line of important cities ran from Placentia through Parma, Mutina (Modena), Bononia (Bologna), and Faventia (Faenze) to Ariminum. Here, at Rimini, is one of the most perfectly preserved of the countless bridges built by Roman engineers; it carried the Flaminian Way into the city through an arch as strong and dominating as the Roman character. A branch road led from Bononia to Ravenna, the Venice of Roman days, built upon piles in marshes made by several rivers emptying into the Adriatic; Strabo describes it as \"pro\u00ad vided with thoroughfares by means of bridges and ferries.\" 5 Augustus stationed there his Adriatic fleet, and several emperors in the fifth century made the city their official residence. The superior fertility of northern Italy, its healthier and more stimulating climate, its mineral resources, varied industries, and cheaply\u00ad borne river trade, raised the region to economic supremacy over central Italy in the first century of our era and to political leadership in the third.\nSouth of Ariminum the eastern coast, rocky, stormy, and harborless, developed\nfew cities of moment north of Brundisium. And yet there were in Umbria, Picenum, Samnium, and Apulia many small towns whose wealth and art can be judged only by studying Pompeii. Asisium gave birth to Propertius as well as Saint Francis; Sarsina to Plautus, Amitemum to Sallust, Sulmo to Ovid, Venusia to Horace. Beneventum was famous not only for a Pyrrhic defeat but for the great arch erected there by Trajan and Hadrian; on its virile reliefs Trajan told the story of his achievements in war and peace. On the southeastern coast Brundisium commanded traffic with Dalmatia, Greece, and the East. Within the \"heel\" Tarentum, once a proud city-state, was now a declining winter resort for Roman magnates and aristocrats. In southern Italy large estates had absorbed most of the land and turned it to pasture; the cities lost their peasant patronage, and their business classes waned. The Greek communities that had sported their sybaritic wealth in earlier times had been ruined by barbarian infiltration and the Second Punic War, and were now reduced to small towns in which Latin was slowly replacing Greek. On the \"toe\" Rhegium (Reggio) had a good harbor and flourished on the trade with Sicily and Africa. Up the west coast Velia could hardly remember the days when Parmenides and Zeno had made it, as Elea, ring with metaphysical poetry and impish paradox. Poseidonia, which still amazes visitors with its majestic temples, had been renamed Paestum by its Roman col\u00ad ony, and its Greek stock was melting in a flux of \"barbarian\"-here Italian-blood from the countryside. Only in Campania was Greek civilization alive in Italy.\nGeographically Campania-the mountains and coast around Naples-was part of Sarnnium; economically and culturally it was a world by itself, industrially more advanced than Rome, financially powerful, and crowding\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXI"]
[2.464362859725952, 5.835638046264648, "While the source of a virile and independent citizenry was drying up in the villages, industry and the class war were progressing in the towns. Small factories, and the slaves in them, were growing in number at Athens, as in all the larger cities of the Hellenistic world. Slave dealers accompanied the armies, bought unransomed captives, and sold them at three or four minas ($150 or $200) a head in the great slave markets of Delos and Rhodes. Some scruples, moral or economic, were felt about this ancient institution. A humanitarian sentiment arose as a by-product of philosophy; the cos\u00ad mopolitan spirit of the age was negligent of racial distil'lctions; and casual hired labor, which could be thrown upon public relief whenever it ceased to be privately profitable, was in many circumstances cheaper !_ an slave labor that had to be continuously maintained.lll Towards the close of this period there was a substantial rise in manumissions.\nCommerce languished in the older cities, but flourished in the new. The Greek pons of Asia and Egypt grew at the e.'l'.pense of the Piraeus; and even on the mainland it was Chalcis and Corinth that caught the swelling currents of Hellenistic trade. Through these strategically situated and well\u00ad equipped centers, as through Antioch, Seleucia, Rhodes, Alexandria, and Syracuse, a busy stream of merchants flowed, spreading a cosmopolitan and skeptical point of view. Bankers multiplied, and lent not only to traders and proprietors but to cities and governments.1\u2022 Some cities, like Delos and Byzantium, had public or national banks holding government funds and managed by state officials.\"\" In 324 Antimenes of Rhodes organized the\nCHAP.xxm)\tGREECE  AND  MACEDON\nfirst known system of insurance by guaranteeing owners, for a premium of eight per cent, against loss from the flight of their slaves/\" The release of Persian accumulations and the quickened circulation of capital reduced the rate of interest to ten per cent in the third century and seven per cent in the second. Speculation was widespread, but not organized. Some manipulators sought to raise prices by limiting production; there were advocates of restricting crops to keep up the purchasing power of the farming community... Prices in general were high, again because of the Achaemepid treasuries that Alexander had poured into the currency of the world; but at the same time, and partly by the same cause, trade was fa\u00ad cilitated, production was stimulated, and prices gradually fell back to a nor\u00ad mal range. The wealth of the wealthy grew beyond any precedent in Greek history. Homes became palaces, furniture and carriages more sump\u00ad tuous, servants more numerous; dinners became orgies, and women became show windows of their husbands' prosperity.\"\nWages lagged behind rising prices, and rapidly followed their fall. They could support a single man only, and made for celibacy, pauperism, and depopulation; they left a diminishing economic distance between free worker and slave. Employment was irregular, and thousands of men aban\u00ad doned the mainland cities for mercenary soldiering abroad, or to hide their poverty in rural isolation.u The Athenian government relieved the desti\u00ad tute with grants of com; the rich amused them with free tickets to cele\u00ad brations and games. The wealthy stinted in wages but were generous in charity; often they lent money to their cities without interest, or rescued them from bankruptcy with large gifts, or built public works out of their private funds, or endowed temples or universities, or paid handsomely for the statues or the poems that published their features or their largess. The poor organized themselves into unions for mutual aid, but they could do little against the power and cleverness of the rich, the conservatism of the peasants, and the readiness of otherwise rival governments and leagues to exchange armed assistance in suppressing revolts.\"\" The freedom of un\u00ad equal ability to accumulate or starve brought on again, as in Solon's days, an extreme concentration of wealth. The poor lent readier ear to socialistic gospels; their spokesmen called for the canc llation of debts, the redivision of the land, and the connscation of large fortunes; the boldest now and then proposed the liberation of the slaves...\nThe decay of religious belief promoted the growth of compensatory utopias: Zeno the Stoic described an ideal communism in his Republic (ca. 300), and his follower Iambulus (ca. 250) inspired Greek rebels with\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP,XXIII\na romance in which he described a Blessed Isle in the Indian Ocean (per\u00ad haps Ceylon); there, he reported, all men were equal, not only in rights.but in ability and intelligence; all worked equally, and shared equally in the product; all took equal part, turn by turn, in administering the govern\u00ad ment; neither wealth nor poverty existed there, nor any war of the classes; nature produced fruit abundantly of her own accord, and men lived in harmony and universal love.\"\u00b0\"\nSome governments nationalized certain industries: Priene took over the saltworks, Miletus the textile factories, Rhodes and Cnidus the potteries; but the governments paid as low wages as the private employer, and squeezed all possible profit from the labor of their slaves. The gulf between rich and poor widened;\"' the class war became bitterer than before. Every city, young or old, echoed with the hatred of class for class, with uprisings, massacres, suppressions, banishments, and the destruction of property and life. When one faction won it exiled the other and confiscated its goods; when the exiles returned to power they revenged themselves in kind, and slaughtered their enemies; imagine the stability of an economic system subject to such decerebrations and disturbances. Some ancient Greek cities were so devastated by class strife that industry and men fled ,from them, grass grew in the streets, cattle came there to graze.= Polybius, writing about 150 n.c., describes certain timeless phases of the war from the view\u00ad point of a rich conservative:\nWhen they (the radical leaders) have made the populace ready and greedy to receive bribes, the virtue of democracy is destroyed, and it is transformed into a government of violence and the strong hand. For the mob, habituated to feed at the expense of others, and to have its hopes of a livelihood in the property of its neighbors, as soon as it has found a leader sufficiently ambitious and daring, . . . produces a reign of violence. Then come tumultuous assemblies, massacres, banishments, redivisions of land.\"\"\nIt was war and class war that weakened mainland Greece to the point of being easily overcome by Rome. The bitter ruthlessness of the victors\u00ad the destruction of crops, vineyards, and orchards, the razing of farmhouses, the selling of captives into slavery-ruined one locality after another, and left an empty shell for the ultimate enemy. A land so wasted by strife, by erosion, deforestation, and the listless tillage of impoverished tenants or slaves, could not compete with the alluvial plains of the Orontes, the Euphrates, the Tigris, and the Nile. The northern cities were no longer\nCHAP.nm)\tGREECE AND MACEDON\non the great routes of trade; they had lost their navies, and could not con\u00ad trol the sources and avenues of the grain supply that Athens and Sparta had mastered in their imperial days. The centers of power, even of lit\u00ad erary and artistic creation, passed back again to Asia and Egypt, from which, a thousand years before, Greece had humbly learned her letters and her arts.\nm. THE MORALS OF DECAY\nThe failure of the city-state accelerated the decay of the orthodox re\u00ad ligion; the gods of the city had proved helpless to defend it, and had for\u00ad feited belief. The population was intermingled with foreign merchants who had no share in the city's civic or religious life, and whose amused skepticism spread among the citizens. The mythology of the ancient local gods survived among the peasantry and the simple townsfolk, and in the official rites; the educated used it for poetry and art, the half-liberated attacked it bitterly, the upper classes supported it as an aid to order, and discountenanced open atheism as bad taste. The growth of large states brought on a sympolity of the gods and made for a vague monotheism, while philosophers strove to formulate pantheism for the literate in a man\u00ad ner not too obviously incompatible with orthodox belief. About 300 Euhemerus of Messana in Sicily published his Riera Anagrapha (literally Holy Scriptures, or Records), in which he argued that the gods were either personified powers of nature, or, more often, human heroes deified by popular imagination or gratitude for their benefits to mankind; that myths we.re allegories, and that religious ceremonies were originally exer\u00ad cises in commemoration of the dead. So Zeus was a conqueror who had died in Crete, Aphrodite was the founder and patroness of prostitution, and the story of Cronus eating his children was only a way of saying that cannibalism had once existed on the earth. The book had a sharply atheis\u00ad tic effect in third-century Greece.*113\u2022\nSkepticism, however, is uncomfortable; it leaves the common heart and imagination empty, and the vacuum soon draws in some new and encour\u00ad aging creed. The victories of philosophy and Alexander cleared the way for novel cults. Athens in the third century was so disturbed by exotic faiths, nearly all of them promising heaven and threatening hell, that Epi\u00ad curus, like Lucretius in first-century Rome, felt called upon to denounce religion as hostile to peace of mind and joy of life. The new temples, even\nPerhaps it reflected and aided the Hellenistic deification of kings.\n566\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIII\nin Athens, were now usually dedicated to Isis, Serapis, Bendis, Adonis, or some other alien deity. The Eleusinian mysteries flourished, and were imi\u00ad tated in Egypt, Italy, Sicily, and Crete; Dionysus Eleutherios-the Lib\u00ad erator-remained popular until he was absorbed into Christ; Orphism won fresh devotees as it renewed contact with the Eastern faiths from which it had sprung. The old religion had been aristocratic, and had excluded for\u00ad eigners and slaves; the new Oriental cults accepted all men and women, alien or bond or free, and held out to all classes the promise of eternal life.\nSuperstition spread while science reached its apogee. Theophrastus' por\u00ad trait of the Superstitious Man reveals how frail was the film of culture even in the capital of enlightenment and philosophy. The number seven was unspeakably holy; there were seven planets, seven days of the week, seven Wonders, seven Ages of Man, seven heavens, seven gates of hell. Astrology was rejuvenated by commerce with Babylonia; people took it for granted that the stars were gods who ruled in detail the destinies of individuals and states; character, even thought, was determined by the star or planet under which one had been born, and would therefore be jovial, or mercurial, or saturnine; even the Jews, the least superstitious of all peo\u00ad ples, expressed good wishes by saying Mazzol-tov-\"May your planet be favorable.\"\"' Astronomy fought for its life against astrology, but finally succumbed in the second century A.D. And everywhere the Hellenistic world worshiped Tyche, the great god Chance.\nOnly an act of persistent imagination, or a gift for observation, can en\u00ad able us to realize what it means to a nation to have its traditional religion die. Classic Greek civilization had been built upon a patriotic devotion to the city-state, and classic morality, though rooted in folkways rather than in faith, had been powerfully reinforced by supernatural bel,ef. But now neither faith nor patriotism survived in the educated Greek; civic frontiers had been erased by empires; and the growth of knowledge had secularized morals, marriage, parentage, and law. For a time the Periclean Enlighten\u00ad ment helped morality, as in modern Europe; humanitarian feelings were developed, and aroused-ineffectually-a keener resentment against war; arbitration grew among cities and men. Manners were more polished, argument more urbane; courtesy trickled down, as in our Middle Ages, from the courts of the kings, where it was a matter of personal safety and royal prestige; when the Romans came Greece was amazed at their bad manners and blunt ways. Life was more refined; women moved about in it more freely, and stimulated the males to unwonted elegance. Men shaved now, especially in Byzantium and Rhodes, where the laws forbade it as effeminate... But the pursuit of pleasure consumed the adult life of the\nCHAP. XXIII)\tGREECE  AND  MACEDON\nupper classes. The old problem of ethics and morals-to reconcile the nat\u00ad ural epicureanism of the individual with the necessary stoicism of the state\n-found no solution in religion, statesmanship, or philosophy.\nEducation spread, but spread thin; as in all intellectual ages it stressed knowledge more than character, and produced masses of half-educated people who, uprooted from labor and the land, moved about in unplaced discontent like loosened cargo in the ship of state. Some cities, like Miletus and Rhodes, established public-i.e., government-supported-schools; at Te\u00ad os and Chios boys and girls were educated together, with an impartiality that only Sparta had shown... The gymnasium developed into a high school or college, with classrooms, lecture hall, and library. The palaestra flour\u00ad ished, and proved popular in the East; but public games had degenerated into professional contests, chiefly boxing, in which strength counted for more than skill; the Greeks, who had once been a nation of athletes, became now a nation of spectators, content to witness rather than to do."]
[7.677751541137695, 3.012026786804199, "Adeimantus. But what is the next step? ...\nSocr. The excessive increase of anything often causes a reaction in the opposite direction   Theexcess of liberty, whether in states\nor individuals, seems only to pass into slavery   and the most aggra\u00ad\nvated form of tyranny arises out of the most extreme form of liberty.m\nWhen liberty becomes license, dictatorship is near. The rich, afraid that democracy will bleed them, conspire to overthrow it;\"\"' or some enterpris\u00ad ing individual seizes power, promises everything to the poor, surrounds himself with a personal army, kills first his enemies and then his friends \"until he has made a purgation of the state,\" and establishes a dictatorship.1'\" In such a conflict of extremes the philosopher who preaches moderation and mutual understanding is like \"a man fallen among wild beasts\"; if he is wise he will \"retire under the shelter of a wall while the hurrying wind and the storm go by.\"w\nSome students, in such crises, take refuge in the past, and write history; Plato takes refuge in the future, and models a utopia. First, he fancies, we must find a good king who will let us experiment with his people. Then we must send away all the adults except those necessary to maintain order and teach the young, for the ways of their elders would corrupt the young into an image of the past. To all the young, of whatever sex or class, twenty years of education will be given. It will include the teaching of myths-\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t521\nnot the immoral myths of the old faith, but new myths that may tame the soul into obedience to parents and the state.\u2022 At twenty all are to be given physical, mental, and moral tests. Those that fail will become the economic classes of our state-businessmen, workingmen, farmers; they will have private property, and different degrees of wealth (within limits) according to their ability; but there will be no slaves. The survivors of the first test will receive ten further years of education and training. At thirty they will be tested again. Those that fail will become soldiers; they shall have no private property, and shall not engage in business, but shall live in a military communism. Those that pass the second test will now (and none before) take up for five years the study of \"divine philosophy\"120 in all its branches, from mathematics and logic to politics and law. At thirty-five the survivors, with all their theory on their heads, will be flung into the practical world to earn their living and make themselves a place. At fifty such of them as are still alive shall become, without election, members of the guardian or ruling class.\nThey shall have all powers, but no possessions. There will be no laws; all cases and issues will be decided by the philosopher-kings according to a wisdom untrammeled by precedent. Lest they abuse these powers, they shall have no property, no money, no families, no permanent individual wives; the people will hold the power of the purse, the soldiers the power of the sword. Communism is not democratic, it is aristocratic; the common soul is incapable of it; only soldiers and philosophers can bear it. As for marriage, it must in all classes be strictly regulated by the guardians as a eugenic sacrament: \"The best of either sex should be united with the best as often as possible, and the inferior with the inferior; and they are to rear the offspring of one sort of union, but not of the other; for this is the only way of keeping the flock in prime condition.\"\"\" All children are to be brought up by the state, and given equal educational opportunity; classes are not to be hereditary. Girls shall have an equal chance with boys, and no office in the state shall be closed to women because they are women. By this combination of individualism, communism, eugenics, feminism, and aristocracy Plato thinks that a society might be produced in which a philosopher would be glad to live. And he concludes: \"Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of philosophy ... cities will never cease from ill, nor the human race.\",..,.\nI.e., Plato concludes that a natural ethic is inadequate.\n522\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nThe Lawmaker\nHe thought that he had found such a prince in Dionysius II. He felt, like Voltaire, that monarchy has this advantage over democracy, that in a monarchy the reformer has only to convince one man.128 To make a better state \"you would assume a dictator young, temperate, quick at learning, having a good memory, courageous, of a noble nature ... and fortunate; his good fortune must be that he is the contemporary of a great legislator, and that some happy chance brings them together.\"ue It was, as we have seen, an unhappy chance.\nIn his declining years, still longing to be a legislator, Plato offered a third\u00ad best state. The Laws, besides being the earliest extant classic of European jurisprudence, is an instructive study in the senile aftermath of youthful romanticism. The new city, says Plato, must be placed inland, lest foreign ideas undermine its faith, foreign trade its peace, and foreign luxuries its self-contained simplicity.\"\"' The number of free citizens shall be limited to the conveniently divisible number of 5040; in addition to these will be their families and their slaves. The citizens shall elect 360 guardians, divided into groups of thirty, each group administering the state for a month. The 360 shall choose a Nocturnal Council of twenty-six, which shall meet at night and legislate on all vital affairs.181 These councilors shall allot the land in equal, indivisible, and inalienable parcels among the citizen families. The guardians \"shall provide against the rains doing harm instead of good to the land ...\tand shall keep them back by works and ditches, and make\" irrigation \"streams furnish even to the dry places plenty of water.\"\"\" To control the growth of economic inequality, trade is to be held to a mini\u00ad mum; no gold or silver is to be kept by the people, and there shall be no lending of money at interest;138 everyone is to be discouraged from living by investment, and is to be encouraged to live as an active farmer on the land. Any man who acquires more than four times the value of one share of land must surrender the surplus to the state; and severe limits are to be placed upon the power of bequest.\u2122 Women are to have equal educational and political opportunity with men.1.. Men must marry between thirty and thirty-five, or pay heavy annual fines;'\"\" and they are to beget children for only ten years. Drinking and other public amusements are to be regu\u00ad lated to preserve the morals of the people.m\nTo :iccomplish all this peaceably there must be complete state control of education, publication, and other means of forming public opinion and personil character. The highest official in the state is to be the minister of\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t523\neducation. Authority will replace liberty in education, for the intelligence of children is too undeveloped to excuse us for leaving to them the guid\u00ad ance of their own lives. Literature, science, and the arts are to be under censorship; they will be forbidden to express ideas which the councilors consider hurtful to public morals and piety. Since obedience to parents and the laws can be secured only through supernatural sanctions and aids, the state shall determine what gods are to be worshiped, and how, and when. Any citizen who questions this state religion is to be imprisoned; if he per\u00ad sists he is to be killed.138\nA long life is not always a blessing; it would have been better for Plato to have died before writing this indictment of Socrates, these prolegomena to all future Inquisitions. His defense would be that he loved justice more than truth; that his aim was to abolish poverty and war; that he could do this only by strict state control of the individual; and that this required either force or religion. The degenerative Ionian looseness of Athenian morals and politics, he thought, would be cured only by the Dorian disci\u00ad pline of the Spartan code. Through all of Plato's thought runs the fear of the abuses of freedom, and the conception of philosophy as the policeman of the people and the regulator of the arts. The Laws offers the surrender of a dying Athens that had completely lived to a Sparta that, ever since Lycurgus, had been dead. When Athens' most famous philosopher could find so little to say for freedom Greece was ripe for a king.\nLooking back over this body of speculation we are surprised to see how fully Plato anticipated the philosophy, the theology, and the organization of medieval Christianity, and how much of the modern Fascist state. The theory of Ideas became the \"realism\" of the Scholastics-the objective real\u00ad ity of \"universals.\" Plato is not only a prii-existent Christlieb, as Nietzsche called him, but a pre-Christian Puritan. He distrusts human nature as evil, and thinks of it as an original sin tainting the soul. He breaks up into an evil body and a divine spirit189 that unity of body and soul which had been the educated Greek ideal of the sixth and fifth centuries; like a Christian ascetic he calls the body the tomb of the soul. He takes from Pythagoras and Orphism an Oriental faith in transmigration, karma, sin, purification, and \"release\"; he adopts, in his last works, the other-worldly tone of a con\u00ad verted and repentant Augustine. One would almost say that Plato was not Greek if it were not for his perfect prose.\nHe remains the most likable of the Greek thinkers because he had the attractive faults of his people. He was so sensitive that like Dante he could see perfect and eternal beauty behind the imperfect and temporal form;\n524\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GllEECE\t(CHAP. XXI\nhe was an ascetic because at every moment he had to rein in a rich and impetuous temperament.\"\" He was a poet possessed by imagination, allured by every whimsy of thought, enthralled by the tragedy and comedy of ideas, flushed with the intellectual excitement of the free mental life of Athens. But it was his fate that he was a logician as well as a poet; that he was the most brilliant reasoner of antiquity, subtler than Zeno of Elea or Aristotle; that he loved philosophy more than he loved any woman or any man; and that in the end, like Dostoevski's Grand Inquisitor, he concluded to a suppression of all free reasoning, a conviction that philosophy must be destroyed in order that man may live. He himself would have been the first victim of his Utopias.\nIV.  ARISTOTLE\nWander-Years\nWhen Plato died Aristotle built an altar to him, and gave him almost divine honors; for he had loved Plato even if he could not like him. He had come to Athens from his native Stageirus, a small Greek settlement in Thrace. His father had been court physician to Philip's father, Amyntas II, and (if Galen was not mistaken) had taught the boy some anatomy be\u00ad fore sending him to Plato.1\" The two rival strains in the history of thought"]
[3.748887062072754, 2.321011543273926, "and gave a banquet in his honor. But when Dionysius read more of his poetry, and asked Philoxenus to judge it, Philoxenus bade the attendants take him back to the quarries.\" Despite such discouragements Dionysius patronized literature and the arts, and was pleased for a moment to enter\u00ad tain Plato, who was then {387) traveling in Sicily. According to a wide\u00ad\nspread tradition reported by Diogenes Laertius, the philosopher con\u00ad demned dictatorship. \"Your words,\" said Dionysius, \"are those of an old dotard.\" \"Your language,\" said Plato, \"is that of a tyrant.\" Dionysius, we\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\t473\nare told, sold him mto slavery, but the philosopher was soon ransomed by Anniceris of Cyrene.\"'\nThe dictator's life was ended not by any of the assassins whom he feared, but by his own poetry. In 367 his tragedy, The R.tmsom of Hector, re\u00ad ceived first prize at the Athenian Lenaea. Dionysius was so pleased that he feasted with his friends, drank much wine, fell into a fever, and died.\nThe harassed city, which had borne with him as an alternative to sub\u00ad jection by Carthage, accepted hopefully the succession of his son to the throne. Dionysius II was now a youth of twenty-five, weak in body and mind, and therefore, thought the crafty Syracusans, likely to give them a mild and negligent rule. He had able advisers in Dion his uncle, and Philistius the historian. Dion was a man of wealth, but also a lover of letters and philosophy, and a devoted disciple of Plato. He became a member of the Academy, and livecl, at home and abroad, a life of philosophical simplicity. It occurred to him that the malleable youth of the new dictator offered an opportunity of establishing, if not quite the Utopia that Plato had described to him,\"' at least a constitutional regime capable of uniting all Sicily for the expulsion of the Carthaginian power. At Dion's suggestion Dionysius II invited Plato to his court, and submitted himself to Plato's tutoring.\nDoubtless the young autocrat put his best foot forward, and concealed from his teacher that addiction to drink and lechery'v which had drawn from his father the prediction that the dynasty would die with his son. Deceived by the youth's apparent willingness, Plato led him towards philosophy by its most difficult approaches-mathematics and virtue. The ruler was told, as Confucius had told the Duke of Lu, that the first princi\u00ad ple of government is good example, that to improve his people he must make himself a model of intelligence and good will. All the court began to study geometry, and to stand in diplomatic awe over figures traced in the sand. But Philistius, eclipsed by Plato's ascendancy, whispered to the dictator that all this was merely a plot by which the Athenians, who had failed to conquer Syracuse with an army and a fleet, would capture it through a single man; and that Plato, having taken the impregnable citadel with diagrams and dialogues, would depose Dionysius and put Dion on the throne. Dionysius saw in these whispers an excellent escape from geometry. He banished Dion, confiscated his property, and gave Dion's wife to a courtier whom she feared. Despite the dictator's protestations of affection, Plato left Syracuse and joined Dion in Athens. Six years later\n474\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XIr\nhe returned at the King's invitation, and pied for Dion's recall. Dionysius refused, and Plato resigned himself to the Academy.\u2022\nIn 357 Dion, poo.r in funds but rich in friends, recruited in mainland Greece a force of eight hundred men, and sailed for Syracuse. Landing secretly, he found the people eager to aid him. With one battle-in which, though he was now fi.fty, his own heroic fi.ghting turned the tide-he so completely defeated the army of Dionysius that the frightened youth fled to Italy. At this juncture, with Greek impulsiveness, the Syracusan As\u00ad sembly that he had convened removed Dion from command, lest he should make himself dictator. Dion withdrew peaceably to Leontini; but the forces of Dionysius, lildng this tum of events, made a sudden attack upon the popular army, and defeated it. The leaders who had deposed him sent appeals to Dion to hurry back and take charge. He came, won another victory, forgave the men who had opposed him, and then announced a temporary dictatorship as necessary to order. Despite the advice of his friends he refused a personal guard, being \"quite ready to die,\" he said, \"rather than live perpetually on the watch against friends and foes alike.\"\"9 Instead he maintained, amid surroundings of wealth and power, his accus-\u00ad tomed modesty of life. For though, says Plutarch,\nall things had now succeeded to his wish, yet he desired not to enjoy any present advantage of his good fortune. . . . He was content with a very frugal and moderate competency, and was indeed the wonder of all men, that when not only Sicily and Carthage but all Greece looked to him as in the height of prosperity, and no man living greater than he, no general more renowned for valor and success, yet in his guard, his attendance, his table, he seemed as if he rather communed with Plato in the Academy than lived among hired captains and paid soldiers, whose solace of tt1eir toils and dan\u00ad gers it is to eat and drink their fill, and enjoy themselves plentifully every day.111\nIf we may credit Plato, it was Dion's aim to establish a constitutional monarchy, to reform Syracusan life and manners on the Spartan model, to .rebuild and unify the enslaved or desolate Greek cities of Sicily, and then to expel the Carthaginians from the island. But the Syracusans had set their hearts on democracy, and were no more hungry for virtue than either Dionysius. A friend of Dion murdered him, and chaos broke loose. Dionysius hurried home, recaptured Ortygia and the government, and ruled with the bitter cruelty of a despot deposed and restored.\nUndeserved fates come sometimes to individuals, but rarely to nations.\nCHAP. XIX)\tPHILIP\t475\nThe Syracusans appealed for aid to their mother city, Corinth. The call came at a time when a Corinthian of almost legendary nobleness was wait\u00ad ing for a summons to heroism. Timoleon was an aristocrat who so loved liberty that when his brother Timophanes tried to make himself tyrant of Corinth, Timoleon killed him. Cursed by his mother and brooding over his deed, the tyrannicide withdrew to a woodland retreat, shunning all men. Hearing nevertheless of Syracuse's need, he came out of his re\u00ad tirement, organized a small force of volunteers, sailed to Sicily, and de\u00ad ployed his little band with such strategy that the royal army yielded after a brief tas.te of his generalship, and without killing any one of his men. Timoleon gave the humbled tyrant money enough to take himself to Corinth, where Dionysius spent the remainder of his life teaching school and sometimes begging his bread.11 Timoleon re-established democracy, tore down the fortifications that had made Ortygia a buttress of tyranny, repulsed a Carthaginian invasion, restored freedom and democracy in the Greek cities, and made Sicily for a generation so peaceful and prosper\u00ad ous that new settlers were drawn to it from every part of the Hellenic world. Then, refusing public office, he retired to private life; but the island democracies, appreciating his wisdom and integrity, submitted all major matters to his judgment, and freely followed his advice. Two \"sycophants\" having indicted him on a charge of malfeasance, he insisted, over the protests of a grateful people, on being tried without favor accord\u00ad ing to the laws, and thanked the gods that freedom of speech and equality before the law had been restored in Sicily. When he died ( 337) all Greece looked upon him as one of the greatest of her sons.\nV, THE ADVANCE OF MACEDONIA\nWhile Timoleon was restoring democracy for its last respite in ancient Sicily, Philip was destroying it on the mainland. Macedonia, despite the cultural hospitality of Archelaus, was still for the most part a barbarous country of hardy but letterless mountaineers when Philip came to the throne (359); indeed, to the end of its career, though it used Greek as its official language, it contributed no author, or artist, or scientist, or philoso\u00ad pher, to the life of Greece.\nHaving lived for three years with the relatives of Epaminondas in Thebes, Philip had imbibed there a modicum of culture and a wealth of military ideas. He had all the virtues except those of civilization. He was\n476\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIX\nstrong in body and will, athletic and handsome, a magnificent animal try\u00ad ing, now and then, to be an Athenian gentleman. Like his famous son he was a man of violent temper and abounding generosity, loving battle as much, and strong drink more. Unlike Alexander he was a jovial laugher, and raised to high office a slave who amused him. He liked boys, but liked women better, and married as many of them as he could. For a time he tried monogamy with Olympias, the wild and beautiful Molossian prin\u00ad cess who gave him Alexander; but later his fancy traveled, and Olympias brooded over her revenge. Most of all he liked stalwart men, who could risk their lives all day and gamble and carouse with him half the night. He was literally (before Alexander) the bravest of the brave, and left a part of himself on every battlefield. \"What a man!\" exclaimed his great\u00ad est enemy, Demosthenes. \"For the sake of power and dominion he had an eye struck out, a shoulder broken, an arm and a leg paralyzed.\".. He had a subtle intelligence, capable of patiently awaiting his chance, and of mov\u00ad ing resolutely through difficult means to distant ends. In diplomacy he was affable and treacherous; he broke a promise with a light heart, and was always ready to make another; he recognized no morals for governments, and looked upon lies and bribes as humane substitutes for slaughter. But he was lenient in victory, and usually gave the defeated Greeks better terms than they gave one another. All who met him-except the obstinate Demosthenes-liked him, and ranked him as the strongest and most inter\u00ad esting character of his time.\nHis government was an aristocratic monarchy in which the king's pow\u00ad ers were limited by the duration of his superior strength of arm or mind, and by the willingness of the nobles to support him. Eight hundred feudal barons made up the \"King's Companions\"; they were great landowners who despised the life of cities, crowds, and books; but when, with their consent, the King announced a war, they came out of their estates physi\u00ad cally fit and drunkenly brave. In the army they seryed as cavalry, riding the sturdy horses of Macedonia and Thrace, and trained by Philip to fight in a close formation that could change its tactics at once and as one at the commander's word. Beside these was an infantry of rugged hunters and peasants, arrayed in \"phalanxes\": sixteen rows of men pointing their lances over the heads-or resting them on the shoulders-of the rows ahead of them, making each phalanx an iron wall. The lance, twenty-one feet long, was weighted at the rear, so that when held aloft it projected fifteen feet forward. As each row of soldiers marched three feet before the next, the lances of the first five rows projected beyond the phalanx, and the lances\nCHAP.XIX)\tPHILIP\t477\nof the .first three rows had a greater reach than the six-foot javelin of the nearest Greek hoplite. The Macedonian soldier, after hurling his lance, fought with a short sword, and protected himself with a brass helmet, a coat of mail, greaves, and a lightweight shield. Behind the phalanx came a regiment of old-fashioned archers, who shot their arrows over the heads of the lancers; then came a siege train with catapults and battering rams. Resolutely and patiently-playing Frederick William I to Alexander's Fred\u00ad erick-Philip drilled this army of ten thousand men into the most power\u00ad ful .fighting instrument that Europe had yet known.\nWith this force he was determined to unify Greece under his leadership; then, with the help of all Hellas, he proposed to cross the Hellespont and drive the Persians out of Greek Asia. At every step toward this end he found himself running counter to the Hellenic love of freedom; and in trying to overcome this resistance he almost forgot the end in the means. His .first move brought him into conflict with Athens, for he sought to win possession of the cities that Athens had acquired on the Macedonian and Thracian coasts; these cities not only blocked his way to Asia, they also controlled rich gold mines and a taxable trade. While Athens was ab\u00ad sorbed in the \"Social War\" that ended her second empire, Philip seized Amphipolis (357), Pydna, and Potidaea (356), and answered the protests of Athens with .fine compliments to Athenian literature and art. In 355 he took Methone, losing an eye in the siege; in 347, after a long campaign of chicanery and bravery, he captured Olynthus. He now controlled all the European coast of the north Aegean, had an income of a thousand talents a year from the mines of Thrace,\"\" and could tum his thoughts to winning the support of Greece.\nTo .finance his campaigns he had sold thousands of captives-many of them Athenians-into slavery, and had lost the good will of Hellenes. It was fortunate for him that during these years the Greek states were exhaust\u00ad ing themselves in a second \"Sacred War\" (356-46) over the spoliation of the Oelphic treasury by the Phocians. The Spartans and Athenians fought for the Phocians, the Amphictyonic League-Boeotia, Locris, Doris, Thes\u00ad saly-fought against them. Losing, the Amphictyonic Council besought the help of Philip. He saw his opportunity, came swiftly down through the open passes, overwhelmed the Phocians (346), was received into the Delphic Amphictyony, was acclaimed as the protector of the shrine, and accepted an invitation to preside over all the Greeks at the Pythian games. He cast his eyes upon the divided states of the Peloponnesus, and felt that he could win all of them except weakened Sparta to accept him as leader"]
[-3.148115634918213, 17.329853057861328, "On a long low hill five miles east of Argos and a mile north of the sea, stood, in the fourteenth century before our era, the fortress-palace of Tiryns. Today one reaches its ruins by a pleasant ride from Argos or Nauplia, and finds them half lost amid quiet fields of com and wheat. Then, after a little climb up prehistoric stone steps, the traveler stands before the cyclopean walls built, said Greek tradition, for the Argive prince Proetus, two centuries before the Trojan War.t Even then the town itself was old,\nTowards the end of his life Dorpfeld and Virchow almost convinced him that he had found the remains not of Agamemnon but of a far earlier generation. After many heartaches Schliemann took the matter ood-naturedly. \"What?\" he exclaimed, \"so this is not Agamem\u00ad non's body, these are not hIS ornaments? All right, let's call him Schulze\"; and thereafter they always spoke of \"Schulze.\"\"'\nt The Greeks gave the name Cyclopean to such structures as in their mythical fancy could have been built only by giants like the one-eyed Titans called Cyclopes (Round-Eyes), who labored at the forges of Hephaestus in the volcanoes of the Mediterranean. Architecturally the term implied large unmortared stones, unhewn or roughly cut, and filled in at the joints with pebbles laid in clay. Tradition added that ProetuS had imported celebrated masons, called Cyclopes. from Lycia.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.II\nhaving been founded, said ancient memory, by the hero Tiryns, son of Argus of the hundred eyes, in the infancy of the world.\" Proteus, the story went on, gave the palace to Perseus, who ruled Tiryns with the dusky Andromeda as his queen.\nThe walls that protected the citadel rose from.twenty-five to fifty feet in height, and were so thick that at several places they contained spacious galleries, vaulted and arched with immense overlapping horizontal slabs. Many of the stones still in place measure six feet in length by three in breadth and depth; the smallest of them, said Pausanias, \"could hardly be moved by a pair of mules.\"\"' Within the walls, behind a propylon or gate\u00ad way that set a style for many an acropolis, lay a broad paved court bounded with colonnades; and around this, as at Cnossus, was a medley of rooms gathered about the megaron-a hall of state thirteen hundred square feet in area, with a pavement of painted cement, and a ceiling supponed by four columns enclosing a hearth. Here, in contrast to merry Crete, was estab\u00ad lished a lasting principle of Greek architecture-the separation of the women's quarters, or gynaeceum, from the chambers of the men. The king's room and the queen's room were built side by side, but, so far as the remains reveal, they were eremitically sealed against intercommunication. Of this palace-castle Schliemann found only the ground plan, the column bases, and portions of the wall. At the foot of the hill were'the remnants of stone or brick houses and bridges, and some fragments of archaic pottery; there, in prehistoric days, the town of Tiryns huddled for protection below the palace walls. We must picture the life of Bronze Age Greece as moving insecurely around and within such feudal fortresses.\nTen miles farther nonh, perhaps in the founeenth century before Christ, Perseus (if we wish to believe Pausanias1\u2022) built Mycenae-the greatest\ncapital of prehistoric Greece. Here too, around a forbidding citadel, a\ntown of several villages grew, housing a busy population of peasants, mer\u00ad chants, artisans, and slaves, who had the happiness of eluding history. Six hundred years later Homer called Mycenae \"a well-built city, broad\u00ad avenued and abounding in gold.\"\" Despite a hundred despoiling genera\u00ad tions some parts of these also cyclopean walls survive; to attest the imme\u00ad morial cheapness of labor and uneasiness of kings. In a corner of the wall is the famous Lion Gate, where, carved upon a stone triahgle over a massive lintel, two royal beasts, now worn and headless, dumbly stand guard over a grandeur that is gone. On the acropolis beyond are the ruins of the palace. Again, as at Tiryns and Cnossus, we can trace the divisions of throne room, altar room, storerooms, bathroom, and reception rooms. Here once\nCHAP.II)\t.l:IEFORE AGAMEMNON\nwere painted floors, columned porticoes, frescoed walls, and majestic flights of stairs.\nNear the Lion Gate, in a narrow area enclosed by a ring of erect stone slabs, Schliemann's workers dug up nineteen skeletons, and relics so rich that one could forgive the great amateur for seeing in these shafts the burial chambers of the children of Atreus. Had not Pausanias described the royal graves as \"in the ruins of Mycenae\"?18 Here were male skulls with crowns of gold, and golden masks on the bones of the face; here were osseous ladies with golden diadems on what had been their heads; here were painted vases, bronze caldrons, a silver rhyton, beads of amber and amethyst, objects of alabaster, ivory, or faience, heavily ornamented daggers and swords, a gam\u00ad ing board like that at Cnossus, and almost anything in gold-seals and rings, pins and studs, cups an beads, bracelets and breastplates, vessels of toilette, even clothing embroidered with thin plates of gold.10 These were assuredly royal jewels, royal bones.\nIn the hillside opposite the acropolis Schliemann and others discovered nine tombs altogether 4ifferent from these \"shaft graves.\" Leaving the road that comes down from the citadel, one enters at the right a corridor lined with walls of large, well-cut stones. At the end is a plain portal, once adorned with slim cylindrical columns of green marble, now in the British Museum; above it is a simple lintel of two stones, one extending thirty feet and weighing 1 1 3 tons. Within, the traveler finds himself under a dome, or tholos, fifty feet high and as many wide; the walls are built of sawn blocks reinforced with decorative bronze rosettes; each stratum of stones overlaps the one beneath, until the uppermost layer closes the top. This strange structure, Schliemann thought, was the tomb of Agamemnon, and a smaller tholos near by, discovered by his wife, was at once described as the tomb of Clytaemnestra. All the \"beehive\" tombs at Mycenae were found empty; thieves had anticipated the archeologists by several centuries.\nThese gloomy ruins are the reminders of a civilization as ancient to Pericles as Charlemagne to ourselves. Current opinion dates the shaft graves near to 1600 B.c. (som four hundred years before the traditional age of Agamemnon), and the beehive tombs about 1450; but prehistoric chronol\u00ad ogy is not a precision tool. We do not know how this civilization began, nor what people it was that built towns not only at Mycenae and Tiryns but at Sparta, Amyclae, Aegina, Eleusis, Chaeronea, Orchomenos, and Delphi. Probably, like most nations, it was already composite in stock and heritage; Greece was as diverse in blood before the Dorian invasion ( 1100 B.c.) as England before the Norman Conquest. So far as we can guess, the\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. D\nMycenaeans were akin to the Phrygians and Carians of Asia Minor, and to the Minoans of Crete.\"\u00b0 The lions of Mycenae have a Mesopotamian coun\u00ad tenance; this ancient motif probably came through Assyria and Phrygia to Greece.\"'a Greek tradition called the Mycenaeans \"Pelasgi\" (possibly mean\u00ad ing People of the Sea-pelagos), and pictured them as coming down from Thrace and Thessaly into Attica and the Peloponnesus in a past so distant that the Greeks termed them autochthonoi-aborigines. Herodotus ac\u00ad cepted this account, and ascribed the Olympian gods to a Pelasgic origin, but he \"could not say with any certainty what the language of the Pelasgi was.\"m. No more can we.\nDoubtless these autochthonoi were themselves late-comers into a land that had suffered cultivation since neolithic days; there are no aborigines. In their turn they too were overrun; for in the later years of Mycenaean his\u00ad tory, towards 1600, we find many indications of a cultural-commercial, if not a military-political, conquest of the Peloponnesus by the products or emigrants of Crete.\"\" The palaces at Tiryns and Mycenae, except for the gynaeceum, were designed and decorated. in the Minoan manner; Cretan vases and styles reached into Aegina, Chalcis, and Thebes; Mycenaean ladies and goddesses adopted the charming fashions of Crete, and the art revealed in the later shaft graves is unmistakably Minoan... Apparently it was this stimulating contact with a higher culture that lifted Mycenae to the peak of its civilization.\nm. MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION\nThe remains of this culture are too fragmentary to give us a picture as dis\u00ad tinct as those that take form in the ruins of Crete or the poetry of Homer. Life on the mainland was a little nearer to the hunting stage than in Crete. The bones of deer, wild boars, goats, sheep, hares, oxen, and pigs among the Mycenaean leavings-not to speak of fishbones and marine shells-indicate an appetite al\u00ad ready Homeric, and unfriendly to the Cretan waist. Here and there the relics reveal the strange contemporaneity of \"ancient\" and \"modem\" modes-obsidian arrowheads lying beside a hollow bronze drill apparently used in boring dowel holes into stones.\"'\nIndustry was less advanced than in Crete; there are no signs on the mainland of such industrial centers as Goumia. Trade grew slowly, for the seas were troubled with pirates, including the Mycenaeans; the kings of Mycenae and Tiryns had Cretan artists engrave for them, on their vases and rings, a proud record of their achievements in piracy.111 To protect thems<:lves against qther\nCHAP.n)    BEFORE AGAMEMNON\t31\npirates they b t their cities inland, far enough from the sea to guard against sudden attack, close enough to take readily to their ships. Lying on the road from the Axgolic Gulf to the Isthmus of Corinth, Tiryns and Mycenae were well situated both to plunder traders with feudal tolls, and to set out occasion\u00ad ally on buccaneering raids. Seeing Crete grow rich on orderly trade, Mycenae learned that piracy-like its civilized offspring, tariff dues-can strangle com\u00ad merce and internationalize poverty; it reformed, and allowed piracy to subside into trade. By 1400 its mercantile fleet was strong enough to defy the sea power of Crete; it refused to ship its Africa-bound goods across the island, but sent them directly to Egypt; possibly this was the cause, or result, of a war that ended in the destruction of the Cretan citadels.\nThe wealth that grew from this trade was not accompanied by any com\u00ad mensurate culture visible in the remains. Greek tradition credited the Pelasgians with having learned the alphabet from Phoenician traders. At Tiryns and Thebes some jars have been found bearing unintelligible characters, but no clay tablets, or inscriptions, or documents have been discovered; probably when Mycenae decided to be literate it used perishable writing materials, as the Cretans did in their final period; and nothing has been preserved. In art the Mycenaeans followed Cretan models, and so faithfully that archeology suspects them of importing their major artists from Crete. But after Cretan art declined, painting flourished vigorously on the mainland. The decorative designs of borders and cornices are of the first-order, and persist into classic Greece, while the surviving frescoes indicate a keen feeling for moving life. The Ladies in the Box are splendid dowagers, who might adorn any opera promenade today and be in full fashion of coiffure and gowns; they are more alive than the stiffly conscious Ladies in the Chariot, who are out for an afternoon drive in the park. Better still is the Boar Hunt, a fresco from Tiryns: the boar and the flowers are unconvincingly conventional, the incredibly pink hounds are disfigured with stylized spots of scarlet, black, or blue, and the hind quarters of the plunging boar taper away into the likeness of some high-heeled maiden falling from her palace bower; nevertheless the chase is real, the boar is desperate, the dogs are in fast flight through the air, and man, the most sentimental and terrible of all beasts of prey, stands ready with his murderous spear.\u2022 One may suspect from such samples the active and physical life of the Mycenaeans, the proud beauty of their women, the vivid adornment of their palaces.\nThe highest art of Mycenae was in metals. Here the mainland equaled Crete, and dared to use its own forms and decoration. If Schliemann did not quite find. the bones of Agamemnon, he found their weight in silver and gold: jewelry of many kinds, in spendthrift quantities; stud buttons worthy of any king; intaglios alive with scenes of hunting, war, or piracy; and a cow's head in shining silver, with horns and frontal rosette of gold-at any moment one xpects from\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP, II"]
[-5.1107988357543945, 7.9399871826171875, "South of Argos, and away from the sea, rise the peaks of the Parnon range. They are beautiful, but still more pleasing to the eye is the Eurotas River that runs between them and the taller, darker, snow-tipped range\nQf Taygetus on the west. In that seismic valley lay Homer's \"hollow\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\t73\nLacedaemon,\" a plain so guarded by mountains that Sparta, its capital, needed no walls. At its zenith Sparta (\"The Scattered\") was a union of five villages, totaling some seventy thousand population. Today it is a hamlet of four thousand souls; and hardly anything remains, even in the modest museum, of the city that once ruled and ruined Greece.\nThe Expansion of Sparta\nFrom that natural citadel the Dorians dominated and enslaved the south\u00ad ern Peloponnesus. To these long-haired northerners, hardened by moun\u00ad tains and habituated to war, there seemed no alternative in life but con\u00ad quest or slavery; war was their business, by which they made what seemed to them an honest living; the non-Dorian natives, weakened by agriculture and peace, were in obvious need of masters. So the kings of Sparta, who claimed a continuous lineage from the Heracleidae of 1104, first subjected the indigenous population of Laconia, and then attacked Messenia. That land, in the southwestern comer of the Peloponnesus, was relatively level and fertile, and was tilled by pacific tribes. We may read in Pausanias how the Messenian king, Aristodemus, consulted the oracle at Delphi for ways to defeat the Spartans; how Apollo bade him offer in sacrifiee to the gods a virgin of his own royal race; how he put to death his own daughter, and lost the war.19 (Perhaps he had been mistaken about his daughter.) Twa generations later the brave Aristomenes led the Messenians in heroic revolt\u00ad For nine years their cities bore up under attack and siege; but in the end the Spartans had their way. The Messenians were subjected to an annual tax of half their crops, and thousands of them were led away to join the Helot serfs.\nThe picture that we are to form of Laconian society before Lycurgus has, like some ancient paintings, three levels. Above is a master class of Dorians, living for the most part in Sparta on the produce of fields owned by them in the country and tilled for them by Helots. Socially between, geographically surrounding, the masters and the Helots were the Perioeci (\"Dwellers Around\"): freemen living in a hundred villages in the moun\u00ad tains or on the outskirts of Laconia, or engaged in trade or industry in the towns; subject to taxation and military service, but having no share in the government, and no right of intermarriage with the ruling class. Low\u00ad est and most numerous of all were the Helots, so named, according to Strabo, from the town of Helus, whose people had been among the fust to be enslaved by the Spartans.., By simple conquest of the non-Dorian population or by importing prisoners of war, Sparta had made Laconia a\n74\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.IV\nland of some 224,000 Helots, 120,000 Perioeci, and 32,000 men, women, and children of the citizen class....\nThe Helot had all the liberties of a medieval serf. He could marry as he pleased, breed without forethought, work the land in his own way, and live in a village with his neighbors, undisturbed by the absentee owner of his lot, so long as he remitted regularly to this owner the rental fixed by the government. He was bound to the soil, but neither he nor the land could be sold. In some cases he was a domestic servant in the town. He was expected to attend his master in war, and, when called upon, to fight for the state; if he fought well he might receive his freedom. His economic condition was not normally worse than that of the village peasantry in the rest of Greece outside of Attica, or the unskilled laborer in a modem city. He had the consolations of his own dwelling, varied work, and the quiet friendliness of trees and fields. But he was continually subject to martial law, and to secret supervision by a secret police, by whom he might at any moment be killed without cause or trial.11\nIn Laconia, as elsewhere, the simple paid tribute to the clever; this is a custom with a venerable past and a promising future. In most civilizations this distribution of the goods of life is brought about by the normally peaceful operation of the price system: the clever persuade us to pay more for the less readily duplicable luxuries and services that they offer us than the simple can manage to secure for the more easily replaceable necessaries that they produce. But in Laconia the concentration of wealth was effected by irritatingly visible means, and left among the Helots a volcanic dis\u00ad content that in almost every year of Spartan history threatened to upset the state with revolution.\nSparta's Golden Age\nIn that dim past before Lycurgus came, Sparta was a Greek city like the rest, and blossomed out in song and art as it would never do after him. Music above all was popular there, and rivaled man's antiquity; for as far back as we can delve we find the Greeks singing. In Sparta, so frequently at war, music took a martial turn-the strong and simple \"Doric mode\"; and not only were other styles discouraged, but any deviation from this Doric style was punishable by law. Even Terpander, though he had quelled a sedition by his songs, was fineg by the ephors, and his lyre nailed mute to the wall, because to suit his\u00b7voice, he had dared to add another string\nThese figures, of course, are conjectural, being based upon a few hints and many assump\u00ad\ntions.\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\t15\nto the instrument; and in a later generation Timotheus, who had expanded Terpander's seven strings to eleven, was not allowed to compete at Sparta until the ephors had removed from his lyre the scandalously extra strings.\u2022\nSparta, like England, had great composers when she imported them. Towards 670, supposedly at the behest of the Delphic oracle, Terpander was brought in from Lesbos to prepare a contest in choral singing at the festival of the Carneia. Likewise Thaletas was summoned from Crete about 620; and soon after came Tyrtaeus, Aleman, and Polymnestus. Their labors went mostly to composing patriotic music and training choruses to sing it. Music was seldom taught to individual Spartans;\"' as in revolution\u00ad ary Russia, the communal spirit was so strong that music took a corporate form, and group competed with group in magnificent festivals of song and dance. Such choral singing gave the Spartans another opportunity for dis\u00ad cipline and mass formations, for every voice was subject to the leader. At the feast of the Hyacinthia King Agesilaus sang obediently in the place and time assigned to him by the choral master; and at the festival of the Gymnopedia the whole body of Spartans, of every age and sex, joined in massive exercises of harmonious dance and antistrophal song. Such occa-. sions must have provided a powerful stimulus and outlet to the patriotic sentiment.\nTerpander (i.e., \"Delighter of Men\") was one of those brilliant poet\u00ad\nmusicians w\u2022 .o maugurated the great age of Lesbos in the generation before Sappho. Tradition ascribed to him the invention of scolia or drinking songs, and the expansion of the lyre from four to seven strings; but the heptachord, as we have seen, was as old as Minos, and presumably men had sung the glories of wine in the forgotten adolescence of the world. Certainly he made a name for himself at Lesbos as a kitharoedos-i.e., a com\u00ad poser and singer of musical lyrics. Having killed a man in a brawl, he was exiled, and found it convenient to accept an invitation from Sparta. There, it seems, he lived the remainder of his days, teaching music and training choruses. We are told that he ended his life at a drinking party: while he was singing-perhaps that extra note which he had added at the top of the scale-one of his auditors threw a fig at him; which, entering his mouth and his windpipe, choked him to death in the very ecstasy of song.\u2022\nTyrtaeus continued Terpander's work at Sparta during the Second Mes\u00ad senian War. He came from Aphidna-possibly in Lacedaemon, probably in Attica; certainly the Athenians had an old joke about the Spartans, that when the latter were losing the Second War they were saved by a lame Attic schoolmaster, whose songs of battle woke up the dull Spartans, and stirred them to victory.\u2022 Apparently he sang his own songs to the Bute\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\nin public assembly, seeking to transform martial death into enviable glory. \"It is a fine thing,\" says one of his surviving fragments, \"for a brave man to die in the front rank of those who fight for their country    Let each\none, standing squarely on his feet, rooted to the ground and biting his lips, keep firm.... Foot to foot, shield to shield, waving plumes mingling and helmets clashing, let the warriors press breast to breast, each sword and spear-point meeting in the shock of battle.\"\" Tyrtaeus, said the Spartan King Leonidas, \"was an adept in tickling the souls of youth.\"'8\nAleman sang in the same generation, as friend and rival of Tyrtaeus, but in a more varied and earthly strain. He came from far-off Lydia, and some said that he was a slave; nevertheless the Lacedaemonians welcomed him, not having yet learned the xenelasia, or hatred of foreigners, which was to become part of the Lycurgea-n code. The later Spartans would have been scandalized at his eulogies of love and food, and his roster of Laconia's noble wines. Tradition ranked him as the grossest eater of antiquity, and as an insatiable pursuer of women. One of his songs told how fortunate he was that he had not remained in Sardis, where he might have become an emas\u00ad culate priest of Cybele, but had come to Sparta, where he could love in freedom his golden-haired mistress Megalostrata.\"\" He begins for us that dynasty of amorous poets which culminates in Anacreon, and he heads the list of the \"Nine Lyric Poets\" chosen by Alexandrian critics as the best of ancient Greece.\u2022 He could write hymns and paeans as well as songs of wine and love, and the Spartans liked especially the parthenia, or maiden songs, which he composed for choruses of girls. A fragment now and then reveals that power of imaginative feeling which is the heart of poetry:"]
[-9.465897560119629, 1.2522447109222412, "Dr. Carl Blegen, field director of the University of Cincinnati excavations at Troy (1931f), believes that these have shown that Troy VI was destroyed about 1300, erobably by earthquake, and that upon its ruins rose the Seventh City, which he calls Pnam's Troy. Dorpfeld prefers to call this Troy VIb. Cf. Journal of Hellenic Studies, LVI, 156.\nt (7) Troy VII was a small unfortified settlement, which occupied the site till (8) Alex\u00ad\nander the Great, in 334, built upon it Troy VIII in homage to Homer. (9) About the begin\u00ad ning of the Christian era the Romans built Novum Ilium, or New Troy, which survived till the fifth century A.D.\n:j: The name Troy was traced \u00b7by Greek tradition to the eponymous hero Tros, father of Ilus, father of Laomedon, father of Priam.88 Hence the variant names of the city-Troas, llios, Ilion, Ilium. An eponymous hero, or eponym, is a probably legendary person to whom a social or political group attributes its origin and name. The Dardani, for example, believed or pretended that they were descended from Dardanus, son of Zeus; so the Dorians traced tnemselves to Dorus, the lonians to Ion, etc.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.ll\nposition of Troy near the entrance to the Hellespont and the rich lands about the Black Sea. Throughout history that narrow passage has been the battleground of empires; the siege of Troy was the Gallipoli adventure of 1194 B.c. The plain was moderately fertile, and precious metals lay in the soil to the east; but this alone would hardly account for the wealth of Troy, and the tenacious attack of the Greeks. The city was admirably placed to levy tolls upon vessels wishing to pass through the Hellespont, while it was too far inland to be conveniently assailed from the sea:\"\"perhaps it was this, and not Helen's face, that launched a thousand ships upon Ilium. On a like\u00ad lier theory the southward current and winds in the strait persuaded mer\u00ad chants to unload their cargoes at Troy and ship them overland into the interior; from the charges exacted for this service Troy may have derived its wealth and power... In any case the city's trade grew rapidly, as may be judged from the varied provenance of its remains. From the lower Aegean came copper, olive oil, wine, and pottery; from the Danube and Thrace came pottery, amber, horses, and swords; from distant China came so great a rarity as jade.\" In return Troy brought from the interior, and exported, timber, silver, gold, and wild asses. Seated proudly behind their walls, the \"horse-taming Trojans\" dominated the Troad,\u00b7and taxed its trade on land and sea.\nThe picture that we derive from the Iliad of Priam and his household is one of BiJ>lical grandeur and patriarchal benevolence. The King is polyg\u00ad amous, not as a diversion but as a royal responsibility to continue his high breed abundantly; his sons are monogamous, and as well behaved as the fictitious Victorians-excepting, of course, the gay Paris, who is as innocent of morals as Alcibiades. Hector, Helenus, and Troilus are more likable than the vacillating Agamemnon, the treacherous Odysseus, and the petulant Achilles; Andromache and Polyxena are as charming as Helen and Iphi\u00ad genia; and Hecuba is a shade better than Clytaemnestra. All in all, the Trojans, as pictured by their enemies, seem to us less deceitful, more de\u00ad voted, better gentlemen, than the Greeks who conquered them. The con\u00ad querors themselves felt this in later days; Homer had many a kind word to say for the Trojans, and Sappho and Euripides left no doubt as to where their sympathies and admiration lay. It was a pity that these noble Dardans stood in the way of an expanding Greece which, despite its multitude of faults, would in the end bring to this and every otl1er region of the Mediter\u00ad ranean a higher civilization than they had ever known.\nCHAPTER III\nThe Heroic Age\nTHE ACHAEANS\nODEST Hittite tablets from Boghaz Keui, of approximately 1325 B.c., speak of the \"Ahhijava\" as a peop}e equal in pow r to the Hittites themselves. An Egyptian record towards 122 1 B.c. mentions the \"Akaiwasha\" as joining other \"Peoples of the Sea\" in a Libyan invasion of Egypt, and describes them as a roving band \"fighting to fill their bellies.m In Homer the Achaeans are, specifically, a Greek-speaking people of south\u00ad ern Thessaly;\" often, however, because they had become the most powerful of the Greek tribes, Homer uses their name for all the Greeks at Troy. Greek historians and poets of the classic age called the Achaeans, like the Pelasgians, autochthonous-native to Greece as far back as memory could recall; and they assumed without hesitation that the Achaean culture de\u00ad scribed in Homer was one with that which has here been termed Myce\u00ad naean. Schliemann accepted this identification, and for a brief while the\nworld of scholarship agreed with him.\nIn 1901 an unusually iconoclastic Englishman, Sir William Ridgeway,' upset this happy confidence by pointing out that though Achaean civiliza\u00ad tion agreed with the Mycenaean in many ways, it differed in vital particu\u00ad lars. (1) Iron is practically unknown to the Mycenaeans; the Achaeans are familiar with it. ( 2) The dead in Homer are cremated; in Tiryns and Mycenae they are buried, implying a different conception of the afterlife.\n(3) The Achaean gods are the Olympians, of whom no trace has been found in the culture of Mycenae. (4) The Achaeans use long swords, round shields, and safety-pin brooches; no objects of such form appear in the varied Mycenaean remains. (5) There are considerable dissimilarities in coiffure and dress. Ridgeway concluded that the Mycenaeans were Pelas\u00ad gians, and spoke Greek; that the Achaeans were blond \"Celts,\" or Central Europeans, who came down through Epirus and Thessaly from 2000 on\u00ad ward, brought with them the worship of Zeus, invaded the Peloponnesus about 1400, adopted Greek speech and many Greek ways, and established\n37\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(cHAP.m\nthemselves as feudal chieftains ruling from their fortress-palaces a sub\u00ad jugated Pelasgian population.\nThe theory is illuminating, even if it must be substantially modified. Greek literature says nothing of an Achaean invasion; and it would not be wise to hang a rejection of so unanimous a tradition upon a gradual in\u00ad crease in the use of iron, a change in modes of burial or coiffure, a lengthen\u00ad ing of swords or rounding of shields, or even a safety pin. It is more likely that the Achaeans, as all classic writers supposed, were a Greek tribe that, in its natural multiplication, expanded from Thessaly into the Peloponnesus during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries, mingled their blood with the Pelasgo-Mycenaeans there, and, towards 1250 B.c., became the ruling class.6 Probably it was they who gave Greek to the Pelasgians, instead of receiving it from them. In such place names as Corinth and Tiryns, Parnas\u00ad sus and Olympia,\u2022 we may have echoes of a Creto-Pelasgo-Mycenaean tongue.\u2022 In the same manner, presumably, the Achaeans superimposed their mountain and sky gods upon the \"chthonic\" or subterranean deities of the earlier population. For the rest there is no sharp line of separation between the Mycenaean culture and that later phase of it, the Achaean, which we find in Homer; the two ways of life seem to have Iningled and melted into one. Slowly, as the amalgamation proceeded, Aegean civilization passed away, dying in the defeat of Troy, and Greek civilization began.\nTHE HEROIC LEGENDS\nThe legends of the Heroic Age suggest both the origins and the destinies of the Achaeans. We must not ignore these stories; for though a sanguinary fancy enlivens them, they may contain more history than we suppose; and\nthey are so bound up with Greek poetry, drama, and art that we should be at a loss to understand these without them.t\nAnd in such Greek words as sestrmon (sesame), kyparissos (cypress), hyssopos (hyssop), omos (wine), S(l1ldalon (sandal), chalkos (copper), thalassa (sea), molybdos (lead), zephyros (zephyr), kybernao (steer), sphongos (sponge), laos (people), labyrinthis, dithyrtrmbos, ldtharis (zither), s:yrim: (flute), and paian (paean).\nt ''Perseus ... Heracles ... Minos, Theseus, Jason ... it has been common in modem times\nto regard these and the other heroes of this age ... as purely mythical creations. The later Greeks, in criticizing the records of their past, had no doubt that they were historical per\u00ad sons who actually ruled in Argos and other kingdoms; and after a period of extreme skepti\u00ad cism many modem critics have begun to revert to the Greek view as that which explains the evidence mmt satisfactorily  The heroes of the tales, like the geographical scenes in which\nthey moved, are real.\"-Ctrmbridge Ancient History, II, 478. We shall assume that the major legends are true in essence, imaginative in detail."]
[-2.041402816772461, 16.166078567504883, "beautiful painting, or at least a handsome fee. They turned to common life with a Dutch zest, and delighted in picturing barbers, cobblers, prosti\u00ad tutes, seamstresses, donkeys, deformed men, or peculiar animals. To these genre pictures they added representations of still life-cakes and eggs, fruit and vegetables, fish and game, wine and all the paraphernalia of its ancient ritual. Sosus of Pergamum amused his contemporaries by imitating, in a deceptively realistic floor mosaic, an unswept floor still littered with the leavings of a feast.1\" The sedate were scandalized, and denounced these glorifiers of common things as pornographoi and rhyparographoi-por\u00ad trayers of obscenity and filth. In Thebes the representation of ugly objects was forbidden by law.u\nCertain larger masterpieces of the age were rescued not from anonymity but from oblivion by the lava of Vesuvius. A fresco found at Ostia is apparently a weak copy of a Hellenistic original; we know it as The Aldobrandini Wedding from the Italian family to which it belonged before it found a place in the Vatican. Aphrodite, Rubensianly robust, warms up the courage of the timid bride while the bridegroom, needing no prodding, waits impatiently beside the couch; finer than these central personages is a graceful woman playing some hymeneal strain on a faded lute. A Pompeian mural, traced uncertainly to a third-century Greek original, shows Achilles, with Patroclus beside him, angrily surrendering Briseis to Agamemnon's lust. The figures in these paintings seem to our wont and taste more ample than beautiful; we are accustomed to less body and longer legs; but it must be conceded that ancient artists knew Greek men and women better than we shall ever know them. Time has taken the bloom from these works; only an act of historical imagination can restore the brilliance and freshness that doubtless were once the admiration of multitudes and kings.\nMore impressive are certain Roman mosaics that have apparently been de\u00ad rived from Hellenistic paintings. Mosaic was an old art in Egypt and Mesopo\u00ad tamia; the Greeks took it over, and lifted it to the peak of its history. A paint\u00ad ing was divided by lines into little squares, and tiny cubes of marble were so colored that when put together they reproduced the picture in a form surpris\u00ad ingly durable; several mosaics, though trodden by innumerable feet through many centuries, still retain their color and tell their ancient tale. The Battle of lssus, found in the House of the Faun at Pompeii, and dubiously connected with a fourth-century Greek painting by Philoxenus,\u2022 is composed of approximately 1,500,000 stones, each some two or three millimeters square, the whole mosaic measuring eight by sixteen feet. It was badly injured by the earthquake and eruption that overwhelmed Pompeii in A.D. 79, but enough remains to attest the skill and vigor of the work. Alexander, black and disheveled with the heat and\nThis mosaic, and the Achilles and Briseis, are in the Naples Museum.\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE  ART  OF  THE  DISPERSION\t621\nfilth of war, is leading the attack, and has ridden his Bucephalus to within a few feet of the chariot that carries Darius. A Persian grandee has flung himself be\u00ad tween the kings, and has received Alexander's lance in his body. Darius, ignor\u00ad ing his own danger-for the conqueror's next lance is aimed at him-leans from his chariot towards his fallen friend, his face full of anxiety and grief. Persian cavalrymen rush up to rescue their ruler, and Alexander's weapon stays poised in the air. The representation of complex emotions in Darius' face is the out\u00ad standing accomplishment of the work; but the most attractive head in the com\u00ad position is that of Alexander's horse. There is no greater mosaic than this.\nm. SCULPTURE\nNever has statuary been more abundant than in the Hellenistic age. Temples and palaces, homes and streets, gardens and parks were crowded with it; every phase of human life, and many aspects of the plant and animal world, were represented in it; portrait busts immortalized for a moment dead heroes and living celebrities; at last even abstractions like Fortune, Peace, Calumny, or the Nick of Time, became concrete in stone. Euty\u00ad chides of Sicyon, a pupil of Lysippus, molded for Antioch a famous Tyche, or Fortwze, to serve as the incarnation of the city's soul and hope. The sons of Praxiteles-Timachus and Cephisodotus-carried on the refined tradition of Athenian sculpture; and in the Peloponnesus Damophon of Messene scaled the heights of fame with a colossal group of Demeter, Persephone, and Artemis. But most of the new sculptors followed the line of least starva\u00ad tion to the palaces and courts of Greco-Oriental magnates and kings.\nRhodes, in the third century, developed a school of sculpture character\u00ad istically its own. There were a hundred colossal statues in the island, any one of which, says Pliny,\"' would have made a city famous. The greatest of them was the bronze colossus of the sun-god Helios, set up in successive blocks by Chares of Lindus about 280. Chares, says a naive tradition, com\u00ad mitted suicide when the cost seriously exceeded his estimate; and Laches, also of Lindus, completed the work. It did not bestride the harbor, but rose near it to a height of one hundred and five feet. Its dimensions might sug\u00ad gest that Rhodian taste ran to display and size; but perhaps the Rhodians proposed to use it as a lighthouse and a symbol. If we may believe a poem in The Greek Anthology,\"' the statue held a light aloft, and symbolized the freedom that Rhodes enjoyed-a curious a11ticipation of a famous statue in a modern port.\u2022 It was, of course, included among the Seven Wanders of the World. \"This statue,\" Pliny reports,\nThe Statue of Liberty is one hundred and fifty-one feet high from base to torch.\n622\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXVII\nwas thrown down by an earthquake fifty-six years after it was erected. Few men can clasp the thumb in their arms, and its fingers are larger than most statues. When the limbs are broken asunder vast caverns are seen yawning in the interior. Within it, too, are to be seen large masses of rock by whose weight the artist steadied it while in process of erection. It is said that it was twelve years in the mak\u00ad ing, and that three hundred talents were spent upon it-a sum raised from the - ngines of war abandoned by Demetrius after his futile siege.\u202210\nAlmost as famous in history was another product of the Rhodian school, the Laocoon. Pliny saw it in the palace of the Emperor Titus; it was found in the ruins of the Baths of Titus in A.D. 1506, and is almost certainly the original work of Agesander, Polydorus, and Athenodorus, who carved it out of two blocks of marble in the second or first century B.C.18 Its discovery stirred Renaissance Italy and profoundly impressed Michelangelo, who\ntried, without success, to restore the lost right arm of the central figure.t\nLaocoon was a Trojan priest who, when the Greeks sent the wooden horse to Troy, advised against receiving it, saying (says Virgil), Timeo Dtmaos et dona ferentes-\"l fear the Greeks even when they bring gifts.\"10 To punish his wisdom Athena, who favored the Greeks, commissioned two serpents to kill him. They seized first upon his two sons, seeing which Laocoon rushed to their aid, only to be caught in the coils; in the end all three were crushed, and died from the venom of the fangs. The sculptors took the liberty assumed by Virgil (and, in the Philoctetes, by Sophocles) to describe pain vigorously, but the result does not accord with the natural repose of stone. In literature, and usually in life, pain passes; in the Laocoon the cry of agony has been given an unnatural permanence, and the specta\u00ad tor is not so moved as by Demeter's silent grief.+ What nevertheless evokes our admiration is the mastery of design and technique; the musculature is exaggerated, but the old priest's limbs, and the bodies of his sons, are molded with dignity and restraint. Perhaps if we had known the story before seeing the group we should have been as impressed as Pliny, who thought this the greatest achievement of ancient plastic art.ao\nIt remained where it fell till A.D. 653, when the Saracens sold the materials. Nine hundred camels were required to remove them.''\nt The restored arm in the Vatican is the work of Bernini, well done in detail, but ruinous\nto the centripetal unity of the composition. Winckelmann nevertheless liked the group so well that Lessing was aroused, by reading him, to write a book of esthetic criticism around it, and occasionally about it.\n:I:In the Demeter of the British Museum.\n--\u00b7\u00b7\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE\tART\tOF  THE\tDISPERSION\nMany other Greek centers had flourishing schools of sculpture in this under\u00ad estimated age. Alexandria turned over its soil and its buildings too often in the long course of its history to preserve the works that Greek artists made for the Ptolemies. The sole important survivor is the serene Nile of the Vatican, humor\u00ad ously supported by sixteen water babies symbolizing the sixteen cubits of the river's annual rise. At Sidon Greek sculpture cut for unknown dignitaries a series of sarcophagi of which the best, misnamed the Sarcophagus of Alexander, is the pride of the Constantinople Museum. Its carving is equal, on a smaller scale, to that of the Parthenon frieze; the figures are handsome and well propor\u00ad tioned; the action is vigorous but clear, and the soft tints that still cling to the stone exemplify the aid that Greek painting gave to Greek sculpture. At Tralles, in Caria, about 150 B.c., Apollonius and Tauriscus cast for Rhodes a colossal bronze group now known as the Farnese Bull: two handsome youths are lashing the lovely Dirce to the horns of a wild bull, because she has ill-treated their mother Antiope-who looks on in repulsively calm satisfaction.\u2022 At Pergamum Greek sculptors cast in bronze several battle groups, which Attalus first dedi\u00ad cated in his capital to celebrate his repulse of the Gauls. To express the debt which all Greek culture felt to Athens, and perhaps to spread his fame, Attalus presented marble replicas of these figures to be set up on the Athenian Acropolis. Fragmentary marble copies have survived in The Dying Gaul of the Capitoline Museum, in the miscalled Paetus and Arriat-a Gaul who, preferring death to capture, kills first his wife and then himself-and in several smaller pieces now scattered through Egypt and Europe. Perhaps to the same group belongs a Dead Amazon,! impeccably molded in every detail except the incredibly per\u00ad fect breasts. These figures show a classic restraint in the expression of emotion: the conquered men suffer the extremes of pain and grief, but die without opera; and the conquerors have allowed the artists to portray the virtues, as well as the defeat, of their enemies. There is no sign here of any falling off in power of conception, accuracy of anatomical observation, or skill \u00b7and patience of tech\u00ad nique. Almost as perfect is the great relief that ran along the base of the Altar of Zeus on the Acropolis of Pergamum, and told again the story of the war be\u00ad tween the gods and the giants-presumably a modest allegory for Pergamenes and Gauls. The work is overcrowded, and sometimes theatrically violent; but some figures stand out as in the best tradition of Greek art. The headless Zeus is carved with the strength of Scopas, and the goddess Hecate is a lyric of grace and beauty amid the terror and carnage of war.\nThe original is lost. A Roman marble copy of the third century A.D. was found in the sixteenth century in the Baths of Caracalla, was repaired by Michelangelo, was housed for a time in the Palazzo Farnese, and is now in the Naples Museum.\nt In the Museo delle Terme at Rome.\n:1:ln the Naples Museum."]
[-1.429106593132019, 2.3780360221862793, "CHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\t79\nThe Lacedaemonian Constitution\nWhen we attempt to specify the reforms of Lycurgus the tradition be\u00ad comes contradictory and confused. It is difficult to say which elements of the Spartan code preceded Lycurgus, which were created by him or his generation, and which were added after him. Plutarch and Polybius\u2022 assure us that Lycurgus redistributed the land of Laconia into thirty thou\u00ad sand equal shares among the citizens; Thucydides.. implies that there was no such distribution. Perhaps old properties were left untouched, while the newly conquered land was equally divided. Like Cleisthenes of Sicyon and Cleisthenes of Athens, Lycurgus (viz., the authors of the Lycurgean constitution) abolished the kinship organization of Laconian society, and replaced it with geographical divisions; in this way the power of the old families was broken, and a wider aristocracy was formed. To prevent the displacement of this landowning oligarchy by such mercantile classes as were gaining leadership in Argos, Sicyon, Corinth, Megara, and Athens, Lycurgus forbade the citizens to engage in industry or trade, prohibited the use or importation of silver or gold, and decreed that only iron should be used as currency. He was resolved that the Spartans (i.e., the landown\u00ad ing citizens) should be left free for government and war.\nIt was a boast of ancient conservatives40 that the Lycurgean constitution endured so long because the three forms of government-monarchy, aris\u00ad tocracy, and democracy-were united in it, and in such proportions that each element neutralized the others against excess. Sparta's monarchy was really a duarchy, since it had concurrently two kings, descending from the invading Heraclids. Possibly this strange institution was a compromise between two related and therefore rival houses, or a device to secure without absolutism the psychological uses of royalty in maintaining social order and national prestige. Their powers were limited: they performed the sacri\u00a3ces of the state religion, headed the judiciary, and commanded the army in war. In all matters they were subordinate to the Senate; and after Plataea they lost more and more of their authority to the ephors.\nThe aristocratic and predominant clement of the constitution resided in the Senate, or gerousia, literally and actually a group of old men; normally citizens under sixty were considered too immature for its deliberations. Plutarch gives their number as twenty-eight, and tells an incredible story of their election. When a vacancy occurred candidates were required to pass silently and in tum before the Assembly; and he who was greeted with the loudest and longest shouts was pronounced elected.\" Perhaps this\nSo\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.IV\nwas thought to be a realistic and economical abbreviation of the fuller democratic process. We do not know which of the citizens were eligible to such election; presumably they were the homoioi, or equals, who owned the soil of Laconia, had served in the army, and brought their quota of food to the public mess.'\" The Senate originated legislation, acted as a supreme court in capital crimes, and formulated public policy.\nThe Assembly, or apella, was Sparta's concession to democracy. Appar\u00ad ently all male citizens were admitted to it upon reaching the age of thirty; some eight thousand males were eligible in a population of 376,000. It met on each day of the full moon. All matters of great public moment were submitted to it, nor could any law be passed wjthout its consent. Few laws, however, were ever added to the Lycurgean constitution; and these the Assembly might accept or reject, but not discuss or amend. It was essentially the old Homeric public meeting, listening in awe to the council of chiefs and elders, or to the army-commanding kings. Theoretically sov\u00ad ereignty resided in the apella; but an amendment made to the constitution after Lycurgus empowered the Senate, if it judged that the Assembly had decided \"crookedly,\" to reverse the decision.'\" When an advanced thinker asked Lycurgus to establish a democracy Lycurgus replied, \"Begin, my friend, by setting it up in your own family.'\"'\nCicero compared the five ephors (i.e., overseers) to the Roman tribunes, since they were chosen annually by the Assembly; but they corresponded more to the Roman consuls, as wielding an administrative power checked only by the protests of the Senate. The ephorate existed before Lycurgus, and yet is not mentioned in such reports of his legislation as have reached us. By the middle of the sixth century the ephors had become equal in authority to the kings; after the Persian War they were practically supreme. They received embassies, decided disputes at law, commanded the armies, and directed, absolved, or punished the kings.\nThe enforcement of the government's decrees was entrusted to the army and the police. It was the custom of the ephors to arm certain of the younger Spartans as a special and secret police (the kry,pteia), with the right to spy upon the people, and, in the case of Helots, to kill at their discretion.\" This institution was used at unexpected times, even to do away with Helots who, though they had served the state bravely in war, were feared by the masters as able and therefore dangerous men. After eight years of the Peloponnesian War, says the impartial Thucydides,\nthe Helots were invited by a proclamation to pick out those of their number who claimed to have most distinguished themselves against\nCHAP. IV)\tSPARTA\nthe enemy, in order that they might receive their freedom; the object being to test them, as it was thought that the first to claim their free\u00ad dom would be the most high-spirited and the most apt to rebel. As many as two thousand were selected accordingly, who crowned themselves and went round the temples, rejoicing in their new free\u00ad dom. The Spartans, however, soon afterwards did away with them, and no one ever knew how each of them perished.\u2022\nThe power and pride of Sparta was above all in its army, for in the courage, discipline, and skill of these troops it found its security and its ideal. Every citizen was trained for war, and was liable to military service from his twentieth to his sixtieth year. Out of this severe training came the hoplites of Sparta-those close-set companies of heavy-armed, spear\u00ad hurling citizen infantry that were the terror even of the Athenians, and remained practically undefeated until Epaminondas overcame them at Leuctra. Around this army Sparta formed its moral code: to be good was to be strong and brave; to die in battle was the highest honor and happi\u00ad ness; to survive defeat was a disgrace that even the soldier's mother could hardly forgive. \"Return with your shield or on it,\" was the Spartan mother's farewell to her soldier son. Flight with the heavy shield was impossible.\nThe Spartan Code\nTo train men to an ideal so unwelcome to the flesh it was necessary to take them at birth and form them by the most rigorous discipline. The\n.first step was a ruthless eugenics: not only must every child face the father's right to infanticide, but it must also be brought before a state council of inspectors; and any child that appeared defective was thrown from a cliff of Mt. Taygetus, to die on the jagged rocks below.\" A further elimination probably resulted from the Spartan habit of inuring their infants to discomfort and exposure.'\" Men and women were warned to consider the health and character of those whom they thought of marry\u00ad ing; even a king, Archidamus, was fined for marrying a diminutive wife.\u2022 Husbands were encouraged to lend their wives to exceptional men, so that fine children might be multiplied; husbands disabled by age or illness were expected to invite young men to help them breed a vigorous family. Lycurgus, says Plutarch, ridiculed jealousy and sexual monopoly, and called it \"absurd that people should be so solicitous for their dogs and horses as to exert interest and pay money to procure fine breeding, and yet keep\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\ntheir wives shut up, to be made mothers only by themselves, who might be foolish, infirm, or diseased.\" In the general opinion of antiquity the Spanan males were stronger and handsomer, their women healthier and lovelier, than the other Greeks.'\u00b0\nProbably more of this result was due to training than to eugenic birth. Thucydides makes King Archidamus say: \"There is little difference\" (at binh, presumably) \"between man and man, but the superiority lies with him who is reared in the severest school.\"a At the age of seven the Spanan boy was taken from his family and brought up by the state; he was en\u00ad rolled in what was at once a military regiment and a scholastic class, under a paidonomos, or manager of boys. In each class the ablest and bravest boy was made captain; the rest were instructed to obey him, to submit to the punishments he might impose upon them, and to striv'e to match or better him in achievement and discipline. The aim was not, as at Athens, athletic form and skill, but manial courage and worth. Games were played in the nude, under the eyes of elders and lovers of either sex. The older men made it their concern to provoke quarrels among the boys, individu\u00ad ally and in groups, so that vigor and fonitude might be tested and trained; and any moment of cowardice brought many days of disgrace. To bear pain, hardship, and misfortune silently was required of all. Every year, at the altar of Anemis Onhia, some chosen youths were scourged till their blood stained the stones.111 At twelve the boy was deprived of undercloth\u00ad ing, and was allowed but one garment throughout the year. He did not bathe frequently, like the lads of Athens, for water and unguents made the body soft, while cold air and clean soil made it hard and resistant. Winter and summer he slept in the open, on a bed of rushes broken from the Eurotas' banks. Until he was thirty he lived with his company in bar\u00ad racks, and knew none of the comforts of home.\nHe was taught reading and writing, but barely enough to make him literate; books found few buyers in Spana,.. and it was easy to keep up with the publishers. Lycurgus, said Plutarch, wished children to learn his laws not by writing but by oral transmission and youthful practice under care\u00ad ful guidance and example; it was safer, he thought, to make men good by unconscious habituation than to rely upon theoretical persuasion; a proper education would be the best government. But such education would have to be moral rather than mental; character was more important than intel\u00ad lect. The young Spanan was trained to sobriety, and some Helots were compelled to drink to excess in order that the youth might see how foolish drunkenness can be... He was taught, in preparation for war, to forage\n\t SPARTA\nin the fields and find his own food, or starve; to steal in such cases was per\u00ad missible, but to be detected was a crime punishable by flogging.\u2022 H he behaved well he was allowed to attend the public mess of the citizens, and was expected to listen carefully there so that he might become acquainted with the problems of the state, and learn the an of genial conversation. At the age of thiny, if he had survived with honor the hardships of youth, he was admitted to the full rights and responsibilities of a citizen, and sat down to dine with his elders.\nThe girl, though left to be brought up at home, was also subject to regu\u00ad lation by the state. She was to engage in vigorous games-running, wres\u00ad tling, throwing the quoit, casting the dart-in order that she might become strong and healthy for easy and perfect motherhood. She should go naked in public dances and processions, even in the presence of young men, so that she might be stimulated to proper care of her body, and her defects might be discovered and removed. \"Nor was there anything shameful in the nakedness of the young women,\" says the highly moral Plutarch; \"mod\u00ad esty attended them, and all wantonness was excluded.\" While they danced they sang songs of praise for those that had been brave in war, and heaped contumely upon those that had given way. Mental education was not wasted upon the Spanan girl.\nAs to love, the young man was permitted to indulge in it without preju\u00ad dice of gender. Nearly every lad had a lover among the older men; from this lover he expected further education, and in return he offered affection and obedience. Often this exchange grew into a passionate friendship that stimulated both youth and man to bravery in war.\"\" Young men were allowed considerable freedom before marriage, so that prostitution was rare, and hetairai here found no encouragement.\"' In all of Lacedaemon we hear of only one temple to Aphrodite, and there the goddess was repre\u00ad sented as veiled, armed with a sword, and bearing fetters on her feet, as if to symbolize the foolishness of marrying for love, the subordination of love to war, and the strict control of marriage by the state."]
[-8.796849250793457, 5.688101768493652, "A Greek talent weighed fifty-eight pounds avoirdupois.\nCHAPTER  XXIV\nHellenism and the Orient\nTHE SELEUCID EMPIRE\nJ\\ S we move from the mainland through the Aegean into the Greek set\u00ad\n.fl. tlements in Asia and Egypt we are surprised to find a fresh and flour\u00ad ishing life, and we perceive that the Hellenistic age saw not so much the decay as the dissemination of Greek civilization. From the end of the Peloponnesian War a stream of Greek soldiers and immigrants had entered Asia. Alexander's conquests widened this stream by offering new oppor\u00ad tunities and avenues to Hellenic enterprise.\nSeleucus, called \"Nicator\" (Victor), was distinguished among Alexander's generals as a man of courage, imagination, and unscrupulous generosity. It was characteristic of him that he gave his second wife, the beautiful Stratonice, to his son Demetrius when he learned that the boy was pining away for love of her. Antigonus I, challenging the allotment of Babylonia to Seleucus, set out to con\u00ad quer for himself all the Near East; Seleucus and Ptolemy I defeated him at Gaza in 312.  From that moment the house of Seleucus dated the Seleucid Empire, and a new era...:.a mode of reckoning that survived in western Asia till Mohammed. Seleucus united under his scepter the old kingdoms and cultures of Elam, Sumeria, Persia, Babylonia, Assyria, Syria, Phoenicia, and, at times, Asia Minor and Palestine. At Seleucia and Antioch he built capitals richer and more popu\u00ad lous than any ever known in mainland Greece. For Seleucia he chose a site near the aged Babylon and the future Baghdad, almost at the junction of the Eu\u00ad phrates and the Tigris; it was conveniently located to attract commerce between Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf and beyond; within half a century it had a population of 600,000 souls-a motley mass of Asiatics dominated by a minority of Greeks.\u2022 Antioch was similarly situated on the Orontes, not too far from its mouth to be reached by ocean shipping, yet sufficiently inland to be safe from naval attack, to tap the fertile fields of the river valley; and to draw the Mediter\u00ad ranean trade of northern Mesopotamia and Syria. Here the later Seleucid em\u00ad perors established their residence, until under Antiochus IV it became the wealthiest city of Seleucid Asia, adorned with temples, porticoes, theaters, gym-\nOn this site Professor Leroy Waterman \"in 1931 exhwned tablets indicating that one of the richest citizens of Seleucia had avoided the payment of taxes for twenty-five years.\u2022\n572\nCHAP. XXIV)\tHELLENISM  AND THE  ORIENT\t573\nnasiums, palaestras, flower gardens, landscaped boulevards, and parks so beauti\u00ad ful that the Garden of Daphne was known throughout Greece for its laurels and cypresses, its fountains and streams.\nSeleucus I was assassinated in 281, after thirty-five years of beneficent and popular rule. From his death his empire began to disintegrate, torn with geo\u00ad graphical and racial divisions, violent struggles for the throne, and barbarian invasions on every side. Antiochus I Soter (Savior) fought gallantly against the Gauls. Antiochus II Theos (the God) lived in a perpetual intoxication, as if again to illustrate the gamble of hereditary monarchy; his wife Laodice began that chain of intrigue which disrupted and finally ruined the royal house. Antiochus III the Great was a man of capacity and culture; his bust in the Louvre shows a Greco-Macedonian with the courage of Macedon and the intelligence of Greece. He recaptured by untiring war most of the territory which the empire had lost since Seleucus I. He established a library at Antioch, and promoted the literary movement that culminated in Meleager of Gaza at the close of the second century. He preserved the Greek custom of municipal autonomy, writ\u00ad ing to the cities that \"if he should order anything contrary to the laws they should pay no attention, but assume that he had acted in ignorance.\"\" He was ruined by ambition, imagination, and a flair for love. In 2 I 7 he was defeated by Ptolemy IV at Raphia, and lost Phoenicia, Syria, and Palestine; he consoled him\u00ad self by a victorious expedition into Bactria and India (208), duplicating the ex\u00ad ploits of Alexander. Lured by Hannibal into helping him against Rome, he landed an army in Euboea, fell in love at fifty with a pretty maid of Chalcis, courted her honorably, married her elaborately, forgot the war, and spent the winter enjoying his happiness.\u2022 The Romans defeated him at Thermopylae, drove him into Asia Minor, and overwhelmed him at Magnesia. Restless, he plunged into another eastern campaign, and died in its course ( I 87), after a reign of thirty-six years.\nHis son Seleucus IV loved peace, administered the empire with economy and wisdom, and was assassinated in 175. At that time his younger brother was serv\u00ad ing as archon at Athens, where he had gone to study philosophy. Hearing of Seleucus' death, he organized an army, marched to Antioch, deposed the assassin, and took the throne ( I 75). Antiochus IV was both the most interesting and the most erratic of his line, a rare mixture of intellect, insanity, and charm. He governed his kingdom ably despite a thousand injustices and absurdities. He allowed his delegates to abuse their power, and gave his mistress authority over three cities. He was generous and cruel without judgment, often forgiving or condemning by whim, surprising simple folk with costly gifts, and tossing money with a child's ecstasy among the crowds in the street. He loved wine, women, and art; he drank to excess, and left his royal seat, at banquets, to dance naked with the entertainers, or to carouse with wastrels;' he was a Bohemian\n574\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXIV\nwhose dream of power had come true. He despised the solemnity and trappings of the court, played practical jokes upon his dignitaries, and disguised himself to know the luxury of anonymity; it delighted him to mingle with the people and overhear their comments on the King. He liked to wander among the shops of the artisans, watching and studying the work of engravers and jewelers, and dis\u00ad cussing with them the technical details of their craft. He felt a sincere enthusi\u00ad asm for Greek art, literature, and thought. He made Antioch for a century the art center of the Greek world; he paid artists handsomely to set up statuary and temples in other cities of Hellas; he redecorated the shrine of Apollo at Delos, built a theater for Tegea, and financed the completion of the Olympieum at Athens. Having lived fourteen impressionable years in Rome, he had imbibed a\ntaste for republican institutions; and as if to foreshadow Augustus, it pleased\n:us humor and policy to clothe his monarchical power in the forms of republican\nfreedom. The chief effect of his passion for things Roman was the introduction of gladiatorial games in Antioch, his capital. The people resented the brutal sport, but Antiochus won them over by lavish and spectacular displays; when they became accustomed to the butchery he considered their degeneration a personal victory. It was characteristic of him that he began as an ardent follower of the Stoics, and ended as an easy convert to the Epicureans. He enjoyed his own qualities so keenly that he labeled his coins Antiochus Theos Epiphanes\u00ad the God Made Manifest. Overreaching himself in the manner of his imagina\u00ad tive kind, he attempted in 169 to conquer Egypt. He was succeeding when Rome, herself a candidate for the Egyptian plum, ordered him to retire from African soil. Antiochus asked time to consider; but the Roman envoy, Popilius, drew a circle in the sand around Antiochus, and bade him decide before stepping over its line. Antiochus yielded in fury, plundered the Temple at Jerusalem to restore his treasury, sought glory like his father in a campaign against the eastern tribes, and died in Persia on the way, of epilepsy, madness, or disease.\u2022\nSELEUCID CMLIZATION\nThe function of the Seleucid Empire in history was to give to the Near East that economic protection and order which Persia had provided before Alex\u00ad ander, and which Rome would restore after Caesar. Despite the wars, revolu\u00ad tions, spoliations, and corruption normal to human affairs, that function was performed. The Macedonian conquest broke down a thousand barriers of gov\u00ad ernment and speech, and invited the East and the West to fuller economic exchange. The result was a brilliant resurrection of Greek Asia. While division and strife, the poverty of the soil, and the migrations of trade routes ruined the mainland, the comparative unity and peace preserved by the Seleucids encour\u00ad aged agriculture, commerce, and industry. The Greek cities of Asia were no\nCHAP.XXIV)\tHELLENISM  AND THE  ORIENT\t575\nlonger free to make revolutions or experiments; homonoia, Harmony, was en\u00ad forced by the kings, and was literally worshiped by the people as a god.\" Old cities like Miletus, Ephesus, and Smyrna had a second blooming.\nThe valleys of the Tigris, the Euphrates, the Jordan, the Orontes, the Maean\u00ad der, the Halys, and the Oxus were fertile then beyond the conception of present imagination, obsessed with the vision of the deserts and rocky wastes that cover so much of the Near East after two thousand years of erosion, deforestation, and neglectful tenant tillage: The soil was irrigated by a system of canals main\u00ad tained under the supervision of the state. The land was owned by the king, or his nobles, or the cities, or the temples, or private individuals; in all cases the labor was performed by serfs transmitted with the soil in bequest or sale. The govern\u00ad ment considered as national property all the riches contained in the earth,\" but did little to exploit them. Trades, and even cities, were now highly specialized. Miletus was a busy textile center; Antioch imported raw materials and turned them into finished goods. Some large factories, manned with slaves, achieved a modest degree of mass production for the general market.\u2022 But domestic con\u00ad sumption lagged behind production; the people were so poor that no adequate home market encouraged large-scale industry.\nCommerce was the life of Hellenistic economy. It made the great fortunes, built the great cities, and employed a growing proportion of the expanding population. Money transactions now almost completely replaced the barter that had survived for four centuries the coinage of Croesus. Egypt, Rhodes, Seleucia, Pergamum, and other governments issued currencies sufficiently stable and similar to facilitate international trade. Bankers provided public and private credit. Ships were larger, made four to six knots per hour, and shortened voyages by crossing the open sea. On land the Seleucids developed and extended the great highways left as part of Persia's legacy to the East. Caravan routes con\u00ad verged from inner Asia upon Seleucia, and opened out thence to Damascus, Berytus (Beirut), and Antioch. Enriched by trade, and enriching it in tum, populous centers rose there and at Babylon, Tyre, Tarsus, Xanthus, Rhodes, Halicamassus, Miletus, Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamum, Byzantium, Cyzicus, Apamea, Heracleia, Amisus, Sinope, Panticapaeum, Olbia, Lysimacheia, Abydos, Thessalonica (Salonika), Chalcis, Delos, Corinth, Ambracia, Epidamnus (Duraz\u00ad zo), Taras, Neapolis (Naples), Rome, Massalia, Emporium, Panormus (Paler\u00ad mo), Syracuse, Utica, Carthage, Cyrene, and Alexandria. One busy web of trade bound together Spain under Carthage and Rome, Carthage under Hamil\u00ad car, Syracuse under Hieron II, Rome under the Scipios, Macedonia under the Antigonids, Greece under the Leagues, Egypt under the Ptolemies, the Near East under the Seleucids, India under the Mauryas, and China under the Hans. The routes from China passed through Turkestan, Bactria, and Persia, or over the Aral, Caspian, and Black Seas. The routes from India passed through Af-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXIV"]
[16.421329498291016, 3.1799890995025635, "E.g., in the Reproduction of Animals (iv. 6.1) he refers to the regrowth of the eyes when experimentally cut out in young birds; and he rejects the theory that the right testicle pro\u00ad duces male, and the left testicle female, offspring, by showing that a man whose right testicle bad been removed had continued to have children of either sex.\n528\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XX!\neclipsed by the intervention of the earth between it and the sun.\"\"\" He has an admirable sense of geological time; periodically but imperceptibly, he tells us, the sea is replaced by land and land by the sea;1158 countless nations and civilizations have appeared and disappeared, whether through swift catastrophe or slow time: \"Probably every art and philosophy has been repeatedly developed to the utmost and has perished again.\"wr Heat is the chief agent of geological and meteorological changes. He hazards explana\u00ad tions of clouds, fog, dew, frost, rain, snow, hail, wind., thunder, lightning, the rainbow, and meteors. His theories are often bizarre; but the epochal importance of the little treatise on meteorology is that it invokes no super\u00ad natural agencies, but seeks to account for the apparent whims of the weather through natural causes operating in certain sequences and regu\u00ad larities. Natural science could go no further until invention gave it instru\u00ad ments of greater scope and precision in observation and measurement.\nIt is in biology that Aristotle is most at home, observes most widely and abundantly, and makes the most mistakes. The consolidation of previous discoveries in the final establishment of this vital science is his supreme achievement. With the help of his pupils, he gathered data on the fauna and flora of the Aegean countries, and brought together the first scientific collections of animals and plants. If we may follow Pliny,:tJ58 Alexander gave orders to his hunters, gamekeepers, fishermen, and others to supply Aristotle with whatever species and information he might request. The philosopher apologizes for his interest in lowly things: \"In all natural objects there lies some marvel, and if any one despises the contemplation of the lower ani\u00ad mals, he must despise himself.\"'\"\"\nHe classifies the animal kingdom into enaima and anaima-blooded and\nbloodless-approximately corresponding to our \"vertebrates\" and \"inverte\u00ad brates.\" He subdivides the bloodless animals into testaceans, crustaceans, mollusks, and insects; the sanguineous into fishes, amphibians, birds, and mammals. He covers an impressively vast and varied field: organs of diges\u00ad tion, excretion, sensation, locomotion, reproduction, and defense; the types and ways of fishes, birds, reptiles, apes, and hundreds of other groups; their pairing seasons and their methods of bearing and rearing their young; the phenomena of puberty, menstruation, conception, pregnancy, abortion, heredity, twins; the habitats and migrations of animals, their parasites and diseases, their modes of sleep and hibernation.... Hgeives an excellent account of the life of.the bee.180 He is full of queer incidental observations: that the blood of oxen coagulates more rapidly than that of most other ani-\nCHAP,XXI)\tTHE  ZENITH  OF  PHILOSOPHY\nmals; that some male animals, especially the goat, have been known to give milk; that \"in both sexes the horse is the most salacious of animals after man.\"*m\nHe is particularly interested in the reproductive structures and habits of animals, and marvels at the multiplicity of ways in which nature achieves the continuance of species, \"preserving the type when she is unable to pre\u00ad serve the individual\";'.. in this field his work remained unequaled until the last century. The life of animals moves about two foci-eating and pro\u00ad creation.'.. \"The female has an organ which must be regarded as an ovary, for it contains that which at first is undifferentiated egg, and which be\u00ad comes by differentiation many eggs.\"t'\"' The female element contributes to the embryo material and food, the male element contributes energy and movement; the female is the passive element, the male is the activating agent.106 Aristotle rejects the opinions of Empedocles and Democritus, that the sex of the embryo is determined by the temperature of the womb, or by the preponderance of one reproductive element over the other, and then reformulates the theories as his own: \"Whenever the formative (male) principle fails to gain the upper hand, and from deficient warmth fails prop\u00ad erly to cook the material and so fashion it into its own shape, then will this material pass over into ... the female.\"\"\" \"Sometimes,\" he adds, \"women bring forth three or even four children, especially in certain parts of the world. The largest number ever brought forth is five, and such an occur\u00ad rence has been witnessed on several occasions. There was once upon a time a woman who had twenty children at four births; and most of them grewup.\"m\nHe anticipates many theories of nineteenth-century biology. He be\u00ad lieves that the organs and characteristics of the embryo are formed by tiny particles (the \"gemmules\" of Darwin's \"pangenesis\") that pass from every part of the adult into the reproductive elements.lSS Like Von Baer he teaches that in the embryo the characters belonging to the genus appear first, those belonging to the species second, those belonging to the indi\u00ad vidual third.'\"\" He states a principle on which Herbert Spencer prided him\u00ad self, that the fertility of organisms, by and large, varies inversely as the complexity of their development.''IO His description of the chick embryo shows him at his best:\nReferences in the History of Animals indicate that Aristotle prepared a volume of ana\u00ad tomical sketches, and that some of them were reproduced on the walls of the Lyceum; his text us s letters in mode n. styl , to refer to vari?us organs or points i? the drawings.\nt Anstotle failed to d1stmgmsh between ovaries and uterus; but his descripoon was not\nmaterially bettered before the work of Stensen in 1669.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.BI\nIf you wish, try this experiment. Take twenty or more eggs and let them be incubated by two or more hens. Then each day, from the second to that of hatching, remove an egg, break it, and examine it.   With the common hen the embryo becomes first visible after\nthree days   The heart appears like a speck of blood, beating and\nmoving as though endowed with life; and from it two veins with blood in them pass in a convoluted course, and a membrane carry\u00ad ing bloody fibers from the vein-ducts now envelops the yolk. . .. When the egg is ten days old, the chick and all its parts are distinctly visible.1n\nThe human embryo, Aristotle believes, develops like the chick: \"In the same way the infant lies within its mother's womb ... for the nature of the bird can be likened to that of man.\"'.,. His theory of analogous organs en\u00ad ables him to see the animal world as one: \"A nail is the analogue of a claw, a hand of a crab's nipper, a feather of a fish's scale.\"'\" At times he comes close to a doctrine of evolution:\nNature proceeds little by little from things lifeless to animal life in such a way that it is impossible to determine the exact line of de\u00ad marcation.... Thus, next after lifeless things in the upward scale comes the genus of plants, relatively lifeless as compared with ani\u00ad mals, but alive as compared with corporeal objects. There is in plants a continuous scale of ascent towards the animal. There are certain objects in the sea concerning which one would be at a loss to determine whether they be animal or vegetable   The sponge\nis in every respect like a vegetable. . .. Some animals are rooted, and perish if detached   In regard to sensibility, some animals give\nno sign of it, others indicate it obscurely.... And so throughout the animal scale there is a graduated differentiation.\"'\nHe considers the ape an intermediate form between man and other vivip\u00ad arous animals.1'111 He rejects Empedocles' notion of the natural selection of accidental mutations; there is no fortuity in evolution; the lines of devel\u00ad opment are determined by the inherent urge of each form, species, and genus to develop itself to the fullest realization of its nature. There is design, but it is less a guidance from without than an inner drive or \"entelechy\"\u2022 by which each thing is drawn to its natural fulfillment.\nIntermingled with these brilliant suggestions there are (as might be ex\u00ad pected from the hindsight of twenty-three centuries) errors so numerous, and some so gross, that we are warranted in suspecting that the zoological works of Aristotle have suffered some admixture of his own notes with\n\u2022From echo, I have-telos, my goal or purpose-en, within.\n    THE  ZENITH OF PHILOSOPHY"]
[-10.283269882202148, -2.419628381729126, "great baths. Stone was employed for most temples and the more pretentious homes. One variety from Cappadocia was so translucent that a temple built with it was adequately lighted with all its openings c!osed.32 The conquest of Greece brought a taste for marble, which was satisfied first by importing columns, then marble, and finally by working the Carrara quarries near Luna. Before Augustus marble was largely confined to columns and slabs; in his time it was used as a facing for brick and concrete; only in this super\u00ad ficial sense did he leave Rome, here and there, a city of marble; walls of solid marble were rare. The Romans liked to mingle in the same building the red and gray granite of Egypt, the green cipollino of Euboea, the black and yellow marbles of Numidia, with their own white Carrara, and with basalt, alabaster, and porphyry. Never had architectural material been so complex or so colorful.\nTo the Doric, Ionic, and Corinthian orders Rome added the Tuscan a-nd Composite styles, and certain modifications. Columns were often monoliths instead of superimposed drums. The Doric column received an Ionic base and took on a new, unfluted slenderness; the Ionic capital was sometimes given four volutes to offer the same appearanceJrom every side; the Corin\u00ad thian column and capital were developed to a delicate be1uty beyond any Greek example, but in later decades this style was spoiled by undue elabora\u00ad tions. A like excess poured flowers over the Ionic volutes to make the Composite capital, as in the Arch of Titus; sometimes the volutes ended in animal or human forms suggestive of gargoyles and presaging medieval forms. The lavish Romans often mixed several orders in the same building, as in the theater of Marcellus; and then again, with perverse economy, they left the side columns attached to the cella, as in the Maison Carree at N1mes. Even when the development of the arch had taken from columns their old supporting role the Romans added them as functionless ornaments-a custom that has survived into our own uncertain age.\nThe Temples of Rome\nFor nearly all her temples Rome kept the Greek trabeate principle\u00ad architraves (i.e., master beams) upheld by columns and carrying the roof. Augustus was conservative in art as in everything else, and most of the shrines built by his order clung to the orthodox tradition. From his time on\u00ad ward the emperors multiplied homes for their Olympic rivals and clothed their lechery with an architectural piety that crowded the hills and blocked the streets with tiled and gilded fanes. Jupiter, of course, ,vas their favorite recipient. Among many he had one as Jupiter Tonans, the Thunderer; an-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nother as Jupiter Stator, who had stayed the flight of the Romans in battle; and he shared with Juno and Minerva the holiest of Rome's sanctuaries, atop the Capitoline hill. There in the central cell, flanked by a three-storied Corinthian colonnade, was the gold-and-ivory colossus of Jupiter Optimus Maximus-Jove the Best and Greatest. Tradition ascribed the first form of this supreme house of Roman worship to T arquinius Priscus; it was several times burned down and rebuilt; Stilicho (A.D. 404) stole its gold-plated bronze doors to pay his soldiers, and the Vandals carried off the gold\u00ad\nplated tiles of the roof. Some fragments of the pavement remain.\nOn the northern summit of the same hill rose the Temple of Juno Moneta, Juno the Monitor or Guardian; here was the Roman mint, and from its name, of course, comes our word for the root of much ambition. On the south side of the hill was the shrine of Saturn, the oldest god of the Capitol; the Romans dated its first dedication at 497 B.c.; eight Ionic columns and an architrave sur\u00ad vive. In the Forum, at the foot of the hill, was the little Temple of Janus, god of all beginnings; its doors were opened only in time of war, and were closed but three times in Rome's ancient history. At the southeast comer of the Forum stood the Temple of Castor and Pollux, erected in 495 B.c.; three slender Corin\u00ad thian columns have come down to us from the reconstruction by Tiberius; they are by common consent the finest columns in Rome.\nIn his o,vn forum Augustus added a Temple of Mars Ultor-the Avenger\u00ad vowed before Philippi; three of its majestic columns stand. One end of its cella was a semicircular apse, an architectural form destined to become the chancel of early Christian churches. On the Palatine Augustus built entirely of marble a sumptuous temple to Apollo for the god's help at Actium; he adorned it with sculptures by Myron and Scopas, added a splendid library and an art gallery to its enclosure, and did all he could to make men feel that the god had left Greece for Rome and had brought with him the spiritual and cultural leadership of the world. It was even whispered by Augustus' friends, now that his mother was safely dead, that Apollo, disguised as an agile snake, had begotten the subtle prince.\nIn the northwest part of the city was a great shrine to Isis, and on the Palatine\na spacious sanctuary for Cybele. Handsome shelters were provided for personi\u00ad fied abstractions-Health, Ho or, Virtu , Concord, Faith, Fortune, and many more. Nearly all of these contamed gallenes of statuary and painting. In his great Temple of Peace Vespasian gathered for the general eye many of the art treasures of Nero's Golden House, and some of the relics of Jerusalem. The Temple of\nFortuna Virilis, in the Forum Boarium, has the distinction of beinoa the most com- pletely preserved of the pre-Augustan buildings in Rome. The ladies of the\ncapital frequently worshipped there, for the goddess, they believed, would teach them how to conceal their defects from men.\nTo these and a hundred other temples in the classic rectangular style the archi-\nCHAP.XVI)\tROME  AND ITS  ART\t359\ntects of Rome added several circular temples, which revealed a new mastery of the problems presented by a dome. Tradition derived this type from the round hut of Romulus, religiously preserved on the Palatine for many centuries. Almost as old was the pretty Aedes Vestae, or House of Vesta, near the Temple of Castor and Pollux; its circular cella, faced with white marble, was enclosed by handsome Corinthian columns, and its roof was a dome of gilded brass. Adjoin\u00ad ing it was the Palace of the Vestals-eighty-four rooms built cloisterwise around a peristyled court, the Atrium Vestae. The Pantheon was not yet a circular temple; as built by Agrippa it was rectangular, but had a circular plaza before it; Hadrian's architects raised over this space the round temple and mighty dome which are still among the bravest works of man.\nThe Arcuate Revolution\nRome was greater in her secular than in her sacred architecture. For here she could escape the bondage of tradition and unite engineering with art-utility and power with beauty and form-in a manner all her own. The principle of Greek architecture had been the straight line (however deli\u00ad cately modulated as in the Parthenon): the vertical column, the horizontal architrave, the triangular pediment. The principle of specifically Roman architecture was to be the curve. The Romans wanted grandeur, audacity, size; but they could not roof their vast bpildings on rectilinear and trabeate principles except by a maze of impeding columns. They solved the problem with the arch, usu:::.lly in its rounded form; with the vault, which is a pro\u00ad longed arch; and with the dome, which is a rotated arch. Perhaps Roman generals and their aides had brought from Egypt and Asia a growing famili\u00ad arity with arcuate shapes, and had reawakened early Roman and Etruscan traditions long overwhelmed by orthodox Greek styles. Now Rome em\u00ad ployed the arch on so great a scale that the whole art of building took from this form a new and lasting name. By laying a web of brick ribs along the lines of strain before pouring concrete into the wooden frame of the roof, the Romans developed the articulated vault; by crossing two cylindrical or barrel vaults at right angles they produced a network of ribs and groins that could sustain a heavier superstructure and bear more lateral thrust. These were the principles of Rome's arcuate revolution.\nIt was in the great baths and amphitheaters that the new style reached\nits completion. The baths of Agrippa, Nero, and Titus were the first of a long series that culminated in the Baths of Diocletian. They were monu\u00ad mental buildings of concrete faced with stucco or brick, and rising to majestic heights. The interiors were richly decorated with marble and mosaic pavements, varicolored columns, coffered ceilings, paintings, and\n360\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\nstatuary. They were equipped with dressing rooms, hot and cold baths, an intermediate room of warm air, swimming pools, palaesrras, libraries, read\u00ad ing rooms, research rooms, lounges, and probably art galleries. Most of the chambers were centrally heated by large clay pipes running under floors and within the walls. These tber111ae were the most spacious and sumptuous public buildings ever erected, and they have never been equaled in their class. They were part of that socialism of recreation with which the princi\u00ad pate excused its growing monarchy.*\nThis same paternalism built the greatest the:1ters in history. Those of Rome were much fewer but larger than those of modern capitals. The smallest was that which Cornelius Balbus built in the Field of Mars ( 13 B.c.), searing 7700; Augustus rebuilt Pompey's theater, seating 17,500; he com\u00ad pleted another, named for Marcellus, searing 20,500. Unlike Greek theaters, these were walled, and the stands were supported by arched and vaulted masonry instead of resting on the slope of a hill. Only the stage was roofed; but often the audience was sheltered from the sun by a linen awning (velcrriu111), which in Pompey's theater covered a space 5 50 feet wide. Over the entrances were boxes for dignitaries and magnates. Some stages had curtains which, when the play began, were not raised aloft, but lowered into a groove. The sr:1ge was elevated some five feet. Its background usually took the form of an elaborate building which, extending from wing to wing, helped the actors to throw their voices out over the immense audi\u00ad ences. Seneca speaks of \"stage mechanics who invent scaffolding that goes aloft of its own accord, or floors that rise silently into the air.\" 32a A change of scene was effected by revolving prisms, or by moving a set into the wings or into the loft, thereby exposing the next. Acoustics were aided by sinking hollow jars into the floor and walls of the stage.32b The auditorium was cooled by rivulets of water running along the passages; sometimes a mixture of water, wine, and crocus juice w2s conducted by pipes to the highest tiers and thence scattered over the audience as a perfumed spray.32c Statues adorned the interior, and lar_ge pictures were painted as scenery. Probably no theater or opera house m the world today could equal the size and splendor of Pompey's.\nMore popular still were the circus, the stadium, and the amphitheater. Rome had several stadiums, used chiefly for athletic contests. Horse or chariot races, and some spectacles, were presented at the Circus Flaminius\nin the Field of 1\\fars, or, _more usually, at the Circus Iaximus as rebuilt by  ,. .._"]
[3.518463373184204, -9.174276351928711, "Caesar became leaders of the poor. He took his revenge upon life for having made him at once patrician and penniless; when he conquered money he made it serve his appetites without qualm or restraint. He was unprepos\u00ad sessing-glaring blue eyes in a \"\\vhite face mixed with rough blotches of fiery red, \"like a mulberry sprinkled over with flour.\" 17 His education belied his looks. He was well versed in Greek as well as Roman literature, was a dis\u00ad criminate collector of art (usually by military means), had the works of Aristotle brought from Athens to Rome as p:1rt of his richest spoils, and found time, between war and revolution, to write his Memoirs for the mis\u00ad guidance of posterity. He was a jolly companion and a generous friend, devoted to wine, women, battle, and song. \"He lived extravagantly,\" says Sallust, \"yet pleasure never interfered with his duties, except that his conduct as a husband might have been more honorable.\" 18 He made his way rapidly, above all in the army, his happiest medium; he treated his soldiers as com\u00ad rades, shared their work, their marches, and their dangers; \"his only effort was not to allow anyone to surpass him in wisdom or bravery.\" 19 He believed in no gods, but many superstitions. Otherwise he was the most realistic as well as the most ruthless of the Romans; his imagination and his feelings were always under the control of his intellect. It was said of him that he was half lion and half fox, and that the fox in him was more dan\u00ad gerous than the lion.20 Livi g half the time on battlefields, spending the last decade of his life in civil war, he nevertheless preserved his good humor to the end, graced his brutalities with epigrams, filled Rome with his laughter, made a hundred thousand enemies, achieved all his purposes, and died in bed. Such a man seemed chemically compounded of the virtues and vices needed to subdue revolution at home and Mithridates abroad. His 35,000 trained men easily overcame the haphazard cohorts that .Marius had impro\u00ad vised in Rome. Seeing his situation helpless, Marius escaped to Africa. Sulpicius was killed, betrayed by his servant; Sulla had the head of the tribune affixed to the rostrum that had lately rung with its eloquence; he rewarded the slave with freedom for his services, and death for his treachery. While his soldiers dominated the Forum he decreed that henceforth no measure should be offered to the Assembly except by permission of the Senate, and that the order of voting should be as in the \"Servian constitu\u00ad tion,\" which gave priority and advantage to the upper cbsses. He had himself chosen proconsul, allowed Cnaeus Octavius and Cornelius Cinna to be elected consuls (87), and then marched off to encounter l\\1ithridates the\nGreat.\nHe had hardly left Italy when the struggle of the plebeian po-pulares and the patrician and equestrian opti111ates was resumed. The conservative sup\u00ad porters of Octavius fought in the Forum with the radical followers of Cinna,\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\nand in one day ro,ooo men were killed. Octavius won, and Cinna fled to organize revoit in the neighboring towns. Marius, after a winter in hiding, sailed back to Italy, proclaimed freedom to slaves, and led a force of 6000 men against Octavius in Rome. The rebels won, slaughtered thousands, adorned the rostra with the heads of slain senators, and paraded the streets with noble heads on their pikes as a model for later revolutions. Octavius accepted death calmly as he sat in his robes of office on his tribune's chair. The carnage continued for five days and nights, the rebel terror for a year. A revolutionary tribunal subpoenaed patricians, condemned them if they had opposed Marius, and seized their property. A nod from Marius sufficed tosend any man to death, usually by execution there and then. All of Sulla's friends were slain; his property was confiscated; he was deposed from his command and was declared a public enemy. The dead were refused burial and were left in the streets to be devoured by birds and dogs. The freed slaves plundered, raped, and killed indiscriminately, until Cinna gathered 4000 of them together, surrounded them with Gallic soldiery, and had.them butchered to death.21\nCinna was now (86) chosen consul.for the second time, Marius for the sixth. In the first month of his new term .l\\farius died, aged seventy-one, worn out with hardships and violence. Valerius Flaccus, elected in his stead, passed a bill canceling seventy-five per cent of all debts, and then left for the East with an army of r 2,000 men to depose Sulla from command. Enjoy\u00ad ing undivided power at Rome, Cinna changed the Republic into a dictator\u00ad ship, nominated all successful candidates for major offices, and had himself elected consul for four successive years.\nWhen Flaccus left Italy, Sulla was besieging Athens, which had joined Mithridates in revolt. Receiving nothing from the Senate for the pay of his troops, he had financed his campaign by pillaging the temples and treasuries of Olympia, Epidaurus, and Delphi. In March, 86, his soldiers broke through a gate in Athens' walls, poured in, and revenged themselves for the city's long-delayed welcome by a riot of slaughter and robbery. Plutarch tells us that \"there was no numbering the slain; . . . blood flowed through the streets and far out into the suburbs.\" 22 At last Sulla called a halt to the m:issacre, remarking generously that he would \"forgive the living for the dead.\" He led his refreshed troops northward, defeated a great force at Chaeronea and Orchomenus, pursued its remnants across the Hellespont into Asia, and prepared to meet the main army of the Pontic king. But meanwhile Flaccus and his legions had also reached Asia, and Sulla was again informed that he must give up his command. He persuaded Flaccus to let him complete the campaign; thereupon Flaccus was killed by his lieutenant, Fimbria, who now declared himself commander of all Roman\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  AGRARIAN  REVOLT\t125\narmies and advanced north against Sulla. Faced with this folly, Srulla made a peace with Mithridates (85), bywhich the King was to restore all the conquests that he had made in the war, surrender eighty galleys to Rome, and pay an indemnity of 2000 talents. Then Sulla turned south and met Fimbria in Lydia. Fimbria's soldiers went over to Sulla, and Fimbria com\u00ad mitted suicide. Master now of the Greek East, Sulla exacted 20,000 talents as indemnities and accrued taxes from the revolted cities of Ionia. He sailed with his army to Greece, marched to Patrae, and arrived at Brundisium in\n83. Cinna tri d to stop him but was killed by his troops.\nSulla was bringing to the Treasury 15,000 pounds of gold :md r 15,000 pounds of silver, in addition to money and works of art which he credited to his personal account. But the democratic leaders, still in power in Rome, continued to brand him as a public enemy, and denounced his treaty with\n.Mithridates as a national humiliation. Reluctantly Sulla led his 40,000 troops to the gates of Rome. Many of the aristocracy went out to join him; one of them, Cnaeus Pompey, brought a legion recruited entirely from his father's clients and friends. The son of .Marius led an army out t.9 encounter Sulla, was defeated, and fled to Praeneste, after sending instructions to the populares praetor to put to death all leading patricians still left in the capital. The praetor convoked the Senate, and the marked men were killed in their seats or their flight. The democratic forces then evacuated Rome, and Sulla entered it unhindered; but meanwhile a Samnite army of 100,000 men intent on avenging the Social \\Var, marched up from the south and joined the democratic remnants. Sulla went out to meet them, and at the Colline Gate his 50,000 men won one of the bloodiest victories of ancient times. Sulla ordered 8000 prisoners shot down with arrows, on the ground that they could make more trouble alive than dead. The severed heads of the captured generals were displayed on pikes before the walls of Praeneste, ,\\,.here the last democratic army was standing siege. Praeneste fell, the young Marius killed himself, and his head was nailed up in the Forum-a procedure which fre\u00ad quent precedents had now made constitutional.\nSulla had no trouble in persuading the Senate to make him dictator. At once he issued a proscription list condemning to death forty senators and 2600 businessmen; these last had supported Marius against him, and had bought in at bargains the property of senators slain during the radical regime. He offered rewards to informers, and prizes up to 12,000 denarii ($7200) to those who should bring him the proscribed men, alive or dead. The Forum was adorned festively with the heads of the slain a_nd with periodi\u00ad cally renewed proscription lists which the citizens had to read at frequent intervals to know if they might still live. Massacre, banishment, and con\u00ad fiscation spread their horrors from Rome to the provinces and fell upon\n126\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VI\nItalian rebels and the followers of Marius everywhere. Some 4700 persons died in this aristocratic terror. \"Men were butchered in the embraces of their wives,\" says Plutarch, \"sons in the arms of their mothers.\" Many persons who had been neutral, or even conservative, were proscribed, exiled, or slain; Sulla, it was said, needed their money for his troops, his pleasures, or his friends. Confiscated property was sold to the highest bidder or to Sulla's favorites, and became the foundation of many fortunes, like those of Crassus and Catiline.\nUsing his powers as dictator, Sulla issued a series of edicts-known from his clan name as the Carnelian Laws-by which he hoped to establish a permanently aristocratic constitution. To replace 'dead citizens he enfran\u00ad chised many Spaniards and Celts and some former slaves. He weakened the assemblies by adding these new members indebted to him and by again ruling that no measure should be put before the Assembly except by consent of the Senate. To stop the flocking of poor Italians to Rome he suspended the state distribution of com; at the same time he eased the pressure of population n the city by distributing land to 120,000 veterans. To prevent the use of successive consulships as in effect a dictatorship, he re-emphasized the old requirement of a ten-year interval before the same office could be held a second time by the same man. He lowered the prestige of the tribunate by limiting its right of veto and making ex-tribunes ineligible for any higher office. He took from the business class, and restored to the Senate, the exclusive right to serve as jurors in the higher courts; and he replaced the farming of taxes to publicans with direct payments from the provinces to the Treasury. He reorganized the courts, increased their number for quicker trials, and carefully specified their functions and fields. All the legislative, judicial, executive, social, and sartorial privileges enjoyed by the Senate before the Gracchan revolt were returned to it, for Sulla was certain that only a monarchy or an aristocracy could wisely administer an empire. To renew the full membership of the Senate he allowed the Tribal Assembly to promote to it 300 members of the \"equestrian\" class. To show his confidence in this thoroughgoing restoration, he disbanded his legions and decreed that no army should be permitted in Italy. After two years of dictatorship, he resigned all his powers, re-established consular government, and retired to private life (80).\nHe was safe, for he had killed nearly all who could plan his assassination. He dismissed his lictors and guards, walked unharmed in the Forum, and offered to give an account of his official actions to any citizen who should ask for it. Then he went to spend his last years in his villa at Cum::ie. Tired of war, of power and glory, perhaps of men, he surrounded himself with singers, dancers, actors, and actresses; wrote his Conmzentarii, hunted and\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE   AGRARIAN  REVOLT\t127\nfished, ate and drank. Men had long since called him Sulla Felix, Sulla the Happy, because he had won every battle, known every pleasure, reached every power, and lived without fear or regret. He married five wives, di\u00ad vorced four, and eked out their inadequacy with mistresses. At 58 he devel\u00ad oped an ulcer of the colon so severe that \"the corrupted flesh,\" says Plutarch, \"broke out into lice. Many men were employed day and night in destroying them, but they so multiplied that not only his clothes, baths, and basins, but his very food was polluted with them.\" 23 He died of intestinal hemorrhage, after hardly a year of retirement (78). He had not neglected to dictate his epitaph: \"No friend ever served me, and no enemy ever wronged me, whom I have not repaid in full.\" 24\nCHAPTER  VII\nTheOligarchic  Reaction\n77-60 B.C.\nTHE  GOVERNMENT\nEVERTHELESS, Sulla had erred twice on the side of generosity. He had spared the son and nephew of his enemies, the gay and brilliant Caius Julius Caesar, who was entering his twenties in the proscription years; Sulla had nominated him for death, but let him go on the importuning of their common friends; his judgment, however, was not mistaken when he remarked, \"In that young man go many Mariuses.\" 1 And perhaps he erred in resigning too soon and enjoying himself to an early end. Had his patience and insight equaled his ruthlessness and courage, he might have saved Rome a half century of chaos and given her in So n.c. the peace and security, order and prosperity, that Augustus would bring back from Actium. He restored\nthe old when he should have created the new."]
[1.4995149374008179, -12.678313255310059, "refused to take interest.12 For several years now Cicero became the advocate of the Triumvirs in the Senate. When a dearth of grain threatened Rome ( 57), he secured for Pompey an extraordinary commission with full power for six years over all the food supply of Rome and over all ports and trade. Pompey again acquitted himself well, but the constitution of the Republic suffered another blow, and government by men continued to replace gov\u00ad ernment by laws. In 56 Cicero persuaded the Senate to vote a substantial amount for the payment of Caesar's troops in Gaul. In 54 he unsuccessfully defended the extortionate provincial administration of Aulus Gabinius, a friend of the Triumvirs. In 55 he canceled all the favor he had gained with Caesar by an abusive attack upon another provincial governor, Calpurnius Piso. He remembered too vividly that Piso had voted for his banishment; he forgot that Piso's daughter was Caesar's wife.\nUpon Cato's return (57) from lus brilliant reorganization of Cyprian affairs, the conservatives re-formed their lines. Clodius, now the enemy of Pompey, accepted the invitation of the aristocracy to lend it the assistance of his popularity and his thugs. Literature took on an anti-Caesarian tint; the epigrams of Calvus and Catullus flew like poisoned darts into the camp of the Triumvirs. As Caesar moved farther and farther into Gaul, and news came of the many dangers that he faced, hope sprung anew in noble breasts; after all, said Cicero, there are many ways in which a man may die. If we n:iay believe Caesar, several conservatives opened negotiations with Ario\u00ad vistus, the German leader, for the assassination of Caesar.13 Domitius, run\u00ad ning for the consulate, announced that if elected he would at once move for Caesar's recall-which meant Caesar's indictment and trial. Veering with the wind, Cicero proposed that on 1\\1ay 25, 56, the Senate should consider the abrogation of Caesar's land laws.\nTHE CONQUEST OF GAUL\nIn the spring of 58 Caesar took up his duties as governor of Cisalpine and Narbonese Gaul-i.e., northern Italy and southern France. In 71 Ariovistus had led 15,000 Germans into Gaul at the request of one Gallic tribe seeking assistance against another. He had provided the desired aid and then had remained to establish his rule over all the tribes of northeastern Gaul. One of these, the Aedui, appealed to Rome for help against the Germans (61); the Senate authorized the Roman governor of Narbonese Gaul to comply, but almost at the same time it listed Ariovistus among rulers friendly to Rome. Meanwhile 120,000 Germans crossed the Rhine, settled in Flanders, and so strengthened Ariovistus that he treated the native population as sub-\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t175\nject peoples and dreamed of conquering all Gaul.14 At the same time the Helvetii, centering about Geneva, began migrating westward, 368,ooo strong, and Caesar was warned that they planned to cross his province of Narbonese Gaul on their way to southwestern France. \"From the sources of the Rhine to the Atlantic\u00b7ocean,\" says Mommsen, \"the German tribes were in motion; the whole line of the Rhine was threatened by them; it was a movement like that when the Alemanni and the Franks threw themselves upon the falling empire of the Caesars ...  five hundred years afterward.\"15 While Rome plotted against him, Caesar plotted to save Rome.\nAt his own expense, and without the authority he should have sought from the Senate, he raised and equipped four extra legions besides the four already provided him. He sent a peremptory invitation to Ariovistus to come and discuss the situation; as he had expected, Ariovistus refused. Depu\u00ad tations came now to Caesar from many Gallic tribes, asking for his pro\u00ad tection. Caesar declared war against both Ariovistus and the Helvetii, marched northward, and met the Helvetian avalanche in a bloody battle at Bibracte, capital of the Aedui, near the modern Autun. Caesar's legions won, but by a narrow margin; in these matters we must for the most part follow his own account. The Helvetii offered to return to their Swiss homeland; Caesar agreed to give them safe passage, but on condition that their territory should accept the rule of Rome. All Gaul now sent him thanks for its deliv\u00ad erance, and begged his aid in expelling Ariovistus. He met the Germans near Ostheim,* and slew or captured (he tells us) nearly all of them (58). Ario\u00ad vistus escaped, but died soon afterward.\nCaesar took it for granted that his liberation of Gaul was also a conquest of t: he began at once to reorganize it under Roman authority, with the excuse that in no other way could it be protected against Germany. Some Gauls, unconvinced, rebelled, and invoked the aid of the Belgae, a powerful tribe of Germans and Celts inhabiting north Gaul between the Seine and the Rhine. Caesar defeated their army on the banks of the Aisne; then, with a celerity of movement that never allowed his foes to unite, he moved in succession against the Suessiones, Ambiani, Nervii, and Aduatici, conquered them, despoiled them, and sold the captives to the slave merchants of Italy. Somewhat prematurely he announced the conquest of Gaul; the Senate proclaimed it a Roman province (56), and the common people of Rome, as imperialistic as any general, shouted the praises of their distant champion. Caesar recrossed the Alps into Cisalpine Gaul, busied himself with its internal administration, replenished his legions, and invited Pompey and Crassus to meet him at Luca to plan a united defense against the conservative reaction.\nTen miles west of the Rhine, 16o miles south of Cologne.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nTo forestall Domitius they agreed that Pompey and Crassus should run against him for the consulate for 55 B.c.; that Pompey should be made gov\u00ad ernor of Spain, and Crassus of Syria, for five years (54-50); that Caesar should be continued for another five years (53-49) as governor of Gaul; and that at the end of this term he should be allowed to seek a second con\u00ad sulate. He furnished his colleagues and friends, from the booty of Gaul, with funds to finance their campaigns; he sent great sums to Rome to provide work for the unemployed, commissions for his supporters, and prestig for himself, by an extensive program of public buildings; and he so oiled the palms of the senators who came to sample his loot that the movement to repeal his laws collapsed. Pompey and Crassus were elected consuls after the usual bribery, and Caesar returned to the task of persuading the Gauls that peace is sweeter than freedom.\nTrouble was brewing on the Rhine below Cologne. Two German tribes had crossed into Belgic Gaul as far as Liege, and the nationalist party in Gaul was seeking their help against the Romans. Caesar met the invaders near Xanten (55), drove them back to the Rhine, and slew such of them\u00ad women and children as well as men-as were not drowned in the river. His engineers then built in ten days a bridge over the great stream, there 1400 feet wide; Caesar's legions crossed, and fought long enough on German soil to establish the Rhine as a secure frontier. After two weeks he retraced his steps into Gaul.\nWe do not know why he now invaded Britain. Possibly he was lured by rumors that gold or pearls abounded there; or he wished to capture the tin and iron deposits of Britain for Roman exportation; or he resented the aid that Britons had sent to the Gauls, and thought that Roman power in Gaul must be made secure in every direction. He led a small force across the Channel at its narrowest point, defeated the unprepared Britons, took a few notes, and returned (55). A year later he crossed again, overcame the British under Cassivelaunus, reached the Thames, exacted promise of tribute, and sailed back to Gaul.\nPerhaps he had heard that revolt was once more agitating the Gallic\ntribes. He suppressed the Eburones and marched again into Germany (53). Returning, he left his main army in northern Gaul, while with his remaining\ntroops he went to winter in north Italy, hoping to devote a few months to mending his fences in Rome. But early in 52 word came to him that Ver\u00ad cingetorix, the ablest of the Gallic chieftains, had united nearly all the tribes in a war for independence. Caesar's situation was precarious in the extreme. Most of his legions were in the north, and the country between them and himself was in rebel hands. He led a small detachment over the snow-covered Cevennes against Auvergne; when Vercingetorix brought up his forces to\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t177\ndefend it, Caesar left Decimus Brutus in command and, with a few horse\u00ad men, rode in disguise across all Gaul from south\u2022to north, rejoined his main army, and at once led them to the attack. He besieged, captured, and sacked Avaricum (Bourges) and Cenabum (Orleans), massacred their populations, and replenished his depleted supplies with their treasuries. He moved on to assail Gergovia; there, however, the Gauls resisted so resolutely that he was compelled to withdraw. The Aedui, whom he had rescued from the Germans, and who heretofore had remained his allies, now deserted him, captured his base and stores at Soissons, and prepared to drive him back into Narborft!se Gaul.\nIt was the lowest ebb of Caesar's fortunes, and for a time he considered himself lost. He staked everything upon a siege of Alesia (Alise Ste.-Reine), where Vercingetorix had gathered 30,000 troops. Caesar had hardly dis\u00ad tributed a like number of soldiers around the city when word came that 250,000 Gauls were marching down upon him from the north. He ordered his men to raise two concentric walls of earth around the city, one before them, the other behind them. Against these walls and the desperate Romans the armies of Vercingetorix and his allies threw themselves in repeated vain attacks. After a week the army of relief broke up in disorder for lack of discipline and supplies, and melted into ineffectual bands at the very moment when the Romans had reached the end of their stores. Soon thereafter the starving city sent Vercingetorix at his own suggestion as a prisoner to Caesar, and then surrendered to the Roman's mercy (52). The town was spared, but all its soldiers were given to the legionaries as slaves. V ercinge\u00ad torix was led in chains to Rome; there he later graced Caesar's triumph and paid with his life for his devotion to liberty.\nThe siege of Alesia decided the fate of Gaul and the character of French civilization. It added to the Roman Empire a country twice the size of Italy and opened the purses and markets of 5,000,000 people to Roman trade. It saved Italy and the Mediterranean world for four centuries from barbarian invasion; and it lifted Caesar from the verge of ruin to a new height of repu\u00ad tation, wealth, and power. After another year of sporadic revolts, which the angry general put down with uncharacteristic severity, all Gaul accepted subjection to Rome. Once his victory was certain Caesar became again the generous conqueror; he treated the tribes with such lenience that in all the ensuing Civil vVar, when he and Rome would have been helpless to retaliate, they made no move to throw off the yoke. For three hundred years Gaul remained a Roman province, prospered under the Roman peace, learned and transformed the Latin language, and became the channel through which the culture of classic antiquity passed into northern Europe. Doubtless neither Caesar nor his contemporaries foresaw the immense consequences\nCAESAR  AND CHRIST\t(CHAP. IX\nof his bloody triumph. He thought he had saved Italy, won a province, and forged an army; he did not suspect that he was the creator of French civili\u00ad zation.\nRome, which had known Caesar only as a spendthrift, rake, politician, and reformer, was amazed to :find him also a tireless administrator and a resourceful general. At the same time it discovered in him a major historian. In the midst of his campaigns, disturbed by the attacks upon him in Rome, he had recorded and defended his conquest of Gaul in Commentaries whose military conciseness and artful simplicity raised them, despite a thousand milia passuum, from a partisan pamphlet to a high place in Latin literature. Even Cicero, shifting again, sang a paean in his praise, and anticipated the verdict of history:\nIt is not the ramparts of the Alps, nor the foaming and flooding Rhine, but the arms and generalship of Caesar which I account our true shield and barrier against the invasion of the Gauls and the bar\u00ad barous tribes of Germany. It is to him we owe it that, should the mountains be leveled with the plain and the rivers be dried up, we should still hold our Italy fortified not by nature's bulwarks but by the exploits and victories of Caesar.16\nTo which should be added the tribute of a great German:"]
[-0.06555690616369247, -17.47130584716797, "CHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t223\neager to reform morals by law; and probably Livia lent them her influence. By his powers as censor and tribune Augustus promulgated-or passed through the Assembly-a series of laws of now uncertain date and sequence, aimed at restoring morals, marriage, fidelity, parentage, and a simpler life. They forbade adolescents to attend public entertainments except in the cor.-.pany of an '.ldult relative; excluded women from athletic exhibitions, and restricted them to the upper seats at gladiatorial games; limited expenditure on homes, servants, banquets, weddings, jewels, and dress. The most im\u00ad portant of these \"Julian laws\" * was the lex Julia de pudicitia et de coercendis adulteriis (18 B.c.)-\"The Julian law of chastity and repressing adultery.\" Here for the first time in Roman history marriage was brought under the protection of the sta e, instead of being left to the patria potestas. The father retained the right to kill an adulterous daughter and her accomplice as soon as he discovered them; the husband was allowed to kill his wife's paramour if caught in the husband's house, but he might kill his wife only if he found\nher sinning in his own home. Within sixty days of detecting a wife's adultery, the husband was required to bring her before the court; if he failed to do this, the woman's father was required to indict her; if he too failed, any citizen might accuse her. The adulterous woman was to be banished for life, was to lose a third of her fortune and half her dowry, and must not marry again. Like penalties ,vere decreed for a husband conniving at his wife's adultery. A wife, however, could not accuse her husband of adultery, and he might with legal impunity have relations with registered prostitutes. The law applied only to Roman citizens.\nProbably at the same time Augustus passed another law, usually named\nlex Julia de maritandis ordinibus, from its chapter on marriage in the \"orders\"\n-i.e., the two upper classes. Its purpose was threefold: to encourage and yet restrict marriage, to retard the dilution of Roman with alien blood, and to restore the old conception of marriage as a union for parentage. Marriage was to be obligatory upon all marriageable males under sixty and women under fifty. Bequests conditional on the legatee remaining unmarried were made void. Penalties were imposed upon celibates: they could not inherit, except from \u00b7ehtives, unless they were married within a hundred days after the testator's death; and they could not attend public festivals or games. Widows and divorcees might inherit only if remarried within six months after the death or divorce of the husband. Spinsters and childless wives could not inherit after fifty, nor before if they possessed 50,000 sesterces ($7500). Men of the Senatorial class could not marry a freedwoman, an actress, or a prostitute; and no actor or freedman could marry a senator's daughter.\nSo named from the clan to which Augustus beionged by adoption.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI\nWomen owning above 20,000 sesterces were to pay a one per cent annual tax till married; after marriage this tax decreased with each child until the third, with whose coming it ceased. Of the two consuls the one with more children was to have precedence over the other. In appointments to office the father of the largest family was as far as feasible to be preferred to his rivals. The mother of three children acquired the ius triunz liberorum-the right to wear a special garment, and freedom from the power of her husband. These laws offended every class, even the puritans-who complained that the \"right of three children\" dangerously emancipated the mother from male authority. Others excused their celibacy on the score that the \"modern woman\" was too independent, imperious, capricious, and extravagant. The exclusioa of bachelors from public shows was considered too severe and impossible to enforce; Augustus had the clause rescinded in I 2 B.C. In A.D. 9 the lex Papia Poppaea further softened the Julian laws by easing the con\u00ad ditions under which celibates might inherit, doubling the period in which widows and divorcees must remarry to inherit, and increasing the amount that childless heirs could receive. Mothers of three children were freed from those limits which the lex V ocoma (169 B.c.) had placed upon bequests to women. The age at which a citizen might stand for the various offices was lowered in proportion to the size of his family. After the law was passed men noted that the consuls who had framed it and given it their names were childless celibates. Gossip added that the reform laws had been suggested to Augustus, who had only one child, by Maecenas, who had none; and that while the laws were being enacted Maecenas was living in sybaritic luxury,\nand Augustus was seducing Maecenas' wife.19\nIt is difficult to estimate the effectiveness of this, the most important social legislation in antiquity. The laws were loosely drawn, and recalcitrants found many loopholes. Some men married to obey the law and divorced their wives soon afterwards; others adopted children to secure offices or legacies and then \"emancipated\"-i.e., dismissed-them.:w Tacitus, a century later, pronounced the laws a failure; \"marriages and the rearing of chil\u00ad dren did not become frequent, so powerful are the attractions of a childless state.\" 21 Immorality continued, but was more polite than before; in Ovid we see it becoming a :fine art, the subject of careful instructions from experts to apprentices. Augustus himself doubted the effic:icy of his laws, and agreed\nwith Horace that laws are vain when hearts are unchanged.22 He strurraled\nheroically to reach people' sh earts: r\u2022n his hex at the games he dispbye:d:,::,the\nnumerous children of the exemplary Gerrnanicus; gave a thousand sesterces to parents of large families; 23 raised a monument to a slave girl who (doubt\u00ad less without patriotic premeditation) had borne quintuplets; 24 and rejoiced when a peasant marched into Rome with eight children, thirty-six grand-\nFIG. 8-The Young Augustus\nVatican, Rome\nFIG. 9-Augttsttts l111perntor, from tbe Villa of Livia at Prima Porta\nVatican, Rome\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\t225\nchildren, and nineteen great-grandchildren in his train.2\" Dio Cassius pic\u00ad tures him making public addresses denouncing \"race suicide.\" 26 He enjoyed, perhaps inspired, the moral preface of Livy's history. Under his influence the literature of the age became didactic and practical. Through Maecenas or in person he persuaded Virgil and Horace to lend their muses to the propaganda of moral and religious reform; Virgil tried to sing the Romans back to the farm in the Georgics, and to the old gods in the Aeneid; and Horace, after a large sampling of the world's pleasures, tuned his lyre to stoic themes. In 17 n.c. Augustus presented the ludi saeculares *-three days of ceremonies, contests, and spectacles, celebrating the return of Saturn's Golden Age; and Horace was commissioned to write the carmen saeculare to be chanted in procession by twenty-seven boys and as many girls. Even art was used to point a moral: the lovely Ara Pacis showed in relief the life and government of Rome; magnificent public buildings rose to represent the strength and glory of the Empire; scores of temples were erected to stir again a faith thaehad almost died.\nIn the end Augustus, skeptic and realist, became convinced that moral\nreform awaited a religious renaissance. The agnostic generation of Lucretius, Catullus, and Caesar had run its course, and its children had discovered that the fear of the gods is the youth of ,visdom. Even the cynical Ovid would soon write, Voltaireanly: expedit esse deos, et \u00b7ut expedit esse putemus: \"it is convenient that there should be gods, and that we should think they exist.\" 27 Conservative minds traced the Civil War, and the sufferings it had brought, to neglect of religion and the consequent anger of Heaven. Every\u00ad where in Italy a chastened people was ready to turn back to its ancient altars and thank the deities who, it felt, had spared it for this happy restoration.\n\\Vhen, in I 2 B.c., Augustus, having waited patiently for the tepid Lepidus to die, succeeded him as pontif ex 1naxi11ms, \"such a multitude from all Italy assembled for my election,\" the Emperor tells us, \"as is never recorded to have been in Rome before.\" 28 He both led and followed the revival of religion, hoping that his political and moral reconstruction would win readier acceptance if he coulJ entwine it with the gods. He raised the four priestly colleges to unprecedented dignity and wealth, chose himself to each of them, took upon himself the appointment of new members, attended their meetings faithfully, and took part in their solemn pageantry. He banned Egyptian and Asiatic cults from Rome, but he made an exception in favor of the Jews, and permitted religious freedom in the provinces. He lavished gifts upon the temples and renewed old religious ceremonies, pro\u00ad cessions, and festivals. The ludi saeculares were not secular; every day of\nLiterally, century games, because given only at long intervals.\n226\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI"]
[-3.994647979736328, -8.090911865234375, "them was marked with religious ritual and song; their chief significance was the return of a happy friendship with the gods. Nourished with such sovereign aid, the ancient cult took on fresh life, and touched again the dramatic impulses and supernatural hopes of the people. Amid the chaos of competing faiths that flowed in upcn Rome after Augustus, it held its own for three centuries more; and when it died it was at once reborn, under new symbols and new n mes.\nAugustus himself became one of the chief competitors of his gods. His great-uncle had set the example: two years after being murdered, Caesar had been recognized by the Senate as a deity, and his worship spread throughout the Empire. As early as 36 B.c. some Italian cities had given Octavian a place in their pantheon; by 27 B.c. his name was added to those of the gods in official hymns at Rome; his birthday became a holy day as well as a holiday; and after his death the Senate decreed that his genius, or soul, was thereafter to be worshiped as cne of the official divinities. All this seemed quite natural to antiquity; it had never recognized an impassable difference between gods and men; the gods had often taken human form, and the creative genius of a Heracles, a Lycurgus, an Alexander, a Caesar, or an Augustus seemed, especially to the religious East, miraculous and divine. The Egypti:1ns had thought of the Pharaohs, of the Ptolemies, even of Antony, as deities; they could hardly think less of Augustus. The ancients were not in these cases such simpletons as their modem counterparts would like to believe. They knew well enough that Augustus was human; in deify\u00ad ing his genius, er that of others, they used deus or theos as equivalent to our \"canonized saint\"; indeed, canonization is a descendant of Roman deifica\u00ad tion; and to pray to such a deified human being seemed no more absurd then than prayer to a saint seems now.\nIn Italian homes ti1e worship of the Emperor's genius became associated\nwith the adoration given to the Lares of the household and the genius of the paterfamilias; there was nothing difficult in this for a people which through centuries had deified their dead parents, built altars to them, and given the name of temples to the ancestral tombs. vVhen Augustus visited Greek Asia in 2 1 n.c. he found that his cult had made rapid he:idway there. Dedications and orations hailed him as \"S.1vior,\" \"Bringer of Glad Tidings,\" \"God the Sen of God\"; some men argued that in him the long-awaited Messiah had come, bringing peace and happiness to mankind.29 The great provincial councils made his worship the center of their ceremonies; a new priesthood, the Augustales, was appointed by provinces and municipalities for the service of the new divinity. Augustus frowned upon all this, but finally accepted it as a spiritual enhancement of the Principate, a valuable\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUSTAN  STATESMANSHIP\ncementing of church and state, a uniting common worship amid diverse and dividing creeds. The moneylender's grandson consented to become a god.\nAUGUSTUS HIMSELF\n\\Vhat sort of man was this who was heir to Caesar at eighteen, master of the world at thirty-one, ruler of Rome for half a century, and architect of the greatest empire in ancient history? He was at once dull and fascinating; no one more prosaic, yet half the world adored him; a physical weakling not p'.lrticularly brave, but able to overcome all enemies, regulate kingdoms, and fashion a government that would give the vast realm an unexampled prosperity for two hundred years.\nSculptors spent much marble and bronze in making images of him: some showing him in the timid pride of a refined and serious youth, some in the somber pose of a priest, some half covered with the insignia of power, some in military garb-the philosopher unwillingly and uneasily playing the general. These effi3ies do not reveal, though sometimes they suggest, the ailments that made his war against chaos depend precariously at every step upon his fight for health. He was unprepossessing. He had sandy hair, a strangely tri:mgular head, merging eyebrows, clear and penetrating eyes; yet his expression was so calm and mild, says Suetonius, that a Gaul who came to kill him changed his mind. His skin was sensitive and intermittently itched with a kind of ringworm; rheumatism weakened his left leg and made him limp a bit; a stiffness akin to arthritis occasionally incapacitated his right hand. He was one of many Romans attacked in 23 B.c. by a plague resem\u00ad bling typhus; he suffered from stones in the bladder, and found it hard to sleep; he was troubled each spring by \"an enlargement of the diaphragm; and when the wind was in the south he had catarrh.\" He bore cold so poorly that in winter he wore \"a woolen chest protector, wraps for his thighs and shins, an undershirt, four tunics (blouses), and a heavy toga.\" He dared not expose his head to the sun. Horseback riding tired him, and he was some\u00ad times carried in a litter to the battlefield.30 At thirty-five, having lived through one of the most intense dramas in history, he was already old\u00ad nervous, sickly, easily tired; no one dreamed that he would live another forty years. He tried a variety of doctors, and richly rewarded one, Antonius Musa, for curing an uncertain illness (abscess of the liver?) with cold fomentations and baths; in Musa's honor he exempted all Roman physicians from taxation.31 But for the most part he doctored himself. He used hct salt water and sulphur baths for his rheumatism; he ate lightly and only the plainest food-coarse bread, cheese, fish, and fruit; he was so careful of his\n2.28\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. ::'G\ndiet that \"sometimes he ate alone either before a dinner party or after it, taking nothing during its course.\" 32 In him, as in some medieval saints, the soul bore its body like a cross.\nHis essence was nervous vitality, inflexible resolution, a penetrating, calculating, resourceful mind. He accepted an unheard-of number of offices, and took upon himself responsibility only less than Caesar's. He fulfilled the duties of. these .positions conscientiously, presided regularly over the Senate, attended innumerable conferences, judged hundreds of trials, suf\u00ad fered ceremonies and banquets, planned distant campaigns, governed legions and provinces, visited nearly every one of them, and attended to infinite administrative detail. He m1de hundreds of speeches, and prepared them with proud attention to clarity, simplicity, and style; he read them instead of speaking extemporaneously, lest he should utter regrettable words. Sue\u00ad tonius would have us believe that for the same reason he wrote out in advance, and read, important conversations with individuals, even with his wife.33\nLike most skeptics of his time, he retained superstitions long after losing\nhis faith. He carried a sealskin about him to protect against lightning; he respected omens and auspices and sometimes obeyed warnings derived from dreams; he refused to begin a journey on what he reckoned to be unlucky days.34 At the same time he was remarkable for the objectivity of his judgment and the practicality of his thought. He advised young men to enter soon upon an active career, so that the ideas they had learned from books might be tempered by the experience and necessities of life.35 He kept to the end his bourgeois good sense, conservatism, parsimony, and caution. Festina lente-\"make haste slowly\"-was his favorite saw. Far more than most men of such power, he could take advice and bear reproof humbly.\n. Athenodorus, a philosopher who was returning to Athens after living )Vith him for years, gave him some parting counsel: \"\\Vhenever you get angry do not say or do anything before repeating to yourself the twenty-four letters of the alphabet.\" Augustus was so grateful for the caution that he begged Athenodorus to stay another year, saying, \"No risk attends the reward that silence brings.\" 36\nEven tnore surprising than Caesar's development from a roistering politi\u00ad cian into a great general and statesman was the transformation of the merci\u00ad less and self-centered Octavian into the modest and magnanimous Augustus. He grew. The man who had allowed Antony to hang Cicero's head in the Forum, who had moved without scruple from one faction to another, who had run the gamut of sexual indulgence, who had pursued Antony and Oeopatra to the death unmoved by friendship or chivalry-this ten cious and unlovable youth, instead of being poisoned by power, became in his\nCHAP. XI)\tAUGUST AN STATESMANSHIP\t229\nlast forty years a model of justice, moderation, fidelity, magnanimity, and toleration. He laughed at the lampoons that wits and poets wrote about him. He advised Tiberius to be content with preventing or prosecuting hostile actions and not seek to suppress hostile words. He did not insist upon others living as simply as himself; when he invited guests to dinner he would retire early to leave their appetite and merriment unrestrained. He had no pretentiousness; he buttonholed voters to ask their suffrages; he substituted for his lawyer friends in court; he left or entered Rome secretly, , abhorring pomp; in the reliefs of the Ara Pacis he is not set apart from the other citizens by any mark of distinction. His morning receptions were open to aII citizens, and aII were affably received. \\Vhen one man hesitated to present a petition he jokingly chided him for offering the document \"as if he were giving a penny to an elephant.\" 37\nIn his senile years, when disappointments had embittered him, and he had grown accustomed to omnipotence, even to being a god, he lapsed into intolerance, prosecuted hostile writers, suppressed histories of too critical a stamp, and gave no ear to Ovid's penitent verse. Once, it is said, he had the legs of his secretary Thallus broken for taking 500 denarii to reveal the contents of an official letter; and he forced one of his freedmen to kill him\u00ad self when found guilty of adultery with a Roman matron. AII in aII, it is hard to love him. \\Ve must picmre the frailty of his body and the sorrows of his old age before our beans can go out to him as to the murdered Caesar or the beaten Antony.\nVI,  THE LAST DAYS OF A GOD\nHis failures and his tragedies were almost all ,vithin his home. By his three wives-Claudia, Scribonia, Livia-he had but one child: Scribonia unwit\u00ad tingly avenged her divorce by giving him Julia. He had hoped that Livia would bear him a son whom he might train and educate for government; but though she had rewarded her first husband with two splendid children\n-;-Tiberius and Drusus-her marriage with Augustus proved disappointingly sterile. Otherwise their union was a happy one. She was a woman of stately beauty, firm character, and fine understanding; Augustus rehearsed his most vital measures with her and valued her advice as highly as that of his maturest friends. Asked how she had acquired such influence over him, she replied, \"by being scrupulously chaste . . . never meddling with his affairs, and pretending neither to hear of nor to notice the favorites with whom he had amours.\" 38 She was a model of the old virtues, and perhaps expounded them too persistently. In her leisure she devoted herself to\n230\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XI\ncharity, helping parents of large f milies, providing dowries for poor brides, and maintaining many orphans at her own expense. Her palace itself was almost an orphanage; for there, and in the home of his sister Octavia, Au\u00ad gustus supervised the educ2tion of his grandsons, nephews, nieces, and even the six surviving children of Antony. He sent the boys off early to war, saw to it that the girls should learn to spin and weave, and \"forbade them to do or say anything except without concealment, and such as might be recorded in the household diary.\" 39\nAugustus learned to love Livia's son Drusus, adopted and reared him, and would gladly have left him his wealth and power; the youth's early death was one of the Emperor's first bereavements. Tiberius he respected but could not love, for his future successor was a positive and imperious char\u00ad acter, inclined to sullenness and secrecy. But the comeliness and vivacity of his daughter Julia must have given Augustus many happy moments in her childhood. When she had reached the age of burteen he persuaded Octavia to allow the divorce of her son Marcellus, and induced the youth to marry Julia. Two years later Marcellus died; and Julia, after brief mourning, set out to enjoy a freedom she had long coveted. But soon the matchmaking Emperor, craving a grandson as heir, coaxed the reluctant Agrippa to divorce his wife and marry the merry widow (21 B.c.). Julia was eighteen, Agrippa forty-two; but he was a good and great man and agreeably rich. She made his town house a salon of pleasure and wit, and became the soul of the younger and gayer set in the capital as against the puritans who took their lead from Livia. Rumor accused Julia of deceiving her new husband, and ascribed to her an incredible reply to the incredible question why, despite her adulteries, all the five children she gave Agrippa resembled him: Numquam nisi nave plena tollo vectorem.40 When Agrippa died (12 B.c.) Augustus turned his hopes to Julia's oldest sons, Gaius and Lucius, over\u00ad whelmed them with affection and education, and had them promoted to office far sooner than was legally warranted by their years."]
[-0.9470511674880981, -11.72295093536377, "That there is a bridge connecting the past glory of Hellas and Rome with the prouder fabric of modem history, that western Europe is Romanic, and Germanic Europe classic . . . all this is the work of Caesar; and while the creation of his great predecessor in the East has been almost wholly reduced to ruin by the tempests of the Middle Ages, the structure of Caesar has outlasted those thousands of years which have changed religions and states.17\nTHE\tDEGRADATION  OF  DEMOCRACY\nDuring the second quinquennium of Caesar in Gaul, Roman politics had become an unparalleled chaos of corruption and violence. Pompey and Crassus, as consuls, pursued their policies by the bribery of votes, the intimi- 3ation of juries, and occasional murder.18 \\Vhen their year of office ended, Crassus recruited and conscripted a large army and sailed for Syria. He crossed the Eup tes and_ met the _Parthians at Carrhae. Their superior cavalry defeated him, and his son fell m the battle. Crassus was withdrawing his forces in good order when the Parthian general invited him to a confer\u00ad ence. He went and was treacherously slain. His head was sent to play the part of Pentheus in a performance of Euripides' Baccbae at the Parthian\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t179\ncourt; and his leaderless anny, long wearied of the campaign, disappeared in a disorderly rout (53).\n.Meanwhile Pompey too had levied an army, presumably to complete the conquest of Spain. Had Caesar's plans matured, Pompey would have brought Farther Spain, and Crassus Armenia and Parthia, within the orbit of Roman power at the same time that Caesar was extending the frontier to the Thames and the Rhine. Instead of leading his legions to Spain, Pompey kept them in Italy, except for one which he lent to Caesar in the crisis of the Gallic revolt. In 54 the strongest tie that held him to Caesar was cut by the death of his wife Julia in childbirth. Caesar offered him his grandniece Octavia, now Caesar's nearest female relative, and asked for the ha!]-d of Pompey's daughter; but Pompey refused both proposals. The debacle of Crassus and his army in the following year removed another balancing force, for a vic\u00ad torious Crassus would have opposed the dictatorship of either Caesar or Pompey. Henceforth Pompey openly allied himself with the conservatives. His plan to secure supreme power through legal forms had now only one obstacle-the ambition and army of Caesar. Knowing that Caesar's com\u00ad mand would expire in 49, Pompey secured decrees continuing his own command to the end of 46, and requiring all Italians capable of bearing arms to take an oath of military fealty to him personally; in this way, he trusted, time itself would make him master of Rome.19\n\"\\Vhile the potential dictators maneuvered for position, the capital filled with the odor of a dying democracy. Verdicts, offices, provinces, and client kings were sold to the highest bidders. In the year 53 the first voting division in the Assembly was paid ro,000,000 sesterces for its vote.20 \\Vhen money failed, murder was available; 21 or a man's past was raked over, and black\u00ad mail brought him to terms. Crime flourished in the city, brigandage in the country; no police force existed to control it. Rich men hired bands of gladiators to protect them, or to suppon them in the contitia. The lowest elements in Italy were attracted to Rome by the smell of money or the gift of corn, and made the meetings of the Assembly a desecration. Any man who would vote as paid was admitted to the rolls, whether citizen or not; sometimes only a minority of those who cast ballots were entitled to vote. The privilege of addressing the Assembly had on several occasions to be won by storming the rostrum and holding it by main force. Legislation came to be determined by the fluctuating superiority of rival gangs; those who voted the wrong way were, now and then, beaten to within an inch of their lives, after which their houses were set afire. Following one such meeting Cicero wrote: \"The Tiber W'.lS full of the corpses of citizens, the public sewers were stuffed with them, and slaves had to mop up with sponges the blood that streamed from the Forum.\" 22\n180\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.IX\nClodius and Milo were Rome's most distinguished experts in this brand of parliament. They organized rival bands of ruffians for political purposes, and hardly a day passed without some test 0\u00a3 their strength. One day Clodius assaulted Cicero in the street; another day his warriors burned do,vn Milo's house; at last Clodius himself was caught by Milo's gang and killed\n(52). The proletariat, not privy to all his plots, honored Clodius as a martyr, gave him a mighty funeral, carried the body to the senate house, and burned the building over him as his funeral pyre. Pompey brought in his soldiers and dispersed the mob. As reward he asked from the Senate, and received, appointment as \"consul without colleague,\" a phrase that Cato recommended as more pleasant than \"dictator.\" Pompey then put through the Assembly\u00ad cowed by his troops-several measures aimed at political corruption, and another repealing the right (which his bill of 55 had granted to Caesar) to stand for the consulate while absent from Rome. He impartially supervised, with military force, the operation of the courts; Milo was tried for the murder of Clodius, was condemned despite Cicero's defense,* and fled to Marseilles. Cicero went off to govern Cilicia (51), and acquitted himself there with a degree of competence and integrity which surprised and offended his friends. All the elements of wealth and order in the capital resigned themselves to the dictatorship of Pompey, while the poorer classes hopefully awaited the coming of Caesar.\nCIVIL WAR\nA century of revolution had broken down a selfish and narrow aristoc\u00ad racy, but had put no other government in its place. Unemployment, bribery, bread and circuses had corrupted the Assembly into an ill-informed and passion-ridden mob obviously incapable of ruling itself, much less an empire. Democracy had fallen by Plato's formula: liberty had become license, and chaos begged an end to liberty.24 Caesar agreed with Pompey that the Republic was dead; it was now, he said, \"a mere name, without body or form\"; 25 dictatorship was unavoidable. But he had hoped to establish a leadership that would be progressive, that would not freeze the status quo, but would lessen the abuses, inequities, and destitution which had degraded democracy. He was now fifty-four, and surely weakened by his long campaigns in Gaul; he did not relish a war against his fellow citizens and\nThe speech as it has come down to us was much revised. It differed so much from the actual address-which had been confused by hostile disturbances-that when Milo read it he exclaimed: \"O Cicero! If you had only spoken as you have written I should not now be eating the very excellent fish of Marseilles.\" 2a\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\t181\nhis former friends. But he saw the snares that had been prepared for him, and resented them as an ill-reward for one who had saved Italy. His term as governor of Gaul would end on March 1, 49; he could not run for the consulship until the fall of that year; in the interval he would lose the immunity of an officeholder, and could not enter Rome without subjecting himself to those proscriptions which were among the favorite weapons of party warfare in Rome. Already Marcus Marcellus had proposed to the Senate that Caesar should be deposed from his governorship before its expira\u00ad tion-which meant self-exile or trial. The tribunes of the plebs had saved him by their veto, but the Senate clearly favored the motion. Cato frankly expressed the hope that Caesar would be accused, tried, and banished from Italy.\nCaesar made every effort at conciliation. \\Vhen, at Pompey's suggestion, the Senate asked both generals to release to it a legion for use against Parthia, Caesar at once complied, though his force was small; and when Pompey asked Caesar for the return of the legion sent him a year before, Caesar dis\u00ad patched it to him without delay. His friends inforn1ed him, however, that instead of being sent to Parthia these legions were being kept at Capua. Through his supporters in the Senate Caesar requested a renewal of the Assembly's earlier decree permitting him to stand for the consulship in absence. The Senate refused to submit the motion and demanded that Caesar disiniss his troops. Caesar felt that his legions were his only protection; per\u00ad haps he had nourished their personal loyalty with a view to just such a crisis as this. Nevertheless, he proposed to the Senate that both he and Pompey should lay down their commissions-an offer which seemed to the people of Rome so reasonable that they garlanded his messenger with flowers. The Senate favored the plan, 370 to 22, but Pompey balked at it. In the last days of the year 50 the Senate declared Caesar a public enemy unless he should abandon his command by July 1. On the first day of 49 Curio read to the Senate a letter in which Caesar agreed to disband all but two of his ten legions if he might retain the governorship till 48; but he spoiled the offer by adding that he would look upon its rejection as a declaration of war. Cicero spoke for the proposal, and Pompey agreed to it; but the consul Lentulus intervened and drove Caesar's lieutenants, Curio and Antony, from the senate house.26 After a long debate the reluctant Senate, persuaded by Lentulus, Cato, and Marcellus, gave Pompey orders and powers to \"see that no harm should come to the state\"-the Roman phrase for dictatorship and martial law.\nCaesar hesitated more than was his wont. Legally the Senate was right he had no authority to name the conditions under which he would resign his command. He knew that civil war might bring Gaul to revolt and Italy\n182\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t\u2022\t(CHAP. IX\nto ruin. But to yield was to surrender the Empire to incompetence and reaction. Amid his deliberations he learned that one of his nearest friends and ablest lieutenants, Titus Labienus, had gone over to Pompey. He sum\u00ad moned the soldiers of his favorite Thirteenth Legion and laid the situation before them. His first word won them: Conmzilitones!-\"fellow soldiers.\" They who had seen him share their hardships and perils, who had had to complain that he risked himself too readily, recognized his right to use this word; he had always addressed them so rather than with the curt .Milites! of less gracious commanders. Most of his men came from Cisalpine Gaul, to which he had extended Roman citizenship; they knew that the Senate had refused to recognize this grant and that one senator had flogged a Cisal\u00ad pine Gaul just to show his contempt for Caesar's enfranchisement; it was illegal to flog a Roman citizen. They had learned to respect Caesar-even, in their rough mute way, to love him-during their many campaigns. He had been severe with cowardice and indiscipline, but he had been lenient with their human faults, had winked at their sexual escapades, had spared them unnecessary dangers, had saved them by skillful generalship, had doubled their pay, and had spread his spoils among them handsomely. He told them of his proposals to the Senate and how these had been received; he reminded them that an idle and corrupt aristocracy was unfit to give Rome order, justice, and prosperity. Would they follow him? Not one refused. When he told them that he had no money with which to pay them they emptied their savings into his treasury.\nOn January 10, 49, he led one legion across the Rubicon, a small stream, near Ariminum, that marked the southern boundary of Cisalpine Gaul. Iacta est alea, he is reported to have said-\"the die is cast.\" 27 It seemed an act of folly, for the remaining nine legions of his army were still distant in Gaul and could not reach him for weeks to come; while Pompey had ten\nlegions, or 60,000 troops, authority to levy as many more as he pleased, and funds to arm and feed them. Caesar's Twelfth Legion joined him at Picenum, the Eighth at Corfinium; he formed three legions more from prisoners, vol\u00ad unteers, and levies upon the population. He had little difficulty in getting recruits; Italy had not forgotten the Social War (88), and saw in Caesar a champion of Italian rights; one by one its cities opened their gates to him, some turned out en masse to welcome him; 28 \"the towns,\" wrote Cicero, \"salute him as a god.\" 29 Corfinium resisted briefly, then surrendered; Caesar protected it from sack by his soldiers, freed all captured officers, and sent to Pompey's camp the money and baggage that Labienus had left behind. Though almost penniless, he refrained from confiscating those estates of his opponents that fell into his hands-a characteristically wise measure, which won to neutrality most of the middle class. It would be his policy, he\nCHAP. IX)\tCAESAR\nannounced, to consider all neutrals his friends. At every new advance he tried again for reconciliation. He sent a message to Lentulus begging him to use his consular influence for peace. In a letter to Cicero he offered to\nretire to private life and leave the field to Pompey, provided he should be allowed to live in security.3\u00b0 Cicero labored to effect a compromise, but found his logic helpless before the rival dogmatisms of revolution.31\nThough his forces still far oumumbered Caesar's, Pompey withdrew with them from the capital, and a disorderly stream of aristocrats followed him, leaving their wives and children to Caesar's mercy. Rejecting every over\u00ad ture of peace, Pompey declared that he would consider as an enemy any senator who did not abandon Rome and join his camp. The majority of the Senate remained in Rome, and vacillating Cicero, despising Pompey's vacil\u00ad lations, divided himself among his rural estates. Pompey marched to Brun\u00ad disium and ferried his troops across the Adriatic. He knew that his undis\u00ad ciplined army needed further training before it could stand up to Caesar's legions; meanwhile, he hoped, the Roman fleet under his control would starve Italy into destroying his rival."]
[3.5122694969177246, -13.568197250366211, ",vithin a decade after his death his work was in ruins. Relaxed in the arms of victory, the patricians neglected the tasks of government to seek wealth in business and spend it in luxury. The struggle between the opti- 1;wtes and the populares continued \\Vith a bitterness that passionately awaited another opportunity for violence. The optimates, or \"best people,\" made nobilitas their creed; not in the sense of noblesse oblige, but on the theory that good government required the restriction of major magistracies to men whose ancestors had held high office. Anyone who ran for office without such forebears was scorned as novus homo-a \"new man,\" or upstart; such were Marius and Cicero. The populares demanded \"career open to talent,\" all power to the assemblies, and free land for veterans and the poor. Neither party believed in democracy; both aspired to dictatorship, and both prac\u00ad ticed intimidation and corruption without conscience or concealment. The collegia that had once been mutual-benefit societies became agencies for the sale of great blocks of plebeian votes. The business of vote buying reached a scale where it required a high specialization of labor: there were divisores, who bought votes, interpretes, or go-betweens, and sequestres, who held the money until the votes had been delivered.2 Cicero describes candidates as going about purse in hand among the electors in the Field of Mars.3 Pompey\n128\nCHAP. vu)\tTHE  OLIGARCH IC  REACTION\t129\nhad his mediocre friend Afranius made consul by inviting the le:.!ders of the tribes to his gardens and there paying them for the ballots of their groups.4 So much money was borrowed to finance candidacies that the campaigns raised the interest rate to eight per cent per month.5\nThe courts, now pre-empted by senators, rivaled the polls in corruption. Oaths had lost all value as testimony; perjury was as common as bribery. Marcus Messala, being indicted for buying his election to the consulate ( 5 3), was unanimously acquitted, though even his friends acknowledged his guilt.6 \"Trials are now managed so venally,\" wrote Cicero to his son, \"that no man will ever be condemned hereafter except for murder.\" 7 He should have said \"no man of means\"; for \"without money and a good lawyer,\" said another advocate at this period, \"a plain, simple defendant may be accused of any crime which he has not committed, and will certainly be convicted.\" 8 Lentulus Sura, having been acquitted by two votes, mourned the extra expense he had gone to in bribing one more judge than he had needed.9 lVhen Quintus Calidus, praetor, was convicted by a jury of senators, he calculated that \"they could not honestly require less than 300,000 sesterces to condemn a praetor.\" 10\nProtected by such courts, the Senatorial proconsuls, the tax gatherers, the moneylenders, and the business agents milked the provinces at a rate that would have angered their predecessors with envy. There were several hon\u00ad orable and competent provincial governors, but what could be expected of the majority? They served without pay, usually for a year's term; in that brief time they had to accumulate enough to pay their debts, buy another office, and set themselves up for life in the style befitting a great Roman. The sole check upon their venality was the Senate; and the senators could be trusted as gentlemen not to raise a fuss, since nearly all of them had done, or hoped soon to do, the same. \"'hen Caes:1r went to Fanher Spain as pro\u00ad consul in 61 he owed $7,500,000; when he returned in 60 he cleared off these debts at one stroke. Cicero thought himself a painfully honest man; he made only $ 1 10,000 in his year as governor of Cilicia and filled his letters with wonder at his own moderation.\nThe generals who conquered the provinces were the first to profit from them. Lucullus, after his campaigns in the East, became a synonym for luxury. Pompey brought in from the same region $11,200,000 for the Treas\u00ad ury and $21,000,000 for himself and his friends; Caesar took literally untold millions from Gaul. After the generals came the publicans, who collected from the people twice the amount which they remitted to Rome. ,vhen a province or city could not raise enough from its subjects to pay the de\u00ad manded tribute or tax, Roman financiers or statesmen would lend them the necesssary funds at from twelve to forty-eight per cent interest, to be col-\n130\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VII\nlected, if need be, by the Roman army through siege, conquest, and pillage. The Senate had forbidden its members to take part in such loans, but pomp\u00ad ous aristocrats like Pompey, and saints like Brutus, skirted the law by lend\u00ad ing through intermediaries. In some years the province of Asia paid Romans twice as much in interest on loans as it paid to the publicans and the Treas\u00ad ury.11 The paid and unpaid interest on money borrowed by the cities of Asia Minor to meet Sulla's exactions in 84 had swelled by 70 to six times the principal. To meet the charges on this debt communities sold their public buildings and statuary, and parents sold their children into slavery, for defaulting debtors could be stretched on the rack.12 If any wealth still remained, a flock of entrepreneurs came in from Italy, Syria, and Greece, with Senatorial contracts for \"developing\" the mineral, timber, or other resources of the province; trade followed the flag. Some bought slaves, some sold or bought goods, others purchased land and set up provincial latifundia larger than those of Italy. \"No Gaul,\" said Cicero in 69, with his customary exaggeration, \"carries through any business without the inter\u00ad vention of a Roman citizen; not a penny changes hands there without passing through the ledgers of a Roman.\"\nAntiquity had never known so rich, so powerful, and so corrupt a government.\nTHE MILLIONAIRES\nThe business classes reconciled themselves to the rule of the Senate because they were better prepared than the aristocracy to exploit the provinces. That \"concord of the orders,\" or co-operation of the two upper classes, which Cicero was to preach as an ideal, was already a reality in his youth; they had agreed to unite and conquer. Businessmen and their aggressive agents crowded the basilicas and streets of Rome and swarmed into provincial markets and capitals. Bankers issued letters of exchange on their provincial affiliates,13 and lent money for everything, even political careers. Merchants and financiers swung their influence to the populares when the Senate proved selfish, and back to the optimates when democratic leaders tried to keep their pre-election promises to the proletariat.\nCrassus, Atticus, and Lucullus typify the three phases of Roman wealth: acquisition, speculation, luxury. Marcus Licinius Crassus was of aristocratic lineage. His father, a famous orator, consul, and censor, had fought for Sulla and had killed himself rather than yield to i'.larius. Sulla rewarded the son by letting him buy at bargain prices the confiscated properties of proscribed men. As a youth Marcus had studied literature and philosophy and had assiduously practiced law; but now the smell of money intoxicated him. He\nCHAP.VII)\tTHE   OLIGARCHIC  REACTION\t13 I\norganized a fire brigade-something new to Rome; it ran to fires, sold its services on the spot, or bout;ht endangered buildings at nominal sums and then put out the fire; in this way Crassus acquired hundreds of houses and tenements, which he let at high rentals. He bought state mines when Sulla denationalized them. Soon he had inflated his fortune from 7,000,000 to 170,000,000 sesterces ($25,500,000)-a sum nearly equal to the total yearly revenue of the Treasury. No man should consider himself rich, said Crassus, unless he could raise, equip, and maintain his own anny; 14 it was his destiny to perish by his definition. Having become the wealthiest man in Rome, he was still unhappy; he itched for public office, for a province, for the leader\u00ad ship of an Asiatic campaign. He solicited votes humbly in the streets, memo\u00ad rized the first names of countless citizens, lived in conspicuous simplicity, and, to tether influential politicians to his star, lent them money without interest but payable on demand. With all his eager ambitions he was a kindly man, accessible to everyone, generous without limit to his friends, and con\u00ad tributing to both political parties with that bilateral wisdom which has al\u00ad ways distinguished his kind. He fulfilled all his dreams: he became consul in 70 and again in 55, governed Syria, and helped to raise the great army that he led against Parthia. He was defeated at Carrhae, treacherously cap\u00ad tured, and barbarously slain ( 53); his head was cut off, and into the mouth his conqueror poured molten gold.\nTitus Pomponius Atticus, though of equestrian birth, was a truer aristo\u00ad crat than Crassus and a higher type of millionaire: as honest as Meyer Anschel of the rot Schild, as learned as Lorenzo de' Medici, as financially astute as Voltaire. We hear of him fast as a student in Athens, when his conversation, and his reading of Greek and Latin poetry, so charmed Sulla that the blood\u00ad stained co1c1mander wished, in vain, to take him back to Rome as a personal companion. He was a scholar and a historia11, wrote an outline of universal history,15 lived most of his life in the philosophical circles of Athens, and earned his cognomen from his Attic erudition and philanthropies. His father and his uncle left him some $960,000; he invested it in a great cattle ranch in Epirus, in buying and letting houses in Rome, in training gladiators and secretaries and hiring them out, and in publishing books. vVhen good open\u00ad ings came he lent money at profitable rates; but to Athens and his friends he lent without interest.16 Men like Cicero, Honensius, and the younger Cato entrusted him with their savings and the management of their affairs, and honored him for his caution, his integrity, and his dividends. Cicero was glad to have his advice not only in purchasing houses, but in choosing statu\u00ad ary tc adorn them and books to fill his library. Atticus entertained frugally and lived with the modesty of a true Epicurean; but his genial friendship and his cultivated conversation made his house in Rome the salon of all political\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VII\ncelebrities. He contributed to all parties and was spared in all proscriptions. At the age of seventy-seven, finding himself afflicted with a painful and incurable disease, he starved himself to death.\nLucius Licinius Lucullus, of high patrician family, sallied forth in 74 to complete Sulla's war against Mithridates. For eight years he led his inade\u00ad quate forces with courage and skill; then, as his campaign was nearing full success, his tired troops mutinied, and he guided their retreat from Armenia to Ionia through perils as great as those that had immortalized Xenophon. Relieved of his command by political intrigue, he returned to Rome and, with his patrimony and his spoils, spent the rest of his life in quiet but ornate luxury. He built on the Pincian hill a palace with spacious halls, loggias, libraries, and gardens; at Tusculum his estate extended for many miles; he bought a villa at Misenum for 10,000,000 sesterces ($1,500,000); and he turned the entire island of Nisida into his summer resort. His various gar\u00ad dens were famous for their horticultural innovations; it was he, for example, who introduced the cherry tree from Pontus to Italy, whence it was carried to north Europe and America. His dinners were the culinary events of the Roman year. Cicero tried once to find out how Lucullus ate when alone; he asked Lucullus to invite him and some friends to dinner that evening, but pledged Lucullus to send no word of warning to his servants. Lucullus agreed, merely stipulating that he be allowed to notify his staff that he would eat in the \"Apollo Room\" that evening. When Cicero and the rest came they found a lavish repast. Lucullus had several dining rooms in his city palace, each selected according to the splendor of the feast; the Apollo Room was reserved for meals costing 200,000 sesterces or more.17 But Lucullus was no gourmand. His houses were galleries of well-chosen an; his libraries were the resort of scholars and his friends; he himself was learned in both the classical literatures and in all the philosophies-naturally favoring that of Epicurus. He smiled at Pompey's strenuous life; one campaign seemed to him enough for one life; anything more was mere vanity.\nHis example spread without his taste among the rich of Rome; soon patri\u00ad cians and magnates were competing in luxurious display, while revolt brewed in bankrupt provinces and men starved in the slums. Senators lounged in bed till noon and seldom attended sessions. Some of their sons dressed and walked like courtesans, wore frilled robes and women's sandals, decked themselves with jewelry, sprinkled themselves with perfume, deferred mar\u00ad riage or avoided p\"rentage, and emulated the bisexual impartiality of the Greeks. Senatorial houses cost up to ro,000,000 sesterces; Clodius, leader of the plebs, built a mansion costing 14,800,000. Lawyers like Cicero and Hor\u00ad tensius,.despite the Cincian law against legal fees, competed in palaces as well as m oratory; the gardens of Hortensius contained the largest zoologi-\nCHAP.vu)   THE  OLIGARCHIC REACTION\t133\ncal collection in Italy. All men of any pretension had villas at or near Baiae, where the aristocracy took the baths, enjoyed the Bay of Naples, and de\u00ad clared a moratorium on monogamy. Other villas rose on the hills outside of Rome; rich men had several, moving from one to another as the season changed. Fortunes were spent on interior decoration, furniture, or silver plate. Cicero paid 500,000 sesterces for a table of citrus wood; a million ses\u00ad terces might be paid for one of cypress wood; even the younger Cato, pillar of all Stoic virtues, was alleged to have paid 800,000 sesterces for some table spreads from Babylon.18\nA horde of specialized slaves formed the staff of these palaces-valets, letter carriers, lamplighters, musicians, secretaries, doctors, philosophers, cooks. Eating was now the chief occupation of upper-class Rome; there, as in the ethics of Metrodorus, \"everything good had reference to the belly.\" At a repast given in 63 by a high priest, and attended incongruously by Vestal Virgins and Caesar, the hors d'oeuvres consisted of mussels, spondyles, fieldfares with asparagus, fattened fowls, oyster pastries, sea nettles, ribs of roe, purple shellfish, and songbirds. Then came the dinner-sows' udders, boar's head, fish, duck, teals, hares, fowl, pastries, and sweets.19 Delicacies were imported from every pan of the Empire and beyond: peacocks from Samos, grouse from Phrygia, cranes from Ionia, tunnyfish from Chalcedon, muraenas from Gades, oysters from Tarentum, sturgeons from Rhodes. Foods produced in Italy were considered a bit vulgar, fit only for plebeians. The actor Aesopus gave a dinner t which songbirds were eaten to the cost of $5000.20 Sumptuary laws continued to denounce expensive meals, and to be ignored. Cicero tried to obey, ate the legally permitted vegetables, and suffered ten days of diarrhea.22\nSome of the new wealth disported itself in enlarged theaters and extended games. In 58 Aemilius Scaurus built a theater with 8000 seats, 360 pillars, 3000 statues, a three-storied stage, and three colonnades-one of wood, one of marble, and one of glass; his slaves, rebelling against the hard labor he had exacted of them, burned down the theater soon afterward, netting him a loss of 100,000,000 sesterces.23 In 55 Pompey provided funds for the first perma\u00ad nent stone theater in Rome-with 17,500 seats, and a spacious porticoed park for entr'acte promenades. In 53 Scribonius Curio, one of Caesar's generals, erected two wooden theaters, each a semicircle, back to back; in the morning the two stages presented plays; then, whJe the spectators were still in their seats, the two structures were turned on pivots and wheels, the semicircles formed an amphitheater and the united stages became an arena for gladia\u00ad torial games.24 Never had such games been so frequent, costly, or prolonged. In a single day of the games given by Caesar 10,000 gladiators took part,\n134\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. VII"]
[10.219734191894531, 6.718967914581299, "But the lover of philosophy will only reluctantly yield to science and art the supreme places in our Grecian heritage. Greek science itself was a child of Greek philosophy-of that reckless challenge to legend, that youthful love of inquiry, which for centuries united science and philosophy in one adventurous quest. Never had men examined nature so critically and yet so affectionately: the Greeks did no dishonor to the world in thinking that it was a cosmos of order and therefore amenable to understanding. They in\u00ad vented logic for the same reason that they made perfect statuary: harmony, unity, proportion, form, in their view, provided both the art of logic and the logic of art. Curious of every fact and every theory, they not only estab\u00ad lished philosophy as a distinct enterprise of the European mind, but they conceived nearly every system and every hypothesis, and left little to be said on any major problem of our life. Realism and nominalism, idealism and materialism, monotheism, pantheism, and atheism, feminism and com\u00ad munism, the Kantian critique and the Schopenhaurian despair, the primitiv\u00ad ism of Rousseau and the immoralism of Nietzsche, the synthesis of Spencer and the psychoanalysis of Freud-all the dreams and wisdom of philosophy are here, in the age and land of its birth. And in Greece men not only talked of philosophy, they lived it: the sage, rather than the warrior or the saint, was the pinnacle and ideal of Greek life. Through all the centuries from Thales that exhilarating philosophical bequest has come down to us, inspir\u00ad ing Roman emperors, Christian Fathers, Sch<:?lastic theologians, Renaissance heretics, Cambridge Platonists, the rebels of the Enlightenment, and the devotees of philosophy today. At this moment thousands of eager spirits are reading Plato, perhaps in every country on the earth.\nCivilization does not die, it migrates; it changes its habitat and its dress, but it lives on. The decay of one civilization, as of one individual, makes room for the growth of another; life sheds the old skin, and surprises death with fresh youth. Greek civilization is alive; it moves in every brea.th of mind that we breathe; so much of it remains that none of us in one lifetime could absorb it all. We know its defects-its insane and pitiless wars, its stagnant slavery, its subjection of woman, its lack of moral restraint, its\nEPILOGUE\tOUR  GREEK  HERITAGE\t671\ncorrupt individualism, its tragic failure to unite liberty with order and peace. But those who cherish freedom, reason, and beauty will not linger over these blemishes. They will hear behind the turmoil of political history the voices of Solon and Socrates, of Plato and Euripides, of Pheidias and Prax\u00ad iteles, of Epicurus and Archimedes; they will be grateful for the existence of such men, and will seek their company across alien centuries. They will think of Greece as the bright morning of that Western civilization which, with all its kindred faults, is our nourishment and our life.\nTO TiiOSE WHO HAVE COME mus FAR:\nTHANK YOU FOR YOUR UNSEEN BUT EVER FELT COMPANIONSHIP.\nGlossary\nAperfus-instinctive insights.\nBizarreries-strange or extravagant expressions or actions.\nBourgeoisie-the middle classes.\nCujus regio ejus religio-the religion of the region must be that of the ruler.\nDe nobis fabula narrabitur-about us the story will be told.\nDeus ex machina-the god from the machine. Blan-spirited vitality.\nIn medias res-into the middle of things, or into the heart of the subject.\nLa Parisienne-The Parisian Woman. Mater Dolorosa-The Sorrowful Mother. Mise en scene-the surrounding situation. Nouveaux riches-the newly rich.\nOikoumene (sc. ge)-the inhabited world. Pace-despite, begging the pardon of.\nPinakotheka-picture gallery.\nPlein air-open air. Pornaia-brothels. Sof erim-scholars.\nBibliography\nOf Books Referred to in Text or Notes\nThe starred volumes are recommended for further study.\nADAMS, B.: The New Empire. N. Y., 1903.\n.AEscHYLUS: The Oresteia. Tr. G. Murray. London, 1928.\nANDERSON, W. J., and SPIERS, R. P.: The Architecture of Greece and Rome, London, 1902.\nARISTOPHANES: The Eleven Comedies. 2v. N. Y., 1928."]
[-1.5358836650848389, -7.360706806182861, "From the Loeb Collection, Harvard Unh\u00b7ersity\nFIG. 17-Tbe Portland Vase\nBritish .\\luscum\nc.:i\nCHAP. xv)\tROME  AT  WORK\t337\nArabia secured the passage to India against the competition of Arabs and Parthians. Pliny complained that campaigns had been undertaken that Roman ladies and dandies might have a wider choice of perfumes.1-1\nWe must not exaggerate the wealth of ancient Rome. The total annual revenue of the state under Vespasian was at most 1,500,000,000 sesterces ($150,000,000)-less than a fifth of the budget of New York City today. The means of amassing great fortunes by large-scale production were unknown or ignored, and had not developed the immense and taxable industry and commerce of the modem world. The Roman government spent little on the navy, and nothing on servicing a national debt; it lived on its income, not on its debts. Industry being largely domestic, its products passed to the consumer with less intervening trade and taxation than today. .Men pro\u00ad duced for their own localities rather than for the general market. They did more for themselves, less for unseen others, than we do. They used their bodies more, worked longer hours less intensely, and did not miss a thousand luxuries that lay outside their dreams. They could not begin to rival the wealth of even our less affluent years; but they enjoyed a degree of pros\u00ad perity such as the Mediterranean nations had not known before and, as a whole, have never known again. It was the material zenith of the ancient world.\nCHAPTER  XVI\nRome and Its Art\nTHE DEBT TO GREECE\nHE Romans were not of themselves an artistic people. Before Augustus they were warriors, after him they were rulers; they counted the establishment of order and security through government a greater good and nobler task than the creation or enjoyment of beauty. They paid great sums for the works of dead masters, but looked down upon living artists as menials. \"While we adore images,\" said the kindly Seneca, \"we despise those who fashion them.\" 1 Only law and politics, and, of manual arts, only agri\u00ad culture (by proxy), seemed honorable ways of life. Barring the architects, most artists in Rome were Greek slaves or freedmen or hirelings; nearly all worked with their hands and were classed as artisans; Latin authors seldom thought of recording their lives or their names. Hence Roman art is almost wholly anonymous; no vivid personalities humanize its history as Myron, Pheidias, Praxiteles, and Protogenes light up the aesthetic story of Greece. Here the historian is constrained to speak of things, not men, to catalogue coins, vases, statues, reliefs, pictures, and buildings in the desperate hope that their accumulation may laboriously convey the crowded majesty of Rome. The products of art appeal to the soul through eye or ear or hand rather than through the intellect; their beauty fades when it is diluted into ideas and words. The universe of thought is only one of many worlds; each sense has its own; each art has therefore its characteristic medium, which cannot\nbe translated into speech. Even an artist writes about art in vain.\nA special misfortune clouds Roman art: we come to it from Greek art, which seems at first1its model and master. As the art of India disturbs us by strange shapes, so that of Rome chills us by the monotonous repetition of familiar forms. We have seen long since these Doric, Ionic, Corinthian col\u00ad umns and capitals, these smooth idealized reliefs, these busts of poets, rulers, and gods; even the astonishing frescoes of Pompeii, we are told, were copies of Greek originals; only the \"Composite\" order is indigenously Roman, arid it offends our notions of classic unity, simplicity, and restraint. Certainly the art of the Augustan Age in Rome was overwhehningly Greek. Through\n338\nCHAP.XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\t339\nSicily and Greek Italy, through Campania and Etruria, finally through Greece, Alexandria, and the Hellenic East, the aesthetic forms, methods, and ideals of Hellas passed into Roman art. When Rome became mistress of the Mediterranean, Greek artists poured into the new center of wealth and patronage and made countless copies of Greek masterpieces for Roman temples, palaces, and squares. Every conqueror brought home examples, every magnate scoured the cities for the surviving treasures, of Greek work\u00ad manship. Gradually Italy became a museum of bought or stolen paintings and statuary that set the tone of Roman art for a century. Artistically Rome was swallowed up in the Hellenistic world.\nAll this is half the truth. In one aspect, as we shall see, the history of Roman art is a conflict between the architrave and the arch; in another it is the struggle of native Italian realism to recover from the invasion of the penin\u00ad sula by a Greek art that had pictured gods rather than men, the type or Platonic idea rather than the earthly individual, and had sought a noble per\u00ad fection of form rather than truth of perception and utterance. That virile indigenous art which had helped to carve the figures on Etruscan tombs hibernated between the Greek conquest and Nero's philhellenic ecstasy; but at last it broke the Hellenistic mold, and revolutionized classic art with real\u00ad istic sculpture, impressionistic painting, and an architecture of arch and vault. Through these, as well as by her borrowed beauty, Rome became for eighteen centuries the art capital of the Western world.\nTHE TOILERS' ROME\nThe ancient traveler bent on making a tour of Flavian Rome, and coming northward up the Tiber from Ostia, would first of all have noted the swift\u00ad ness of the muddy current, carrying along the soil of hills and valleys to the sea. In this simple fact lay the leisurely tragedy of erosion, the difficulty of two-way commerce on the river, the periodical silting of the Tiber's mouth, and the floods that almost every spring inundated the lower levels of Rome, confined the residents to upper stories reached by boats, and often destroyed the com stored in granaries on the wharves. When the waters fell they carried houses to ruin, and men and animals to death.2\nAs he neared the city* the visitor's eye would be caught by the Emporium, which ran for a thousand feet along the river's eastern edge, and was noisy with workers, warehouses, markets, and moving goods. Beyond it rose that Aventine hill on which the angry plebs had staged its \"sit-down strikes\" of\nCf. the map of Rome on the flyleaf of this volume.\n340\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\n494 and 449 B.c. On the left bank at this point were the gardens that Caesar had bequeathed to the people, and behind them the Janiculum. Near the eastern shore at the beautiful Pons Aemilius lay the Forum Boarium or Cattle Market, with its (still standing) temples to Fortune and Mater Ma\u00ad tuta, the Goddess of the Dawn.Farther north on the right loomed the Palatine and Capitoline hills, thick with palaces and temples. On the left bank were Agrippa's gardens, and beyond them the Vatican hill. North of the city's center, off the eastern shore, stretched the spacious lawns and decorative buildings of the Campus Martius, or Field of Mars; here were the theaters of Balbus and Pompey, the Circus of Flaminius, the Baths of Agrippa, and Domitian's stadium; here the legions practiced, athletes competed, chariots raced, the people played ball,3 and the Assembly gathered, under the em\u00ad perors, to go through the motions of democracy's ghost.\nDisembarking at the city's northern limits, the visitor saw some remains of the wall ascribed to Servius Tullius. Rome had probably rebuilt it after the Gallic raid of 390 B.c., but the power of Roman arms, and the apparent security of the capital, allowed the rampart to lapse into ruins; not till Aurelian (A.D. 270) would another wall rise, a symbol of security gone. Gates had been cut in the wall, usually as single or triple archways, to permit the passage of the great roads from which they took their names. Touring the boundary of the city east and then south, the visitor would see the luxuriant gardens of Sallust, the dusty camp of the Praetorians, the arches of the Marcian, Appian, and Claudian aqueducts, and on his right, in turn, the Pincian, Quirinal, Viminal, Esquiline, and Caelian hills. Leaving the walls and walking northwest on the Appian Way, he would pass through the Porta Capena along the southern slope of the Palatine to the Nova Via (\"New Street\"), and then northward through a maze of arches and buildings to stand in the ancient Forum, the head and heart of Rome.\nOriginally it had been a market place, some 600 by zoo feet; now (A.D. 96) the sellers had retired into the riear-by streets or into other forums, but in the adjoining basilicas men sold sh:1res in the publicans' corporations, made contracts with the government, defended themselves in the courts, or con\u00ad sulted lawyers on how to escape the law. Around the Forum had been built, as around New York's \\Vall Street, some modest temples to the gods, and some larger ones to l\\fammon. A population of statues adorned it, and the col\u00ad onnades of great edifices provided the shade that could hardly come from a few ancient trees. From\u00b7145 B.c. till Caesar it had been the meeting place of the assemblies. At either end stood a speaker's platform, named rostrum be\u00ad cause an earlier stand had been decorated with the rostra or prows of ships captured from Antium in 338 B.c. At the western end was the l\\Iillenarium Aureum, or Golden Milestone, a column of gilded bronze set up by Augustus"]
[-6.831643581390381, -5.776427268981934, "Caesar between the Palatine and Aventine hills. This was an immense ellipse\nThe_Roman baths pro \u00b7ided n:io?els for many m dem strucrures faced with like problems\nof covenng gr:eat 7pac_es w1_th a nummum of obstrucaon. The Pennsyh-ania Station and Grand Central Temunal m I'-ew \\ ork are outstanding examples.\nCHAP. XVI)\tROME  AND  ITS  ART\n2200 feet long and 705 feet wide, ,vith wooden seats on three sides for 180,000 spectators.33 \\Ve may judge the wealth of Rome by noting that Trajan rebuilt these seats in marble.\nBy comparison the Colosseum was a modest structure, seating only 50,000. Its plan was not new; the cities of Greek Italy had long since had amphi\u00ad theaters; Curio, as we have seen, composed one in 53 B.c.; Caesar built an\u00ad other in 46, Statilius Taurus another in 29 B.c. TheFlavian Amphitheater, as Rome called the Colosseum, was begun by Vespasian and finished by Titus (A.D. So); the architect's name is unknown. Vespasian chose as its site the lake in the gardens of Nero's Golden House, etween the Caelian and Pala\u00ad tine hills. It was constructed of travertine stone in an ellipse 1790 feet around. Its external wall rose 1 57 feet and was divided into three stories, the first partly supported by Tuscan-Doric, the second by Ionic, the third by Corinthian, columns, with an arch in each intercolumnar space. The main corridors were roofed with barrel vaults, sometimes crossed in the stvle of medieval cloisters. The interior was also divided into three tiers, each u'pheld by arches, divided into concentric rings of boxes or seats, and cut by stair\u00ad ways into \u00b7cunei, \"wedges.\" The aspect of the interior today is that of a mass of masonry into which some giant artisan has cut the arches, passages, and seats. Statues and other decorations adorned the whole, and many rows of seats were in marble. There were eighty entrances, two of them reserved for the emperor and his suite; these entrances and the exits (vomitoria) could empty the gigantic bowl in a few minutes. The a.r:_ena, 2 87 by 180\tfeet, was surrounded by a fifteen-foot wall topped with an iron grating to protect brutes from beasts. The Colosseum is not a beautiful building, and its very immensity reveJls a certain coarseness, as well as grandeur, in the Roman\ncharacter. It is only the most imposing of all the ruins left by the classic\nworld. The Romans built like giants; it would have been too much to ask that they should finish like jewelers.\nRoman art had taken over in eclectic confusion the Attic, Asiatic, and Alexandrian styles-restraint, immensity, and elegance; it never quite com\u00ad bined them into that organic unity which is one requisite of beauty. There is something Oriental in the crude strength of the typically Roman build\u00ad ings; they are awe-inspiring rather than beautiful; even Hadrian's Pantheon is a structural marvel rather than an artistic whole. Except in certain mo\u00ad ments, as in the Augustan reliefs and the glass, we must not look here for delicacy of feeling or refinement of execution; we must expect an engineer's art that seeks the perfection of stability, economy, and use, a parvenu's infatuation with immensity and ornament, a soldier's insistence en realism, a warrior's art of overwhelming force. The Romans did not finish like\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XVI\njewelers because conquerors do not become jewelers. They finished like conquerors.\nWithout doubt they created the most influential and fascinating city in history. They made a plastic, pictorial, and structural art that every man could understand, and a city that every citizen could use. The free masses were poor, but in some measure they owned much of the wealth of Rome: they ate the corn of the state, they sat at almost no cost in the theaters, the circuses, the amphitheaters, and the stadiums; they exercised, refreshed, amused, and educated themselves in the baths, they enjoyed the shade of a hundred colonnades, and waJked under decorated porticoes that covered many miles of street and three miles in the Field of Mars alone. Never had the world seen such a metropolis. At its center a tumultuous Forum busy with business, resounding with oratory, alive with empire-shaking debates; then a ring of majestic temples, basilicas, palaces, theaters, and baths, in a profusion without parallel; then a ring of humming shops and teeming tene\u00ad ments; still another ring of homes and gardens, again with temples and public baths; and last of all, a circle of villas and estates pushing the city into the countryside and binding the mountains with the sea: this was the Rome of the Caesars-proud, powerful, brilliant, materialistic, cruel, iniquitous, chaotic, and sublime.\nCHAPTER  XVII\nEpicurean Rome\n30 B.C.-A.D. 96\nTHE PEOPLE\nT ET us enter these dwellings, temples, theaters, and baths, and see how L  these Romans lived; we shall find them more interesting than their art. We must at the outset recall that by Nero's time they were only geographi\u00ad cally Roman. The conditions that Augustus had failed to check-celibacy, childlessness, abortion, and infanticide among the older stocks, manumission and comparative fertility among the new-had transformed the racial char\u00ad acter, the moral temper, even the physiognomy, of the Roman people.\nOnce the Romans had been precipitated into parentage by the impetus of sex, and lured to it by anxiety for the post-mortem care of their graves; now the upper and middle classes had learned to separate sex from parentage, and were skeptical about the afterworld. Once the rearing of children had been an obligation of honor to the state, enforced by public opinion; now it seemed absurd to demand more births in a city crowded to the point of redolence. On the contrary, wealthy bachelors and childless husbands con\u00ad tinued to be courted by sycophants longing for legacies. \"Nothing,\" said Juvenal, \"will so endear you to your friends as a barren wife.\" 1 \"Crotona,\" says a character in Petronius, \"has only two classes of inhabitants-flatterers and flattered; and the sole crime there is to bring up children to inherit your money. It is like a battlefield at rest: nothing but corpses and the crows that pick them.\" 2 Seneca consoled a mother who had lost her only child by reminding her how popular she would now be; for \"with us childlessness gives more power than it takes away.\" 3 The Gracchi had been a family of twelve children; probably not five families of such abundance could be found in Nero's age in patrician or equestrian Rome. Marriage, which had once been a lifelong economic union, was now among a hundred thousand Romans a passing adventure of no great spiritual significance, a loose con\u00ad tract for the mutual provision of physiological conveniences or political aid. To escape the testatory disabilities of the unmarried some women took eunuchs as contraceptive husbands; 4 some entered into sham wedlock with poor men on the understanding that the wife need bear no -children and\n363\nCAESAR  AND\u2022 CHRIST\t(CHAP.XVII\nmight have as many lovers as she pleased.5 Contraception was practiced in both its mechanical and chemical forms.6 If these methods failed there were many ways of procuring abortion. Philosophers and the law condemned it, but the finest families practiced it. \"Poor women,\" says Juvenal, \"endure the perils of childbirth, and all the troubles of nursing . . . but how often does a gilded bed harbor a pregnant woman? So great is the skill, so powerful the drugs, of the abortionist!\" Neverthele1s, he tells the husband, \"rejoice; give her the potion ... for were she to bear the child you might find yourself the father of an Ethiopian.\" 7 In so enlightened a society infanticide was rare.*\nThe infertility of the moneyed classes was so offset by immigration and the fecundity of the poor that the population of Rome and the Empire continued to grow. Beloch estimated it at 800,000 forthe Rome of the early Empire, Gibbon at 1,200,000, Marquardt at 1,600,000.t Beloch com\u00ad puted the population of the Empire at 54,000,000, Gibbon at 120,000,000.11 Thearistocracy was as numerous as before, but it was almost wholly altered in origin. We hear no more of the Aemilii, Claudii, Fabii, Valerii; only the Cornelii remained of the proud clans that, as late as Caesar, had strutted their Rome. Some had vanished through war or political execution; others had faded out through family limitation, physiological degeneration, or an im\u00ad poverishment that had lowered them into the plebeian mass. Their places had been taken by Roman businessmen, Italian municipal dignitaries, and provincial nobles. In A.O. 56 a senator declared that \"most of the knights, and many of the senators, \\Vere descendants of slaves.\" 12 After a generation or two the new optimates adopted the ways of their predecessors, had fewer children and more luxuries, and surrendered to ,inundation from the East. First had come the Greeks-not so much from the mai]lland as from Cyrenaica, Egypt, Syria, and Asia l\\1inor. They were eager, cle,\u00b7er, facile semi-Orientals; many of them small traders or import merchants; some of them scientists, writers, teachers, artists, physicians, musicims, actors; some sincerely, some venally, devoted to philosophy; some of them able ad\u00ad ministrators and financiers, many of them without moral scruple, nearly all without religious belief. The mnjority had come as slaves and were not an ideal selection; freed, they kept their external servility, their internal hatred and scorn of the rich Roman who lived intellectually on the cultural leavings of ancient Bellas. The streets of the capital were now noisy with restless\nSometimes, in the first century, girls or illegitimate children were exposed, usually a\u00b7t the base of the Columna Lactaria-so named because the state provided wet nurses to feed and save the infants found there.10 The abandonment of unwanted babies, however is a custom to be found in all but the most uncivilized societies.\t'\nt In 1937 the population of Rome was 1,178,000.\nCHAP.XVII)\tEPICUREAN   ROME"]
[9.827064514160156, 5.1021552085876465, "-the mystical and the medical-met and warred in the conjunction of the two philosophers. Perhaps Aristotle would have developed a thoroughly scientific mind had he not listened so long to Plato (some say for twenty years); the doctor's son struggled in him with the Puritan's pupil, and neither side won; Aristotle never quite made up his mind. He gathered about him scientific observations sufficient for an encyclopedia, and then tried to force them into the Platonic mold in which his scholastic mind had been formed. He refuted Plato at every tum because he borrowed from him on every page.\nHe was an earnest student, and soon caught the eye of his master. When Plato read at the Academy his treatise on the soul, Aristotle, says Diogenes Laertius, \"was the only person who sat it out, while all the rest rose up and went away.\"'.. After Plato's death (347) Aristotle went to the court of Hermeias, who had studied with him at the Academy and had raised himself from slavery to be the dictator of Atameus and Assus in upper Asia Minor. Aristotle married Hermeias' daughter Pythias (344), and was\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\nabout to settle in Assus when Hermeias was assassinated by the Persians, who suspected him of planning to help Philip's proposed invasion of Asia.\"' Aristotle fled with Pythias to near-by Lesbos, and spent some time there in studying the natural history of the island.\"' Pythias died after giv\u00ad ing him a daughter. Later Aristotle married, or lived with, the hetaira Herpyllis;\"\" but he maintained to the end a tender devotion to the memory of Pythias, and at his death asked that his bones be laid beside hers; he was not quite the emotionless bookworm that one might picture from his works. In 343 Philip, who probably had known him as a youth at Amyntas' court, invited him to undertake the education of Alexander, then a wild lad of thirteen. Aristotle came to Pella and labored at the task for four years. In 340 Philip commissioned him to direct the restoration and repeopling of Stageirus, which had been laid waste in the war with Olynthus, and to draw up a code of laws for it; all of which he accomplished to the satisfac\u00ad tion of the city, which commemorated its re-establishment by him in an annual holiday.\"\"\nIn 334 he returned to Athens, and-probably aided by funds from Alex\u00ad ander-opened a school of rhetoric and philosophy. He chose as its home the most elegant of Athens' gymnasiums, a group of buildings dedicated to Apollo Lyceus (God of Shepherds), surrounded with shady gardens and covered walks. In the morning he taught advanced subjects to regular stu\u00ad dents; in the afternoon he lectured to a more popular audience, probably on rhetoric, poetry, ethics, and politics. He collected here a large library, a zoological garden, and a museum of natural history. The school came to be called the Lyceum, and the group and its philosophy were named Peri\u00ad patetic from the covered walks (peripatoi) along which Aristotle liked to move with his students as he discoursed.\"\" A sharp rivalry developed be\u00ad tween the Lyceum, whose students were mostly o the middle class, the Academy, which drew its membership largely from the aristocracy, and the school of Isocrates, which was frequented chiefly by colonial Greeks. The rivalry was eased in time by the emphasis of Isocrates on rhetoric, of the Academy on mathematics, metaphysics, and politics, and of the Lyceum on natural science. Aristotle set his pupils to gathering and co-ordinating knowledge in every field: the customs of barbarians, the constitutions of the Greek cities, the chronology of victors in the Pythian games and the Athe\u00ad nian Dionysia, the organs and habits of animals, the character and distri\u00ad bution of plants, and the history of science and philosophy. These re\u00ad searches became a treasury of data upon which he drew, sometimes too confidently, for his varied and innumerable treatises.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XX!\nFor the layman he wrote some twenty-seven popular dialogues, which Cicero and Quintilian considered equal to Plato's; it was chiefly by these that he was known in antiquity.\"\" These dialogues were among the casual\u00ad ties of the barbarian conquest of Rome. What remains to us is a mass of technical, highly abstract, and inimitably dull works rarely referred to by ancient scholars, and apparently composed, in the last twelve years of his life, of notes made for his lectures by himself, or from his lectures by his pupils. These technical compendiums were not known outside the Lyceum until they were published by Andronicus of Rhodes in the first century B.c.\"\" Forty of them survive, but Diogenes Laertius mentions 360 more\u00ad probably brief monographs. In these ashes of scholarship we must seek the once living thought that in later ages won for Aristotle the title of The Philosopher. We must approach him expecting no brilliance like Plato's and no wit like Diogenes', but only a rich argosy of knowledge, and such conservative wisdom as befits the friend and pensioner of kings.*\nThe Scientist\nAristotle has traditionally been considered as primarily a philosopher. Perhaps this is a mistake. Let us, if only for a fresh view, consider him chiefly as a scientist.\nHis curious mind is interested, to begin with, in the process and tech\u00ad nique of reasoning; and so acutely does he analyze these that his \"Organon,\" or Instrument-the name given after his death to his logical treatises-be\u00ad came the textbook of logic for two thousand years. He longs to think clearly, though he seldom, in his extant works, succeeds; he spends half his time defining his terms, and then feels that he has solved the problem. Definition itself he defines definitively as the specification of an object or idea by naming the genus or class to which it belongs (\"man is an animal\")\nThe most important of the extant treatises may be arranged under six heads:\nLOGIC: Categories, Interpretation, Prior Analytics, Posterior Analytics, Topics, Soph\u00ad ist Reasonings.\nIL SCIENCE:\n1. Natural Science: Physics, Mechanics, On the Heavens, Meteorology.\n:z. Biology: History of Animals, Parts of Animals, Movements of Animals, Locomo tion of Animals, Reproduction of Animals.\n3. Psychology: On the Soul, Little Essays on Nature.\nm. Metaphysics.\nESTHETICS: Rhetoric, Poetics.\nETIDCS: Nicomachean Ethics, Eudemian Ethics.\nPOUTICS: Politics, The Constitution of Athens.\nCHAP. XXI)\tTHE   ZENITH  OF PHILOSOPHY\t527\nand the specific difference that distinguishes it from all other members of that class (\"man is a rational animal\"). It is characteristic of his methodical way that he arranged in ten \"categories\" the basic aspects under which anything may be considered: substance, quantity, quality, relation, place, time, position, possession, activity, passivity-a classification that some writers have found an aid in the amplification of their flagging thought.\nHe accepts the senses as the only source of knowledge. Universals are generalized ideas, not innate but formed from many perceptions of like objects; they are conceptions, not things.:IIO He lays down res'Olutely, as the axiom of all logic, the principle of contradiction: \"It is impossible for the same attribute at once to belong and not to belong to the same thing in the same relation.\"101 He exposes the fallacies into which sophists fall or lure us. He criticizes his predecessors for having drawn the universe, or their theories of it, out of their heads, instead of devoting themselves to patient observation and experiment.\"' His ideal of deductive reasoning is the syllogism-a trio of propositions of which the third follows necessarily from the others; but he recognizes that a syllogism, to avoid begging the question, must presuppose a wide induction to make its major premise prob\u00ad able. Though in his philosophical treatises he too often loses himself in deductive reasoning, he lauds induction, accumulates in his scientific works a mass of specific observations, and occasionally records his own or others' experiments.* With all his errors he is the father of scientific method, and the first man known to have organized co-operative scientific research.\nHe takes up science where Democritus left it, and dares to enter every field. He is weakest in mathematics and physics, and confines himself there to a study of first principles. He seeks in the Physics not new discoveries but clear definitions of the terms used-matter, motion, space, time, con\u00ad tinuity, infinite, change, end. Motion and space are continuous, they are not made up, as Zeno assumed, of small indivisible moments or parts; the \"infinite\" exists potentially, but not actually.w He feels, though he does nothing to solve, the problems that were to arouse Newton-inertia, gravity, motion, velocity; he has some idea of the parallelogram of forces, and states the law of the lever: \"The moving weight will more easily move\" (the object) \"the farther away it is from the fulcrum.\"\"\"\nHe argues that the heavenly bodies-certainly the earth-ate spherical, for only a spherical earth could explain the shape of the moon when it is"]
[5.168972015380859, 10.926874160766602, "Sexual morality was relaxed even beyond the loose standards of the Periclean age. Homosexualism remained popular; the youth Delphis \"is in love,\" says Theocritus' Simaetha, \"but whether for a woman or for a man. I cannot say.\".., The courtesan still reigned: Demetrius Poliorcetes levied a tax of two hundred and fifty talents ($750,000) upon the Athenians, and then gave it to his mistress Lamia on the ground that she needed it for soap; which led the angry Athenians to remark how unclean the lady must be... Dances of naked women were accepted as part of the mores, and were performed before a Macedonian king... Athenian life was portrayed in Menander's plays as a round of triviality, seduction, and adultery.\nGreek women participated actively in the cultural pursuits of the time, and contributed to letters, science, philosophy, and art. Aristodama of Smyrna gave recitals of her poetry throughout Greece, and received many honors. Some philosophers, like Epicurus, did not hesitate to admit women into their schools. Literature began to stress the physical loveliness of woman rather than her worth and charm as a mother; the literary cult of feminine beauty arose in this period alongside the poetry and fiction of romantic love. The partial emancipation of woman was accompanied by a revolt against wholesale maternity, and the limitation of the family became the outstanding social phenomenon of the age. Abortion was punishable only if practiced by a woman against the wish of her husband, or at the instigation of her seducer. When a child came it was in many cases exposed. Only one family in a hundred, in the old Greek cities, reared more than one daughter: \"Even a rich man,\" reports Poseidippus, \"always exposes a daugh\u00ad ter.\" Sisters were a rarity. Families with no child, or only one, w.ere\n568\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXlII\nnumerous. Inscriptions enable us to trace the fertility of seventy-nine families in Miletus about 200 u.c.: thirty-two had one child, thirty-one had two; altogether they had one hundred and eighteen sons and twenty-eight daughters... At Eretria only one family in twelve had two sons; hardly any had two daughters. Philosophers condoned infanticide as reducing the pressure of population; but when the lower classes took up the practice on a large scale, the death rate overtook the birth rate. Religion, which had once frightened men into fertility lest their dead souls be untended, no longer had the power to outweigh considerations of comfort and cost. In the colonies immigration replaced the old families; in Attica and the Pelo\u00ad ponnesus immigration trickled down to a negligible figure, and population declined. In Macedonia Philip V forbade the limitation of the family, and in thirty years raised the man power of the country fifty per cent;\"' we may judge from this how widespread the practice of limitation had become, even in half-primitive Macedon. \"In our time,\" wrote Polybius about\n150 B.C.,\nthe whole of Greece has been subject to a low birth rate and a gen\u00ad eral decrease of the population, owing to which cities have become deserted and the land has ceased to yield fruit   For as men had\nfallen into such a state of luxury, avarice, and indolence that they did not wish to marry, or, if they married, to rear the children born to them, or at most but one or two of them, so as to leave these in afflu\u00ad ence and bring them up to waste their substance-the evil insensibly but rapidly grew. For in cases where, of one or two children, the one was carried off by war and the other by sickness, it was evident that the houses must have been left empty  and by small degrees cities\nbecame resourceless and feeble.\"\"\nIV. REVOLUTION IN SPARTA\nMeanwhile that concentration of wealth, which everywhere in Greece was enflaming the eternal conflict of classes, produced in Sparta two at\u00ad tempts at revolutionary reform. Isolated by its mountain barriers, Sparta had maintained its independence, had fought back the Macedonians, and had bravely defeated the immense army of Pyrrhus ( 2 72).  But the greed of the strong generated from within the ruin that enemy forces had failed to bring from without. The Lycurgean laws against alienating the land from the family by sale, or dividing it in bequests, had been abrogated,t? and the fortunes made by Spartans in empire or war had gone to buyi11g\nPerhaps because the latter had led to family limitation, as in modem France.\nCHAP.XXIII)\tGREECE  AND MACEDON\nup the soil.11 By 244 the 700,000 acres of Laconia were owned by one hun\u00ad dred families,.. and only seven hundred men had preserved ,the rights of citizenship. Even these no longer ate in common; the poor could not make the necessary contribution, while the rich preferred to feast in private. A large majority of the families that had once enjoyed the franchise had sunk into poverty, and called for a cancellation of debts and a redivision of the land.\nIt is to the credit of monarchy that the attempt to reform this condition came from the Spartan kings. In 242 Agis IV and Leonidas succeeded to the dual throne. Convinced that Lycurgus had meant the land to be equally divided among all freemen, Agis proposed to redistribute it, to annul all debts, and to restore the semicommunism of Lycurgus. Those landowners whose property was mortgaged supported the move for cancellation; but when the measure nad been passed they resisted violently the remaining elements of Agis' reforms. At the instigation of Leonidas, Agis was mur\u00ad dered, along with his mother and his grandmother, both of whom had vol\u00ad unteered to surrender their great estates for division among the people. In this royal drama the noblest characters were women. Chilonis, daughter of Leonidas, was the wife of Cleombrotus, who supported Agis. When Leonidas was exiled, and Cleombrotus seized his throne, Chilonis left her triumphant husband to share her father's banishment; when Leonidas re\u00ad captured power and exiled Cleombrotus, Chilonis chose exile with her hus\u00ad band.\u2022\nLeonidas, to get the rich property of Agis' widow into his family, com\u00ad pelled her to marry his son Cleomenes. But Cleomenes fell in love with his wife, and imbibed from her the ideas of the dead king. When he came to the throne as Cleomenes III he resolved to carry out Agis' reforms. Having won over the army by his courage in war, and the people by the simplicity of his life, he abolished the oligarchic ephorate on the ground that Lycurgus had never sanctioned it; he killed fourteen resisters, exiled eighty, canceled all debts, divided the land among the free population, and restored the Lycurgean discipline. Not content, he set out to conquer the Peloponnese for the revolution. The proletariat everywhere hailed ham as a liberator, and many towns surrendered to him gladly; he took Argos, Pellene, Phlius, Epidaurus, Hermione, Troezen, at last even rich Corinth. The ferment of his program spread: in Boeotia the payment of debts was abandoned, and the state appropriated funds to appease the poor; in Megalopolis the philosopher Cercidas pied with the rich to aid the needy before revolution destroyed all wealth.\u2022 When Cleomenes invaded Achaea and defeated Aratus all upper-class Greece trembled for its prop-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXIII\nerty. Aratus appealed to Macedonia. Antigonus Doson came down, over\u00ad whelmed Cleomenes at Sellasia ( 2 2 r), and restored the oligarchic regime in Lacedaemon. Cleomenes fled to Egypt, tried and failed to win the help of Ptolemy III, tried and failed to rouse the Alexandrians to revolution, and killed himself.\"\nThe class war continued. A generation after Cleomenes the people of Sparta overthrew the government, and set up a revolutionary dictatorship. Philopoemen, who had succeeded Aratus as head of the Achaean League, invaded Laconia, and restored the rule of property. As soon as Philopoe\u00ad men had gone the people rose again, and set up Nabis as dictator: (207). Nabis was a Syrian Semite who had been captured in war and sold into slavery at Megalopolis; smarting under suppressed ability, he had revenged himself by organizing a revolt among the Helots. Now he gave Spartan citizenship to all freemen, and freed all the Helots with one word. When the rich obstructed him he confiscated their wealth and cut off their heads. The news of his doings went abroad, and he found it a simple matter, with the help of the poorer classes, to conquer Argos, Messenia, Elis, and part of Arcadia. Everywhere he nationalized large estates, redistributed the land, and abolished debts... The Achaean League, unable to overthrow him, appealed to Rome for aid. Flamininus came, but Nabis offered so resolute a resistance that the Roman accepted a truce by which Nabis was to release the imprisoned rich, but would retain his power. At this juncture Nabis was assassinated by an agent of the Aetolian League ( r92) :\u2022 Four years later Philopoemen marched in again, propped up the oligarchs, abol\u00ad ished the Lycurgean regimen, and sold three thousand of Nabis' followers into slavery. The revolution was ended, but so was Sparta; it continued to exist, but it played no further part in the history of Greece.\nV. THE ASCENDANCY OF RHODES\nFrightenerl by the violence of faction and drawn by the movements of popu\u00ad Jation, trade and capital passed from the mainland and sought new havens in the Aegean. Delos, once rich through A?ollo, flourished in the second century as a free port under the protection of Rome and the management of Athens. The tittle isle was crowded with alien merchants, business offices, palaces and hovels, and the diverse temples of exotic faiths.\nRhodes reached her zenith in the third century, and was then by common consent the most civilized and beautiful city in Hellas. Strabo described the great port as \"so far superior to all others in harbors, roads, walls, and improve-\nCHAP.XXIII)\tGREECE  AND  MACEDON\t571\nments that I am unable to speak of any other city as equal to it, or even as almost equal to it.\"'0 Situated at one of the crossroads of the Mediterranean, in a posi\u00ad tion to take advantage of that expanding trade which Alexander's conquests had made possible between Europe, Egypt, and Asia, Rhodes' spacious harbors re\u00ad placed Tyre and the Piraeus as a port of reshipment for goods, and as a clearing\u00ad house for the organization and financing of commerce in the eastern sea. Her merchants established a profitable reputation for honesty, her banks and her government for stability, in a world of treachery and change; her powerful fleet, manned by her citizens, cleared the Aegean of pirates, maintained an equal security for the merchant vessels of all nations, and established a code of mari\u00ad time law so ably devised and so widely accepted that it governed Mediterranean trade for centuries, and passed down into the marine law of Rome, Constanti\u00ad nople, and Venice.\nHaving freed herself from Macedonian domination by her heroic resistance_ to Demetrius Poliorcetes (305), Rhodes steered successfully through the troubled poUtics of the age by maintaining a wise neutrality, or by going to war only to check the growth of an aggressor state, or to preserve the freedom of the seas. She united many of the Aegean cities in an \"Island League,\" and exercised her pr idency so fairly that no one questioned her right to lead. Her government\u00ad an aristocracy resting on a democratic base as in republican Rome-ruled the synoecized cities of Lindus, Camirus, Ialysus, and Rhodes with skill and com\u00ad parative justice, gave to alien residents such privileges as Athens had never yielded to her metics, protected a large population of slaves so well that when in danger it dared to arm them, and laid upon the rich men of the city the obliga\u00ad tion to take care of the poor.u The state met its expenses by a two per cent tax upon imports and exports. It lent money generously, sometimes without inter\u00ad est, to cities in distress.\nWhen Rhodes herself was physically ruined by an earthquake (225), all the Greek world came to her aid, for everyone recognized that her disappearance from the Aegean would lead to commercial and financial chaos. Hieron II sent one hundred gold talents ($300,000), and set up in the restored city a statuary group showing the people of Rhodes being crowned by the people of Syracuse. Ptolemy III sent three hundred talents\u2022 of silver; Antigonus III sent three thou\u00ad sand, together with great quantities of timber and pitch for building; his queen Chryseis gave three thousand talents of lead, and 150,000 bushels of com. Seleu\u00ad cus III sent 300,0Qo bushels of com and ten fully equipped quinqueremes. \"As for the towns that contributed each according to its means,\" says Polybius, \"it would be difficult to enumerate them.\"'\" It was a bright interlude in the dark annals of political history, one of the rare occasions when all the Greek world thought and acted as one."]
[6.185380935668945, 11.712371826171875, "The state specified the best age of marriage as thirty for men and twenty for women. Celibacy in Spana was a crime; bachelors were excluded from the franchise, and from the sig ublic processions in which young men and women danced in the nude. According to Plutarch the bachelors them\u00ad selves were compelled to march in public, naked even in winter, singing a song to the effect that they were justly suffering this punishment for hav\u00ad ing disobeyed the laws. Persistent avoiders of marriage might be set upon at any time in the streets by groups of women, and be severely handled.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IV\nThose who married and had no children were only less completely dis\u00ad graced; and it was understood that men who were not fathers were not entitled to the respect that the youth of Sparta religiously paid to their elders.\u2022\nMarriages were usually arranged by the parents, without purchase; but after this agreement the bridegroom was expected to carry off the bride by force, and she was expected to resist; the word for marriage was httrpadzein, to seize... If such arrangements left some adults still unmarried, several men might be pushed into a dark room with an equal number of girls, and be left to pick their life mates in the darkness;00 the Spartans thought that such choosing would not be blinder than love. It was usual for the bride to stay with her parents for a while; the bridegroom remained in his barracks, and visited his wife only clandestinely; \"in this relation,\" says Plutarch, \"they lived a long time, insomuch that they sometimes had children by their wives before even they saw their faces by daylight.\" When they were ready for parentage custom allowed them to set up a home. Love came after mar\u00ad riage rather than before, and marital affection appears to have been as strong in Sparta as in any other civilization.11 The Spartans boasted that there was no adultery among them, and they may have been right, for there was much freedom before marriage, and many husbands could be persuaded to share their wives, especially with brothers.\u2022 Divorce was rare. The Spartan general Lysander was punished because he left his wife and wished to marry a prettier one.\u2022\nAll in all,' the position of woman was better in Sparta than in any other\nGreek community. There more than elsewhere she preserved her high Homeric status, and the privileges that survived from an early matrilinear society. Spartan women, says Plutarch,\" \"were bold and masculine, over\u00ad bearing to their husbands . . . and speaking openly even on the most im\u00ad portant subjects.\" They could inherit and bequeath property; and in the course of time-so great was their influence over men-nearly half the real wealth of Sparta was in their hands.\u2022 They lived a life of luxury and liberty at home while the men bore the brunt of frequent war, or dined on simple fare in the public mess.\nFor every Spartan male, by a characteristic ordinance of the constitution, was required from his thirtieth to his sixtieth year to eat his main meal daily in a public dining hall, w ere the food was simple in quality and slightly but deliberately inadequate in amount. In this way, says Plutarch,\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\t85\nthe legislator thought to harden them to the privations of war, and to keep them from the degeneration of peace; they \"should not spend their lives at home, laid on costly couches at splendid tables, delivering themselves up to the hands of their tradesmen and cooks, to fatten them in comers like greedy brutes, and to ruin not their minds only but their very bodies, which, enfeebled by indulgence and excess, would stand in need of long sleep, warm bathing, freedom from work, and, in a word, of as much care and attendance as if they were continually sick.\".. To supply the food for this public meal each citizen was required to contribute to his dining club, periodically, stated quantities of com and .other provisions; if he failed in this his citizenship was forfeited.\nNormally, in the earlier centuries of the code, the simplicity and asceti\u00ad cism to which Spartan youth was trained persisted into later years. Fat men were a rarity in Lacedaemon; there was no law regulating the size of the stomach, but if a man's belly swelled indecently he might be publicly reproved by the government, or banished from Laconia.\u2022 There was little of the drinking and the revelry that flourished in Athens. Diffel'ences of wealth were real, but hidden; rich and poor wore the same simple dress\u00ad a woolen peplos, or shirt, that hung straight from the shoulders without pretense to beauty or form. The accumulation of movable riches was diffi\u00ad cult; to lay up a hundred dollars' worth of iron currency required a large closet, and to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of oxen.68 Human greed remained, however, and found an outlet in official corruption. Senators, ephors, envoys, generals, and kings were alike purchasable, at prices befit\u00ad ting their dignity.\"\" When an ambassador from Samos displayed his gold plate at Sparta, King Cleomenes I had him recalled lest the citizens be spoiled by alien example.10\nThe Spartan system, fearful of such contamination, was inhospitable beyond precedent. Foreigners were rarely welcomed. Usually they were made to understand that their visits must be brief; if they stayed too long they were escorted to the frontier by the police. The Spartans themselves were forbidden to go abroad without permission of the government, and to dull their curiosity they were trained to a haughty exclusiveness that would not dream that other nations could teach them anything.\" The sys\u00ad tem had to be ungracious in order to protect itself; a breath from that excluded world of freedom, luxury, letters, and arts might topple over this strange and artificial society, in which two thirds of the people were serfs, and all the masters were slaves.\n86\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nAn Estimate of Sparta\nWhat type of man, and what kind of civilization, did this code produce? First of all, a man of strong body, at home with hardship and privation. A luxury-loving Sybarite remarked of the Spartans that \"it was no com\u00ad mendable thing in them to be so ready to die in the wars, since by that they were freed from much hard labor and miserable living.\"'111 Health was one of the cardinal virtues in Sparta, and sickness was a crime; Plato's heart must have been gladdened to find a land so free from medicine and democ\u00ad racy. And here was courage; only the Roman would equal the Spartan's record for fearlessness and victory. When the Spartans surrendered at Sphacteria, Greece could hardly believe it; it was unheard of that Spartans\nshould not fight to the last man; even their common soldiers, on many occasions, killed themselves rather than survive defeat.'18 When the news of the Spartan disaster at Leuctra-so overwhelming that in effect it put an end to Sparta's history-was brought to the ephors as they presided over the Gymnopedia games, the magistrates said nothing, but merely added, to the roster of the holy deaq whom the games honored, the names of the newly slain. Self-control, moderation, equanimity in fortune and adver\u00ad sity-qualities that the Athenians wrote about but seldom showed-were taken for granted in every Spartan citizen.\nIf it be a virtue to obey the laws, the Spartan was virtuous beyond most men. \"Though the Lacedaemonians are free,\" the ex-king Demaratus told Xerxes, \"yet they are not free in all things; for over them is set law as a master, whom they fear much more than thy people fear thee.\"\" Sel\u00ad dom-probably never again except in Rome and medieval Jewry-has a peo\u00ad ple been so strengthened by reverence for its laws. Under the Lycurge:t.n constitution Sparta, for at least two centuries, became always stronger. Though it failed to conquer Argos or Arcadia, it persuaded all the Pelo\u00ad ponnesus except Argos and Achaea to accept its leadership in a Peloponne\u00ad sian League that for almost two hundred years (560-380) kept the peace in Pelops' isle. All Greece admired Sparta's army and government, and looked to it for aid in deposing burdensome tyrannies. Xenophon tells of \"the astonishment with which I first noted the unique position of Sparta among the states of Hellas, the relatively sparse population, and at the same time the extraordinary power and prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. It was only when I came to consider the peculiar institutions of the Spartans that my wonderment ceased.',.,. Like Plato and Plutarch, Xenophon was never tired of praising Spartan ways.\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\nHere it was, of course, that Plato found the outlines of his utopia, a little blurred by a strange indifference to Ideas. Weary and fearful of the vul\u00ad garity and chaos of democracy, many Greek thinkers took refuge in an idolatry of Spanan order and law.\nThey could afford to praise Sparta, since they did not have to live in it. They did not feel at close range the selfishness, coldness, and cruelty of the Spartan character; they could not see from the select gentlemen whom they met, or the heroes whom they commemorated from afar, that the Spartan code produced good soldiers and nothing more; that it made vigor of body a graceless brutality because it killed nearly all capacity for the things of the mind. With the triumph of the code the arts that had flour\u00ad ished before its establishment died a sudden death; we hear of no more poets, sculptors, or builders in Sparta after 550.* Only choral dance and music remained, for there Spartan discipline could shine, and the individ\u00ad ual could be lost in the mass. Excluded from commerce with the world, barred from travel, ignorant of the science, the literature, and the philoso\u00ad phy of exuberantly growing Greece, the Spartans became a nation of excel\u00ad lent hoplites, with the mentality of a lifelong infantryman. Greek travelers marveled at a life so simple and unadorned, a franchise so jealously con\u00ad fined, a conservatism so tenacious of every custom and superstition, a cour\u00ad age and discipline so exalted and limited, so noble in character, so base in purpose, and so barren in result; while, hardly a day's ride away, the Athe\u00ad nians were building, out of a thousand injustices and errors, a civilization broad in scope and yet intense in action, open to eve1y new idea and eageir for intercourse with the world, tolerant, varied, complex, luxurious, inno\u00ad vating, skeptical, imaginative, poetical, turbulent, free. It was a contrast that would color and almost delineate Greek history.\nIn the end Spana's narrowness of spirit betrayed even her strength of\nsoul. She descended to the sanctioning of any means to gain a Spartan aim; at last she stooped so far to conquer as to sell to Persia the liberties that Athens had won for Greece at Marathon. Militarism absorbed her, and made her, once so honored, the hated terror of her neighbors. When she fell, all the nations marveled, but none mourned. Today, among the scanty ruins of that ancient capital, hardly a torso or a fallen pillar sur\u00ad vives to declare that here there once lived Greeks.\nGitiadas adorned a temple of Athena with excellently wrought bronze plates; Bathycles of Magnesia built the stately throne of Apollo at Amyclae; and Theodorus of Samos built for Spana a famous town hall. After that Spartan art, even by imported artists, is hardly heard of anymore.\n88\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nFOR N STATES\nNorthward from Sparta the valley of the Eurotas reaches across the frontier of Laconia into the massed mountains of Arcadia. They would be more beautiful if they were not so dangerous. They have not welcomed the narrow roads cut out of their rock slopes, and seem to threaten gloom\u00ad ily all disturbers of these Arcadian retreats. No wonder the conquering Dorians and Spartans were both baffled here, and left Arcadia, like Elis and Achaea, to the Achaean and Pelasgian stocks. Now and then the trav\u00ad eler comes upon a plain or a plateau, and finds flourishing new towns like Tripolis, or the remains of ancient cities like Orchomenos, Megalopolis, Tegea, and Mantinea, where Epaminondas won both victory and death. But for the most part it is a land of scattered peasants and shepherds, living precariously with their flocks in these grudging hills; and though after Marathon the cities awoke to civilization and art, they hardly enter the story before the Persian War. Here in these perpendicular forests once"]
[-0.5033369064331055, 14.227572441101074, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XXVD\nThe age was rich in now anonymous masterpieces that almost call the roll of the major gods. The majestic Head of Zeus found at Otricoli, and the Ludovisi Hera now in the Musco delle Terme so pleased the young Goethe that he took casts of them with him to Germany as, so to speak, the authentic autographs of Jove and Juno. The once acclaimed Apollo Belvedere\u2022 is academically cold and lifeless; and yet, two centuries ago, it set Winckelmann aflame.\u2022 A world away from this smooth weakling is the Farnese Heracles, copied by Glycon of Athens from an original attributed to Lysippus-all muscle in the overdone body, all weariness, kindliness, and wonder in the face-as if power was asking itself its never answered question: what should be its goal? Of Aphrodite the age had representatives only less numerous than her devotees; several of these statues have survived, mostly through Roman copies. The Aphrodite of Melos-the Venus de Milo of the Louvre-is apparently an original Greek work of the second century B,c. It was found on the island of Melos in 1820, near a pedestal fragment bearing the letters-sandros; perhaps Agesander of Antioch carved this modest nudity. The face is not as delicately fair as that which fonns the symbol of this volume, but the figure itself is a poem of that health whose natural flower is beauty; the wasp waist finds no encouragement in this full\nbody and these sturdy hips. Not so near perfection, but still pleasant to the eye, are the Capitoline Venus and the Venus de Medici.t Candidly and disarmingly sensual is the Venus Callipyge, or Venus of the Lovely Buttocks,t who drapes\nher charms to reveal them, and turns to admire her nates in the pool; More im\u00ad pressive than any of these is the superb Nike, or Victory of Srmzothrace, found there in 1863, and now the sculptural masterpiece of the Louvre.\u00a7 The goddess of victory is shown as if alighting in full flight up0n the prow of a swiftly mov\u00ad ing ship and leading the vessel on to attack; her great wings seem to pull the craft along in the face of the breeze that confuses her robes. Again the Greek conception of woman as no mere delicacy, but as a strong mother, dominates the work; this is not the frail and passing beauty of youth, but the lifelong call of the woman to the man to lift himself up to achievement, as if the artist had wished to illustrate the last lines of Goethe's Faust. The civilization that could conceive and carve this figure was yet far from dead.\nThe gods were not the chief interest of the sculptors who brightened the eve\u00ad ning of Greek art. These men looked upon Olympus as a quarry of subjects, and no more. When that quarry had been worn down by repetition they turned\nSo called from the pavilion in the Vatican where the statue was formerly placed.\nt In the Capitoline Museum at Rome, and the Uffizi at Florence.\n:j: In the Naples Museum.\n\u00a7 It was formerly described as a dedication set up by Demetrius Poliorcetes in 305 to com\u00ad memorate his defeat of Ptolemy I off Cyprian Salamis in 306; but recent discussion tends to connect it with the battle of Cos (ca. 258), in which the fleets of Macedonia, Seleucia, and Rhodes defeated Ptolemy II.111\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE  ART  OF  THE  DISPERSION\t625\nto the earth and took delight in representing the wisdom and loveliness, the strangeness and absurdities of human life. They carved or cast impressive heads of Homer, Euripides, and Socrates. They made a number of smooth and deli\u00ad cate Hermaphrodites, whose equivocal beauty arrests the eye in the Archeolog\u00ad ical Museum at Constantinople, or the Borghese Gallery in Rome, or the Louvre. Children offered refreshingly natural poses, like the boy who removes a thorn\nfrom his foot, and another who struggles with a goose,\u2022 and-finest of this class\u00ad the trustful Praying Youth attributed to Lysippus' pupil Boethus.t Or the sculp\u00ad tors went to the woods and depicted sylvan sprites like the Barberini Ftmn of Munich, or hilarious satyrs like the Drunken Silenus of the Naples Museum. And here and there, with jolly frequency, they inserted among their figures the\nrosy cheeks and impish pranks of the god of love.\nIV. COMMENTARY\nThis sudden irruption of humor into the once formal sanctuaries of Greek sculpture is a distinctive mark of Hellenistic art. Every museum has preserved from the ruins of the age some laughing faun, some singing Pan, some rioting Bacchus, some urchin serving as a fountain with alarming indecency. Perhaps the return of Greek art to Asia restored to it the variety, feeling, and warmth which it had almost lost in its classic subordi\u00ad nation to religion and the state. Nature, which had been adored, began now to be enjoyed. Not that classic moderation disappeared: the Y outb of Subiaco in the Museo delle Terme, the Sleeping Ariadne of the Vatican, the Sitting Maiden of the Palace of the Conservatori continue the delicate tradition of Praxiteles; and in Athens, throughout this period, many sculp\u00ad tors fought the \"modernistic\" tendencies of their time by deliberately going back to fourth- and fifth-century styles, even, now and then, to the archaic dignity of the sixth. But the spirit of the age was for experiment, individualism, naturalism, and realism, with a strong countercurrent toward imagination, idealism, sentiment, and dramatic effect. Artists carefully followed the progress of anatomy, and worked more from models in studios; sculptors carved their figures to be seen not only from in front, but from all sides. They used novel materials-crystal, chalcedony, topaz, glass, dark basalt, black marble, porphyry-to imitate the pigment of Negroes or the ruddy faces of satyrs illumined with wine.\nTheir fertility of invention equaled their mastery of technique. They\nBoth in the Vatican.\nt In the State Museum, Berlin.\n626\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XXVII\nwere tired of repeating types; they anticipated Ruskin's criticism,* and were resolved to show the reality and individuality of the persons and objects they portrayed. They no longer confined themselves to the perfect and the beautiful, to athletes, heroes, and gods; they made genre pictures or terra cottas of workingmen, fishermen, musicians, market men, jockeys, eunuchs; they sought unhackneyed subjects in children and peasants, in characterful features like those of Socrates, in bitter old men like Demos\u00ad thenes, in powerful, almost brutal faces like that of Euthydemus the Greco\u00ad Bactrian king, in desolate derelicts like the Old Market Woman of the Metropolitan Museum in New York; they recognized and relished the variety and complexity of life. They did not hesitate to be sensual; they were not parents anxious about the chastity of their daughters, nor phil\u00ad osophers disturbed by the social consequences of an epicurean individual\u00ad ism; they saw the charms of the flesh, and carved them into a beauty that might for a while laugh at wrinkles and time. Freed from the conventions of the classic age, they indulged themselves in tender sentiment, and pic\u00ad tured, possibly with sincere feeling, shepherds dying of undisillusioned love, pretty heads lost in romantic reverie, mothers fondly contemplating their children: these, too, seemed to them a part of the reality they would record. And finally they faced the facts of pain and grief, of tragic catastrophes and untimely death; and they resolved to find a place for them in their repre\u00ad sentation of human life.\nNo student with a mind of his own will join in any sweeping judgment about Hellenistic decay; a general conclusion to this effect serves too easily as an excuse for ending the story of Greece before the task is done. We feel in this period a slackening of creative impulse, but we are compensated by the lavish abundance of an art now completely master of its tools. Youth cannot last forever, nor are its charms supreme; the life of Greece, like every life, had to have a natural subsidence, and accept a ripe old age. De\u00ad cadence had set in, it had bitten into religion, morals, and letters, and had left its stigmata upon individual works here and there; but the impetus of the Greek genius kept Greek art, like Greek science and philosophy, near their zenith to the end. And never in its isolated youth had the Greek passion for beauty, or the Greek power and patience to embody it, spread so triumphantly, or with such rich stimulation and result, into the sleeping cities of the East. There Rome would find it, and pass it on.\n\"There is no personal character in Greek art-abstract ideas of youth and age,strength and swiftness, virtue and vice-yes; but there is no individuality.'\"\" Ruskin thought only of fifth\u00ad and founh-century Greek an, just as Winckelmann and Lessing knew chiefly the an of the Hellenistic age.\nCHAPTER  XXVIII\nTheClimax of Greek Science\nEUCLID AND APOLLONIUS"]
[-4.242517471313477, 11.383179664611816, "CHAP.m)\tTHE\tHEROIC  AGE\t39\nHittite inscriptions mention an Atarissyas as King of the Ahhijavas in the thirteenth century B.c.; he is probably Atreus, King of the Achaeans.0 In Greek story Zeus begat Tantalus, King of Phrygia,* who begat Pelops, who begat Atreus, who begat Agamemnon. Pelops, being exiled, came to Elis in the western Peloponnesus about 1 283, and determined to marry Hip\u00ad podameia, daughter of Oenomaus, Elis' king. The east pediment of the great temple of Zeus at Olympia still tells us the story of their courtship. The King made a practice to test his daughter's suitors by competing with them in a chariot race: if the suitor won he would receive Hippodameia; if he lost he was put to death. Several suitors had tried, and had lost both race and life. To reduce the risks Pelops bribed the King's charioteer, Myrtilus, to remove the linchpins from the royal chariot, and promised to share the kingdom with him if their plan succeeded. In the contest that ensued the King's chariot broke down, and he was killed. Pelops married Hippodameia and ruled Elis, but instead of sharing the kingdom with Myrtilus he threw Myrtilus into the sea. As Myrtilus sank he laid an ominous curse upon Pelops and all his descendants.\nPelops' daughter married Sthenelus, son of Perseus and King of Argos; the throne passed down to their son Eurystheus, and, after the latter's death, to his uncle Atreus. Atreus' sons Agamemnon and Menelaus married Clytaemnestra and Helen, daughters of King Tyndareus of Lacedaemon; and when Atreus and Tyndareus died, Agamemnon and Menelaus between them ruled all the eastern Peloponnesus from their respective capitals at Mycenae and Sparta. The Peloponnesus, or Island of Pelops, came to be called after their grandfather, whose descendants had quite forgotten the curse of Myrtilus.\nMeanwhile the remainder of Greece was also busy with heroes, usually founding cities. In the fifteenth century before our era, said Greek tradi\u00ad tion, the iniquity of the human race provoked Zeus to overwhelm it with a flood, from which one man, Deucalion, and his wife Pyrrha, alone were saved, in an ark or chest that came to rest on Mt. Parnassus. From Deuca\u00ad lion's son Hellen had come all the Greek tribes, and their united name, Hellenes. Hellen was grandfather of Achaeus and \u00b7ion, who begot the\nTantalus angered the gods by divulging their secrets, stealing their nectar and ambrosia, and offering them his son Pelops, boiled and sliced. Zeus put Pelops together again, and punished Tantalus, in Hades, with a raging thirst; Tantalus was placed in the midst of a lake whose waters receded whenever he tried to drink of them; over his head branches rich in fruit were hung, which withdrew when he sought to reach them; a great rock was suspended above him, which at every moment threatened to fall and crush him.'\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nAchaean and Ionian tribes, which, after many wanderings, peopled re\u00ad spectively the Peloponnesus and Attica. One of Ion's descendants, Cecrops, with the help of the goddess Athena, founded (on a site whose acropolis had already been settled by Pelasgians) the city that was named after her, Athens.\u2022 It was he, said the story, that gave civilization to Attica, instituted marriage, abolished bloody sacrifices, and taught his subjects to worship the Olympian gods-Zeus and Athena above the rest.\nThe descendants of Cecrops ruled Athens as kings. The fourth in line\nwas Erechtheus, to whom the city, honoring him as a god, would later dedicate one of its loveliest temples. His grandson, Theseus, about 12 50, merged the twelve demes or villages of Attica into one political unity, whose citizens, wherever they lived, were to be called Athenians; perhaps it was because of this historic synoikismos, or municipal cohabitation, that Athens, like Thebes and Mycenae, had a plural name. It was Theseus who brought order and power to Athens, ended the sacrifice of her children to Minos, and gave her people security on the roads by slaying the highwayman Procrustes, who had liked to stretch or cut the legs of his captives to make them fit his bed. After Theseus' death Athens worshiped him, too, as a god. As late as 476, in the skeptical age of Pericles, the city brought the bones of Theseus from Scyros and deposited them as sacred relics in the temple of Theseus.\nTo the north, in Boeotia, a rival capital had equally stirring traditions, destined to become the very substance of Greek drama in the classic age. Late in the fourteenth century B.c. the Phoenician or Cretan or Egyptian prince Cadmus founded the city of Thebes at the meeting of the roads that cross Greece from east to west and from north to south, taught its people letters, and slew the dragon (perhaps an ancient phrase for an infecting or infesting organism) that hindered the settlers from using the waters of the Areian spring. From the dragon's teeth, which Cadmus sowed in the earth, sprang armed men who, like the Greeks of history, attacked one another until only five survived; these five, said Thebes, were the founders of her royal families. The government established itself on a hill citadel called the Cadmeia, where in our own time a \"palace of Cadmus\" has been unearthed.\u2022 There, after Cadmus, reigned his son Poly_dorus, his grand\u00ad c;on Labdacus, and his great-grandson Laius, whose son Oedipus, as all the world knows, slew his father and married his mother. When Oedipus died\nAssigned to 1400-1200 B.c. It contained fragments of writing in undeciphered characters,\nprobably of Cretan lineage.\nCHAP.ill)\tTHE  HEROIC AGE\nhis sons quarreled over the scepter, as is the habit of princes. Eteocles drove out Polynices, who persuaded Adrastus, King of Argos, to attempt his restoration. Adrastus tried (ca. r 2 r 3), in the famous war of the Seven (Allies) against Thebes, and again sixteen years later in the war of the Epigoni, or sons of the Seven. This time both Eteocles and Polynices were killed, and Thebes was burned to the ground.\nAmong the Theban aristocrats was one Amphitryon, who had a charm\u00ad ing wife, Alcmene. Her Zeus visited while Amphitryon was gone to the wars; and Heracles (Hercules) was their son.* Hera, who did not relish these jovial condescensions, sent two serpents to destroy the babe in the cradle; but the boy grasped one in each hand and strangled them both; therefore he was called Heracles, as having won glory through Hera. Linus, oldest name in the history of music, tried to teach the youth how to play and sing; but Heracles did not care for music, and slew Linus with the lyre. When he grew up-a clumsy, bibulous, gluttonous, kindly giant-he undertook to kill a lion that was ravaging the flocks of Amphitryon and Thespius. The latter, King of Thespiae, offered his home and his fifty daughters to Heracles, who rose to the occasion manfully.1\u00b0 He slew the lion, and wore its skin as his garb. He married Megara, daughter of Creon of Thebes, and tried to settle down; but Hera sent a madness upon him, and unwittingly he killed his own children. He consulted the oracle at Delphi, and was instructed to go and live at Tiryns and serve Eurystheus, the Argive king, for twelve years; after which he would become an immortal\ngod. He obeyed, and carried out for Eurystheus his famous twelve labors.t\nReleased by the king, Heracles returned to Thebes. He performed many\n''Zeus,\" says Diodorus, \"made that night three times its normal length; and by the magni\u00ad tude of the time expended on the procreation he presaged the exceptional might of the child.\"\"\nt He strangled the lion that troubled the flocks at Nemea; he destroyed the many-headed\nhydra that ravaged Lerna; he captured a fleet stag and carried it to Eurystheus; he caught a wild boar from Mt. Eurymanthus and carried it to Eurystheus; in one day he cleansed all the stables of Augeas' three thousand oxen by diverting the rivers Alpheus and Peneus into the st\u00b7lls-and paused long enough in Elis to establish the Olympic games; he destroyed the murderous Stymphalian birds of Arcadia; he captured the mad bull that was devastating Crete, and carried it on his shoulders to Eurystheus; he caught and tamed the man-eating horses of Diomedes; he slew nearly all the Amazons; he set up two confronting promontories as the \"Pillars of Hercules\" at the mouth of the Mediterranean. captured the oxen of Geryon and brought them through Gaul, across the Alps, through Italy, and across the sea to Eurystheus; he found the apples of the Hesperides, and for a while held up the earth for Atlas; he descended into Hades, and delivered Theseus and Ascalaphus from torment.-The Hesperides, daughters of Atlas, had been entrusted by Hera with the golden apples given her by Gaea (Earth) at her wedding with Zeus. The apples were guarded by a dragon. and con\u00ad ferred semidivine qualities upon those who ate them.\n42\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.m\nother exploits; he joined the Argonauts, sacked Troy, helped the gods to win their battle against the giants, freed Prometheus, brought Alcestis back to life, and, now and then, killed his own friends by accident. After his death he was worshiped as hero and god; and since he had had countless loves, many tribes claimed him as their progenitor.*\nHis sons made their home at T rachis in Thessaly; but Eurystheus, fear\u00ad ing lest they depose him in revenge for the unnecessary labors that he had laid upon their father, ordered the Trachinian king to exile them from Greece. The Heracleidae (i.e., children of Heracles) found refuge in Athens; Eurystheus sent an army to attack them, but they defeated and killed him. When Atreus came against them with another force, Hyllus, one of the sons, offered to fight any of Atreus' men in single combat, on condition that if he won, the Hcracleidae should receive the kingdom of Mycenae; if he lost, the Heracleidae would depart and not return for fifty years, after which time their children were to receive Mycenae.\"\" He lost, and led his partisans into exile. Fifty years later a new generation of Hera\u00ad cleidae returned; it was they, not the Dorians, said Greek tradition, who, being resisted in their claims, conquered the Peloponnesus, and put an end to the Heroic Age.\nIf the tale of Pelops and his descendants suggests the Asia Minor origin of the Achaeans, the theme of their destiny is struck in the story of the Argonauts. Like so many of the legends that served as both the historical tradition and the popular fiction of the Greeks, it is an excellent narrative, with all the elements of adventure, exploration, war, love, mystery, and death woven into a fabric so rich that after the dramatists of Athens had almost worn it bare it was rewoven into a very passable epic, in Hellenistic days, by Apollortius of Rhodes. It begins in Boeotian Orchomenos on the harsh note of human sacrifice, like Agamemnon's tragedy. Finding his land stricken with famine, King Athamas proposed to offer his son Phrixus to the gods. Phrixus learned of the plan and escaped from Orchomenos with his sister Helle, riding with her through the air on a ram with a golden fleece. But the ram was unsteady, and Helle fell off and was drowned in the strait which after her was called the Hellespont. Phrixus reached land\nThis amazing \"culture hero,\" Diodorus thought, was a primitive engineer, a prehistoric Empedocles; the legends told about him meant that he had cleansed the springs, cleaved mountains, changed the courses of rivers, reclaimed waste areas, rid the woods of dangerous beasts, and made Greece a habitable land.11 In another aspect Heracles is the beloved son of JOd who suffers for mankind, raises the dead to life, descends into Hades, and then ascends mto heaven."]
[-2.061067581176758, 2.423828363418579, "Probably named by the Phoenicians from sbalam, peace; cf. Salem.116\nt Tradition placed this event in the thirteenth century n.c.; but the union of Attica under Athens could hardly have been completed before 700, since the \"Homeric\" Hymn to Demeter, composed about that date, speaks of Eleusis as still having its own king.\u2022\nA possibly legendary event attributed by tradition to 1068 B.c.\n110\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.V\ndemocracy, but a recapture of mastery by a feudal aristocracy-one more swing of the pendulum in the historical alternation between localized and centralized authority. By this piecemeal revolution the royal office was shorn of all its powers, and its holder was confined to the functions of a priest. The word king remained in the Athenian constitution to the end of its ancient history, but the reality was never restored. Institutions may with impunity be altered or destroyed from above if their names are left unchanged.\nThe Eupatrid oligarchs-i.e., the well-born ruling few-continued to govern Attica for almost five centuries. Under their rule the population was divided into three political ranks: the hippes, or knights, who owned horses* and could serve as cavalry; the zeugitai, who owned a yoke of oxen and could equip themselves to fight as hoplites or heavy-armed troops; and the tbetes, hired laborers who fought as light-armed infantry. Only the first two were accounted citizens; and only the knights could serve as archons, judges, or priests. After completing their term of office the archons, if no scandal had tarnished them, became automatically and for life members of the boule or Council that met in the cool of the evening on the Areopagus, or Ares' hill, chose the archons, and ruled the state. Even under the monarchy this Senate of the Areopagus had limited the authority of the king; now, under the oligarchy, it was as supreme as its counterpart in Rome...\nEconomically the population fell again into three groups. At the top were the Eupatrids, who lived in relative luxury in the towns while slaves and hired men tilled their holdings in the country, or merchants made profits for them on their loans. Next in wealth were the demiurgoi, or pub\u00ad lic workmen-i.e., professional men, craftsmen, traders, and free laborers. As colonization opened up new markets, and coinage liberated trade, the rising power of this class became the explosive force that under Solon and Peisistratus won for it a share in the government, and under Cleisthenes and Pericles raised it to the zenith of its influence. Most of the laborers were freemen; slaves were as yet in the minority, even in the lower classes.\"-Poorest of all were the georgoi, literally land workers, small peas\u00ad ants struggling against the stinginess of the soil and the greed of money\u00ad lenders and baronial lords, and consoled only with the pride of owning a bit of the earth.\nSome of these peasants had once held extensive tracts; but their wives had\nbeen more fertile than their land, and in the course of generations their\nThe mark of a gentleman then, as in the days of Roman equites, French chevaliers, and\nEnglish cavaliers.\nCHAP,V)\tATHENS\tIll\nholdings had been divided and redivided among their sons. The collective ownership of property by clan or patriarchal family was rapidly passing away, and fences, ditches, and hedges marked the rise of jealously indi\u00ad vidual property. As plots became smaller and rural life more precarious, many peasants sold their lands-despite the fine and disfranchisement that punished such sales-and went to Athens or lesser towns to become traders or craftsmen or laborers. Others, unable to meet the obligations of owner\u00ad ship, became tenant tillers of Eupatrid estates, hectemoroi, or \"share-crop\u00ad pers\" who kept a part of the produce as their pay.08 Still others struggled on, borrowed money by mortgaging their land at high rates of interest, were unable to pay, and found themselves attached to the soil by their creditors, and working for them as serfs. The holder of the mortgage was considered to be the hypothetical owner of the property until the mortgage was satisfied, and placed upon the mortgaged land a stone slab announcing this ownership... Small holdings became smaller, free peasants fewer, great holdings greater. \"A few proprietors,\" says Aristotle, \"owned all the soil, and the cultivators with their wives and children were liable to be sold as slaves,\" even into foreign parts, \"on failure to pay their rent\" or their debts.'\u00b0 Foreign trade, and the replacement of barter with coin\u00ad age, hurt the peasant further; for the competition of imported food kept the prices of his products low, while the prices of the manufactured arti\u00ad cles that he had to buy were determined by forces beyond his control, and rose inexplicably with every decade. A bad year ruined many farmers, and starved some of them to death. Rural poverty in Attica; became so great that war was welcomed as a blessing: more land might be won, and fewer mouths would have.to be fed.\"\nMeanwhile, in the towns, the middle classes, unhindered by law, were reducing the free laborers to destitution, and gradually replacing them with slaves.\" Muscle became so cheap that no one who could afford to buy it deigned any longer to work with his hands; manual labor became a sign of bondage, an occupation unworthy of freemen. The landowners, jealous of the growing wealth of the merchant class, sold abroad the corn that their tenants needed for food, and at last, under the law of debt, sold the Athenians themselves.'\"\nFor a time men hoped that the legislation of Draco would remedy these evils. About 620 this thesmothete, or lawmaker, was commissioned to cod\u00ad ify, and for the first time to put into writing, a system of laws that would restore order in Attica. So far as we know, the essential advances of his code were a modera.te extension, among the newly rich, of eligibility to the archonship, and the replacement of feud vengeance with law: here,\n112\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.V\nafter the Senate of the Areopagus was to try all cases of homicide. The last was a basic and progressive change; but to enforce it, indeed to persuade vengeful men to accept it as more certain and severe than their own re\u00ad venge, he attached to his laws penalties so drastic that after most of his legislation had been superseded by Solon's he was remembered for his punishments rather than for his laws. Draco's code congealed the cruel customs of an unregulated feudalism; it did nothing to relieve debtors of slavery, or to mitigate the exploitation of the weak by the strong; and though it slightly extended the franchise it left to the Eupatrid class full control of the courts, and the power to interpret in their own way all laws and issues affecting their interests.\" The owners of property were pro\u00ad tected more zealously than ever before; petty theft, even idleness, was punished in the case of citizens with disfranchisement, in the case of others with death....\nAs the seventh century drew to a close the bitterness of ,the helpless poor against the legally entrenched rich had brought Athens to the edge of revo\u00ad lution. Equality is unnatural; and where ability and subtlety are free, in\u00ad equality must grow until it destroys itself in the indiscriminate poverty of social war; liberty and equality are not associates but enemies. The con\u00ad centration of wealth begins by being inevitable, and ends by being fatal. \"The disparity of fortune between the rich and the poor,\" says Plutarch, \"had reached its height, so that the city seemed to be in a truly dangerous condition, and no other means for freeing it from disturbances ... seemed possible but a despotic power.'\"\" The poor, finding their situation worse with each year-the government and the army in the hands of their mas\u00ad ters, and the corrupt courts deciding every issue against them\"-began to talk of a violent revolt, and a thoroughgoing redistribution of wealth.'\" The rich, unable any longer to collect the debts legally due them, and angry at the challenge to their savings and their property, invoked ancient laws,\" and prepared to defend themselves by force against a mob that seemed to threaten not only property but all established order, all religion, and all civilization.\nThe Solonian Revolution\nIt seems incredible that at this juncture in Athenian affairs, so often re\u00ad peated in the history of nations, a man should have been found who, with\u00ad out any act of violence or any bitterness of speech, was able to persuade the rich and the poor to a compromise that not only averted social chaos\n\"Those that stole a cabbage or an apple were to suffer even as villains that committed sacrilege or murder.\"-Plutarch, Solon.\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\t113\nbut established a new and more generous political and economic order for the entire remainder of Athens' independent career. Solon's peaceful revo\u00ad lution is one of the encouraging miracles of history.\nHis father was a Eupatrid of purest blood, related to the descendants of King Codrus and, indeed, tracing his origin to Poseidon himself. His mother was cousin to the mother of Peisistratus, the dictator who would first violate and then consolidate the Solonian constitution. In his youth Solon participated lustily in the life of his time: he wrote poetry, sang the joys of \"Greek friendship,\"\"\" and, like another Tyrtaeus, stirred the peo\u00ad ple with his verses to conquer Salamis.\"' In middle age his morals improved in inverse ratio to his poetry; his stanzas became dull, and his counsel excel\u00ad lent. \"Many undeserving men are rich,\" he tells us, \"while their betters are poor. But we will not exchange what we are for what they have, since the one gift abides while the other passes from man to man.\" The riches of the rich \"are no greater than his whose only possessions a:re stomach, lungs and feet that bring him joy, not pain; the blooming charms of lad or maid; and an existence ever in harmony with the changing seasons of life.\"\"\" Once, when a sedition occurred in Athens, he remained neutral, luckily before his own reputed legislation making such caution a crime.\"\" But he did not hesitate to denounce the methods by which the wealthy had reduced the masses to a desperate penury.\"\nIf we may believe Plutarch, Solon's father \"ruined his estate in doing"]
[5.035137176513672, 6.363125801086426, "CHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t135\nPropontis, and the Eu:xine. Miletus alone had eighty such colonies, sixty of them in the north. From Abydos, Cyzicus, Sinope, Olbia, Trapezus, and Dioscurias, Miletus drew flax, timber, fruit, and metals, and paid for these with the products of her handicrafts. The wealth and luxury of the city became a proverb and a scandal throughout Greece. Milesian merchants, overflowing with profits, lent money to enterprises far and wide, and to the municipality itself. They were the Medici of the Ionian Renaissance.\nIt was in this stimulating environment that Greece first developed two of its most characteristic gifts to the world-science and philosophy. The crossroads of trade are the meeting place of ideas, the attrition ground of rival customs and beliefs; diversities beget conflict, comparison, thought; superstitions cancel one another, and reason begins. Here in Miletus, as later in Athens, were men from a hundred scattered states; mentally active through competitive commerce, and freed f om the bondage of tradition by long absences from their native altars and homes. Milesians themselves traveled to distant cities, and had their eyes opened by the civilizations of Lydia, Babylonia, Phoenicia, and Egypt; in this way, among others, Egyp tian geometry and Babylonian astronomy entered the Greek mind. Trade and mathematics, foreign commerce and geography, navigation and astron\u00ad omy, developed hand in hand. Meanwhile wealth had created leisure; an aristocracy of culture was growing up in which freedom of thought was tolerated because only a small minority could read. No powerful priesthood, no ancient and inspired text limited men's thinking; even the Homeric poems, which were to become in some sense the Bible of the Greeks, had hardly taken yet a definite form; and in that final form their mythology was to bear the imprint of Ionian skepticism and scandalous merriment. Here for the first time thought became secular, and sought rational and consistent answers to the problems of the world and man.\u2022\nNevertheless the new plant, mutation though it was, had its roots and ancestry. The hoary wisdom of Egyptian priests and Persian Magi, per\u00ad haps even of Hindu seers, the sacerdotal science of the Chaldeans, the poetically personified cosmogony of Hesiod, were m'ingled with the natu\u00ad ral realism of Phoenician and Greek merchants to produce Ionian philoso\u00ad phy. Greek religion itself had paved the way by talking of Moira, or Fate, as ruler of both gods and men: here was that idea of law, as superior to incalculable personal decree, which would mark the essential difference between science and mythology, as well as between despotism and democ-\nSimilar movements. however, appeared in India and China in this sixth century B.c.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nracy. Man became free when he recognized that he was subject to law. That the Greeks, so far as our knowledge goes, were the first to achieve this recognition and this freedom in both philosophy and government is the secret of their accomplishment, and of their importance in history.\nSince life proceeds by heredity as well as by variation, by stabilizing cus\u00ad tom as well as by experimental innovation, it was to be expected that the religious roots of philosophy would form as well as feed it, and there should remain in it, to the very end, a vigorous element of theology. Two cur\u00ad rents run side by side in the history of Greek philosophy: one naturialistic, the other mystical. The latter stemmed from Pythagoras, and ran through Parmenides, Heracleitus, Plato, and Cleanthes to Plotinus and St. Paul; the other had its first world figure in Thales, and passed down through Anaxi\u00ad mander, Xenophanes, Protagoras, Hippocrates, and Democritus to Epicurus and Lucretius. Now and then some great spirit-Socrates, Aristotle, Marcus Aurelius-merged the two currents in an attempt to do justice to the un\u00ad formulable complexity of life. But even in these men the dominant strain, characteristic of Greek thought, was the love and pursuit of reason.\nThales was born about 640, probably at Miletus, reputedly of Phoeni\u00ad cian parentage,\" and derived much of his education from Egypt and the Near East; here, as if personified, we see the transit of culture from East to West. He appears to have engaged in business only so far as to provide himself with the ordinary goods of life; everyone knows the story of his successful speculation in oil presses.* For the rest he gave himself to study, with the absorbed devotion suggested by the tale of his falling into a ditch while watching the stars. Despite his solitude, he interested himself in the affairs of his city, knew the dictator Thrasybulus intimately, and advo\u00ad cated the federation of the Ionian states for united defense against Lydia and Persia.08\nTo him tradition unanimously ascribed the introduction of mathematical\nand astronomical science into Greece. Antiquity told how, in Egypt, he calculated the heights of the pyramids by measuring their shadows when a man's shadow equaled his height. Returning to Ionia, Thales pursued the fascinatingly logical study of geometry as a deductive science, and demon-\nLet Aristotle tell the story: \"They say that Thales, perceiving by his skill in astrology (astronomy) that there would be great plenty of olives that year, while it was yet winter hired at a low price all the oil presses in Miletus and Chios, there being no one to bid against him. But when the season came for making oil, many persons wanting them, he all at once let them upon what terms he pleased; and raising a large sum of mQney- by that means, con\u00ad vinced them that it was easy for philosophers to be rich .if they chose. 1t.\"\"\"\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GB.EAT  MIGRATION\t137\nsttated several of the theorems later collected by Euclid.\u2022 As these theorems founded Greek geometry, so his studies of astronomy established that sci\u00ad ence for Western civilization, and disentangled it from its Oriental asso\u00ad ciations with astrology. He made several minor observations, and startled all Ionia by successfully predicting iin eclipse of the sun for May 28, 585 B.c.,211 probably on the basis of Egyptian records and Babylonian calcula\u00ad tions. For the rest his theory of the universe was not appreciably superior to the current cosmology of the Egyptians and the Jews. The world, he thought, was a hemisphere resting on an endless expanse of water, and the earth was a flat disk floating on the flat side of the interior of this hemisphere. We are 'reminded of Goethe's remark that a man's vices (or errors) are common to him with his epoch, but his virtues (or insights) are his own.\nAs some Greek myths made Oceanus the father of all creation,\"\" so Thales made water the first principle of all things, their original form and their final destiny. Perhaps, says Aristotle, he had come to this opinion from observing \"that the nutriment of everything is moist, and that . . . the seeds of everything have a moist nature;   and that from which every\u00ad\nthing is generated is always its first principle.\".. Or perhaps he believed that water was the most primitive or fundamental of the three forms-gas, liquid, solid-into which, theoretically, all substances may be changed. The significance of his thought lay not in reducing all things to water, but in reducing all things to o!1e; here was the first monism in recorded history. Aristotle describes Thales' vi w as materialistic; but Thales adds that every particle of the world is alive, that matter and life are inseparable and one, that there is an immortal \"soul\" in plants and metals as well as in animals and men; the vital power changes form, but never dies.\"' Thales was wont to say that there is no essential difference between living and dead. When someone sought to nettle him by asking why, then, he chose life instead of death, he answered, \"Because there is no difference.,,..,\nIn his old age he received by common consent the title of sophos, or sage; and when Greece came to name its Seven Wise Men it placed Thales first. Being asked what was very difficult, he answered, in a famous apophthegm, \"To know thyself.\" Asked what was very easy, he answered, \"To give advice.\" To the question, what is God? he replied, \"That which has neither beginning nor end.\" Asked how men might live most virtuously\nThat a circle is bisected by its diameter; that the angles at the base of any isosceles tri\u00ad angle are \"similar\" (i.e., equal); that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle; that the op\u00ad posite angles formed by two intersecting straight lines are equal; that two triangles having two angles and one side respectively equal are themselves equal...\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VI\nand justly, he answered, \"If we never do ourselves what we blame in others.\".. He died, says Diogenes Laertius,81 \"while present as a spectator at a gymnastic contest, being worn out with heat and thirst and weakness, for he was very old.,,\nThales, says Strabo,.., was the first of those who wrote on physiologia\u00ad i.e., on the science of nature (physis), or on the principle of being and de\u00ad velopment in things. His work was vigorously advanced by his pupil Anaximander, who, though he lived from 611 to 549 B.c., expounded a philosophy surprisingly like that which Herbert Spencer, trembling before his own originality, published in A.D. 1860. Thefirst principle, says Anaxi\u00ad mander, was a vast Indefinite-Infinite (apeiron), a boundless mass possessing no specific qualities, but developing, by its inherent forces, into all the varied realities of the universe.* This animate and eternal but impersonal and unmoral Infinite is the only God in Anaximander's system; it is the unvary\u00ad ing and everlasting One, as distinguished from the mutable evanescent Many of the world of things. (Here stems the metaphysics of the Eleatic School\n-that only the eternal One is real.) From this characterless Infinite are born new worlds in endless succession, and to it in endless succession they return as they evolve and die. In the primordial Infinite all opposites are con\u00ad tained-hot and cold, moist and dry, liquid and solid and gas ... ; in devel\u00ad opment these potential qualities become actual, and make diverse and definite things; in dissolution these opposed qualitiC:.\u00a7 are again resolved into the Infinite. (A source for Heracleitus as well as for Spencer.) In this rise and fall of worlds the various elements struggle with one another, and encroach upon each other as hostile opposites. For this opposition they pay with dissolution; \"Things perish into those from which they have been born.\"\nAnaximander, though he too can be guilty of astronomic biZJ1rreries for\u00ad givable in an age without instruments, advanced on Thales by conceiving the earth as a cylinder freely suspended in the center of the universe, and sustained only by being equidistant from all things.\"' The sun, moon, and stars, he thought, moved in circles around the earth. To illustrate all this Anaximander, probably on Babylonian models, constructed at Sparta a g;nomon, or sundial, on which he showed the movement of the planets, the\nCf. Spencer's definition of evolution as substantially a change from \"indefinite, incoherent homogeneity to a definite, coherent heterogeneity.\"81\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t139"]
[14.72388744354248, 5.600025177001953, "rest though it is composed (we are told) of the most excitably mobile \"electrons.\" Par\u00ad menides saw the world as we see the table; the electron would see the table as we see the world.\nCHAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t351\nIt was not to be expected that men would listen patiently to all this; and apparently the Parmenidean Rest became the target of a thousand metaphysical assaults. The significance of Parmenides' subtle follower, Zeno of Elea, lay in an attempt to show that the ideas of plurality and mo\u00ad tion were, at least theoretically, as impossible as Parmenides' motionless One. As an exercise in perversity, and to amuse his youth, Zeno published a book of paradoxes, of which nine have come down to us, and of which three will suffice. First, said Zeno, any body, in order to move to point A, must reach B, the middle of its course toward A; to arrive at B it must reach C, the middle of its course toward B; and so on to infinity. Since an infinity of time would be required for this infinite series of motions, the motion of any body to any point is impossible in a finite time. Second, as a variant of the first, swift-footed Achilles can never overtake the leisurely tortoise; for as often as Achilles reaches the point which the tortoise occupied, in that same moment the tortoise has moved beyond that point. Third, a fly\u00ad ing arrow is really at rest; for at any moment of its flight it is at only one point in space, that is, is motionless; its motion, however actual to the senses, is logically, metaphysically unreal.\u2022\u2022\nZeno came to Athens about 450, perhaps with Parmenides, and set the\nimpressionable city astir by his skill in reducing any kind of philosophical theory to absurd consequences. Timon of Phlius described\nThe two-edged tongue of mighty Zeno, who, Say what one would, would argue it untrue.\u2022\nThis pre-Socratic gadfly was (in the relative sense which our ignorance of the past compels us to give to such phrases) the father of logic, as Par\u00ad menides was for Europe the father of metaphysics. Socrates, who de\u00ad nounced Zeno's dialectical method,\" imitated it so zealously that men had to kill him in order to have peace of mind. Zeno's influence upon the skeptical Sophists was decisive, and in the end it was his skepticism that triumphed in Pyrrho and Carneades. In his old age, having become a man \"of great wisdom and learning,\"'0 he complained that the philosophers had taken too seriously the intellectual pranks of his youth. His final escapade was more fatal to him: he joined in an attempt to depose the tyrant Nearches at Elea, was foiled and arrested, tortured and killed.11 He bore his suffer\u00ad ings bravely, as if to associate his name so soon with the Stoic philosophy.\nThe discussion of these paradoxes has gone on from Plato\u2022 to Bertrand Russell,' and may continue as long as words are mistaken for things. The assumptions that invalidate the puzzles are that \"infinite\" is a thing instead of merely a word indicating the inability of the mind to conceive an absolute end; and that time, space, and motion are discontinuous, i.e., are com\u00ad posed of separate points or parts.\n352\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nII, THEMATERIALISTS\nAs Pannenides' denial of motion and change was a reaction against the fluid and unstable metaphysics of Hercleitus, so his monism was a counter\u00ad blast to the atomism of the later Pythagoreans. For these had developed the number theory of their founder into the doctrine that all things are com\u00ad posed of numbers in the sense of indivisible units.\"\" When Philolaus of Thebes added that \"all things take place by necessity and by harmony,\",. everything was ready for the Atomic school in Greek philosophy.\nAbout 435 Leucippus of Miletus came to Elea, and studied under Zeno; there, perhaps, he heard of the number atomism of the Pythagoreans, for Zeno had aimed some of his subtlest paradoxes at this doctrine of plurality.1' Leucippus finally settled in Abdera, a flourishing Ionian colony in Thrace. Of his direct teaching only one fragment remains: \"Nothing happens without a reason, but all things occur for a reason, and of necessity.\",. Presumably it was in answer to Zeno and Parmenides that Leucippus de\u00ad veloped the notion of the void, or empty space; in this way he hoped to make motion theoretically possible as well as sensibly actual. The uni\u00ad verse, said Leucippus, contains atoms artd space and nothing else. Atoms tumbling about in a vortex fall by necessity into the first forms of all things, like attaching itself to like; in this way arose the planets and the stars.1\u00b0 All things, even the human soul, are composed of atoms.\nDemocritus was the pupil or associate of Leucippus in developing the atomistic philosophy into a rounded system of materialism. His father was a man of wealth and position in Abdera;\" from him, we are told, Democritus inherited a hundred talents ($600,000), most.of which he spent in travel... Unconfirmed stories send him as far as Egypt and Ethiopia, Babylonia, Persia, and India.\"\" \"Among my contemporaries,\" he says, \"I have traveled over the largest portion of the earth in search of things the most remote, and have seen the most climates and countries, and heard the largest number of thinkers.,,,..,., At Boeotian Thebes he stopped long enough to imbibe the number atomism of Philolaus.\u2022 Having spent his money he became a philosopher, lived simply, devoted himself to study and contemplation, and said, \"I would rather discover a single demonstration\" (in geometry) \"than win the throne of Persia.\"\u2022 There was some modesty in him, for he shunned dialectic and discussion, founded no school, and sojourned in Athens without making himself known to any of the philosophers there.\"\n\"To the wise and good man,\" he writes, \"the whole earth is his fatherland.\"\u2022\nCHAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t353\nDiogenes Laertius gives a long list of his publications in mathematics, physics, astronomy, navigation, geography, anatomy, physiology, psychol\u00ad ogy, psychotherapy, medicine, philosophy, music, and art.\u2022 Thrasyllus called him pentathlos in philosophy, and some contemporaries gave him the very name of Wisdom (sophia).\"\" His range was as wide as Aristotle's, his style as highly praised as Plato's.sr Francis Bacon, in no perverse mo\u00ad ment, called him the greatest of ancient philosophers.\u2022\nHe begins, like Parmenides, with a critique of the senses. For practical purposes we may trust them; but the moment we begin to analyze their evidence we find ourselves taking away from the external world layer after layer of the color, temperature, flavor, savor, sweetness, bitterness, and sound that the senses lay upon it; these \"secondary qualities\" are in our\u00ad selves or in the total process of perception, not in the objective thing; in an earless world a falling forest would make no noise, and the ocean, however angry, would never roar. \"By convention (nomos) sweet is sweet, bitter is bitter, hot is hot, cold is cold, color is color; but in truth there are only atoms and the void.\"\"\" Hence the senses give us only obscure knowledge, or opinion; genuine knowledge comes only by investigation\nand thought. \"Verily, we know nothing. Truth is buried deep   We\nknow nothing for certain, but only the changes produced in our body by the forces that impinge upon it.mo All sensations are due to atoms dis\u00ad charged by the object and falling upon our sense organs.st All senses are forms of touch.a\nThe atoms that constitute the world differ in figure, size, and weight; all have a tendency downward; in the resultant rotatory motion like atoms combine with like and produce the planets and the stars. No nous, or in\u00ad telligence, guides the atoms, no Empedoclean \"love\" or \"hate\" assorts them, but necessity-the natural operation of inherent causes-rules over all.11 There is no chance; chance is a fiction invented to disguise our ignorance.\" The quantity of matter remains always the same; none is ever created, none ever destroyed;\"\" only the atom combinations change. Forms, however, are innumerable; even of worlds there is probably an \"infinite\" number, coming into being and passing away in an interminable pageantry.aa Organic beings arose originally from the moist earth.irr Every\u00ad thing in man is made of atoms; the soul is composed of tiny, smooth, round atoms, like those of fire. Mind, soul, vital heat, vital principle, are all one and the same thing; they are not confined to men or animals, but are\n354\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVI\ndiffused throughout the world; and in man and other animals the mental atoms whereby we think are distributed throughout the body.\u2022\u2022\nNevertheless these fine atoms that constitute the soul are the noblest and most wonderful part of the body. The wise man will cultivate thought, will free himself from passion, superstition, and fear, and will seek in con\u00ad templation and understanding the modest happiness available to human life. Happiness does not come from external goods; a man \"must become accustomed to finding within himself the sources of his enjoyment.\"'\" \"Culture is better than riches   No power and no treasure can outweigh\nthe extension of our knowledge.\"'\" Happiness is fitful, and \"sensual pleasure affords only a brief satisfaction\"; one comes to a more lasting content by acquiring peace and serenity of soul (atara:xia), good cheer (euthwmia), moderation (metriotes), and a certain order and symmetry of life (biou symmetria).\" We may learn much from the animals-\"spinning from the spider, building from the swallow, singing from the nightingale and the swan\";45 but \"strength of body is nobility only in beasts of burden, strength of character is nobility in man.\"'8 So, like the heretics of Victorian England, Democritus raises upon his scandalous metaphysics a most presentable ethic. \"Good actions should be done not out of compulsion but from conviction; not from hope of reward, but for their own sake. . . . A man should feel more shame in doing evil before himself than before all the world.\"\"\nHe illustrated his own precepts, and perhaps justified his counsels, by living to the age of a hundred and nine, or, as some say, to merely ninety, years.'8 Diogenes Laertius relates that when Democritus read in public his most important work, the megas diakosmos, or Great World, the city of Abdera presented him with a hundred talents ($600,000) ; but perhaps Ab\u00ad dera had depreciated its currency. When someone asked the secret of his longevity, he answered that he ate honey daily, and bathed his body with '>ii... Finally, having lived long enough, he reduced his food each day, de\u00ad"]
[3.5499000549316406, 7.3528642654418945, "has made the average holding small113 ( the rich Alcibiades has only seventy acres), and the squire in most cases labors personally on the soil, or in the management of his property. But though the aristocrat is not rich, he is proud; he adds his father's name to his own as a title of nobility, and he remains aloof as long as he can from the mercantile bourgeoisie which is capturing the wealth of Athens' growing trade. His wife, however, cries for a city home and the varied life and opportunities of the metropolis; his\nThe great fortunes of Greek antiquity were of course modest in amount by modem standards. Callias, the wealthiest of the Athenians, is said to have had two hundred talents (Sr,zoo,ooo); Nicias, one hundred.111\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, XII\ndaughters wish to live in Athens and snare rich husbands; his sons hope to find hetairai there and to give gay parties in the style of the nouveaux riches. As the aristocrat cannot compete in luxury with the merchants and manu\u00ad facturers, he accepts them, or their children, as sons-in-law or daughters\u00ad in-law; they are anxious to climb, and willing to pay. The upshot is a union of the rich in land with the rich in money,_ and the formation of an upper class of oligarchs, envied and hated by the -poor, angry at the excesses and extravagance of democracy, and fearful of revolution.\nIt is the insolence of the new wealth that brings on the second phase of the class war-the struggle of the poorer citizens against the rich. Many of the bourgeoisie flaunt their wealth like Alcibiades, but few others can so charm the \"mechanic multitude\" by dramatic audacity and elegance of person or speech. Young men conscious of ability and frustrated with poverty translate their personal need for opportunity and place into a gen\u00ad eral gospel of revolt; and intellectuals eager for new ideas and the applause of the oppressed formulate for them the aims of their rebellion.\" They call not for the socialization of industry and trade but for the abolition of debts and the redistribution of the land-among the citizens; for the radical move\u00ad ment in fifth-century Athens is confined to the poorer voters, and never dreams, at this stage, of liberating the slaves, or letting the metics in on the reallotment of the soil. The leaders talk of a golden past in which all men were equal in possessions, but they do not wish to be taken too literally when they speak of restoring that paradise. It is an aristocratic communism that they have in mind-not a nationalization of the land by the state, but an equal sharing of it by the citizens. They point out how unreal is the equality of the franchise in the face of mounting economic inequality; but they are resolved to use the political power of the poorer citizenry to per\u00ad suade the Assembly to sluice into the pockets of the needy-by fines litur\u00ad gies, confiscations, and public works111-some of the concentrated wealth of the rich.'\" And to give a lead to future rebels they adopt red as the sym\u00ad bolic color of their revolt.\"\nIn the face of this threat the rich band themselves in secret organizations pledged to take common action against what Plato, despite his commu will call the \"monstrous beast\" of the aroused and hungry mob.'\" The free workers also organize-have at least since Solon organized-themselves into clubs (erarzoi, thiasoi) of stonemasons, marble cutters, woodworkers, ivory\u00ad workers, potters, fishermen, actors, etc.; Socrates is a member of a sculptor's thiasos.*\" But these groups are not so much trade-unions as mutual benefit\nThe sculptors and architects of Greece formed a guild of builders, with their own re\u00ad ligious mysteries, and became the forerunners of the Freemasons of later Europe.\u2022\nCHAP.XII)\tWORK  AND WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\nsocieties: they come together in meeting places called synods or synagogues, have banquets and games, and worship a patron deity; they make payments to sick members, and contract collectively for specific enterprises; but they do not enter visibly into the Athenian class war. The battle is fought on the fields of literature and politics. Pamphleteers like the \"Old Oligarch\" issue denunciations or defenses of democracy. The comic poets, since their plays require rich men to finance their production, are on the side of the drachmas, and pour ridicule upon the radical leaders and their utopias. In the Ecclesi-azusae ( 392) Aristophanes introduces us to the lady communist Praxagora, who makes an oration as follows:\nI want all to have a share of everything, and all property to be in common; there will no longer be either rich or poor; no longer shall we see one man harvesting vast tracts of land, while another has not ground enough to be buried in   Iintend that there shall only be\none and the same condition of life for all\tIshall begin by making\nland, money, everything that is private property, common to all....\nWomen shall belong to all men in common.111\n''But who,\" asks Blepyrus, \"will do the work?\" \"The slaves,\" is her reply. In another comedy, the Plutus (408), Aristophanes allows Poverty, who is threatened with extinction, to defend herself as the necessary goad to human toil and enterprise:\nI am the sole cause of all your blessings, and your safety depends upon me alone.... Who would wish to hammer iron, build ships, sew, tum, cut up leather, bake bricks, bleach linen, tan hides, or break up the soil with the plow and gamer the gifts of Demeter if he could live in idleness and free from all this work?  If your sys\u00ad\ntem [communism] is applied ... you will not be able to sleep in a bed, for no more will ever be manufactured; nor on carpets, for who would weave them if he had gold?111\nThe reforms of Ephialtes and Pericles are the first achievement of the democratic revolt. Pericles is a man of judgment and moderation; he does not wish to destroy the rich but to preserve them and their enterprise by easing the condition of the poor; but after his death (429} the democracy becomes so radical that the oligarchic party conspires again with Sparta, and makes in 411, and once more in 404, a rich man's revolution. Never\u00ad theless, because wealth is great in Athens and trickles down to many, and because fear of a slave uprising gives the citizenry pause, the class war in Athens is milder, and sooner reaches a working compromise, than in Greek states where the middle class is not strong enough to mediate between rich\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XII\nand poor. At Samos, in 412, the radicals seize the government, execute two hundred aristocrats, banish four hundred more, divide up the lands and houses among themselves,\"\" and develop another society like that which they have overthrown. At Leontini, in 422, the commoners expel the oligarchs, but soon afterward take to flight. At Corcyra, in 42 7, the oli\u00ad garchs assassinate sixty leaders of the popular party; the democrats seize the government, imprison four hundred aristocrats, try fifty of them before a kind of Committee of Public Safety, and execute all fifty at once; seeing which a considerable number of the surviving prisoners slay one another, others kill themselves, and the rest are walled up in the temple in which they have sought sanctuary, and are starved to death. Thucydides describes the class war in Greece in a timeless passage:\nDuring seven days the Corcyraeans were engaged in butchering those of their fellow-citizens whom they regarded as their enemies; and although the crime imputed was that of attempting to put down the democracy, some were slain also for private hatred, others by their debtors because of the monies owed to them. Death thus raged in every shape, and as usually happens at such times, there was no length to which violence did not go; sons were killed by their fathers, and suppliants were dragged from the altar or slain upon it.\n. . . Revolution thus ran its course from city to city, and the places where it arrived last, from having heard what had been done before, carried to a still greater excess the refinement of their inventions\n. . . and the atrocity of their reprisals. . . . Corcyra gave the first example of these crimes ... of the revenge exacted by the governed\n-who had never experienced equitable treatment, or, indeed, aught but violence from their rulers-when their hour came; of the iniqui\u00ad tous resolves of those who desired to get rid of their accustomed pov\u00ad erty, and ardently coveted their neighbors' goods; and the savage and pitiless excesses into which men who had begun the struggle not in a class but in a party spirit, were hurried by their passions. . .. In the confusion into which life was now thrown in the cities, human nature, always rebelling against the law and now its master, gladly showed itself ungoverned in passion, above respect for jus\u00ad tice, and the enemy of all superiority.... Reckless audacity came now to be considered the courage of a loyal ally; prudent hesitation, specious cowardice; moderation was held to be a cloak for unman\u00ad liness; ability to see all sides of a question was accounted inability to act on any....\nThe cause of all these evils was the lust for power arising from\ngreed and ambition. . . . The leaders in the cities, each provided"]
[-0.06081502139568329, 8.712353706359863, "432\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVII\nforeign informants he makes his greatest mistakes; so he thinks that Nebuchadrezzar was a woman, that the Alps are a river, and that Cheops came after Rameses III. But when he deals with matters that he has had a chance to observe in person he is more reliable, and his statements are increasingly confirmed as our knowledge grows.\nHe swallows many superstitions, records many miracles, quotes oracles piously, and darkens his pages with omens and auguries; he gives the dates of Semele, Dionysus, and Heracles; and presents all history, like a Greek Bossuet, as the drama of a Divine Providence rewarding the virtues and punishing the sins, crimes, and insolent prosperity of men. But he has his rationalistic moments, perhaps having heard the Sophists in his later years: he suggests that Homer and Hesiod gave name and form to the Olympian deities, that custom determines men's faiths, and that one man knows as much as another about the gods;\"\" having accepted Providence as the final arbiter of history, he puts it aside, and looks for natural causes; he com\u00ad pares and identifies the myths of Dionysus and Osiris in the manner of a scientist; he smiles tolerantly at some tales of divine intervention, and offers a possible natural explanation;'\" and he reveals his general method with a twinkle in his eye when he says: \"I am under obligation to tell what is re\u00ad ported, but I am not obliged to believe it; and let this hold for every nar\u00ad rative in this history.\":ua He is the first Greek historian whose works have come down to us; and in that sense Cicero may be forgiven for calling him the Father of History. Lucian, like most of the ancients, ranked him above Thucydides.'\"'\nNevertheless the difference between the mind of Herodotus and that of Thucydides is almost the difference between adolescence and maturity. Thucydides is one of the phenomena of the Greek Enlightenment, a descendant of the Sophists as Gibbon was a spiritual nephew of Bayle and Voltaire. His father was a rich Athenian who owned gold mines in Thrace; his mother was a Thracian of distinguished family. He received all the education available in Athens, and grew up in the odor of skepticism. When the Peloponnesian War broke out he kept a record of it from day to day. In 430 he suffered from the plague. In 424, aged thirty-six (or forty), he was chosen one of two generals to command a naval expedition to Thrace. Because he failed to lead his forces to Amphipolis in time to relieve it from siege, he was exiled by the Athenians. He spent the next twenty years of his life in travel, especially in the Peloponnesus; to this direct acquaint\u00ad ance with the enemy we owe something of the impressive impartiality\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE  GOLDEN  AGE\t433\nthat distinguishes his book. The oligarchic revolution of 404 ended his exile, and he returned to Athens. He died-some say by murder-in or before 396, leaving unfinished his History of the Peloponnesian War.\nHe begins it simply:\nThucydides, an Athenian, wrote the history of the war between the Peloponnesians and the Athenians from the moment that it broke out, believing that it would be an important war, and more worthy of relation than any that had preceded it.\nHe opens his introductory narrative where Herodotus left off, at the close of the Persian War. It is a pity that the genius of the greatest Greek historians saw nothing worthier of relation in Greek life than its wars. Herodotus wrote partly with an eye to entertain the educated reader; Thucydides writes to furnish information for future historians, and the guidance of precedent for future statesmanship. Herodotus wrote in a loose and easygoing style, inspired perhaps by the rambling epics of Homer; Thucydides, like one who has heard the philosophers, the orators, and the dramatists, writes in a style often involved and obscure because it attempts to be at once brief, precise, and profound, a style occasionally spoiled by Gorgian rhetoric and embellishment, but sometimes as terse and vivid as Tacitus, and rising, in the more crucial moments, to a dramatic power as intense as anything in Euripides; nothing in the dramatists can surpass the pages that describe the expedition to Syracuse, the vacillations of Nicias, and the horrors that followed his defeat. Herodotus ranged from place to place and from age to age; Thucydides forces his story into a rigid chronological frame of seasons and years, sacrificing the continuity of his narrative. Herodotus wrote in terms of personalities rather than processes, feeling that processes operate through personalities; Thucydides, though he recognizes the role of exceptional individuals in history, and occasion\u00ad ally lightens his theme with a portrait of Pericles or Alcibiades or Nicias, leans rather to impersonal recording and the consideration of causes, de\u00ad velopments, and results. Herodotus wrote of far-off events reported to him in most cases at second or third hand; Thucydides speaks often as an eyewitness, or as one who has spoken with eyewitnesses, or has seen the original documents; in several instances he gives the documents concerned. He has a keen conscience for accuracy; even his geography has been veri\u00ad fied in detail. He seldom passes moralistic judgments upon men or events; he lets his patrician scorn of Athenian democracy get the better of him in picturing Cleon, but for the greater pan he keeps himself aloof from his\n434\tTHE\tLIFE  OF.  GREECE\t(CHAP.xvn\u00b7\nstory, gives the facts with f irness to both sides, and recounts the story of Thucydides' brief military career as if he had never known, much less been, the man. He is the father of scientific method in history, and is proud of the care and industry with which he has worked. \"On the whole,\" he says, with a glance at Herodotus,\nthe conclusions I have drawn from the proofs quoted may, I believe, be safely relied on. Assuredly they will not be disturbed either by the lays of a poet displaying the exaggeration of his craft, or by the compositions of the chroniclers that are attractive at truth's expense-the subjects they treat being out of the reach of evidence, and time having robbed most of them of historical value by en\u00ad throning them in the region of legend. Turning from these, we can rest satisfied with having proceeded upon the clearest data, and having arrived at conclusions as exact as can be expected in matters of such antiquity.... The absence of romance in my his\u00ad tory will, I fear, detract somewhat from its interest; but if it be judged useful by those inquirers who desire an exact knowledge of the past as an aid to the interpretation of the future-which, in the course of human affairs, must resemble, if it does not reflect, the past-I shall be content. In fine, I have written my work not as an essay which is to win the applause of the moment, but as a possession for all time.\"'\nNevertheless, he yields accuracy to interest in one particular: he has a passion for putting elegant speeches into the mouths of his characters. He frankly admits that these orations are mostly imaginary, but they help him to explain and vivify personalities, ideas, and events. He claims that each speech represents the substance of an address actually given at the time; if this is true, all Greek statesmen and generals must have studied rhetoric with Gorgias, philosophy with the Sophists, and ethics with Thrasy\u00ad machus. The speeches have all the same style, the same subtlety, the same realism of view; they _make the laconic Laconian as windy as any Sophist\u00ad bred Athenian. They put the most undiplomatic arguments into the mouths of diplomats,\u2022 and the most compromising honesty into the words of gen\u00ad erals. The \"Funeral Oration\" of Pericles is an excellent essay on the virtues of Athens, and comes with fine grace from the pen of an exile; but Peri\u00ad cles was famous for simplicity of speech rather than for rhetoric; and Plutarch spoils the romance by saying that .Pericles left nothing written, and that of his sayings hardly anything was preserved.:ua\nE.g., the speech of Alcibiades at Spana, vi, 20.89.\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE  GOLDEN  AGE\t435\nThucydides has defects corresponding to his virtues. He is as severe as a Thracian, and lacks the vivacity and wit of the Athenian spirit; there is no humor in his book. He is so absorbed in \"this war, of which Thucydides is the historian\" (a proudly recurring phrase) that he has an eye only for political and military events. He fills his pages with martial details, but makes no mention of any artist, or any work of art. He seeks causes sedu\u00ad lously, but seldom sinks beneath political to economic factors in the de\u00ad termination of events. Though writing for future generations, he tells us nothing of the constitutions of the Greek states, nothing of the life of the cities, nothing of the institutions of society. He is as exclusive towards women as towards the gods; he will not have them in his story; and he makes the gallant Pericles, who risked his career for a courtesan advocate of feminine freedom, say that \"a woman's best fame is to be as seldom as possible mentioned by men, either for censure or for praise.\"''\" Face to face with the greatest age in the history of culture, he loses himself in the logic\u00ad chopping fluctuations of military victory and defeat, and leaves unsung the vibrant life of the Athenian mind. He remains a general even after he has become an historian.\nWe are grateful for him, nevertheless, and must not complain too much\nthat he did not write what he did not undertake to write. Here at least is an historical method, a reverence for truth, an acuteness of observation, an impartiality of judgment, a passing splendor of language and fascination of style, a mind both sharp and profound, whose ruthless realism is a tonic to our naturally romantic souls. Here are no legends, no myths, and no miracles. He accepts the heroic tales, but tries to explain them in natural\u00ad istic terms. As for the gods, he is devastatingly silent; they have no place in his history. He is sarcastic about oracles and their safe ambiguity,160 and scornfully exposes the stupidity of Nicias in relying upon oracles rather than knowledge. e recognizes no guiding Providence, no divine plan, not even \"progress\"; he sees life and history as a tragedy at once sordid and noble, redeemed now and then by great men, but always relapsing into superstition and war. In him the conflict between religion and philosophy is decided; and philosophy wins.\nPlutarch, and Athenaeus refer to hundreds of Greek historians. Nearly all of them but Herodotus and Thucydides, in the Golden Age, have been covered up by the silt of time; and of the later historians only paragraphs remain. The case is no different with the other forms of Greek literature. Of the hundreds of tragic dramatists who won prizes at the Dionysia, we\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nhave a few plays by three; of the many comic writers we have one; of the great philosophers we have two. All in all, not more than one-twentieth survives from the critically acclaimed literature of fifth-century Greece; and from the earlier and later centuries even less.= Most of what we have comes from Athens; the other cities, as we can tell from the philosophers that they sent to Athens, were fertile in genius too, but their culture was sooner engulfed by barbarism from without and from below, and their manuscripts were lost in the disorder of revolution and war. We must judge the whole from the fragments of a part.\nEven so it is a rich heritage, if not in quantity (but who has absorbed it all?), surely in form. Form and order are the essence of the classic style in literature as well as in art: the typical Greek writer, like the Greek artist, is never satisfied with mere expression, but longs to give.form and beauty to his material. He cuts his matter down to brevity, rearranges it into clar\u00ad ity, transforms it into a complex simplicity; he is always direct, and seldom obscure; he shuns exaggeration and bias, and even when he is romantic in feeling he struggles to be logical in thought. This persistent effort to sub\u00ad ordinate fancy to reason is the dominant quality of the Greek mind, even of Greek poetry. Therefore Greek literature is \"modem,\" or rather con\u00ad temporary; we find it hard to understand Dante or Milton, but Euripides and Thucydides are kin to us mentally, and belong to our age. And that is because, though myths may differ, reason remains the same, and the life of reason makes brothers of its lovers in all times, and everywhere.\nCHAPTER  XVIII\nTheSuicide of Greece\nTHE GREEK WORLD IN THE AGE OF PERICLES"]
[5.2944488525390625, 10.62714958190918, "nothing.\nToward the end of the period a movement arises for the emancipation\nof woman. Euripides defends the sex with brave speeches and timid innu-\nCHAP. XIII)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE  ATHENIANS    307\nendoes; Aristophanes makes fun of them with boisterous indecency. The women go to the heart of the matter and begin to compete with the hetairai in making themselves as attractive as the progress of chemistry will permit. \"What sensible thing are we women capable of doing?\" asks Cleonica in Aristophanes' Lysistrata. \"We do nothing but sit around with our paint and lipstick and transparent gowns, and all the rest of it.\"118 From\n411 onward female roles become more prominent in Athenian drama, and reveal the growing escape of women from the solitude to which they have been confined.\nThrough it all the real influence of woman over man continues, making her subjection largely unreal. The greater eagerness of the male gives woman an advantage in Greece as elsewhere. \"Sir,\" says Samuel Johnson, \"nature has given woman so much power that the law cannot afford to give her more.\"'\" Sometimes this natural sovereignty is enhanced by a substantial dowry, or an industrious tongue, or uxorious affection; more often it is the result of beauty, or the bearing and rearing of' fine children, or the slow fusion of souls in the crucible' of a common experience and task. An age that can portray such gentle characters as Antigone, Alcestis, Iphigenia, and Andromache, and such heroines as Hecuba, Cassandra, and Medea, could not be unaware of the highest and the deepest in woman. The average Athenian loves his wife, and will not always try to conceal it; the funeral stelae reveal surprisingly the tenderness of mate for mate, and of parents for children, in the intimacy of the home. The Greek Anthol\u00ad ogy is vivid with erotic verse, but it contains also many a touching epigram to a beloved comrad . \"In this stone,\" says one epitaph, \"Marathonis laid Nicopolis, and bedewed the marble chest with tears. But it was of no avail. What profit hath a man whose wife is gone, and who is left solitary on earth? ,,ua\nTHEHOME\nThe Greek family, like the Inda-European household in general, 1s composed of the father, the mother, sometimes a \"second wife,\" their unmarried daugh\u00ad ters, their sons, their slaves, and their sons' wives and children and slaves. It remains to the end the strongest institution in Greek civilization, for both in agriculture and in industry it is the unit and instrument of economic produc\u00ad tion. The power of the father in Attica is extensive, but much narrower than in Rome. He can expose the newborn child, sell the labor of his minor sons and unwedded daughters, give his daughters in marriage, and, under certain conditions, appoint another husband for his widow.:ua But he cannot, in Athe-\n308\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\nnian law, sell the persons of his children; and each son, on marrying, escapes from parental authority, sets up his own home, and becomes an independent member of the gene.\nThe Greek house is unpretentious. The exterior is seldom more than a stout blank wall with a narrow doorway, dumb witnesses to the insecurity of Greek life. The material is sometimes stucco, usually sun-baked brick. In the city the houses are crowded together in narrow streets; often they rise to two stories, occasionally they are tenements housing several families; but nearly every citi\u00ad zen owns an individual home. Dwellings in Athens are small till Alcibiades sets a fashion of magnificence; there is a democratic taboo, reinforced by aristo\u00ad cratic precaution, against display; and the Athenian, living for the most part in the open air, does not endow the home with the significance and affection that it receives in colder zones. A rich house may have a colonnaded porch facing the street, but this is highly exceptional. Windows are a luxury, and are con\u00ad fined to the upper story; they have no panes, but may be closed with shutters, or scre(!ned with lattices against the sun. The entrance door is ordinarily made of double leaves, turning upon vertical pivots running into the threshold and the lintel. On the door of many well-to-do houses is a metal knocker, often in the form of a ring in a lion's mouth.217 The entrance hallway, except in the poorer dwellings, leads into an aule, or uncovered court, commonly paved with stones. Around the court may run a columned portico; in the center may be an altar, or a cistern, or both, perhaps also adorned with columns, and paved with a mosaic floor. Light and air come to the house chiefly through this court, for upon it open nearly all the rooms; to pass from one room to another it is usually necessary to enter the portico or the court. In the shade and privacy of the court and the portico much of the family's life is lived, and much\nof its work is done.\nGardens are rare in the city, and are confined to small areas in the court or behind the house. Country gardens are more spacious and numerous; but the scarcity of rain in summer, and the cost of irrigation, make gardens a luxury in Attica. The average Greek has no Rousseauan sensitivity to nature; his moun\u00ad tains are still too troublesome to be beautiful, though his poets, despite its dangers, intone many paeans to the sea. He is not sentimental about nature, so much as animistically imaginative; he peoples the woods and streams of his country with gods and sprites, and thinks of nature as not a landscape but a Valhalla; he names his mountains and rivers from the divinities that inhabit them; and instead of painting nature directly he draws or carves symbolic images of the deities that in his poetic theology give it life. Not till Alexander's armies bring back Persian ways and gold will the Greek build himself a pleasure gar\u00ad den or \"paradise.\" Nevertheless, flowers are loved in Greece as much as any\u00ad where, and gardens and florists supply them all the year round. Flower girls\nCHAP. XIII)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE  ATHENIANS   309\npeddle roses, violets, hyacinths, narcissi, irises, myrtles, lilacs, crocuses, and anemones from house to house. Women wear flowers in their hair, dandies wear them behind the ear; and on festal occasions both sexes may come forth with flower garlands, lei-like, around the neck.w\nThe interior of the house is simple. Among the poor the floors are of hard\u00ad ened earth; as income rises this basis may be covered with plaster, or paved with flat stones or with small round stones set in cement, as in the Near East im\u00ad memorially; and all this may be covered with reed mats or rugs. The brick walls are plastered and whitewashed. Heating, which is needed for only three months of the year, is furnished by a brazier whose smoke has to find a way out through the door to the court. Decoration is minimal; but at the end of the fifth century the homes of the rich may have pillared halls, walls paneled with marble or painted imitations of it, mural paintings and tapestries, and ceiling arabesques. Furniture is scanty in the average home-some chairs, some chests, a few tables, a bed. Cushions take the place of upholstery on chairs, but the seats of the rich may be carefully carved, and inlaid with silver, tortoise, or ivory. Chests serve as both closets and chairs. Tables are small, and usually three-legged, whence their name trapezai; they are brought in and removed with the food, and are hardly sed for other purposes; writing is done upon the knee. Couches and beds are favorite objects for adornment, being often inlaid or elaborately carved. Leather thongs stretched across the bedstead serve as a spring; there are mattresses and pillows, and embroidered covers, and com\u00ad monly a raised headrest. Lamps may be hung from the ceiling, or placed upon stands, or take the form of torches elegantly wrought.\nThe kitchen is equipped with a great variety of iron, bronze, and earthen\u00ad ware vessels; glass is a rare luxury, not made in Greece. Cooking is done over an open fire; stoves are a Hellenistic innovation. Athenian meals are simple, like the Spartan and unlike the Boeotian, Corinthian, or Sicilian; but when hon\u00ad ored guests are expected it is customary to engage a professional cook, who is always male. Cooking is a highly developed art, with many texts and heroes; some Greek cooks are as widely known as the latest victor in the Olympic games. To eat alone is considered barbarous, and table manners are looked upon as an index of a civilization's development. Women and boys sit at meals before small tables; men recline on couches, two on each. The family eats to\u00ad gether when alone; if male guests come, the women of the family retire to the gynaeceum. Attendants remove the sandals or wash the feet of the guests before the latter recline, and offer them water to cleanse their hands; some\u00ad times they anoint the heads of the guests with fragrant oils. There are no knives or forks, but there are spoons; solid food is eaten with the fingers. Dur\u00ad ing the meal the fingers are cleaned with scraps or crumbs of bread; after it with water. Before dessert the attendants fill the cup of each guest from a\n310\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\nkrater, or mixing bowl, in which wine has been diluted with water. Plates are of earthenware; silver plate appears as the fifth century ends. Epicures grow in number in the fourth century; one Pithyllus has coverings made for his tongue and fingers so that he may eat food as hot as he likes.:ue There are a few vegetarians, whose guests make the usual jokes and complaints; one diner :flees from a vegetarian feast for fear that he will be offered hay for dessert.uo\nDrinking is as important as eating. After the deipnon, or dinner, comes the symposion, or drinking together. At Sparta as well as at Athens there are drinking clubs whose members become so attached to one another that such organizations become potent political instruments. The procedure at banquets is complicated, and philosophers like Xenocrates and Aristotle think it desirable to set down laws for them.= The floor, upon which uneaten material has been thrown, is swept clean after the meal; perfumes are passed around, and much wine. The guests may then dance, not in pairs or with the other sex (for usually only males are invited), but in groups; or they may play games like kottabos;\u2022 or they may match poems, witticisms, or riddles, or watch profes\u00ad sional performers like the female acrobat in Xenophon's Symposium, who tosses twelve hoops at once and then dances somersaults through a hoop \"set all around with upright swords.\"m Flute girls may appear, play, sing, dance, and love as arranged for. Educated Athenians prefer, now and then, a symposium of conversation, conducted in an orderly manner by a symposiarch chosen by a throw of the dice to act as chairman. The guests take care not to break up the talk into small groups, which usually means small talk; they keep the con\u00ad versation general, and listen, as courteously as their vivacity will permit, to each man in tum. So elegant a discourse as that which Plato offers us is doubtless the product of his brilliant imagination; but probably Athens has known dialogues as lively as his, perhaps profounder; and in any case it is Athenian society that suggests and provides the background. In that exciting atmosphere of free wits the Athenian mind is formed.\nOLDAGE\nOld age is feared and mourned beyond wont by the life-loving Greeks. Even here, however, it has its consolations; for as the used-up body is returned like worn currency to the mint, it has the solace of seeing, before it is consumed, the fresh new life through which it cheats mortality. It is true that Greek his\u00ad tory reveals cases of selfish carelessness or coarse insolence towards the old. Athenian society, commercial, individualistic, and innovating, tends to be un\u00ad kind to old age; respect for years goes with a religious and conservative society\nTh.is consisted in throwing liquid from a cup so that it would strike some small object placeoi t a distance,\nCHAP. XIII)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS    311"]
[13.733342170715332, -10.802111625671387, "byrejecting Judaism in the name of Christ; at every moment he was an apostle. Shocked by Stephen's disrespect for the Law, he joined in killing him, and led the first persecution of Christians in Jerusalem. Hearing that the new faith had made converts in Damascus, he obtained authorization from the high priest to go there, arrest all \"who belonged to the Way,\" and bring them in chains to Jerusalem (A.D. 31?).30 It may be that the fervor of his persecution was due to secret doubts; he could be cruel, but not with\u00ad out remorse; possibly the vision of Stephen stoned to death, perhaps even some youthful glimpse of Golgotha, troubled his memory and his journey, and fevered his imagination. As his party neared Damascus, says the Acts,\na sudden light flashed upon him from heaven, and he fell to the ground. Then he heard a voice saying to him, \"Saul, Saul, why do you persecute me?\" \"Who are you, sir?\" he asked. \"I am Jesus,\"... said the voice. . .. Saul's fellow-travelers stood speechless, for they heard the voice but could not see anyone. When he got up from the ground and opened his eyes he could see nothing. They had to take him by the hand and lead him into Damascus. For three days he could not see.31\nNo one can say what natural processes underlay this pivotal experience The fatigue of a long journey, the strength of the desert sun, perhaps a stroke of heat lightning in the sky, acting by accumulation upon a frail and possibly epileptic body, and a mind tortured by doubt and guilt, may have brought to culmination the half-conscious process by which the pas\u00ad sionate denier became the ablest preacher of Stephen's Christ. His Greek environment in Tarsus had spoken of a Soter or Saviour who redeemed mankind; his Jewish lore had told of a Messiah to come; how could he be sure that this mysterious and fascinating Jesus, for whom men were ready to die, was not the promised one? \\Vhen, weak and still blind at the end of his journey, he felt upon his face the kindly, soothing hands of a convened Jew, \"something like scales dropped from his eyes, and his sight was re\u00ad stored; he got up and was baptized, and after taking some food, regained his strength.\" 32 A few days later he entered the synagogues of Damascus, and told their congregations that Jesus was the Son of God.\nThe Missionary\nThe governor of Damascus, urged by the offended Jews, issued an order for Paul's arrest; Paul's new friends lowered him in a basket over the city walls. For three years, he tells us, he preached Christ in the hamlets of Arabia. Returning to Jerusalem, he won the forgiveness and friendship of Peter, and\n582\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVll\nlived with him for a while. Most of the apostles distrusted him, but Barnabas, himself a recent convert, gave him a cordial hand, and persuaded the Jerusa\u00ad lem church to commission its persecutor as a bearer of the Good News that the Messiah had come and would soon establish the Kingdom. The Greek\u00ad speaking Jews to whom he brought the Gospel tried to kill him, and the apostles, perhaps fearing that his ardor would endanger them all, sent him to Tarsus.\nFor eight years he was lost to history in his native city; and perhaps again he felt the influence of the mystic salvation theology popular among the Greeks. Then Barnabas came and asked his aid in ministering to the church at Antioch. Working together (43-44?), they made so many converts that Antioch soon led all other cities in the number of its Christians. There for the first time the \"Believers,\" \"Disciples,\" \"Brethren,\" or \"Saints,\" as they had called themselves, received from the pagans, perhaps in scorn, the name Christianoi-followers of the Messiah or Anointed One. There too, for the first time, gentiles (i.e., people of the gentes or nations) were won to the new faith. Most of these were \"God-f earers,\" predominantly women, who had already accepted the monotheism, and in some part the ritual, of the Jews.\nThe Antioch converts were not as poor as those in Jerusalem; a con\u00ad siderable minority belonged to the merchant class. With the enthusiasm of a youthful and growing movement, they raised a fund to spread the Gospel. The elders of the church \"laid their hands upon\" Barnabas and Paul, and sent them out on what history, unduly belittling Barnabas, calls the \"first missionary journey of Saint Paul\" (45-47?). They sailed to Cyprus, and met with encouraging success among the many Jews of that island. From Paphos they took ship to Perga in Pamphylia, and traveled over dan\u00ad gerous mountain roads to Antioch in Pisidia. The synagogue gave them a courteous hearing; but when they began to preach to gentiles as well, the orthodox Jews persuaded the municipal officers to banish the missionaries. Similar difficulties developed at lconium; and at Lystra Paul was stoned, dragged out of the town, and left for dead. Still \"full of the joy of the Holy Spirit,\" Paul and Barnabas carried the Gospel to Derbe. Then they returned by the same route to Perga, and sailed to Syrian Antioch. There they found themselves faced by the most crucial problem in the history of Christianity. For some leading disciples of Jerusalem, hearing that the two preachers were accepting gentile converts without requiring circumcision, had come to Antioch \"to teach the brethren that unless they were circumcized as Moses prescribed, they could not be saved.\" 33 To the Jew circumcision was not so much a ritual of health as a holy symbol of his people's ancient covenant with God; and the Christian Jew was appalled at the thought of breaking\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE  APOSTLES\nthat covenant. For their part Paul and Barnabas realized that if these emis\u00ad saries had their way, Christianity would never be accepted by any signifi\u00ad cant number of gentiles; it would remain \"a Jewish heresy\" (as Heine was to call it), and would fade out in a century. They went down to Jerusalem (50?) and fought the matter out with the apostles, nearly all of whom were still faithful worshipers in the Temple. James was reluctant to consent; Peter defended the two missionaries; finally it was agreed that pagan prose\u00ad lytes should be required only to abstain from immorality and from the eating of sacrificial or strangled animals.34 Apparently Paul eased the way by promising financial support for the impoverished community at Jerusa\u00ad lem from the swelling funds of the Antioch church.35\nThe issue, however, was too vital to be so easily laid. A second group of orthodox Jewish Christians came from Jerusalem to Antioch, found Peter eating with gentiles, and persuaded him to separate himself, with the con\u00ad vened Jews, from the uncircumcized proselytes. We do not know Peter's side of this episode; Paul tells us that \"he withstood Peter to his face\" at Antioch,36 and accused him of hypocrisy; perhaps Peter had merely wished, like Paul, to be \"all things to all men.\"\nProbably in the year 50 Paul left on his second missionary journey. He had quarreled with Barnabas, who now disappeared from history in his native Cyprus. Revisiting his churches in Asia Minor, Paul attached to himself at Lystra a young disciple named Timothy, whom he came to love with a profound affection that had long been starved for an object. Together they went through Phrygia and Galatia as far north as Alexandria Troas. Here Paul made the acquaintance of Luke, an uncircumcized proselyte to Judaism, a man of good mind and heart, probably the author of the Third Gospel and the Book of Acts-both designed to soften the conflicts that from the beginning marked the history of Christianity. From Troas Paul, Timothy, and another aide, Silas, sailed to .Macedonia, for the first time touching European soil. At Philippi, where Antony had conquered Brutus, Paul and Silas were arrested as disturbers of the peace, were scourged and jailed, but were freed on the discovery that they were Roman citizens. Pass\u00ad ing on to Thessalonica, Paul went to the synagogue, and for three Sabbaths preached to the Jews. A few were convinced, and organized a church; others roused the town against Paul on the ground that he was proclaiming a new king; and his friends had to spirit him away to Beraea during the night.There \"the Jews received the message with great eagerness\"; but the Thessalonians came to denounce Paul as an enemy of Judaism, and he took ship for Athens (51?), discouraged and alone.\nHere, in the heart of pagan religion, science, and philosophy, he found himself quite friendless. There were few Jews to give him a hearing; he\n584\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVII\nhad to take his stand in the market place, like any modern haranguer of city crowds, and compete with a dozen rivals for passing ears. Some lis\u00ad teners argued with him; some laughed at him, and asked, \"vVhat is this rag\u00ad picker trying to make out?\" 37 Several were interested, and led him up to the Areopagus, or Hill of Mars, for a quieter hearing. He told them how he had noted, in Athens, an altar inscribed \"To an Unknown God\"; this dedication, which probably expressed the desire of the donors to thank, appease, or enlist the aid of a god of whose name they were not certain, Paul interpreted as a confession of ignorance concerning the nature of God. He proceeded with high eloquence:\nWhom therefore ye worship though ye know him not, him I de\u00ad clare unto you. God, who made the world and all things therein\n. . . dwells not in temples made with hands.\tIt is he that giveth\nlife and breath unto all\tAnd he made of one blood all the nations\nof mankind\tthat they should seek God, if haply they might feel\nafter him, though he be not far from us; for in him we live and move and have our being, as certain also of your own poets have said.\u2022\n...  Forasmuch, then, as we are the offspring of God, we ought not to think that the Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, graven by the art and device of man. Howbeit, those past times of ignorance God hath overlooked; but now he commandeth all men everywhere to repent, because he hath appointed a day wherein he will judge the world ...  by that Man whom he hath ordained; whereof he hath given assurance unto all, in that he hath raised him from the dead.38\nIt was a brave effort to reconcile Christianity with Greek philosophy.t Nevertheless, it impressed only a few; the Athenians had heard too many ideas to have much enthusiasm for any. Paul left the city in disappointment and went to Corinth, where commerce had gathered a substantial com\u00ad munity of Jews. He stayed there eighteen months (51-52?), earning his living as a tentmaker, and preaching every Sabbath in the synagogue. The leader of the synagogue was converted, and so many others that the alarmed Jews indicted Paul before the Roman governor, Gallio, on the charge of \"trying to induce people to worship God in ways that are against the law.\" Gallio replied: \"As it is only a question of words and titles and your own law, you must look after it yourselves; I will not decide such matters\"; and he disinissed them from the coun. The two parties fell to blows, \"but Gallio paid no attention.\" 3ll Paul offered his gospel to the gentiles of Corinth, and made many converts among them. Christianity may have seemed to\nPaul quotes the line from Cleamhes' Hy11m to Zeus, or from Aratus' Phainomena.\nt Perhaps we should credit the speech to the Hellenized author of the Acts."]
[11.079246520996094, -8.415119171142578, "The book of Joshua son of Sirach, which we know as Ecclesiasticus, may be 2s bte 2s this period; it is one of many Apocrypha-\"hidden\" or unau-\nThe  Talmud attributes to Hillel's reply the additional words, \"This is all the Law, the rest is commentary.\" 36\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXV\nthentic compositions not accepted into the Jewish canon of the Old Testa\u00ad ment; rich in beauty and wisdom, it did not deserve to be excluded from the company of Ecclesiastes and Job. In its twenty-fourth chapter we find again, as in the eighth chapter of Proverbs, the doctrine of the Logos or Incarnate Word: \"Wisdom the first product of God, created from the beginning of the world.\" Between r 30 B.c. and A.D. 40 an Alexandrian Jew-or a number of Hellenistic Jews-published a Book of the \\Visdom of Solomon, which sought, like Philo, to harmonize Judaism and Platonism, and called Hellen\u00ad izing Jews back to the Law in prose as noble as any since Isaiah. A lesser work, the Psalms of Solomon {ca. 50 B.c.), is rich in anticipation of a Re\u00ad deemer for Israel.\nThis hope of salvation from Rome and earthly suffering through the coming of a divine Redeemer rings through nearly all the Jewish literature of this age. Many productions took the form of apocalypses or revelations, whose aim was to make the past intelligible and forgivable by presenting it as a prelude to a triumphant future revealed to some seer by God. The Book of Daniel, written about 165 B.C. to encourage Israel against Antiochus Epiphanes, was still circulating among Jews ,\\-\u00b7ho could not believe that Yahveh would let them long remain under pagan domination. The Book of Enoch, probably the work of several authors between 170 and 66 B.c., took\nthe form of visions vouchsafed to the patriarch who, in Genesis (v, 24), had \"walked with God.\" It recounted the fall of Satan and his cohons, the con\u00ad\nsequent intrusion of evil and suffering into human life, the redemption of mankind by a Messiah, and the coming of the Kingdom of Heaven. About 150 n.c. Jewish writers began to publish Sibylline Oracles, in which various sibyls or prophe_tesses were re resented as defending Judaism against pagan\u00ad ism and foretellmg the final victory of the Jews over their enemies.\nThe idea of the saving god had probably come to western Asia from Persia and Babylonia.38 In the Zoroastrian creed all history and life were represented as a war between the holy forces of light and the diabolical powers of darkness; in the en? a savior woul? com:-Shaosyanr or Mirhras\u00ad to judge all men and establish an everlastmg reign of righteousness and peace: To many Jews the rule of Rome seemed part of he transient victory\nof ev . ,; ef.de ounced the ,fee , _tr,:achery brutality, and idolatry of \"gentile c1vilizanon and th - atheistic hedornsm of an epicurean world.\nAccording to the Book of \\\"\\\u00b71sdom\nthe ungodly said: Our life is short and tedious, and in the death of a man there is no remedy; neither was there any man known to re\u00ad turn from the grave   For the breath in our nostrils is as smok\nand a little spark in the rnoYing of_ our heart; which being e:\ntinguished, our body shall be turned mto ashes, and our spirit shall\nCHAP. xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\nvanish as the soft air, and our name shall be forgotten, and our life shall pass away as the trace of a cloud, as a mist dispersed by the beams of the sun.... Come on, let us enjoy the good things that are present ... let no flower of the spring pass us by; let us crown ourselves with rosebuds before they be withered; let us leave tokens of our joyfulness in every place.39\nThese epicureans reason falsely, says the author; they hitch their wagon to a falling star, since pleasure is a vain and transitory thing.\nFor the hope of the ungodly man is as chaff swept away by the ,vind, and as thin hoar-frost scattered by the tempest; it passeth as the remembrance of a guest who tarrieth but a day. But the righteous shall live forever, and the care of them is with the Most High. There\u00ad fore shall they receive a glorious kingdom, and a diadem of beauty from the hand of the Lord.40\nThe reign of evil will be brought to an end, according to the apocalyptic books, either by the direct intervention of God himself or the earthly com\u00ad ing of his son or representative, the Messiah or Anointed One.* Had not the prophet Isaiah, a century back foretold him?\nFor unto us a child is born, a son is given; and the government shall be upon his shoulder, and his name shall be called ... the mighty God, the Prince of Peace.41\nMany Jews agreed with Isaiah (xr, r) in describing the Messiah as an earthly king who would be born of the royal house of David; others, like the authors of Enoch and Daniel, called him the Son of Man, and pictured him as com\u00ad ing down from heaven. The philosopher of Proverbs and the poet of the Wisdom of Solomon,42 perhaps influenced by Plato's Ideas or the Stoic anima mundi, saw him as incarnate Wisdom, the first-begotten of God, the Word or Reason (logos) that would soon play so great a role in Philo's phi\u00ad losophy. Nearly all the apocalyptic authors thought that the Messiah would triumph speedily; but Isaiah in a remarkable passage had conceived him as\nde pised and rejected of men, a man of sorrows and acquainted with grief\tSurely he hath borne our griefs, and carried our sorrows\n\u2022 \u2022 he was wounded for our transgressions, bruised for our iniqui\u00ad ties \u2022..  and with his stripes we are healed. The Lord hath laid upon him the iniquity of us all.    He was taken from prison and from\njudgment, and was cut off out of the land of the living    He\nbare the sin of many, and made intercession for the transgressors.43\nThe word Afessiah !Heb. mahsiah) occurs frequently in the Old Testament. The Jews who made the Septuagint (ca. 280 B.c.) translated it into the Greek Christos, the Anointed, he upon whom has been poured a chrism or holy oil."]
[13.036685943603516, -0.1167316809296608, "If heads of grain had feeling, ought they to pray that they should never be harvested? ... I would have you know that it is a curse never to die. . . . The ship goes down. What, then, am I to do? Whatever I can . . . I drown without fear, neither shrinking nor crying out against God, but recognizing that what is born must also\n492\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIII\nperish. For I am a part of the \u00b7whole, as an hour is part of a day. I must come on as the hour, and like an hour pass away.30 \u2022\u2022\u2022\tRe\u00ad gard yourself as but a single thread of all that go to make up the garment.31 \u2022\u2022\u2022  Seek not that the things which happen to you should happen as you wish, but wish the things that happen to be as they are, and you will find tranquillity.32\nThough he often speaks of Nature as an impersonal force, Epictetus as frequently infuses his conception with personality, intelligence, and love. The atmosphere of religion pervading his age warms his philosophy to a self\u00ad surrendering piety akin to that of the Stoic emperor who would soon read him and echo his thought. He speaks with a fine eloquence of the majestic order prevailing in time and space, and the evidences of design in nature, but he proceeds to explain that \"God has created some animals to be eaten, others to serve in farming, others to produce cheese.\" 33 The human mind itself, he thinks, is so marvelous an instrument that only a divine creator could have brought it into being; indeed, so far as we possess reason we are parts of the vVorld Reason. If we could trace our ancestry back to the first man we should find him begotten by God; God is therefore literally the father of us all, and all men are brothers.34\nHe who has once observed with understanding the administration of the world, and has learned that the greatest and most comprehen\u00ad sive community is the system [systema, standing together] of men and God, and that from God came the seeds whence all things, and especially rational beings, spring-,vhy should not that man call him\u00ad self a citizen of the world ...  nay, a son of God? ...  If a man could only subscribe heart and soul to this doctrine . . . I think he would entertain no mean or ignoble thought in himself\tBear\nin mind, then, when you eat, who you are that eat, and whom you are nourishing; when you cohabit with women, ,vho you are that do this.    You are bearing God about with you, you poor wretch,\nand know it not!,,ss\nIn a passage that Saint aul might have written, Epictetus exhorts his students not only to submit their wills trustingly to God's, but to be the apostles of God among mankind:\nGod says, \"Go and bear witness for me.\" 36 \u2022\u2022\u2022   Think what it is to be able to say, \"God has sent me into the world to be his soldier and witness, to tell men that their sorrows and fears are vain that to a good man no evil can befall, whether he live or die. God ends me at one tiz:ne h_ere, at another time there; he disciplines me by poverty and imprisonment, that I may be the better witness to him among men. \\Vith such a ministry committed to me, can I any longer\nCHAP. xxm)\tROMAN  GREECE\t493\ncare in what place I am, or who my companions are, or what they say about me? Nay, rather, does not my whole namre strain after God, his laws and commandments?\" 31\nAs for himself, he is filled with awe and gratitude by the mystery and splendor of things, and he intones to the Creator a pagan Magnificat that is one of the supreme passages in the history of religion:\nWhat language is adequate to praise all the works of Providence?\n...  If we had sense, ought we to be doing anything else, publicly or privately, than hymning and praising the Deity, and rehearsing his benefits? Ought we not, as we dig and plow and eat, to sing a hymn of praise to God? ... What then?-since most of you have become blind, ought there not to be someone to fulfill this office for you, and in behalf of all sing hymns of praise to God? 38\nThough we have here no word for immortality, and can trace all these ideas back to the Stoics and the Cynics, we find in these\u00b7 pages remarkable parallels to many attitudes of early Christianity: Epictetus, indeed, sometimes advances beyond Christianity: he denounces slavery, condemns capital pun\u00ad ishment, and wishes to have criminals treated as sick men.39 He advocates a daily examination of conscience 40 and announces a kind of Golden Rule: \"'Vhat you shun to suffer, do not make others suffer\";41 and he adds: \"If a man is reported to have spoken ill of you, make no defense, but say, \"He did not know the rest of my faults, else he would not have mentioned only these.\" 42 He advises men to return good for evil,43 and to \"submit when re\u00ad viled\";44 to fast now and then and \"abstain from the things you desire.\" 45 Sometimes he speaks of the body with the blasphemous contempt of an un\u00ad scoured anchorite: \"The body is of all things the most unpleasant and most foul.    It is astonishing that we should love a thing to which we perform\nsuch strange services every day. I fill this bag, and then I empty it; what is more troublesome?\" 46 There are pas.5ages that breathe the piety of Augustine and the eloquence of Newman: \"Use me henceforward, 0  God, as thou\n' wilt; I am of one mind with thee. I am thine. I ask exemption from nothing that seems good in thy sight. -VVhere thou wilt, lead me; in what raiment thou wilt, clothe me.\" 47 And like Jesus he bids his disciples take no care of the morrow:\nTo have God as our maker, father, and guardian-shall not this suffice to keep us from grief and fear? And wherewithal shall I be fed, asks one, if I have nothing? But what shall we say of    the\nanimals, every one of which is sufficient to itself, and lacks neither its own proper food nor that way of life which is appropriate to it, and in harmony with nature? 48\n494\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIII\nIs it any wonder that Christians like Saint John Chrysostom and Augustine lauded him, and that his Encheiridion was adopted, with minor changes, as a rule and guide for the monastic life?49 YVho knows but that Epictetus had read in some form the sayings of Jesus and was, without knowing it, a convert to Christianity?\nLUCIAN AND THE SKEPTICS\nNevertheless, in this final stage of Hellenistic culture, there were skeptics who recalled all the doubts of Protagoras, and a Lucian who laughed at belief with the insolence of Aristippus and almost Plato's charm. The school of Pyrrho was not dead; Aenesidemus of Cnossus rephrased its denials in the Alexandria of our first century, by propounding the famous \"Ten Modes\" (tropoi), or contradictions, that made knowledge impossible.* To\u00ad wards the end of the second century Sextus Empiricus, of unknown date or place, gave the skeptical philosophy its final formulation in several destruc\u00ad tive volumes of which three survive. Sextus takes all the world for his enemy; he divides philosophers into diverse species and shys each breed in turn. He writes with the vigor necessary to an executioner, the good order and clarity characteristic of ancient philosophy, occasional sarcastic humor, and much dreary chopping of logic.\nTo every arrrument, says Sextus, an equal argument can be opposed, so that in the end there is nothing so superfluous as reasoning. Deduction is un\u00ad ttUstworthy unless based upon complete induction; but complete induction is impossible, for we can never tell when a \"negative instance\" will turn up.51 \"Cause\" is merely a regular antecedent (as Hume would repeat), and all knowledge is relative.52 Similarly there is no objective good or evil; morality changes across every frontier,53 and Yirtue has a different definition in every age. All the arguments of the nineteenth century against the possibility of knowino- whether God exists or not are stated here, and all the contradictions between benevolent omnipotence and worldly suffering.54 But Sextus is a\nSome of them: (1) The sense organs (e.g., eyes) of different animals, even of different men varv in form and structure, and presumably gh-e diverse pictures of the world\u00b7 how do we !;now which picture is true? (2) The senses convey only a fraction of the obje t-e.g., a limited range of co\\ors, sounds, and smells; cl arly the con eption that we form of the object"]
[-6.072206974029541, -7.247564792633057, "xv\nLIST  OF ILLUSTRATIONS\nPAGE\nFIG. 34. Temple of luppiter Heliopolitanus at Baalbek\t512\nF1G. 35. Temple of Venus or Bacchus at Baalbek\t513\nFIG. 36. Arch of Septimius Severus, Rome\t624\nFIG. 37. Reconstruction of Interior of Baths of Caracalla\t624\nFIG. 38. Mithras and the Bull\t625\nFIG. 39. Sarcophagus of the Empress Helena\t625\nMaps of Ancient Rome and Ancient Italy and Sicily will be found on the inside covers. A map of the Roman Empire faces page 464.\nXV1\nINTRODUCTION\nORIGINS\nCHAPTER I\nEtruscan Prelude\n800-508  B.C.\nITALY\nDIET hamlets in the mountain valleys, spacious pastures on the slopes, lakes upheld in the chalice of the hills, fields green or yellow verging toward blue seas, villages and towns drowsy under the noon sun and then alive with passion, cities in which, amid dust and di.rt, everything from cot\u00ad tage to cathedral seems beautiful-this for two thousand years has been Italy. \"Throughout the whole earth, and wherever the vault of heaven spreads, there is no country so fair\": thus even the prosaic elder Pliny spoke of his fatherland.1 \"Here is eternal spring,\" sang Virgil, \"and summer even in months not her own. Twice in the year the cattle breed, twice the trees serve us with fruit.\" 2 Twice a year the roses bloomed at Paestum, and in the north lay many a fertile plain like Mantua's, \"feeding the white swans with grassy stream.\" 3 Like a spine along the great peninsula ran the Apen\u00ad nines, shielding the west coast from the northeast winds, and blessing the soil with rivers l1at hurried to lose themselves in captivating bays. On the north the Alps stood guard; on every other side protecting waters lapped difficult and often precipitous shores. It was a land well suited to reward an industri\u00ad ous population, and strategically placed athwart the Mediterranean to rule\nthe classic world.\nThe mountains broug?t death as well as splendor, for earthquakes and eruptions now and then embalmed the labor of centuries in ashes. But here, as usually, death was a gift to life; the lava mingled with organic matter to enrich the earth for a hundred generations.'' Part of the terrain was too steep for cultivation, and part of it was malarial marsh; the rest was so fertile that Polybius marveled at the abundance and cheapness of food in ancient Italy,5 and suggested that the quantity and quality of its crops might be judged from the vigor and courage of its men. Alfieri thought that the \"man-plant\" had flourished better in Italy than anywhere else.6 Even today the timid student is a bit frightened by the intense feelings of these fascinating folk-their taut muscles, swift love and anger, smoldering or blazing eyes; the pride and fury that made Italy great, and tore her to pieces, in the days of Marius and Caesar\n3\n4\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\nand the Renaissance, still run in Italian blood, only awaiting a good cause or argument. Nearly aJJ. the men are virile and handsome, nearly all the women beautiful, strong, and brave; what land can match the dynasty of genius that the mothers of Italy have poured forth through thirty centuries? No other country has been so long the hub of history-at first in government, then in religion, then in an. For seventeen hundred years, from Cato Censor to Michelangelo, Rome was the center of the Western world.\n\"Those who are the best judges in that country,\" says Aristotle, \"report that when !talus became king of Oenotria, the people changed their name, and called themselves no longer Oenotrians but Italians.\" 7 Oenotria was the toe of the Italian boot, so teeming with grapes that the word meant \"land of wine.\" !talus, says Thucydides, was a king of the Sicels, \\Vho had occupied. Oenotria on the way to conquer and name Sicily.8 Just as the Romans called all Hellenes Graeci, Greeks, from a few Graii who had emigrated from north Attica to Naples, so the Greeks gradually extended the name Italia to all the peninsula south of the Po.\nDoubtless many chapters of Italy's story lie silent under her crowded soil. Remains of an Old Stone Age culture indicate that for at least 30,000 years before Christ the plains were inhabited by man. Between 10,000 and 6000"]
[14.225587844848633, 2.3904306888580322, "is partial an nrehable. (3) One sense_ somenmes comrad1 ts another. (4) Our physical and men:al cond1t1on c::>lors and perh_aps d1scolors our percepn0ns-awake or sleeping, youth or\nage, m tion or rest, hu g_er or sanety, hatred _or lov_e.(6) _The appearance of an object varies a c?rcling t:J the o dm n of t_h; su_rrOl_mdmg med1 -light, air, cold, heat, moisture, etc.; which apf?Carance JS real ?_ (8)  N thil:g--1m \u00b7n by_Itself or absolutely, but only in relation o s?m chmg else, ta pro_s ti. (_10) \u2022\u2022 n _m_1v1dual s b he[s _depend upon the customs, religion, lilS0tut1ons, and laws anud which he \\\\as reared; no mdi..-1dual can think objectively.50\nCHAP.XXIII)\tROMAN  GREECE\t495\nmore complete agnostic than the agnostics, for he affirms that we cannot know that we cannot know; agnosticism is a dogma.55 But, he consoles us, we do not need certainty. Probability is enough for all practical purposes, and the suspension of judgment (epocbe, holding back; aphasia, saying nothing) in philosophical questions, instead of disturbing the mind, brings it a careless peace (ataraxia).56 Meanwhile, since nothing is cert:.:in, let us accept the conventions and beliefs of our time and place, and modestly worship our ancient gods.57\nLucian would have belonged to the Skeptic school if he had been so un\u00ad wise as to fetter his judgment with a label. Like Voltaire, whom he resembled in all but pity, he wrote philosophy so brilliantly that no one supposed that he was writing philosophy. As if to show the spread of Hellenism, he was born at Samosata, in distant Commagene; \"I am a Syrian from the Euphrates,\" he said; his native tongue was Syriac, his blood probably Semitic.58 He was apprenticed to a sculptor, but deserted to a rhetor. After a stay in Antioch practicing law he took to the road as a \"dependent scholar,\" living by lec\u00ad turing, especially in Rome and Gaul; then (A.D. r65) he settled down in Athens. In his later years he was rescued from poverty by the pious but tolerant Marcus Aurelius, who appointed the irreverent skeptic to an official post in Egypt. There, at a date unknown, he died.\nTime has preserved seventy-six of Lucian's little books, and many of them arc as fresh and pertinent today as when he read them to friends and audi\u00ad ences eighteen centuries ago. He tried his hand at a variety of forms, until he found a congenial medium in the dialogue. His Dialogues of the Hetairai were free enough to win a large audience. But at least in his works he is more absorbed in the gods than in courtesans; he is never through mishandling them. \"vVhen I was a boy,\" says his Menippus, \"and heard the tales of Homer and Hesiod about the gods-adulterous gods, rapacious gods, violent, litigious, incestuous gods-I found it all quite proper and, indeed, was intensely in\u00ad terested. vVhen, however, I came to man's estate I observed th::;t the laws flatly contradicted the poets, forbidding adultery and rapacity.\" Perplexed,\n.\\Ienippus went to the philosophers for an explanation; but they were so busy refuting one another that they only confounded his confusion. So he made himself wings, flew up to heaven, and examined m::itters for himself. Zeus received him magnanimously and allowed him to watch Olympus functioning. Zeus himself was listening to prayers as they came up to him through \"a row of openings with lids like well covers. . . . Of those at sea one prayed for a north, another for a south, wind. The farmer asked for rain, the fuller for sun.... Zeus seemed puzzled; he did not know which prayer to grant, and experienced a truly Academic suspension of judgment, showing a reserve and equilibrium worthy of Pyrrho himself.\" 59 The great\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIII\ngod rejects some petitions, grants others, and then arranges the day's weather: rain for Scythia, snow for Greece, a storm in the Adriatic, and \"about a thou\u00ad sand bushels of hail for Cappadocia.\" Zeus is disturbed by the new and outlandish gods who have stolen into his pantheon; he issues a decree that, whereas Olympus is crowded with polyglot aliens, who have caused a great rise in the price of nectar, and the old and only true gods are being squeezed out, a committee of seven shall be appointed to sit on claims. In \"Zeus Cross\u00ad Examined\" an Epicurean philosopher asks Zeus are the gods also subject to Fate? Yes, answers the genial Jove. \"Why, then, should men sacrifice to you?\" asks the philosopher; and \"if Fate rules men and gods, why should we be held responsible for our actions?\" \"I see,\" says Zeus, \"that you have been with that accursed race, the sophists.\" 60 In \"Zeus T ragoedus\" the god is in a gloomy mood, for he observes a great crowd gathering in Athens to hear Damis the Epicurean deny, and Timocles the Stoic affirm, the existence and solicitude of the gods. Timocles breaks down and runs away, and Zeus de\u00ad spairs about his own future. Hermes comforts him: \"There are plenty of believers left-a majority of Greeks, the body and dregs of the people, and the barbarians to a man.\" 61 That such a piece should have brought no indict\u00ad ment on Lucian's head proves either the tolerance of the times or the twilight of the Greek gods.\nBut Lucian was as skeptical of rhetoric and philosophy as of the old reli\u00ad gion. In one of his Dialogues of the Dead Charon commands a rhetorician, whom he is ferrying to the other world, to \"strip off that boundless length of sentences that is wrapped around you, and those antitheses, and balanced clauses\"-otherwise the boat will surely sink.62 In \"Hermotimus\" a student\nenters with enthusiasm upon the study of philosophy, hoping that it will give hi some substitute f r faith! but he is shocked by the vanity and greed of the nval teachers, and 1s left mtellectually and morally naked by their mutual refutations; henceforth, he concludes, \"I shall tum aside from a phi\u00ad losopher a /rom a mad_ dog.\" 63 Lu ian himself defi_nes philos_ophy as an attempt to get an elevation from which you may seem every direction.\" 64 From such an elevation life seems to him a ridiculous confusion, a chaotic chorus in which all the dancers move and shout each at his own indi,\u00b7idual will, \"until the impresario ismisses them one by one from the stage.\" 6  In\n\"Charon\" he paints a dark pic_ture of the human scene as witnessed by super\u00ad human eyes from some celestial peak: men plowina toilina disputina suina\n\u2022\t\u2022\tt>'\tt>'\t=>'\tt,\nin the courts, lendmg at  sury, cheatmg and being cheated, running after\ngold or pleasure; over their heads a cloud of hopes, fears, follies, and hates; over these the Fates spinning the web of life for each human atom; one man is lifted high from the mass and then has a resounding fall; and each in turn is drawn away by some messenger of death. Charon observes two armies fight-\nCHAP. XXIII)\tROMAN  GREECE\t497\ning in the Peloponnesus; \"Fools!\" he comments, \"not to know that though each of them should win a whole Peloponnesus he will get but a bare foot of ground in the end.\" 66 Lucian is as impanial as nature; he satirizes the rich for their greed, the poor for their envy, the philosophers for their cobwebs, the gods for their nonexistence. In the end he concludes with Voltaire that one must cultivate his garden. Menippus, finding T eiresias in the lower world, asks him, What is the best life? The old prophet answers:\nThe life of the ordinary man is the best and most prudent choice. Cease from the folly of metaphysical speculation and inquiry into origins and ends; count all this clever logic as idle talk, and pursue one end alone-how you may do what your hand finds to do, and go your way with never a passion and always a smile.67\nIf we sum up Greek thought in the first two centuries of our era, we find it, despite Lucian, overwhelmingly religious. Men had once lost faith in faith and taken to logic; now they were losing faith in logic and were flocking back to faith. Greek philosophy had completed the circuit from primitive theology through the skepticism of the early Sophists, the atheism of Democ\u00ad ritus, the reconciliatory blandishments of Plato, the naturalism of Aristotle, and the pantheism of the Stoa back to a philosophy of mysticism, submission, and piety. The Academy had passed from the utilitarian myths of its founder through the skepticism of Carneades to the learned devotion of Plutarch; soon it would culminate in the heavenly visions of Plotinus. The scientific achievements of Pythagoras were forgotten, but his notion of reincarnation was having another life; Neo-Pythagoreans were exploring the mysticism of\n?umber, were practicing a daily examination of conscience, and were pray\u00ad mg that after a minimum of avatars they might pass-if necessary through Purgatory-into a b.lessed union with God.68 Stoicism was ceasing to be the proud and scornful philosophy of aristocrats, and had found its final and most eloquent voice in a slave; its doctrine of a final conflagration of the world, its rejection of all pleasures of the flesh, its humble surrender to the idden will of God, were preparing for the theology and ethics of Christian\u00ad ity. The Oriental mood was capturing the Europea\u00b0: citadel.\nCHAPTER  XXIV\nTheHellenistic  Revival\nROMAN EGYPT\nGYPT should have been the happiest of lands, for not only was the\n\tearth freely nourished by the Nile, but the country was the most self- sufficient in the whole Mediterranean basin-rich in cereals and fruits, cut\u00ad ting three crops a year, unexcelled in its industries, exporting to a hundred nations, and seldom disturbed by foreign or civil war. And yet-perhaps for these reasons-\"The Egyptians,\" Josephus notes, \"appear never in all their history to have enjoyed one day of freedom.\" 1 Their wealth tempted, their semitropical lassitude suffered, one despot or conqueror after another through fifty centuries."]
[15.757658004760742, -1.4285390377044678, "542\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nAll, however, agreed that in the end the Messiah would subdue the heathen, free lsrael,44 make Jerusalem his capital, and win all men to accept Yahveh and the Mosaic Law.45 Thereafter a \"Good Time\" would come of happiness for the whole world: all the earth would be fertile, every seed would bear a thousandfold, wine would be plentiful, poverty would disappear, all men would be healthy and virtuous, and justice, good fellowship, and peace would reign over the earrh.46 Some seers thought that this joyful age would be interrupted, that the powers of darkness and evil would make a last assault upon the happy kingdom, and that the world would be consumed in chaos and conflagration. In the final \"Day of God\" the dead would rise and be judged by the \"Ancient of Days\" (Yahveh), or by the \"Son of Man,\" to whom absolute and everlasting dominion would then be given over a reno\u00ad vated world, the Kingdom of God. The wicked would be cast down head\u00ad long and speechless \"into Hell,\" 47 bur the good would be received into unending blessedness.\nEssentially the movement of thought in Judea was parallel with that in the pagan rheology of the rime: a people that had once thought of the future in terms of its national destiny lost its trust in the state and thought of salva\u00ad tion in spiritual and individual terms. The mystery religions had brought this hope to many millions in Greece, the Hellenic East, and Italy; bur nowhere was the hope so earnest, or its need so great, as in Judea. The poor or be\u00ad reaved, rhe oppressed or scorned of the earth, looked for some divine re\u00ad deemer of their subjection and their suffering. Soon, said the apocalypses, a savior would come, and in his triumph all just men would be lifted up, even out of the grave, into a paradise of eternal bliss. Old saints like Simeon, mystic women like Anna daughter of Phanuel, passed their lives about the Temple, fasting, waiting, praying that they might look upon the Redeemer before they died. A great expectation filled the hearts of men.\nTHE REBELLION\nNo people in history has fought so tenaciously for liberty as rhe Jews, nor any people against such odds. From Judas .Maccabee to Simeon Bar Cocheba, and even into our own rime, the struggle of the Jews to regain their freedom has often decimated them, but has never broken their spirit or their hope.\n,vhen Herod the Great died the nationalists, spurning the pacific counsels of Hillel, declared a revolt against Herod's successor Archelaus, and encamped in tents about the Temple. _Archelaus' troops slew 3000 of them, manv of whom had come to Jerusalem for the Passover festival (4 B.c.). At the follo,{,ing feast of\nCHAP. XXV)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t543\nPentecost the rebels gathered again, and orice more suffered great slaughter; the Temple cloisters were burned to the ground, the treasures of the sanctuary were plundered by the legions, and many Jews killed themselves in despair. Patriot bands took form in the countryside, and made life precarious for any supporter of Rome; one such band, under Judas the Gaulonite, captured Sepphoris, the capital of Galilee. Varus, governor of Syria, entered Palestine with 20,000 men, razed hundreds of towns, crucified 2000 rebels, and sold 30,000 Jews into slavery. A delegation of leading Jews went to Rome and begged Augustus to abolish the kingship in Judea. Augustus removed Archelaus, and made Judea a Roman province of the second class, under a procurator responsible to the governor of Syria (A.n. 6).\nUnder Tiberius the troubled land knew a moment's peace. Caligula, wishing to make the worship of the emperor a unifying religion throughout the Empire, ordered all cults to include a sacrifice to his image, and bade the Jerusalem officials to install his statue in the Temple. The Jews had compromised, under Augustus and Tiberius, by sacrificing to Yahveh in the name of the emperor; but they were so averse to setting up the graven image of a pagan in their Temple that thousands of them, we are told, went to the governor of Syria and asked to be slain in cold blood before the edict should be carried out.49 Caligula eased the situation by dying. Impressed by Herod's grandson Agrippa, Claudius made him king of nearly all Pales\u00ad tine (41); bur Agrippa's sudden death released another outburst of disorder, and Claudius restored the procuratorial rule (44).\nThe men whom his mercenary freedmen chose for this office were mostly incompetents or scoundrels. Felix, made procurator by his brother Pallas\n\"governed Judea,\" says Tacitus, \"with the powers of a king and the soul of a slave.\" 5\u00b0Festus ruled more justly, but died in the attempt. Albinus, if we may believe Josephus, plundered and taxed assiduously, and made a fortune\nby releasing criminals from jail for a consideration; \"nobody remained in prison but those who gave him nothing.\" 51 Florus, says the same friend and admirer of the Romans, behaved \"like an executioner rather than a gov\u00ad ernor,\" despoiled whole cities, and not only stole on his own account, but connived at other robberies if allowed to share the loot. These reports retain some odor of war propaganca; doubtless the procurators complained that the Jews were a very troublesome people to oppress.\nBands of \"Zed<;>ts\" and \"Dag3\"er-men\" (Sicarii) were formed in protest against this misrule. Their members, pledged to kill any disloyal Jew, mingled in street gatherings, stabbed their appointed victims from behind, and disappeared in the chaos of the crowd.52 When Floros took seventeen talents ($61,200) from the Temple treasury, an angry mob collected before the shrine and cried our for his dismissal; some youths went about with\n544\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nbaskets begging alms for him as suffering from poverty. Florus' legions dispersed the assemblage, plundered hundreds of homes, and slew the occu\u00ad pants; the leading rebels were scourged and crucified; on that day, says Josephus, 3600 Jews were slain.53 The old or well-to-do Hebrews counseled patience, arguing that revolt against so powerful an empire would be national suicide; the young or poor accused them of connivance and cowardice. The two factions divided the city and nearly every family; one seized the upper part of Jerusalem, the other the lower, and each attacked the other with every weapon at hand. In 68 a pitched battle was fought between the groups; the radicals won, and killed 12,000 Jews, including nearly all the rich;54 the revolt had become a revolution. A rebel force surrounded the Roman garrison at Masada, persuaded it to disarm, and then slaughtered every man of it. On that day the gentiles of Caesarea, the Palestinian capital, rose in a pogrom that slew 20,000 Jews; other thousands were sold into slavery. In one day the gentiles of Damascus cut the throats of 10,000 Jews.55 The enraged revolutionists laid waste many Greek cities in alestine and Syria, burned some of them to the ground, and killed and were killed in great number. \"It was then common,\" says Josephus, \"to see cities filled with dead bodies . . . unburied, those of old men mixed with infants, and women lying among them without any cover.\" 56 By September of 66 the revolution had won Jerusalem and nearly all of Pales\u00ad tine. The peace party was discredited, and most of its members now joined in the revolt.\t\u2022\nAmong them was a priest named Josephus, then a young man of thirty, energetic, brilliant, and endowed with an intellect capable of transforming every desire into a virtue. Commissioned by the rebels to fortify Galilee, he defended its stronghold, Jotopata, against Vespasian's siege, until only forty Jewish soldiers remained alive, hiding with him in a cave. Josephus wished to surrender, but his men threatened to kill him if he tried it. Since they preferred death to capture, he persuaded them to draw lots to fix the order in which each should die by the hand of the next; when all were\ndead but himself and one other, he induced him to join him in surrender.\nThey were about to be sent to Rome in chains when Josephus prophesied that Vespasian would be e p ror. Vespasia released him, and gradually accepted him as a seful adviser m the wa_r aga st the Jews. \\Vhen Vespasian left for Alexandna, Josephus accomparued Titus to the siege of Jerusalem. The approach of the legions brought the def enders to a belated and fanatical unity. Tacitus reckons th t 600,000 rebels had gathered in the city. \"All who were capable of servmg appeared in arms,\" and the women were not less martial than the men.5\u2022 Josephus, from the Roman lines called upon the besieged to surrender; they branded him as a traitor, and\nCHAP. XXV)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t545\nfought to the last. Starving Jews made desperate sorties to forage for food; thousands of them were captured by the Romans, and were crucified; \"the multirude of these was so great,\" Josephus reports, \"that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses were wanting for the bodies.\" In the later stages of the five-month siege the streets of the city were clogged with corpses; ghouls wandered about despoiling and stabbing the dead; we are told that 116,000 bodies were thrown over the walls. Some Jews swallowed gold pieces and slipped out from Jerusalem; Romans or Syrians, capturing them, slit open their bellies, or searched their offal, to find the coins.58 Having taken half the city, Tirus offered what he thought were lenient terms to the rebels; they rejected them. The flaming brands of the Romans set fire to the Temple, and the great edifice, much of it of wood, was rapidly con\u00ad sumed. The surviving defenders fought bravely, proud, says Dio, to die on Temple grounds.59 Some killed one another, some fell upon their own swords, some leaped into the flames. The victors gave no quarter, but slew all Jews upon whom they could lay their hands; 97,000 fugitives were caught and sold as slaves; many of them died as unwilling gladiators in the triumphal games that were celebrated at Beryrus, Caesarea Philipp and Rome. Josephus numbered at 1,197,000 the Jews killed in this siege and its aftermath; Tacirus calculated them at 600,000 (A.D. 70).60\nResistance continued here and there till 73, but essentially the destruction of the Temple marked the end of the rebellion and of the Jewish state. The property of those who had shared in the revolt was confiscated and sold. Judea was almost shorn of Jews, and those that remained lived on the edge of starvation. Even the poorest Jew had now to pay to a pagan temple at Rome the half shekel that pious Hebrews had formerly paid each year for the upkeep of the Temple at Jerusalem. The high-priesthood and the San\u00ad hedrin were abolished. Judaism took the fo  that it has kept till our own time: a religion without a central shrine, without a dominant priesthood, without a sacrificial service. The Sadducees disappeared, while the Pharisees and the rabbis became the leaders of a homeless people that had nothing left but its synagogues and its hope.\nTHE  DISPERSION\nThe flight or enslavement of a million Jews so accelerated their spread through the Mediterranean that their scholars came to date the Diaspora from the destruction of Herod's Temple. \\Ve have seen that this Disper\u00ad sion had begun six centuries before in the Babylonian Captivity, and had been renewed in the settling of Alexandria. Since fertility was commanded\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(cHAP.:XXV\nand infanticide sternly forbidden by Jewish piety and law, the expansion of the Jews was due to biological as well as economic causes; Hebrews still played a vocy minor role in the commerce of the world. Fifty years before the fall of Jerusalem, Strabo, with anti-Semitic exaggeration, reported that \"it is hard to find a single place on the habitable earth that has not admitted"]
[3.176780939102173, 0.1906149685382843, "CHAP. XXVII)\tTHE  APOSTLES\t585\nthem an acceptable variation of the mystery faiths that had so often told them of resurrected saviors; possibly in accepting it they assimilated it to these beliefs, and influenced Paul to interpret Christianity in terms familiar to the Hellenistic mind.\nFrom Corinth Paul went to Jerusalem (53?) to \"salute the church.\" Soon, however, he was off on his third missionary journey, visiting the Christian communities in Antioch and Asia Minor, and reinvigorating them with his fervor and confidence. At Ephesus he spent two years, and \"did such extraor\u00ad dinary wonders\" that many looked upon him as a miracle-worker, and sought to cure ailments by applying to the sick the linens Paul had used. The manufacturers of the images that pagan worshipers dedicated in the Temple of Artemis found their trade slackening; perhaps Paul had repeated here his Athenian indictment of image worship, or idolatry. One Demetrius, who made silver models of the great shrine for pious pilgrims, organized a protest against Paul and the new faith, and led to the city theater a crowd of Greeks whose catchword, repeated for two hours, was \"Great is Artemis of the Ephesians!\" A local official dissolved the gathering, but Paul thought it the better part of valor to leave for Macedonia.\nHe spent some happy months with the little congregations he had founded in Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beraea. Hearing that dissension and immoral\u00ad ity were disordering the church at Corinth, he not only reprimanded it in several epistles, but went down to it in person (56?) to face his detractors. They had accused him of profiting materially from his preaching, laughed at his visions, and renewed the demand that all Christians should obey the Jewish Law. Paul reminded the turbulent community that he had every\u00ad where earned his living with the work of his hands; and as to material profit, what had he not suffered from his missions?-eight floggings, one stoning, three shipwrecks, and a thousand dangers from robbers, patriots, and streams.40 Amid this turmoil word was brought him that the \"party of the circumcision,\" apparently violating the Jerusalem agreement, had gone into Galatia and demanded of all converts the full acceptance of the Jewish Law. He wrote to the Galatians a wrathful epistle in which he broke completely with the Judaizing Christians, and declared that men were to be saved not by adherence to the Mosaic Law, but by an active faith in Christ as the redeeming Son of God. Then, not knowing what sharper tribulations awaited him there, he left for Jerusalem, eager to defend himself before the Apostles, and wishing to celebrate in the Holy City the ancient feast of Pentecost. From Jerusalem, he hoped, he might go to Rome, even to Spain, and never rest till every province of the Empire had heard the news and promise of the risen Christ.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVIl\nThe Theologian\nThe leaders of the mother church gave him \"a hearty welcome\" (57?); but privately they admonished him:\nYou see, brother, how many thousand believers there are among the Jews, all of them zealous upholders of the Law. They have been told that you teach all Jews who live among the heathen to tum away from Moses, that you tell them not to circumcize their children, nor to observe the old customs.    They will be sure to hear that you\nhave come. So do what we tell you. We have four men here who are under a vow. Join them, undergo the rites of purification with them, and pay their expenses.... Then everybody will understand that there is no truth in the stories told about you, but that you yourself observe the Law.41\nPaul took the advice in good spirit, and went through the rites of purifica\u00ad tion. But when some Jews saw him in the Temple they raised an outcry against him as \"the man who teaches everybody everywhere against our people and the Law.\" A mob seized him, dragged him from the Temple, and \"were trying to kill him\" when a squad of Roman soldiers rescued him by arrest. Paul turned to speak to the crowd, and affirmed both his Judaism and his Christianity. They shouted for his death. The Roman officer ordered him to be flogged, but desisted when he learned of Paul's Roman citizenship. The next day he brought the prisoner before the Sanhedrin. Paul addressed it, proclaimed himself a Pharisee, and won some support; but his excited opponents again sought to do him violence, and the officer withdrew him into the barracks. That night a nephew of Paul came to warn him that forty Jews had vowed not to eat or drink until they had killed him. The officer, fearing a disturbance that would compromise him, sent Paul in the night to the procurator Felix at Caesarea.\nFive days later the high priest and some elders came up from Jerusalem, and accused Paul of being \"a P:st and a disturber of the peace among Jews all over the world.\" Paul admitted that he was preaching a new religion, but added: \"I believe everything that is taught in the Law.\" Felix dismi&5ed the accusers; nevertheless, he kept Paul under house arrest-accessible to friends-for two years (58-60?), hoping, perhaps, for a substantial bribe. When Festus succeeded Felix he suggested that Paul should stand trial before him at Jerusalem. Fearing that hostile environment, Paul exercised his rights as a Roman citzen, and demanded trial before the emperor. King Agrippa, passing through Caesarea, gave him another hearing, and judged\nCHAP.xxvn)\tTHE  APOSTLES\t587\nhim \"mad with great learning,\" but otherwise innocent; \"he might be let go,\" said Agrippa, \"if he had not appealed to the emperor.\" Paul was put on a trading vessel, which sailed so leisurely that it encountered a winter storm before it could reach Italy. Through fourteen days of tempest, we are told, he gave crew and passengers an encouraging example of a man superior to death and confident of rescue. The ship broke to pieces on Malta's rocks, but all on board swam safely to shore. Three months later Paul arrived in Rome (61?). .\nThe Roman authorities treated him leniently, awaiting his accusers from Palestine, and Nero's leisure to hear the case. He was allowed to live in a house of his choosing, with a soldier to guard him; he could not move about freely, but he could receive whomever he wished. He invited the leading Jews of Rome to come to him; they heard him patiently, but when they perceived that in his judgment the observance of the Jewish Law was not necessary to salvation, they turned away; the Law seemed to them the indispensable prop and solace of Jewish life. \"Understand, then,\" said Paul, \"that this message of God's salvation has been sent to the heathen. They will listen to it!\" 42 His attitude offended also the Christian community that he found in Rome. These converts, chiefly Jews, preferred the Christianity that had been brought to them from Jerusalem; they practiced circumcision, and were hardly distinguished by Rome from the orthodox Jews; they welcomed Peter, but were cold to Paul. He made some converts among the gentiles, even in high place; but a bitter sense of frustration darkened the loneliness of his imprisonment.\nHe found some solace in sending long and tender letters to his distant flocks. For ten years now he had written such epistles; there were doubtless many more than have come down to us under his name.\u2022 They did not come directly from his pen; he dictated them, often adding a postscript in his own rough hand; he left them apparently unrevised, with all their repetitions, obscurities, and bad grammar on their head. Nevenheless, the depth and sincerity of their feeling, their angry devotion to a great cause, their pro\u00ad fusion of noble and memorable speech make them the most forceful and eloquent letters in all literature; even Cicero's charm seems slight beside this passionate faith. Here are strong words of love from one to whom his churches were his fiercely protected children; violent attacks upon his numberless enemies; reprimands to sinners, backsliders, and divisive dis\u00ad putants; and everywhere tender exhortations.\nOf these we may regard the letters to the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans as authentic; probably also those to the Thessalonians, Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon; perhaps oven the epistle to the Ephesians.43\n588\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVII\nBe filled with thanksgiving. Let the presence of Christ dwell in you, a well-spring of abounding wisdom; teach and encourage one another with hymns and songs of the spiritual life; make music in your hearts in gratitude to God.44\nHere are great phrases that all Christendom quotes and cherishes: \"the letter kills, the spirit gives life\";45 \"evil communications corrupt good manners\";46 \"to the pure all things are pure\";47 \"the love of money is the root of all evil.\"48 Here are frank confessions of his faults, even of his statesmanlike hypocrisies:\nI have made myself everyone's slave, so as to win over all the more. To the Jews I have become like a Jew to win Jews ... to those without the Law I have become like a man without any law . . . I have become all things to all men, that I might save some of them. I do it all tor the sake of the Good News, that I may share its blessings with the rest.49\nThese epistles were preserved, and often publicly read, by the congrega\u00ad tions to which they were addressed. By the end of the first century many of them were widely known; Clement of Rome refers to them in 97, Ignatius and Polycarp soon afterwards; gradually they entered into the subtlest theology of the Church. Moved by his own somber spirit and remorse, and his transforming vision of Christ; influenced perhaps by Platonist and Stoic denunciations of matter and the body as evil; recalling, it may be, Jewish and pagan customs of sacrificing a \"scapegoat\" for the sins of the people, Paul created a theology of which none but the vaguest warrants can be found in the words of Christ: that every man born of woman inherits the guilt of Adam, and can be saved from eternal damnation only by the atoning death of the Son of God.* 50 Such a conception was more agreeable to the pagans than to the Jews. Egypt, Asia Minor, and Bellas had long since believed in gods-Osiris, Attis, Dionysus-who had died to redeem mankind-; such titles as Soter (Savior) and Eleutherios (Deliverer) had been applied to these deities; and the word Kyrios (Lord), used by Paul of Christ, was the term given in Syrian-Greek cults to the dying and redeem\u00ad ing Dionysus.52 The gentiles of Antioch and other Greek cities, never having\nThe ancient Jews shared with the Canaanites, Moabites, Phoenicians Canhaginians and other peoples the custom o! sacrificing a child,.ev:en a b_eloved son, to appease the wra h of Heaven. In the course of time a condemned cnmmal might be substituted. In Babvlonia he was dressed in royal robes to represe1!-t the son of the king, and was then scourged and hanged. A similar sacrifice took place m Rho?e_s. at the_ ea5: of Cronus. The offering of a lamb or kid at the Passover was probably a cn,hzed mmgat1on of ancient human sacrifice. \"On the dav of atonement,\" says Frazer. \"the Jewish high priest laid both his hands on the head of a live goat, co essed over it all the iniquities of he diil ren of Israel, and having thereby transferred the sms of the people to .:he beast, sent It away mto the wilderness.\" 51\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE  APOSTLES\nknown Jesus in the flesh, could only accept him after the manner of their savior gods. \"Behold,\" said Paul, \"I show you a mystery.\" 53\nPaul added to this popular and consoling theology certain mystic con\u00ad ceptions already made current by the Book of Wisdom and the philosophy of Philo. Christ, said Paul, is \"the wisdom of God,\" 54 the first-born Son of God; \"he is before all things, in him all things exist . . . through him all things have been created.\" 55 He is not the Jewish Messiah who will deliver Israel from bondage; he is the Logos whose death will deliver all men. Through these interpretations Paul could neglect the actual life and sayings of Jesus, which he had not directly known, and could stand on an equality with the immediate apostles, who were no match for him in metaphysical speculation; he could give to the life of Christ, and to the life of man, hi,;h roles in a magnificent drama that embraced all souls and all eternity. More\u00ad over, he could answer the troublesome questions of those who asked why Christ, if very god, had allowed himself to be put to death: Christ had died to redeem a world lost to Satan by Adam's sin; he had to die to break the bonds of death and open the gates of heaven to all who should be touched by the grace of God."]
[6.168525218963623, 12.054119110107422, "Love, he loots\nThe rich of their chattels!\nBy delicate cheeks\nOn maiden's pillow\nWatches he all the night-time long;\nHis prey he seeks Over the billow,\nPastoral haunts he preys among.\nGods are deathless, and they Cannot elude his whim;\nAnd oh, amid us whose life's a day,\nMad is the heart that broodeth him!81\u2022\n304\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.XIII\nas he can. The letter of the law forbids him to remain single, but the law is not always enforced in Periclean days; and after him the number of bachelors mounts until it becomes one of the basic problems of Athens.\"\" There are so many ways of being amused in Greece! Those men who yield marry late, usually near thirty, and then insist upon brides not much older than fifteen.\"\"\u00b0 \"To mate a youth with a young wife is ill,\" says a character in Euripides; \"for a man's strength endures, while the bloom of beauty quickly leaves the woman's form.\"'01\nA choice having been made, and the dowry agreed upon, a solemn be\u00ad trothal takes place in the home of the girl's father; there must be witnesses, but her own presence is not necessary. Without such a formal betrothal no union is valid in Athenian law; it is considered to be the first act in the complex rite of marriage. The second act, which follows in a few days, is a feast in the house of the girl. Before coming to it the bride and bride\u00ad groom, in their separate homes, bathe in-ceremonial purification. At the feast the men of both families sit on one side of the room, the women on the other; a wedding cake is eaten, and much wine is drunk. Then the bridegroom escorts his veiled and white-robed bride-whose face he may not yet have seen-into a carriage, and takes her to his father's dwelling amid a procession of friends and flute-playing girls, who light the way with torches and raise the hymeneal chant. Arrived, he carries the girl over the threshold, as if in semblance of capture. The parents of the youth greet the girl, and receive her with religious ceremony into the circle of the family and the worship of its gods; no priest, however, takes any part in the ritual. The guests then escort the couple to their room with an epithalamion, or marriage-chamber song, and linger boisterously at the door until the bridegroom announces to them that the marriage has been consummated.\nBesides his wife a man may take a concubine. \"We have courtesans for\nthe sake of pleasure,\" says Demosthenes, \"concubines for the daily health of our bodies, and wives to bear us lawful offspring and be the faithful guardians of our homes\":102 here in one startling sentence is the Greek view of woman in the classic age. Draco's laws permit concubinage; and after the Sicilian expedition of 415, when the roll of citizens has been depleted by war and many girls cannot find husbands, the law explicitly allows double marriages; Socrates and Euripides are among those who assume thls patriotic obligation.101 The wife usually accepts concubinage with Oriental patience, knowing that the \"second wife,\" when her charms wear off, will become in effect a household slave, and that only the offspring of the first\nCHAP. xm)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS    305\nwife are accounted legitimate. Adultery leads to divorce only when com\u00ad mitted by the wife; the husband in such case is spoken of as \"carrying horns\" (keroesses), and custom requires him to send his wife away.10\u2022 The law makes adultery by woman, or by a man with a married woman, pun\u00ad ishable with death, but the Greeks are too lenient to concupiscence to en\u00ad force this statute. The injured husband is usually left to deal with the adulterer as he will and can-sometimes killing him in fiagrtmte delicto, sometimes sending a slave to beat him, sometimes contenting himself with a money indemnity.\"111\nFor the man divorce is simple; he may dismiss his wife at any time, with\u00ad out stating the cause. Barrenness is accepted as sufficient reason for divorcing a wife, since the purpose of marriage is to have children. If the man is sterile, law permits, and public opinion recommends, the reinforcement of the husband by a relative; the child born of such a union is considered to be the son of the husband, and must tend his departed soul. The wife may not at will leave her husband, but she may ask the archons for a divorce on the ground of the cruelty or excesses of her mate.100 Divorce is also al\u00ad lowed by mutual consent, usually expressed in a formal declaration to the archon. In case of separation, even where the husband has been guilty of adultery, the children remain with the man  All in all, in the matter of\nsex relations, Athenian custom and law are thoroughly man-made, and represent an Oriental retrogression from the society of Egypt, Crete, and the Homeric Age.\nWOMAN\nAs surprising as anything else in this civilization is the fact that it is brilliant without the aid or stimulus of women. With their help the Heroic Age achieved splendor, the age of the dictators a lyric radiance; then, al\u00ad most overnight, married women vanish from the history of the Greeks, as if to confute the supposed correlation between the level of civilization and the status of woman. In Herodotus woman is everywhere; in Thucyd\u00ad ides she is nowhere to be seen. From Semonides of Amorgos to Lucian, Greek literature is offensively repetitious about the faults of women; and towards the close of it even the kindly Plutarch repeats Thucydides: 108 \"The name of a decent woman, like her person, should be shut up in the house.\"\"\"'\nThis seclusion of woman does not exist among the Dorians; presumably it comes from the Near East to Ionia, and from Ionia to Attica; it is part\n306\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHA.P.XIII\nof the tradition of Asia. Perhaps the disappearance of inheritance through the mother, the rise of the middle classes, and the enthronement of the commercial view of life enter into the change: men come to judge women in terms of utility, and find them especially useful in the home. The Oriental nature of Greek marriage goes with this Attic purdah; the bride is cut off from her kin, goes to live almost as a menial in another home, and worships other gods. She cannot make contracts, or incur debts be\u00ad yond a trifling sum; she cannot bring actions at law; and Solon legislates that anything done under the influence of woman shall have no validity at law.110 When her husband dies she does not inherit his property. Even physiological error enters into her legal subjection; for just as primitive ignorance of the male role in reproduction tended to exalt woman, so the male is exalted by the clieory popular in classic Greece that the generative power belongs only to man, the woman being merely the carrier and nurse of the child.m The older age of the man contributes to the subordina\u00ad tion of the wife; he is twice her years when he marries her, and can in some degree mold her mind to his own philosophy. Doubtless the male knows too well the license allowed to his sex in Athens to risk his wife or daugh\u00ad ter at large; he chooses to be free at the cost of her seclusion. She may, if properly veiled and attended, visit her relatives or intimates, and may take part in the religious celebrations, including attendance at the plays; but for the rest she is expected to stay at home, and not allow herself to be seen at a window. Most of her life is spent in the women's quarters at the rear of the house; no male visitor is ever admitted there, nor does she appear when men visit her husband.\nIn the home she is honored and obeyed in everything that does not con\u00ad travene the patriarchal authority of her mate. She keeps the house, or superintends its management; she cooks the meals, cards and spins the wool, makes the clothing and bedding for the family. Her education is almost confined to household arts, for the Athenian believes with Euripides that a woman is handicapped by intellect.no The result is that the respectable women of Athens are more modest, more \"charming\" to men, than their like in Sparta, but less interesting and mature, incapable of being com\u00ad rades to husbands whose minds have been filled and sharpened by a free and varied life. The women of sixth-century Greece contributed signifi\u00ad cantly to Greek literature; the women of Periclean Athens contribute"]
[3.0443177223205566, 13.910229682922363, "mo.re graceful form in Aristophanes' masterpiece, The Birds (414). Two citizens who despair of Athens climb up to the abode of the birds, hoping to find there an ideal life. With the help of the birds they build, between earth and heaven, a Utopian city, Nephelococcygia, or Cloud-Cuckoo\u00ad Land. The birds, in a chorus as lyrically perfect as anything in the tragic poets, apostrophize mankind:\nYe children of man, whose life is a span, Protracted with sorrow from day to day, Naked and featherless, feeble and querulous, Sickly calamitous creatures of clay,\nAttend to the words of the sovereign birds, Immortal, illustrious lords of the air,\nWho survey from on high, with a merciful eye, Your struggles of misery, labor, and care.\nThe birds plan to intercept all communication between the gods and men; no sacrifices shall be allowed to mount to heaven; soon, say the reformers, the old gods will starve, and the birds will be supreme. New gods are in\u00ad vented in the image of birds, and those conceived in the image of men are deposed. Finally an embassy comes from Olympus, seeking a truce; the leader of the birds agrees to take as his wife the handmaiden of Zeus, and the play ends in a happy marriage.\nThe Artist and the Thinker\nAristophanes is an unclassifiable mixture of beauty, wisdom, and filth. When the mood is upon him he cart write lyrics of purest Greek serene, which no translator has ever yet conveyed. His dialogue is life itself, or perhaps it is swifter, racier, more vigorous than life dares be. He belongs with Rabelais, Shakespeare, and Dickens in the lusty vitality of his style; and like theirs his characters give us more keenly the shape and aroma of the time than all the works of the historians; no one who has nQt read Aristophanes can know the Athenians. His plots are ridiculous, and are put together with an almost extempore carelessness; sometimes the main theme is exhausted before the play is half through, and the remainder limps forward on the crutches of burlesque. The humor is generally of a low order; it cracks and groans with facile puns, drags itself out to tragic lengths, and too often depends upon digestion, reproduction, and excre\u00ad tion. In The Acbarnians we hear of a character who eases himself con-\nCHAP. XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t429\ntinuously for eight months;,.. in The Clouds the major forms of human waste are mingled with sublime philosophy;m every second page offers us rumps, wind, bosoms, gonads, coitus, pederasty, onanism; everything is here.133 He charges his old rival, Cratinus, with nocturnal incontinence.\"\" He is the most contemporary of ancient poets, for nothing is so timeless as obscenity. Coming to him after any other Greek author-worst of all, after Euripides-he seems depressingly vulgar, and we find it difficult to imagine the same audience enjoying them both.\nIf we are good conservatives we can stomach all this on the ground that Aristophanes attacks every form of radicalism, and upholds devotedly every ancient virtue and vice. He is the most immoral of all Greek writers\nknown to us, but he hopes to make up for it by attacking immorality. He is always found on the side of the rich, but he denounces cowardice; he lies pitilessly about Euripides, living and dead, but he assails dishonesty; he describes the women of Athens as unbelievably coarse, but he exposes Euripides for defaming them; he burlesques the gods so boldly* that in comparison with the pious Socrates we must picture him as an hilarious atheist-but he is all for religion, and accuses the philosophers of under\u00ad mining the gods. Yet it took real courage to caricature the powerful Cleon, and to paint the faults of Demos to Demos' face; it took insight to see, in the trend of religion and morals from sophistic skepticism to epicurean individualism, a basic danger to the life of Athens. Perhaps Athens would have fared better if it had taken some of his advice, moderated her im\u00ad perialism, made an early peace with Sparta, and mitigated with aristocratic leadership the chaos and corruption of post-Periclean democracy.\nAristophanes failed because he did not take his own counsels seriously enough to observe them himself. His excesses of pornography and abuse were partly responsible for the law forbidding personal satire; and though the law was soon repealed, the Old Comedy of political criticism died before the death of Aristophanes (385), and was replaced, even in his later plays, by the Middle Comedy of manners and romance. But the vitality of the Greek comic theater disappeared along with its extravagance and brutality. Philemon and Menander rose and passed and were forgotten, while Aristophanes survived all changes of moral and literary fashions to come down to our own time with eleven of his forty-two plays intact. Even today, despite all difficulties of understanding and translation, Aris\u00ad tophanes is alive; and, if we hold our noses, we can read him with profane delight.\nSome of the gods, he tells us, keep brothels in heaven.115\n43\u00b0\tTHE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nTHE HISTORIANS\nProse was not completely forgotten in this heyday of dramatic poetry. Oratory, stimulated by democracy and litigation, became one of the pas\u00ad sions of Greece. As early as 466 Corax of Syracuse wrote a treatise, Techne Logon (The Art of Words), to guide the citizen who wished to address an assembly or a jury; here already are the traditional divisions of an ora\u00ad tion into introduction, narrative, argument, subsidiary remarks, and perora\u00ad tion. Gorgias brought the art to Athens, and Antiphon used the ornate style of Gorgias in speeches and pamphlets devoted to oligarchical propa\u00ad ganda. In Lysias Greek oratory became more natur\"al and vivid; but it was only in the greatest statesmen, like Themistocles and Pericles, that the pub\u00ad lic address rose above all visible artifice, and proved the effectiveness of simple speech. The new weapon was sharpened by the Sophists, and so thoroughly exploited by their pupils that when the oligarchic party seized power in 404 it forbade the further teaching of rhetoric.ue\nThe great achievement of Periclean prose was history. In a sense it was the fifth century that discovered the past, and consciously sought for a\nperspective of man in time. In Herodotus historiography has all the charm and vigor of youth; in Thucydides fifty years later, it has already reached a degree of maturity which no later age has ever surpassed. What separates and distinguishes these two historians is the Sophist philosophy. Herodotus was the simpler, _perhaps the kindlier, certainly the more cheerful spirit. He was born in Halicarnassus about 484, of a family exalted enough to participate in political intrigue; because of his uncle's adventures he was exiled at the age of thirty-two, and began those far-reaching travels that supplied the background for his Histories. He passed down through Phoe\u00ad nicia to Egypt, as far south as Elephantine; he moved west to Cyrene, east to Susa, and north to the Greek cities on the Black Sea. Wherever he went he observed and inquired with the eye of a scientist and the curiosity of a child; and when, about 447, he settled down in Athens, he was armed with a rich assortment of notes concerning the geography, history, and man\u00ad ners of the Mediterranean states. With these notes, and a little plagiarizing of Hecataeus and other predecessors, he composed the most famous of all historical works, recording the life and history of Egypt, the Near East, and Greece from their legendary origins to the close of the Persian War. An ancient story tells how he read parts of his book publicly at Athens and Olympia, and so pleased the Athenians with his account of the war.\nCHAP. XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLD EN  AGE\t431\nand their exploits in it, that they voted him twelve talents ($60,000)-which any historian will consider too pleasant to be true.18'1\nThe  introduction announces the purpose of the book in grand style:\nThis is a presentation of the Inquiries (Historiai) of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, to the end that time may not obliterate the great and marvelous deeds of the Hellenes and the Barbarians; and espe\u00ad cially that the causes for which they waged war with one another may not be forgotten.\nSince all the nations of the eastern Mediterranean are brought into the narrative, the book is, in a limited sense, a \"universal history,\" much broader in its scope than the narrow subject of Thucydides. The story is uncon\u00ad sciously unified by the contrast of barbarian despotism with Greek democ\u00ad racy, and moves, though by halting steps and confusing digressions, to a foreshadowed and epic end at Salamis. The purpose is to record \"wondrous deeds and wars,\"ias and in truth the tale sometimes recalls Gibbon's regret\u00ad table misunderstanding of history as \"little more than the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of mankind.\"\"\"' Nevertheless Herodotus, though he speaks in only the most incidental way of literature, science, philosophy, and art, finds room for a thousand interesting illustrations of the dress, manners, morals, and beliefs of the societies he describes. He tells us how Egyptian cats jump into the fire, how the Danubians get drunk on smells, how the walls of Babylon were built, how the Massagetae eat their parents, and how the priestess of Athena at Pedasus grew a mighty beard. He presents not only kings :md queens, but men of all degrees; and women, who are excluded from Thucydides, enliven these pages with their scandals, their beauty, their cruelties, and their charm.\nThere is, as Strabo says, \"much nonsense in Herodotus\";uo but our his\u00ad torian, like Aristotle, covers a vast field, and has many opportunities to err. His ignorance is as wide as his learning, his credulity is as great as his wis\u00ad dom. He thinks that the semen of Ethiopians is black,m accepts the legend that the Lacedaemonians won battles because they had brought the bones of Orestes to Sparta,\"' and reports incredible figures for the size of Xerxes' army, the casualties of the Persians, and the almost woundless victories of the Greeks. His account is patriotic, but not unjust; he gives both sides of most political disputes,* signalizes the heroism of the invaders, and tes\u00ad tifies to the honor and chivalry of the Persians. When he depends upon\nCf. the imaginative but excellent discussion of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. in iii, 2."]
[2.7018210887908936, 10.0077543258667, "TO MY FRIEND MAX SCHOTT\nPreface\ny purpose is to record and contemplate the origin, growth, maturity, and decline of Greek civilization from the oldest remains of Crete\nand Troy to the conquest of Greece by Rome. I wish to see and feel this complex culture not only in the subtle and impersonal rhythm of its rise and fall, but in the rich variety of its vital elements: its ways of drawing a living from the land, and of organizing industry and trade; its experiments with monarchy, aristocracy, democracy, dictatorship, and revolution; its man\u00ad ners and morals, its religious practices and beliefs; its education of children, and its regulation of the sexes and the family; its homes and temples, markets and theaters and athletic fields; its poetry and drama, its painting, sculpture, architecture, and music; its sciences and inventions, its superstitions and philosophies. I wish to see and feel these elements not in their theoretical and scholastic isolation, but in their living interplay as the simultaneous movements of one great cultural organism, with a hundred organs and a hundred million cells, but with one body and one soul.\nExcepting machinery, there is hardly anything secular in our culture that does not come from Greece. Schools, gymnasiums, arithmetic, geometry, history, rhetoric, physics, biology, anatomy, hygiene, therapy, cosmetics, poetry, music, tragedy, comedy, philosophy, theology, agnosticism, skepti\u00ad cism, stoicism, epicureanism, ethics, politics, idealism, philanthropy, cyni\u00ad cism, tyranny, plutocracy, democracy: these are all Greek words for cul\u00ad tural forms seldom originated, but in many cases first matured for good or evil by the abounding energy of the Greeks. All the problems that disturb us today-the cutting down of forests and the erosion of the soil; the eman\u00ad cipation of woman and the limitation of the family; the conservatism of the established, and the experimentalism of the unplaced, in morals, music, and government; the corruptions of politics and the perversions of conduct; the conflict of religion and science, and the weakening of the supernatural sup\u00ad ports of morality; the war of the classes, the nations, and the continents; the revolutions of the poor against the economically powerful rich, and of the rich against the politically powerful poor; the struggle between democracy and dictatorship, between individualism and communism, between the East and the West-all these agitated, as if for our instruction, the brilliant and\nvii\nPREFACE\nturbulent life of ancient Hellas. There is nothing in Greek civilization that does not illuminate our own.\nWe shall try to see the life of Greece both in the mutual interplay of its cultural elements, and in the immense five-act drama of its rise and fall. We shall begin with Crete and its lately resurrected civilization, because appar\u00ad ently from Crete, as well as from Asia, came that prehistoric culture of Mycenae and Tiryns which slowly transformed the immigrating Achaeans and the invading Dorians into civilized Greeks; and we shall study for a moment the virile world of warriors and lovers, pirates and troubadours, that has come down to us on the rushing river of Homer's verse. We shall watch the rise of Sparta and Athens under Lycurgus and Solon, and shall trace the colonizing spread of the fertile Greeks through all the isles of the Aegean, the coasts of Western Asia and the Black Sea, of Africa and Italy, Sicily, France, and Spain. We shall see democracy fighting for its life at Marathon, stimulated by its victory, organizing itself under Pericles, and flowering into the richest culture in history; we shall linger with pleasure over the spectacle of the human mind liberating itself from superstition, cre\u00ad ating new sciences, rationalizing medicine, secularizing history, and reach\u00ad ing unprecedented peaks in poetry and drama, philosophy, oratory, history, and art; and we shall record with melancholy the suicidal end of the Golden Age in the Peloponnesian War. We shall contemplate the gallant effort of disordered Athens to recover from the blow of her defeat; even her decline will be illustrious with the genius of Plato and Aristotle, Apelles and Prax\u00ad iteles, Philip and Demosthenes, Diogenes and Alexander. Then, in the wake of Alexander's generals, we shall see Greek civilization, too powerful for its little peninsula, bursting its narrow bounds, and overflowing again into Asia, Africa, and Italy; teaching the cult of the body and the intellect to the mystical Orient, reviving the glories of Egypt in Ptolemaic Alexandria, and enriching Rhodes with trade and _art; developing geometry with Euclid at Alexandria and Archimedes at Syracuse; formulating in Zeno and Epicurus the most lasting philosophies in history; carving the Aphrodite of Melos, the Laocoon, the Victory of Sttmotbrace, and the Altar of Pergamum; striving and failing to organize its politics into honesty, unity, and peace; sinking ever deeper into the chaos of civil and class war; exhausted in soil and loins and spirit; s1,U'rendering to the autocracy, quietism, and mysticism of the Orient; and at last almost welcoming those conquering Romans through whom dying Greece would bequeath to Europe her sciences, her philoso\u00ad phies, her letters, and her arts as the living cultural basis of our modem_ world.\nviii\nAcknowledgments\nI am grateful to Mr. Wallace Brock\u00ad way for his scholarly help at every stage of this work; to Miss Mary Kaufman, Miss Ethel Durant, and Mr. Louis Du\u00ad rant for aid in classifying the material; to Miss Regina Sands for her expert preparation of the manuscript; and to my wife for her patient encouragement and quiet inspiration.\nI am deeply indebted to Sir Gilbert Murray and to his publishers, the Ox\u00ad ford University Press, for permission to quote from his translations of Greek drama.These translations have enriched English literature.\nI am also indebted to the Oxford Uni\u00ad\nversity Press for permission to quote from its excellentOxfordBookofGreek\nVersme\nTranslati01l.\nW.D.\nix\nNotes\nON THE USE OF THIS BOOK\n1. This book, while forming the second part of the author's Story of Civili\u00ad zation, has been written as an independent unit, complete in itself. The next volume will probably appear in 1943 under the title of Caesar tmd Christ\u00ad a history of Roman civilization and of early Christianity.\n2. To bring the book into smaller compass, reduced type (like this) has been used for technical or recondite material. Indented passages in reduced type are quo\u00ad tations.\n3. The raised numbers in the text refer to the Notes at the end of the vol\u00ad ume. Hiatuses in the numbering of the notes are due to last Ininute curtail\u00ad ments.\n+ The chronological table given at the beginning of each period is designed to free the text as far as possible from minor dates and royal trivialities. All dates are B.c. unless otherwise stated or evident."]
[4.282959938049316, 6.857420921325684, "CHAP.XII)\tWORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\nGreeks \"a mean occupation.\"\u2022 Hear blunt Xenophon, who speaks, how\u00ad ever, as a proud member of the knightly class:\nThe base mechanic arts, so called ... are held in ill repute by civ\u00ad ilized communities, and not unreasonably; seeing they are the ruin of the bodies of all concerned in them, workers and overseers alike, who are forced to remain in sitting postures or to hug the gloom, or else to crouch whole days confronting a furnace. Hand in hand with physical enervation follows apace an enfeebling of soul, while the demand which these base mechanic arts make on the time of those employed in them leaves them no leisure to devote to the claims of friendship and the state.11\nTrade is similarly scorned; to the aristocratic or philosophical Greek it is merely money-making at the expense of others; it aims not to create goods but to buy them cheap and sell them dear; no respectable citizen will engage in it, though he may quietly invest in it and profit from it so long as he lets others do the work. A freeman, says the Greek, must be free from economic tasks; he must get slaves or others to attend to his material con\u00ad cerns, even, if he can, to take care of his property and his fortune; only by such liberation can he find time for government, war, literature, and philosophy. Without a leisure class there can be, in the Greek view, no standards of taste, no encouragement of the arts, no civilization. No man who is in a hurry is quite civilized.\nMost of the functions associated in history with the middle class are in Athens performed by metics-freemen of foreign birth who, though in\u00ad eligible to citizenship, have fixed their domicile in Athens. For the most part they are professional men, merchants, contractors, manufacturers, managers, tradesmen, craftsmen, artists, who, in the course of their wan\u00ad dering, have found in Athens the economic liberty, opportunity, and stim\u00ad ulus which to them is far more vital than the vote. The most important industrial undertakings, outside of mining, are owned by metics; the ceram\u00ad ic industry is theirs completely; and wherever middlemen can squeeze themselves in between producer and consumer they are to be found. The law harasses them and protects them. It taxes them like citizens, lays \"liturgies\" upon them, exacts military service from them, and adds a poll tax for good measure; it forbids them to own land or to marry into the family of a citizen; it excludes them from its religious organization, and\nPlutarch, Pericles. Zimmem, The Greek Commonwealth, 171, and Ferguson, Greek\nImperialism, 61, feel that the Athenian disdain for manual labor has been exaggerated; but\nc.f. Glotz, Ancient Greece at Work, 16o.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XII\nfrom direct appeal to its courts. But it welcomes them into its economic life, appreciates their industry and skill, enforces their contracts, gives them religious freedom, and guards their wealth against violent revolution. Some of them flaunt their riches vulgarly, but some of them, too, work quietly in science, literature, and the arts, practice l,aw or medicine, and create schools of rhetoric and philosophy. In the fourth century they will pro\u00ad vide the authors and subject of the comic drama, and in the third they will set the cosmopolitan tone of Hellenistic society. They itch for citi\u00ad zenship, but they love Athens proudly, and contribute painfully to finance her defense against her enemies. Through them, chiefly, the fleet is main\u00ad tained, the empire is supported, and the commercial supremacy of Athens is preserved.\nMingled with the metics in political disabilities and economic oppor\u00ad tunities are the freedmen-those who once were slaves. For though it is inconvenient to liberate a slave, since usually he must be replaced by an\u00ad other, yet the promise of freedom is an economical stimulus to a young slave; and many Greeks, as death approaches, reward their most loyal slaves with manumission. The slave may be freed through ransoming by relatives or friends, as in the case of Plato; or the state, indemnifying his owner, may free him for service in war; or he himself may save his obols until he can buy his liberty. Like the metic, the freedman engages in in\u00ad dustry, trade, or finance; at the lowest he may do for pay the work of a slave, at the top he may become a magnate of industry. Mylias manages Demosthenes' armor factory; Pasion and Phormio become the richest bankers in Athens. The freedman is especially valued as an executive, for no one is more severe with slaves than the man who has come up from slavery,\"\" and has known only oppression all the days of his life.\nBeneath these three classes-citizens, metics, and freedmen-are the 1 1 5,- 000 slaves of Attica.* They are recruited from unransomed prisoners of war, victims of slave raids, infants rescued from exposure, wastrels, and criminals. Few of them in Greece are Greeks. The Hellene looks upon foreigners as natural slaves, since they so readily give absolute obediencr, to a king, and he does not account the servitude of such men to Greeks as\nThe figure is Gomme's, l.c. Possibly the number was much greater: Suidas, on the authority of a speech uncertainly attributed to Hypereides in 338, gives the number of adult male slaves alone as 150,000;.. and according to the unreliable Athenaeus the census of Attica by Demetrius Phalereus about 317 gave 21,000 citizens, 10,000 metics and freedmen, and 400,000 slaves. Timaeus about 300 reckoned the slaves of Corinth at 460,000, and Aristotle, about 340, those of Aegina at 470,000.80 Perhaps these high figures are due to including slaves transiently offered for sale in the slave marts of Corinth, Aegina, and Athens.\nCHAP.m)    WORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\t279\nunreasonable. But he balks at the enslavement of a Greek, and seldom stoops to it. Greek traders buy slaves as they would merchandise, and offer them for sale at Chios, Delos, Corinth, Aegina, Athens, and wherever else they can find purchasers. The slave dealers at Athens are among the richest of the inetics. In Delos it is not unusual for a thousand slaves to be sold in a day; Cimon, after the battle of the Eurymedon, puts 20,000 prisoners on the slave market.as At Athens there is a mart where slaves stand ready for naked inspection and bargaining purchase at any time. They cost from half a mina to ten minas ($50 to $1000). They may be bought for direct use, or for investment; men and women in Athens find it profitable to buy slaves and rent them to homes, factories, or mines; the return is as high as 33 per cent.\"' Even the poorest citizen has a slave or two; Aeschines, to prove his poveny, complains that his family has only seven; rich homes may have fifty.as The Athenian government employs a number of slaves as clerks, attendants, minor officials, or policemen; many of these receive their clothing and a daily \"allowance\" of half a drachma, and are permitted to live where they please.\nIn the countryside the slaves are few, and are chiefly women servants in the home; in northern Greece and most of the Peloponnesus serfdom makes slavery superfluous. In Corinth, Megara, and Athens slaves do most of the manual labor, and women slaves most of the domestic toil; but slaves do also a great pan of the clerical, and some of the executive work, in industry, commerce, and finance. Most skilled labor is performed by freemen, freedmen or metics; and there are no learned slaves as there will be in the Hellenistic period and in Rome. The slave is seldom allowed to bring up children of his own, for it is cheaper to buy a slave than to rear one. If the slave misbehaves he is whipped; if he testifies he is tortured; when he is struck by a freeman he must not defend himself. But if he is subjected to great cruelty he may flee to a temple, and then his master must sell him. In no case may his master kill him. So long as he labors he has more security than many who in other civilizations are not called slaves; when he is ill, or old, or there is no work for him to do, his master does not throw him upon public relief, but continues to take care of him. If he is loyal he is treated like a faithful servant, almost like a member of the family. He is often allowed to go into business, provided he will pay his owner a pan of his earnings. He is free from taxation and from mili\u00ad tary service. Nothing in his costume distinguishes him, in fifth-century Athens, from the freeman; indeed the \"Old Oligarch\" who about 425 writes a pamphlet on The Polity of the Athenians complains that the slave\ni8o\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XII\ndoes not make way for citizens on the street, that he talks freely, and acts in every detail as if he were the equal of the citizen... Athens is known for mildness to her slaves; it is a common judgment that slaves are better off in democratic Athens than poor freemen in oligarchic states.'\u00b0 Slave revolts, though feared, are rare in Attica.41\nNevertheless the Athenian conscience is disturbed by the existence of slavery, and the philosophers who defend it reveal almost as clearly as those who denounce it that the moral development of the nation has outrun its institutions. Plato condemns the enslavement of Greeks by Greeks, but for the rest accepts slavery on the ground that some people have under\u00ad privileged minds.\" Aristotle looks upon the slave as an animate tool, and thinks that slavery will continue in some form until all menial work can be done by self-operating machines..., The average Greek, though kind to his slaves, has no notion of how a cultured society can get along without slavery; to abolish slavery, he feels, it w9uld be necessary to abolish Athens. Others are more radical. The Cynic philosophers condemn slavery out\u00ad right; their successors, the Stoics, will condemn it more politely; Euripides again and again stirs his audiences by sympathetic pictures of war-captured slaves; and the sophist Alcidamas goes about Greece preaching, unmolested, the doctrine of Rousseau almost in the words of Rousseau: \"God has sent all men into the world free, and nature has made no man a slave.\"\" But slavery goes on.\nV. THE WAR OF THE CLASSES\nThe exploitation of man by man is less severe in Athens and Thebes than in Sparta or Rome, but it is adequate to the purpose. There are no castes among the freemen in Athens, and a man may by resolute ability rise to any\u00ad thing but citizenship; hence, in part, the fever and turbulence of Athenian life. There is no tense class distinction between employer and employee except in the mines; usually the master works beside his men, and personal acquaintance dulls the edge of exploitation. The wage of nearly all arti\u00ad sans, of whatever class, is a drachma for each actual day of work;\"' but un\u00ad skilled workers may get as low as three obols (50 cents) a day... Piecework tends to replace timework as the factory system develops; and wages begin to vary more widely. A contractor may hire slaves from their owner for a rental of one to four obols a day.\" We may estimate the buying power of these wages by comparing Greek prices with our own. In 414 a house and estate in Attica cost twelve hundred drachmas; a medinmus, or 1 \u00bd\nCHAP.XII)\tWORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\nbushels, of barley costs a drachma in the sixth century, two at the close of the fifth, three in the fourth, five in the time of Alexander; a sheep costs a drachma in Solon's day, ten to twenty at the end of the fifth century;\"' in Athens as elsewhere currency tends to increase faster than goods, and prices rise. At the close of the fourth century prices are five times as high as at the opening of the sixth; they double from 480 to 404, and again from 404 to 330 ...\nA single man lives comfortably on 120 drachmas ($120) a month;\"\u00b0 we may judge from this the condition of the worker who earns thirty drachmas per month, and has a family. It is true that the state comes to his relief in times of great stress, and then distributes corn at a nominal price. But he observes that the goddess of liberty is no friend to the goddess of equality, and that under the free laws of Athens the strong grow stronger, the rich richer, while the poor remain poor.*61 Individualism stimulates the able, and degrades the simple; it creates wealth magnificently, and concentrates it dangerously. In Athens, as in other states, cleverness gets all that it can, and mediocrity gets the rest. The landowner profits from the rising value of his land; the merchant does his best, despite a hundred laws, to secure corners and monopolies; the speculator reaps, through the high rate of interest on loans, the lion's share of the proceeds of industry and trade. Demagogues arise who point out to the poor the inequality of human possessions, and conceal from them the inequality of human economic ability; the poor man, face to face with wealth, becomes conscious of his poverty, broods over his unrewarded merits, and dreams of perfect states. Bitterer than the war of Greece with Persia, or of Athens with Sparta, is, in all the Greek states, the war of class with class.\nIn Attica it begins with the conflict between the new rich and the landed aristocracy. The ancient families still love the soil, and live for the greater part on their estates. Division of the patrimony through many generations"]
[5.081550121307373, -19.91598129272461, "Hippocrates raised the profession to a higher standing by his emphasis\non medical ethics. He was a teacher as well as a practitioner, and the famous oath ascribed to him may have been designed to ensure the loyalty of the student to his instructor.\u2022\nThe oath is regarded as deriving from the Hippocratic school rather than from the master himself; but Erotian, writing in the first century A.D., attributes it to Hippocrates.\"\nCHAP. xv)\tTHE\tADVANCEMENT  OF LEARNING\t347\nThe Hippocratic Oath\nI swear by Apollo Physician, by Asclepius, by Hygiaea, by Pana\u00ad cea, and by all the gods and goddesses, making them my witnesses, that I will carry out, according to my ability and judgment, this oath and this indenture. To hold my teacher in this art equal to my own parents; to make him partner in my livelihood; when he is in need of money to share mine with him; to consider his family as my own brothers, and to teach them this art, if they want to learn it, with\u00ad out fee or indenture; to impart precept, oral instruction, and all other instruction to my own sons, to the sons of my teacher, and to indentured pupils who have taken the physician's oath, but to nobody else. I will use treatment to help the sick according to my ability and judgment, but never with a view to injury and wrong\u00ad doing. Neither will I administer a poison to anybody when asked to do so, nor will I suggest such a course. Similarly I will not give to a woman a pessary to cause abortion. But I will keep pure and holy both my life and my art. I will not use the knife, not even, verily, on sufferers from stone, but I will give place to such as are craftsmen therein. Into whatsoever houses I enter I will enter to help the sick, and I will abstain from all intentional wrongdoing and harm, especially from abusing the bodies of man or woman, bond or free. And whatsoever I shall see or hear in the course of my profession, as well as outside my profession in my intercourse with men, if it be what should not be published abroad, I will never divulge, holding such things to be holy secrets. Now if I carry out this oath, and break it not, may I gain forever reputation among all men for my life and for my art; but if I transgress it and for\u00ad swear myself, may the opposite befall me.\"'\nThe physician, Hippocrates adds, should maintain a becoming exterior, keeping his person clean and his clothing neat. He must always remain calm, and must make his behavior inspire the patient with confidence.\"' He must\nkeep a careful watch over himself, and ... say only what is abso\u00ad lutely necessary.... When you enter a sick man's room, bear in mind your manner of sitting, reserve, arrangement of dress, decisive utterance, brevity of speech, composure, bedside manners ... self\u00ad control, rebuke of disturbance, readiness to do what has to be done.\n. . . I urge you not to be too unkind, but to consider carefully your patient's superabundance or means. Sometimes give your services\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XV\nfor nothing; and if there be an opportunity of serving a stranger who is in financial straits, give him full assistance. For where there is love of man, there is also love of the art.'18\nIf, in addition to all this, the physician studies and practices philosophy, he becomes the ideal of his profession; for \"a physician who is a lover of wis\u00ad dom is the equal of a god.\"79\nGreek medicine shows no essential advance upon the medical and surgi\u00ad cal knowledge of Egypt a thousand years before the various Fathers of Medicine; in the matter of specialization the Greek development seems to have fallen short of the Egyptian. From another point of view we must hold the Greeks in high esteem, for not until the nineteenth century of our era was any substantial improvement made upon their medical practice or theory. In general, Greek science went as far as could be expected with\u00ad out instruments of observation and precision, and without experimental methods. It would have done better had it not been harassed by religion and discouraged by philosophy. At a time when many young men in Athens were taking up with enthusiasm the study of astronomy and com\u00ad parative anatomy, the progress of science was halted by obscurantist legis\u00ad lation, and the persecutions of Anaxagoras, Aspasia, and Socrates; while the famous \"turning around\" of Socrates and the Sophists from the exter\u00ad nal to the internal world, from physics to ethics, drew Greek thought from the problems of nature and evolution to those of metaphysics and morals. Science stood still for a century while Greece succumbed to the charms of philosophy.\nCHAPTER XVI\nThe Conflict of Philosophy and Religion\nI.  THE IDEALISTS\nHE age of Pericles resembled our own in the variety and disorder of its thought, and in the challenge that it offered to every traditional standard and belief. But no age has ever rivaled that of Pericles in the num\u00ad ber and grandeur of its philosophical ideas, or in the vigor and exuberance with which they were debated. Every issue that agitates the world today was bruited about in ancient Athens, and with such freedom and eagerness that all Greece except its youth was alarmed. Many cities-above all, Sparta\n-forbade the public consideration of philosophical problems, \"on account of the jealousy and strife and profitless discussions\" (says Athenaeus) \"to which they give rise.\"' But in Periclean Athens the \"dear delight\" of philosophy captured the imagination of the educated classes; rich men opened their homes and salons in the manner of the French Enlighten\u00ad ment; philosophers were lionized, and clever arguments were applauded like sturdy blows at the Olympic games.\u2022 When, in 432, a war of swords was added to the war of words, the excitement of the Athenian mind be\u00ad came a fever in which all soberness of thought and judgment was consumed. The fever subsided for a time after the martyrdom of Socrates, or was dissipated from Athens to other centers of Greek life; even Plato, who had known the very height and crisis of it, became exhausted after sixty years of the new game, and envied Egypt the inviolable orthodoxy and quiet stability of its thought. No age until the Renaissance would know such enthusiasm again.\nPlato was the culmination of a development that began with Parmenides; he played Hegel to Parmenides' Kant; and though he scattered condemna\u00ad tion lavishly, he never ceased to reverence his metaphysical father. In the little town of Elea, on the western coast of Italy, 450 years before Christ, there began for Europe that philosophy of idealism which was to wage\n349\n35\u00b0\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVI\nthrough every subsequent century an obstinate war against materialism.\u2022 The mysterious problem of knowledge, the distinction between noumenon and phenomenon, between the unseen real and the unreal seen, was flung into the caldron of European thought, and was to boil or simmer there through Greek and medieval days until, in Kant, it would explode again in a philosophical revolution.\nAB Kant was \"awakened\" by Hume, so Parmenides was aroused to philosophy by Xenophanes; perhaps his was one of many minds stirred by Xenophanes' declaration that the gods were myths, and that there was only one reality, which was both world and God. Parmenides studied with the Pythagoreans also, and absorbed something of their passion for astronomy. But he did not lose himself in the stars. Like most Greek philosophers he was interested in living affairs and the state; Elea commissioned him to draw up for it a code of laws, which it liked so well that its magistrates were thenceforth required to decide all cases by that code.\u2022 Possibly as a recrea\u00ad tional aside in a busy life he composed a philosophical poem On Nature, of which some 1 60 verses survive, enough to make us regret that Par\u00ad menides did not write prose. The poet announces, with a twinkle in 'his eye, that a goddess has delivered to him a revelation: that all things are one; that motion, change, and development are unreal-phantasms of superficial, contradictory, untrustworthy sense; that beneath these mere appearances lies an unchanging, homogeneous, indivisible, indissoluble, motionless unity, which is the only Being, the only Truth, and the only God. Heracleitus said, Panta rei, all things change; Parmenides says, Hen ta panta, all things are one, and never change. At times, like Xenophanes, he speaks of this One as the universe, and calls it spheroidal and finite; at times, in an idealis\u00ad tic vision, he identifies Being with Thought, and sings, \"One thing are Thinking and Being,\"' as if to say that for us things exist only in so far as we are conscious of them. Beginning and end, birth and death, forma\u00ad tion and destruction, are of forms only; the One Real never begins and never ends; there is no Becoming, there is only Being. Motion, too, is un\u00ad real, it assumes the passage of something from where it is to where there is nothing, or empty space; but empty space, Not Being, cannot be; there is no void; the One fills every nook and cranny of the world, and is forever at rest.t\nThe Hindus had seen the problem long before, and were to remain Parmenideans to the end; perhaps the antisensationism of the Upanishads had penetrated through Ionia or Pvthagoras to Parmenides.\n't This strains the imagination; but almost in Parmenidean fashion we speak of a table as at"]
[16.646398544311523, 3.1813716888427734, "')bliquity of the ecliptic,\u2022 and the succession of solstices, equinoxes, and seasons.\"\" With the collaboration of his fellow Milesian, Hecataeus, he established geography as a science by drawing-apparently upon a tablet\nof brass-the first known map of the inhabited world.t\nIn its earliest form, said Anaximander, the earth was in a fluid state; external heat dried some of it into land, and evaporated some of it into clouds; while the variations of heat in the atmosphere so formed caused the motions of the winds. Living organisms arose by gradual stages from the original moisture; land animals were at first fishes, and only with the drying of the earth did they acquire their present shape. Man too was once a fish; he could not at his earliest appearance have been born as now, for he would have been too helpless to secure his food, and would have been destroyed...\nA slighter figure is Anaximander's pupil Anaximenes, whose first prin\u00ad ciple was air. All other elements are produced from air by rarefaction, which gives fire, or by condensation, which forms progressively wind, cloud, water, earth, and stone. As the soul, which is air, holds us together, so the air, or pneuma, of the world is its pervasive spirit, breath, or God.\"' Here was an idea that would ride out all the storms of Greek philosophy, and find a haven in Stoicism and Christianity.\nThis heyday of Miletus produced not only the earliest philosophy, but the earliest prose, and the first historiography, in Greece.t Poetry seems natural to a nation's adolescence, when imagination is greater than knowl\u00ad edge, and a strong faith gives personality to the forces of nature in field, wood, sea, and sky; it is hard for poetry to avoid animism, or for animism to avoid poetry. Prose is the voice of knowledge freeing itself from imag\u00ad ination and faith; it is the language of secular, mundane, \"prosaic\" affairs; it is the emblem of a nation's maturity, and the epitaph of its youth. Up to this time (600) nearly all Greek literature had taken a poetic f rm; edu\u00ad cation had transmitted in verse the lore and morals of the race; even early philosophers, like Xenophanes, Parmenides, and Empedocles, ga1:e their\nThe ecliptic (so called because eclipses of the sun and moon take place in it) is the great circle made by the apparent annual path of the sun through the heavens. Since the plane of this circle or ecliptic is also the plane of the earth's orbit, the obliquity of the ecliptic is the oblique angle (about 2 3\u00b0) between the plane of the earth's equator and the plane of its orbit around the sun.\nt The Egyptians had drawn maps, but of limited districts.\n:j: The  wise reader will always supply the word kno'W1l after such words as earliest and\nfirst.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.VI\nsystems a poetic dress. Just as science was at first a form of philosophy, struggling to free itself from the general, the speculative, the unverifiable, so philosophy was at first a form of poetry, striving to free itself from mythology, animism, and metaphor.\nIt was therefore an event when Pherecydes and Anaximander expounded their doctrines in prose. Other men of the age, whom the Greeks called logo\u00ad graphoi-reason writers, prose writers-began to chronicle in the new medium the annals of their states; so Cadmus (550) wrote a chronicle of Miletus, Eu\u00ad gaeon wrote of Samos, Xanthus wrote of Lydia. Towards the end of the cen\u00ad tury Hecataeus of Miletus advanced both history and geography in epochal works-the Historiai, or Inquiries, and the Ges periodos, or Circuit of the Earth. The latter divided the known planet into two continents, Europe and Asia, and included Egypt in Asia; if (as many doubt) the existing fragments are genuine, it was especially informative about Egypt, and provided a rich field for unacknowledged poaching by Herodotus. The Histories began with a skeptical blast: \"I write what I consider to be the truth; for the traditions of the Greeks seem to me many and ridiculous.\" Hecataeus accepted Homer as history, and swallowed some tales with his eyes shut; nevertheless he made an honest effort to distinguish fact from myth, to trace real genealogies, and to ar\u00ad rive at a credible history of the Greeks. Greek historiography was old when the \"Father of History\" was born.\nTo Hecataeus and the other logographoi who appeared in this age in most of the cities and colonies of Hellas, historia\u2022 meant any inquiry into the facts of any matter, and was applied to science and philosophy as well as to historiog\u00ad raphy in the modem sense. The term had a skeptical connotation in Ionia; it signified that the miracle stories of gods and demigod heroes were to be replaced with secular records of events, and rational interpretations of causes and effects. In Hecataeus the process begins; in Herodotus it advances; in Thucydides it is complete.\nThe poverty of Greek prose before Herodotus is bound up with the conquest and impoverishment of Miletus in the very generation in which prose literature began. Internal decay followed the custom of history in smoothing the path of the conqueror. The growth of wealth and luxury made epicureanism fashionable, while stoicism and patriotism seemed anti\u00ad quated and absurd; it became a byword among the Greeks that ''once upon a time the Milesians were brave.\".. Competition for the goods of the earth\nFrom bistor or istor, knowing; a euphonism for id-tor, from the root id in eidenai, to know; cf. our wit and wisdom. Story is a shortened form of history.\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t141\nbecame keener as the old faith lost its power to mitigate class strife by giv\u00ad ing scruples to the strong and consolations to the weak. The rich, support\u00ad ing an oligarchic dictatorship, became a united party against the poor, who wanted a democracy. The poor secured control of the government, expelled the rich, collected the remaining children of the rich on thresh\u00ad ing floors, set oxen upon them, and had them trampled to death. The rich returned, recaptured power, coated the leaders of the democracy with\npitch, and then burnt them alive  De nobis fabula narrabitur. When, about\n560, Croesus began to subject to Lydian rule the Greek coast of Asia from Cnidus to the Hellespont, Miletus saved its independence by refusing to help her sister states. But in 546 Cyrus conquered Lydia, and without much difficulty absorbed the faction-torn cities of Ionia into the Persian Empire. The great age of Miletus was over. Science and philosophy, in the history of states, reach their height after decadence has set in; wisdom is a harbinger of death.\nPolycrates of Samos\nAcross the bay from Miletus, near the outlets of the Maeander, stood the modest town of Myus, and the more famous city of Priene. There, in the sixth century, lived Bias, one of the Seven Wise Men. As Hermippus said, the Seven Wise Men were seventeen; for different Greeks made different lists of them, most frequently agreeing upon Thales, Solon, Bias, Pittacus of Mytilene, Periander of Corinth, Chilon of Sparta, and Cleobolus of Lin\u00ad dus in Rhodes. Greece respected wisdom as India respected holiness, as Renaissance Italy respected artistic genius, as young America naturally re\u00ad spects economic enterprise. The heroes of Greece were not saints, or artists, or millionaires, but sages; and her most honored sages were not theorists but men who had made their wisdom function actively in the world. The sayings of these men became proverbial among the Greeks, and were in some cases inscribed in the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Peo\u00ad ple liked to quote, for example, the remarks of Bias-that the most unfor\u00ad tunate of men is he who has not learned how to bear misfortune; that men ought to order their lives as if they were fated to live both a long and a short ti.me; and that \"wisdom should be cherished as a means of traveling from youth to old age, for it is more lasting than any other possession.\"\"'\nWest of Priene lay Samos, second largest of Ionia's isles. The capital stood on the southeastern shore; and as one entered the well-protected har-\n142\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VI\nbor, passing the famous red ships of the Samian fleet, the city rose as if in tiers on the hill: first the wharves and shops, then the homes, then the fortress-acropolis and the great temple of Hera; and behind these a succes\u00ad sion of ranges and peaks rising to. a height of five thousand feet. It was a sight to stir the patriotism of every Samian soul.\nThe zenith of Samos came in the third quarter of the sixth century, under Polycrates. The revenues from the busy port enabled the dictator to end a dangerous period of unemployment by a program of public works that called forth the admiration of Herodotus. The greatest of these under\u00ad takings was a tunnel that carried the city's water supply 4500 feet through a mountain; we catch some idea of Greek ability in mathematics and engi\u00ad neering when we learn that the two bores, begun at opposite ends, met in the center with an error of eighteen feet in direction and nine in height.*'1"]
[5.745323181152344, 2.623161792755127, "benefits and kindnesses to other men.\" Solon took to trade, and became a successful merchant with far-flung interests that gave him wide experi\u00ad ence and travel. His practice was as good as his preaching, for he ac\u00ad quired among all classes an exceptional reputation for integrity. He was still relatively young-forty-four or forty-five-when, in 594, representa\u00ad tives of the middle classes asked him to accept election nominally as archon eponymos, but with dictatorial powers to soothe the social war, establish a new constitution, and restore stability to the state. The upper classes, trusting to the conservatism of a moneyed man, reluctantly consented.\nHis first measures were simple but drastic economic reforms. He disap\u00ad pointed the extreme radicals by making no move to redivide the land; such an attempt would have meant civil war, chaos for a generation, and the rapid return of. inequality. But by his famous Seisachtheia, or Removal of Burdens, Solon canceled, says Aristotle, \"all existing debts, whether owing to private persons or to the state\";*\"\" and at one blow cleared Attic lands of all mortgages. All persons enslaved or attached for debt were\nProbably this did not apply to commercial debts in which personal servitude was not\ninvolved.\"'\n114\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. V\nreleased; those sold into servitude abroad were reclaimed and freed; and such enslavement was forbidden for the future. It was characteristic of humanity that certain of Solon's friends, getting wind of his intention to cancel debts, bought on mortgage large tracts of land, and later retained these without paying the mortgages; this, Aristotle tells us with a rare twinkle in his style, was the origin of many fortunes, that were later \"sup\u00ad posed to be of immemorial antiquity.\"\"' Solon was under suspicion of having connived at this and of having profited by it, until it was discovered that as a heavy creditor he himself had lost by his law.08 The rich protested unanswerably that such legislation was confiscation; but within a decade opinion became almost unanimous that the act had saved Attica from revolution.\u2022\nOf another Solonian reform it is difficult to speak with clearness or cer\u00ad tainty. Solon, says Aristotle, \"superseded the Pheidonian measures\"-that is, the Aeginetan coinage theretofore used in Attica-\"by the Euboic sys\u00ad tem on a larger scale, and made the mina,\u2022 which had contained seventy drachmas, now contain a hundred.\".., According to Plutarch's fuller ac\u00ad count, Solon \"made the mina, which before passed for seventy-three drach\u00ad mas, go for a hundred, so that, though the number of pieces in a payment was equal, the value was less; which proved a considerable benefit to those that were to discharge great debts, and no loss to the creditors.\"91 Only the genial and generous Plutarch could devise a, form of inflation that would relieve debtors without hurting creditors-except that doubtless in some\ncases half a loaf is better than none.t\nMore lasting than these economic reforms were those historic decrees that created the Solonian constitution. Solon prefaced them with an act of amnesty freeing or restoring all persons who had been jailed or ban\u00ad ished for political offenses short of trying to usurp the government. He went on to repeal, directly or by implication, most of Draco's legislation; the law concerning murder remained.'\"' It was in itself a revolution that the laws of Solon were applied without distinction to all freemen; rich and\nFor the value of Athenian coins, see below, Chap. XII, sect. 111.\nt Grote and many others interpreted Plutarch's statement to mean that Solon had depre\u00ad ciated the currency by rwenty-seven per cent and had thereby given relief to landlords who, themselves debtors to others, were deprived of the mongage returns upon which they had depended for meeting their obligations.02 Such inflation, however, would have fallen as a second blow upon those landlords who had lent sums to merchants; if it helped any class, it helped these merchants rather than the landlords or the peasants-whose mongages had already been forgiven. Possibly Solon had no thought of debasing the currency, but wished merely to substitute, for a monetary standard that had been found convenient in trading with the Peloponnesus, another that would facilitate trade with the rich and growing markets of lonia, where the Euboic standard was in common use.\"\"\nCHAP,V)\tATHENS\tIIJ\npoor were now subject to the same restraints and the same penalties. Rec\u00ad ognizing that his reforms had been made possible by the suppon of the mercantile and industrial classes and signified their accession to a substan\u00ad tial share in the government, Solon divided the free population of Attica into four groups according to their wealth: first, the pentacosiomedimni, or five-hundred-bushel men, whose annual income reached five hundred measures of produce, or the equivalent thereof;\u2022 second, the hippes, whose income was between three and five hundred measures; third, the zeugitai, with incomes between two and three hundred measures; and fourth, the tbetes, all other freemen. Honors and taxes were determined by the same rating, and the one could not be enjoyed without paying the other; fur\u00ad thermore, the first class was taxed on twelve times, the second class on ten times, the third class on only five times, the amount of its annual in\u00ad come; the property tax was in effect a graduated income tax.\"\" The founh class was exempt from direct taxation. Only the first class was eligible to the archonship or to military commands; the second class was eligible to lower offices and to the cavalry; the third was privileged to join the heavy\u00ad armed infantry; the fourth was expected to provide the common soldiers of the state. This peculiar classification weakened the kinship organiza\u00ad tion upon which the oligarchy had rested its power, and established the new principle of \"timocracy\"-government by honor or prestige as frankly determined by taxable wealth. A similar \"plutocracy\" prevailed, through\u00ad out the sixth and part of the fifth century, in most of the Greek colonies.\nAt the head of the new government Solon's code left the old Senate of the Areopagus, a little shorn of its exclusiveness and powers, open now to all members of the first class, but still with supreme authority over the conduct of the people and the officers of the state... Next below it he created a new boule, a Council of Four Hundred, to which each of the four tribes elected a hundred members; this Council selected, censored, and prepared all business that could be brought before the Assembly. Beneath this oligarchic superstructure, ingratiating to the strong, Solon, perhaps with good will aforethought, placed fundamentally democratic institutions. The old ekklesia of Homer's day was brought back to life, and all citizens were invited to join in its deliberations. This Assembly annually elected, from among the five-hundred-bushel men, the archons who heretofore had been appointed by the Areopagus; it could at any time question these offi\u00ad cers, impeach them, punish them; and when their terms expired it scruti-\nA medimnus-about one and a half bushels-was considered equivalent to one drachma in money.\n116\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. V\nnized their official conduct during the year, and could debar them, if it chose, from their usual graduation into the Senate. More important still, though it did not seem so, was the admission of the lowest class of the citi\u00ad zens to full parity with the higher classes in being eligible to selection by lot to the heliaea-a body of six thousand jurors that formed the various courts before which all matters except murder and treason were tried, and to which appeal could be made from any action of the magistrates. \"Some believe,\" says Aristotle, \"that Solon intentionally introduced obscurity into his laws, to enable the commons to use their judicial power for their own political aggrandizement\"; for since, as Plutarch adds, \"their differ\u00ad ences could not be adjusted by the letter, they would have to bring all their causes to the judges, who were in a manner masters of the laws.\".., This power of appeal to popular courts was to prove the wedge and citadel of Athenian democracy.\nTo this basic legislation, the most important in Athenian history, Solon added a miscellany of laws aimed at the less fundamental problems of the time. First he legalized that individualization of property which custom had already decreed. If a man had sons he was to divide his property among them at his death; if he died childless he might bequeath to anyone the property that in such cases had heretofore reverted automatically to the clan.08 With Solon begins, in Athens, the right and law of wills. Himself a businessman, Solon sought to stimulate commerce and industry by open\u00ad ing citizenship to all aliens who had a skilled trade and came with their families to reside permanently at Athens. He forbade the export of any produce of the soil except olive oil, hoping to turn men from growing sur\u00ad plus crops to practicing an industry. He enacted a law that no son should be obliged to support a father who had not taught him some specific trade... To Solon-not to the later Athenians-the crafts had their own rich honor and dignity.\nEven into the dangerous realm of morals and manners Solon offered laws. Persistent idleness was made a crime, and no man who lived a life of debauchery was permitted to address the Assembly.'\u00b0 He legalized and taxed prostitution, established public brothels licensed and supervised by the state, and erected a temple to Aphrodite Pandemos from the revenues. \"Hail to you, Solon!\" sang a contemporary Lecky. \"You bought public women for the benefit of the city, for the benefit of the morality of a city that is full of vigorous young men who, in the absence of your wise insti\u00ad tution, would give themselve over to the disturbing annoyance of the bet\u00ad ter women.\"\" He enacted the un-Draconian penalty of a hundred drachmas\nCHAP, v)\tATHENS\t117\nfor the violation of a free woman, but anyone who caught an adr:lterer in the act was allowed to kill him there and then. He limited the size of dowries, wishing that marriages should be contracted by the affection of mates and for the rearing of children; and with childlike trustfulness he forbade women to extend their wardrobes beyond three suits. He was asked to legislate against bachelors, but refused, saying that, after all, \"a wife is a heavy load to carry.\"'\" He made it a crime to speak evil of the dead, or to speak evil of the living in temples, courts, or public offices, or at the games; but even he could not tie the busy tongue of Athens, in which, as with us, gossip and slander seemed essential to democracy. He laid it down that those who remained neutral in seditions should lose their citizenship, for he felt that the indifference of the public is the ruin of the state. He condemned pompous ceremonies, expensive sacrifices, or lengthy lamen\u00ad tations at funerals, and limited the goods that might be buried with the dead. He established the wholesome law-a source of Athenian bravery for generations-that the sons of those who died in war should be brought up and educated at the expense of the government.\nTo all of his laws Solon attached penalties, milder than Draco's but still severe; and he empowered any citizen to bring action against any person whom he might consider guilty of crime. That his laws might be the bet\u00ad ter known and obeyed he wrote them down in the court of the archon basileus upon wooden rollers or prisms that could be turned and read. Unlike Lycurgus, Minos, Hammurabi, and Numa, he made no claim that a god had given him these laws; this circumstance, too, revealed the temper of the age, the city, and the man. Invited to make himself a permanent dictator he refused, saying that dictatorship was \"a very fair spot, but there was no way down from it.'\"\" Radicals criticized him for failing to estab\u00ad lish equality of possessions and power; conservatives denounced him for admitting the commons to the franchise and the courts; even his friend Anacharsis, the whimsical Scythian sage, laughed at the new constitution, saying that now the wise would plead and the fools would decide. Besides, added Anacharsis, no lasting justice can be established for men, since the strong or clever will twist to their advantage any laws that are made; the law is a spider's web that catches the little flies and lets the big bugs escape. Solon accepted all this criticism genially, acknowledging the imperfections of his code; asked had he given the Athenians the best laws, he answered, \"No, but the best that they could receive\"\"-the best that the conflicting groups and interests of Athens could at that time be persuaded conjointly to accept. He followed the mean and preserved the state; he was a good\n118\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. V\npupil of Aristotle before the Stagirite was born. Tradition attributed to him the motto that was inscribed upon the temple of Apollo at Delphi\u00ad medenagan, nothing in excess;\"8 and all Greeks agreed in placing him among the Seven Wise Men.\nThe best proof of his wisdom was the lasting effect of his legislation. Despite a thousand changes and developments, despite intervening dic\u00ad tatorships and superficial revolutions, Cicero could say, five centuries later, that the laws of Solon were still in force at Athens.'\" Legally his work marks the end of government by incalculable and changeable decrees, and the beginning of government by written and permanent law. Asked what made an orderly and well-constituted state, he replied, \"When the people obey the rulers, and the rulers obey the laws.\"'l'J To his legislation Attica owed the liberation of its farmers from serfdom, and the establishment of a peasant proprietor class whose ownership of the soil made the little armies of Athens suffice to preserve her liberties for many generations. When, at the close of the Peloponnesian War, it was proposed to limit the fran\u00ad chise to freeholders, only five thousand adult freemen in all Attica failed to satisfy this requirement... At the same time trade and industry were freed from political disabilities and financial inconveniences, and began that vigorous development which was to make Athens the commercial leader of the Mediterranean. The new aristocracy of wealth put a premium upon intelligence rather than birth, stimulated science and education, a d pre\u00ad pared, materially and mentally, for the cultural achievements of the Golden Age."]
[-1.8893541097640991, 5.693897724151611, "413: Athenian defeat at Syracuse; Eurip\u00ad ides' Iphigenia in Tauris\n412: Euripides' Helen and Andromeda\n411: Revolt of the Four Hundred; Aris\u00ad tophanes' Lysistrata and Thesmo\u00ad phoriazusae\n410: Restoration of the democrary; vic\u00ad tory of Alcibiades at Cyzicus\n408: Timotheus of Miletus, poet and musician; Euripides' Orestes\n406: Athenian victory atArginusae; deaths of Euripides and Sophocles; Eurip\u00ad ides' Bacchae and Iphigenia in Aulis\n405-367: Dionysius I dictator at Syracuse\n405: Spartan victory at Aegospotami; Aristophanes' Frogs\n404: End of the Peloponnesian War; rule of the Thirty at Athens\n403: Restoration of the democracy\n401: Defeat of Cyrus II at Cunaxa: retreat of Xenophon's Ten Thousand; Sophocles Oedipus at Colo1lUS\n399: Trial and death of Socrates\nCBAPTEB.  XI\nPericles and the Democratic Experiment\nTHE RISE OF ATHENS\n\"THE period which intervened between the birth of Pericles and the death of Aristotle,\" wrote Shelley,' \"is undoubtedly, whether con\u00ad sidered in itself or with reference to the effect which it has produced upon\nthe subsequent destinies of civilized man, the most memorable in the history of the world.\" Athens dominated this period because she had won the allegiance-and the contributions-of most Aegean cities by her leadership in saving Greece; and because, when the war was over, Ionia was impov\u00ad erished and Sparta was disordered by demobilization, earthquake, and in\u00ad surrection, while the fleet that Themistocles had created now rivaled with the conquests of commerce its victories at Artemisium and Salamis.\nNoc that the war was quite over: intermittently the struggle between Greece and Persia continued from the conquest of Ionia by Cyrus to the overthrow of Darius III by Alexander. The Persians were expelled from Ionia in 479, from the Black Sea in 478, from Thrace in 475; and in 468 a Greek fleet under Cimon of Athens decisively defeated the Persians on land and sea at the mouth of the Eurymedon.* The Greek cities of Asia and the Aegean, for their protection against Persia, now (477) organized under Athenian leadership the Delian Confederacy, and contributed to a common fund in the temple of Apollo on Delos. Since Athens donated ships instead of money, it soon exercised, through its sea power, an effective control over its allies; and rapidly the Confederacy of equals was trans\u00ad formed into an Athenian Empire.\nIn chis policy of imperial aggrandizement all the major statesmen of Athens-even the virtuous Aristides and later the impeccable Pericles\u00ad\njoined with the unscrupulous Themistocles. No other man had deserved so well of Athens as Themistocles, and no one was more resolved than he to be repaid for it. When the Greek leaders met to give first and second\nA river in Pamphylia, in southern Asia Minor.\n245\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XI\nawards to those men who had most ably defended Greece in the war, each of them voted for himself first, and for Themistocles second. It was he who set the course of Greek history by persuading Athens that the road to supremacy lay not on land but on the sea, and not by war so much as by trade. He negotiated with Persia, and sought to end the strife between the old and the young empire in order that unimpeded commerce with Asia might bring prosperity to Athens. Under his prodding the men, even the women and children, of Athens raised a wall around the city, and another around the ports at the Piraeus and Munychia; under his lead, carried for\u00ad ward by Pericles, great quays, warehouses, and exchanges were erected at the Piraeus, providing every convenience for maritime trade. He knew that these policies would arouse the jealousy of Sparta, and might lead to war between the rival states; but he was stirred on by his vision of Athens' development, and his confidence in the Athenian fleet.\nHis aims were as magnificent as his means were venal. He used the navy to force tribute from the Cyclades, on the ground that they had yielded too quickly to the Persians, and had lent Xerxes their troops; and he appears to have accepted bribes to let some cities off.\" For like considerations he arranged the recall of exiles, sometimes keeping the money, says Timocreon, though he had failed to obtain the recall.\" When Aristides was placed in charge of the public revenue he found that his predecessors had embezzled public funds, and not least lavishly Themistocles.' Toward 471 the Athe\u00ad nians, fearing his unmoral intellect, passed a vote of ostracism upon him, and he sought a new home in Argos. Shortly thereafter the Spartans found documents apparently implicating Themistocles, in the secret correspond\u00ad ence of their regent Pausanias, whom they had starved to death for enter\u00ad ing into traitorous negotiations with Persia. Happy to destroy her ablest enemy, Sparta revealed these papers to Athens, which at once sent out an order for Themistocles' arrest. He fled to Corcyra, was denied refuge there, found brief asylum in Epirus, and thence sailed secretly to Asia, where he claimed from Xerxes' successor some reward for restraining the Greek pursuit of the Persian fleet after Salamis. Lured by Themistocles' promise to help him subjugate Greece,\" Artaxerxes I received him into his counsels, and assigned the revenues of several cities for his maintenance. Before Themistocles could carry out the schemes that never let him rest he died at Magnesia in 449 B.c., at the age of sixty-five, admired and disliked by all the Mediterranean world."]
[15.881280899047852, 0.6138454675674438, "As the soul is a passing tongue of the endlessly changing flame of life,\nso God is the everlasting Fire, the indestructible energy of the wurld. He is the unity binding all opposites, the harmony of all tensions, the sum and meaning of all strife. This Divine Fire, like life (for the two are every\u00ad where and one), is always altering its form, always passing upward or downward on the ladder of change, always consuming and remaking things; indeed, some distant day, \"Fire will judge and convict all things\" (26), destroy them, and make way for new forms, in a Last Judgment\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t147\nor cosmic catastrophe. Nevertheless, the operations of the Undying Fire are not without sense and order; if we could understand the world as a whole we should see in it a vast impersonal wisdom, a Logos or Reason or Word (65); and we should try to mold our lives into accord with this way of Nature, this law of the universe, this wisdom or orderly energy which is God (91). \"It is wise to hearken not to me, but to the Word\" (1), to seek and follow the infinite reason of the whole.\nWhen Heracleitus applies to ethics these four basic concepts of his thought-energy, change, the unity of opposites, and the reason of the whole-he illuminates all life and conduct. Energy harnessed to reason, wedded to order, is the greatest good. Change is not an evil but a boon; \"in change one finds rest; it is weariness to be always toiling at the same things and always beginning afresh\" (72-3). The mutual necessity of con\u00ad traries makes intelligible and therefore forgivable the strife and suffering of life. \"For men to get all they wish is not the better thing; it is disease that makes health pleasant; evil, good; hunger, surfeit; toil, rest\" (104). He rebukes those who desire an end of strife in the world (43); without this tension of opposites there would be no \"attunement,\" no weaving of the living web, no development. Harmony is not an ending of conflict, it is a tension in which neither element definitely wins, but both function in\u00ad dispensably (like the radicalism of youth and the conservatism of old age). The struggle for existence is necessary in order that the better may be separated from the worse, and may generate the highest. \"Strife is the father of all and the king of all; some he has marked out to be gods, and some to be men; some he has made slaves, and some free\" (44). In the end, \"strife is justice\" (62); the competition of individuals, groups, species, institutions, and empires constitutes nature's supreme court, from whose verdict there is no appeal.\nAll in all, the philosophy of Heracleitus, concentrated for us now in 130\nfragments, is among the major products of the Greek mind. The theory of the Divine Fire passed down into Stoicism; the notion of a final con\u00ad flagration was transmitted through Stoicism to Christianity; the Logos, or reason in nature, became in Philo and Christian theology the Divine Word, the personified wisdom with which or through whom God creates and governs all things; in some measure it prepared ,for the early modem view of natural law. Virtue as obedience to nature became a catchword of Stoicism; the unity of opposites revived vigorously in Hegel; the idea of change came back into its own with Bergson. The conception of strife and struggle as determining all things reappears in Darwin, Spencer, an&\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nNieu.sche-who carries on, after twenty-four centuries, the war of Hera\u00ad cleitus against democracy.\nWe know almost nothing of Heracleitus' life; and of his death we have only an unsupponed story in Diogenes Laertius, which may illustrate the prosaic ends to which our poetry may return:\nAnd at last becoming a complete misanthrope, he used to spend his time walking about the mountains, feeding on grasses and plants; and in consequence of these habits he was attacked by the dropsy, and so he returned to the city, and asked the physicians, in a riddle, whether they were able to produce a drought after wet weather. And as they did not understand him, he shut himself up in a stable for oxen, and covered himself with cow dung, hoping to cause the wet to evaporate from him by the warmth that this produced. And as he did himself no good in this way, he died, having lived seventy years.\u2022\nAnacreon of Teos\nColophon, a few miles nonh of Ephesus, derived its name, presumably, from the hill on whose slope it rose.\u2022 Xenophanes the anticlerical, born among them about 576, described the Colophonians as \"richly clothed in purple garments, proud of their luxuriously dressed hair wet with costly and sweet-smelling oils\"; vanity has a long history.\"\" Here, and perhaps at Smyrna, the poet Mimnermus (610) sang, for a people already infected with the languid pessimism of the East, his melancholy odes of fleeting youth and love. He lost his hean to Nanno, the girl who accompanied his songs with the plaintive obbligato of the flute; and when she rejected his love (perhaps on the ground that a poet married is a poet dead), he im\u00ad mortalized her with a sheaf of delicate elegiac verse.\nWe blossom like the leaves that come in Spring, What time the sun begins to flame and glow, And in the brief span of youth's gladdening Nor good nor evil from the gods we know;\nBut always at the goal dark spirits stand\nHolding, one grievous Age, one Death, within her hand.\"'\nGk. kolopbon, hill; cf. Latin collis, Eng. bill. Because the cavalry of the city was famous for giving the \"finishing touch\" to a defeated force, the word kolophon became in Greek a synonym for the final stroke, and passed into our language as a publisher's symbol, originally placed at the end of a book.\"\"\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t149\nA more famous poet lived a century later in the near-by town of Teos. Anacreon wandered much, but in Teos he was born (563) and died (478). Many a court sought him, for among his contemporaries only Simonides rivaled him in fame. We find him joining a band of emigrants to Thracian Abdera, serving as soldier for a campaign or two, abandoning his shield in the poetic fashion of the time, and thereafter content to brandish a pen; spending some years at the court of Polycrates in Samos; brought thence in official state, on a fifty-oared galley, to grace the palace of Hipparchus in Athens; and at last, after the Persian War, returning to T eos to ease his declining years with song and drink. He paid for his excesses by living to a great age, and died at eighty-five, we are told, of a grape pit sticking in his throat.\u2022\nAlexandria knew five books of Anacreon, but only disordered couplets remain. His subjects were wine, women, and boys; his manner was one of polished banter in tripping iambics. No topic seemed impure in his impeccable diction, or gross in his delicate verse. Instead of the vulgar virulence of Hipponax, or the trembling intensity of Sappho, Anacreon offered the urbane chatter of a court poet who would play Horace to any Augustus that pleased his fancy and paid for his wine. Athenaeus thinks that his tipsy songs and changeful loves were a pose;\"\" perhaps Anacreon hid his fidelities that he might be interesting to women, and concealed his sobriety to augment his fame. A choice legend tells how, in his cups, he stumbled against a child and abused it with harsh words, and how, in his age, he fell in love with this lad and did penance with doting praise.  His\nEros was ambidextrous, and reached impartially for either sex; but in his later years he gallantly gave the preference to women. \"Lo, now,\" says a pretty fragment, \"golden-haired Love strikes me with his purple ball, and calls me forth to play with a motley-slippered maid. But she hails from lofty Lesbos, and so finds fault with my white hair, and goes a-searching for other prey.',.. A wit of a later age wrote for Anacreon's grave a reveal\u00ad ing epitaph:\nAll-enchanting nurse of the wine, 0 Vine, grow lush and long above the tomb of Anacreon. So shall the tippling friend of neat liquor, who thrummed in night-long revel the lute of a lover of lads, yet sport above his buried he.ad the glorious cluster of some teem\u00ad ing bough, and be wet evermore with the dew whose delicious scent was the breath of his mild old mouth.\"\"\n.ISO\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VI\nChios, Smyrna, Phocaea\nFrom Teos the mainland staggers westward in vacillating bays and promon\u00ad tories until, across ten miles of sea, the traveler reaches Chios. Here, amid groves of figs and olives, and Anacreontic vines, Homer may have spent his youth. Wine making was a major industry in Chios, and used many slaves;"]
[-4.1377177238464355, 12.33971881866455, "Aristogeiton, a man of middle age, had won the love of the young Harmodius, then, says Thucydides,.. \"in the flower of youthful beauty.\" But Hipparchus, equally careless of gender, also solicited the lad's love. When Aristogeiton heard of this he resolved to kill Hipparchus and at the same time, in self-protection, to overthrow the tyranny. Harmodius and others joined him in the conspiracy (514). They murdered Hipparchus as he was arranging the Panathenaic procession, but Hippias eluded them and had them slain. To complicate the tale a counesan Leaena, mistress of Harmodius, died bravely under tonure, having refused to betray the surviving conspirators; if we may believe Greek tradition, she bit off her tongue and spat it in the face of her tonurers to make sure that she would not answer their questions.91\nThough the people lent no visible support to this revolt, Hippias was frightened by it into replacing his hitheno mild rule with a regime of sup\u00ad pression, espionage, and terror. The Athenians, strengthened by a gen\u00ad eration of prosperity, could afford now to demand the luxury of liberty;\n124\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.V\ngradually, as the dictatorship grew harsher, the cry for freedom grew louder; and Harmodius and Aristogeiton, who had conspired for love and passion rather than for democracy,\u2022 were transformed by popular imagina\u00ad tion into the martyrs of liberty. Off in Delphi the Alcmaeonids, who had been re-exiled by Peisistratus, saw their opportunity, raised an a_rmy, and marched upon Athens with the announced intention of deposing Hippias. At the same time they bribed the Pythian oracle to tell all Spartans who consulted her that Sparta must overthrow the tyranny at Athens. Hippias successfully resisted the forces of the Alcmaeonids; but when a Lacedae\u00ad monian army joined them he withdrew to the Areopagus. Seeking the security of his children in the event of his own death, he sent them secretly out of Athens; but they were captured by the invaders, and Hippias, as the price of their safety, consented to abdication and exile ( 510). The\nAlcmaeonids, led by the courageous Cleisthenes, t entered Athens in tri.:\numph; and on their heels came the banished aristocrats, prepared to cele\u00ad brate the return of their property and their power.\nIn the election that ensued, lsagoras, representing the aristocracy, was chosen to be chief archon. Cleisthenes, one of the defeated candidates, aroused the people to revolt, overthrew Isagoras, and set up a popular dictatorship. The Spartans again invaded Athens, seeking to restore lsa\u00ad goras; but the Athenians resisted so tenaciously that the Spartans retired, and Cleisthenes, the Alcmaeonid aristocrat, proceeded to establish democ\u00ad racy (507).\nHis first reform struck at the very framework of Attic aristocracy\u00ad\nthose four tribes and 360 clans whose leadership, by centuries of tradi\u00ad tion, was in the hands of the oldest and richest families. Cleisthenes abol\u00ad ished this kinship classification, and replaced it with a territorial division into ten tribes, each composed of a (varying) number of demes. To prevent the formation of geographical or occupational blocs, such as the old parties of Mountain, Shore, and Plain, each tribe was to be composed of an equal number of demes, or districts, from the city, from the coast, and from the interior. To offset the sanctity that religion had given to the old division, religious ceremonies were instituted for each new tribe or deme, and a famous ancient hero of the locality was made its deity or patron saint. Freemen of foreign origin, who had rarely been admitted to the franchise under the aristocratic determination of citizenship by descent, now auto\nOne would not be surprised to learn that they represented a resentful aristocracy, like Brutus and Cassius in Rome. Brutus, too, became the hero of a revolution, after eighteen ceD\u00ad turies had obscured his history.\nt Gmndson of Cleisthenes, dictator of Sicyon.\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\nmatically became citizens of the demes in which they lived. At one stroke the roll of voters was almost doubled, and democracy secured a new sup\u00ad port and a broader base.\nEach of the new tribes was entitled to name one of the ten strategoi, or generals, who now joined the polemarch in command of the army; and each tribe elected fifty members of the new Council of 50 I which now replaced Solon's Council of Four Hundred and assumed the most vital powers of the Areopagus. These councilors were chosen for a year's term, not by election but by lot, from the list of all citizens who had reached the age of thirty and had not already served two terms. In this strange inauguration of representative government both the aristocratic principle of birth and the plutocratic principle of wealth were overridden by the new device of the lot, which gave every citizen an equal chance not only to vote, but to hold office in the most influential branch of the government. For the Council so elected determined all matters and proposals o be submitted for approval or rejection to the Assembly, reserved to itself various judicial powers, exercised wide administrative functions, and super\u00ad vised all officials of the state.\nThe Assembly was enlarged by the access of new citizens, so that a full meeting of its membership would have meant an attendance of approxi\u00ad mately thirty thousand men. All these were eligible for service in the hel\u00ad iaea, or courts; but the fourth class, or thetes, were still, as under Solon, ineligible to individual office. The powers of the Assembly were enlarged by the institution of ostracism, which Cleisthenes seems to have added as a protection for the young democracy. At any time, by a majority of votes written secretly upon potsherds (ostraka), the Assembly, in a quorum of six thousand members, might send into exile for ten years any man who in its judgment had become a danger to the state. In this way ambitious leaders would be stimulated to conduct themselves with circumspection and moderation, and men suspected of conspiracy could be disposed of without the law's delay. The procedure required that the Assembly should be asked, \"Is there any m n among you whom you think vitally dangerous to the state? If so, whom?\" The Assembly might then vote to ostracize any one citizen-not excepting the mover of the motion.* Such exile involved no confiscation of property, and no disgrace; it was merely democracy's way of cutting off the \"tallest ears of corn_,,.. Nor did the Assembly abuse its power. In the ninety years between the introduction of ostracism and its disuse at Athens, only ten persons were banished by it from Attica.\nA similar institution was used at Argos, Megara, and Syracuse.\n126\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nOne of these, we are told, was Cleisthenes himself. But in truth we do not know his later history; it was absorbed and lost in the brilliance of his work. Beginning with a thoroughly unconstitutional revolt, he had estab\u00ad lished, in the face of the most powerful families in Attica, a democratic con\u00ad stitution that continued in operation, with only minor changes, to the end of Athenian liberty. The democracy was not complete; it applied only to freemen, and still placed a modest property limitation upon eligibility to mdividual office.\u2022 But it gave all legislative, executive, and judicial power to an Assembly and a Court composed' of the citizens, to magistrates ap\u00ad pointed by and responsible to the Assembly, and to a Council for whose members all citizens might vote, and in whose supreme authority, by the operation of the lot, at least one third of them actually shared for at lelaSt a year of their lives. Never before had the world seen so liberal a fran\u00ad chise, or so wide a spread of political power.\nThe Athenians themselves were exhilarated by this adventure into sov\u00ad\nereignty. They realized that they had undertaken a difficult enterprise, but they advanced to it with courage and pride, and, for a time, with unwonted self-restraint. From that moment they knew the zest of freedom in action, speech, and thought; and from that moment they began to lead all Greece in literature and art, even in statesmanship and war. They learned to re\u00ad spect anew a law that was their own considered will, and to love with unprecedented passion a state that was their unity, their power, and their fulfillment. When the greatest empire of the age decided to destroy these scattered cities called Greece, or to lay them under tribute to the Great King, it forgot that in Attica it would be opposed by men who owned the soil that they tilled, and who ruled the state that governed them. It was for\u00ad tunate for Greece, and for Europe, that Cleisthenes completed his work, and Solon's, twelve years before Marathon.\nA property qualification was placed upon the franchise in the earlier stages of American and French democracy.\nCHAPTER  VI\nThe Great Migration\nI, CAUSES AND WAYS\nN carrying the story of Sparta and Athens down to the eve of Mara\u00ad thon we have sacrificed the unity of time to the unity of place. It is true that the cities of the mainland were older than the Greek settlements in the Aegean and Ionia, and that these cities, in many cases, sent out the colonies whose life we must now describe. But, by a confusing inversion of normal sequences, several of those colonies became greater than their mother cities, and preceded them in the development of wealth and art. The real creators of Greek culture were not the Greeks of what we now call Greece, but those who fled before the conquering Dorians, fought des\u00ad perately for a foothold on foreign shores, and there, out of their Myce\u00ad naean memories and their amazing energy, made the art and science, the philosophy and poetry that, long before Marathon, placed them in the forefront of the W estem world. Greek civilization was inherited by the"]
[11.138330459594727, 3.6543736457824707, ":ennined to starve himself by easy degrees.\u2022 \"He was exceedingly old,\" says Diogenes,a\nand appeared to be at the point of death. His sister lamented that he would die during the festival of the Thesmophoria, which would prevent her from discharging her duties to the goddess. So he bade her be of good cheer, and to bring him hot loaves (or a little honey5') every day. And by applying these to his nostrils he kept himself\nLucretius attributes a kind of psychophysical parallelism to \"the great Democritus,\" who laid it down that the atoms of body and the atoms of mind are placed one beside one\n,dtemately in pairs, and so link the frame together.....\nCHAP. XVI)\tTHE  CONFLICT OF  PHILOSOPHY  AND  RELIGION\t355\nalive over the festival. But when the three days of the feast were passed he expired withtmt any pain, as Hipparchus assures us, hav- ing lived one hundred and nine years.\nHis city gave him a public funeral, and Timon of Athens praised him.\"\" He founded no school; but he formulated for science its most famous hy\u00ad pothesis, and gave to philosophy a system which, denounced by every other, has survived them all, and reappears in every generation.\nm. EMPEDOCLES\nIdealism offends the senses, materialism offends the soul; the one explains everything but the world, the other everything but life. To merge these half-truths it was necessary to find some dynamic principle that could medi\u00ad ate between structure and growth, between things and thought. Anaxagoras sought such a principle in a cosmic Mind; Empedocles sought it in the inherent forces that made for evolution.\nThis Leonardo of Acragas was born in the year of Marathon, of a wealthy family whose passion for horse racing gave no promise of philosophy. He studied for a while with the Pythagoreans, but in his exuberance he divulged some of their esoteric doctrine, and was expelled.\" He took very much to heart the notion of transmigration, and announced with poetic sympathy that he had been \"in bygone times a youth, a maiden, and a flowering shrub; a bird, yes, and a fish that swims in silence through the deep sea.\"\"\" He condemned the eating of animal food as a form of canni\u00ad balism; for were not these animals the reincarnation of human beings?111 All men, he believed, had once been gods, but had forfeited their heavenly place by some impurity or violence; and b.e was certain that he felt in his own soul intimations of a prenatal divinity. \"From what glory, from what immeasurable bliss, have I now sunk to roam with mortals on this earth!\"\"' Convinced of his divine origin, he put golden sandals upon his feet, clothed his body with purple robes, and crowned his head with laurel; he was, as he modestly explained to his countrymen, a favorite of Apollo; only to his friends did he confess that he was a god. He claimed supernatural pow\u00ad ers, performed magic rites, and sought by incantations to wrest from the other world the secrets of human destiny. He offered to cure dis ases by the enchantment of his words, and cured so many that the populace half believed his claims. Actually he was a learned physician fertile in sug\u00ad gestions to medical science, and skilled in the psychology of the medical\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, XVI\nan. He was a brilliant orator; he \"invented,\" says Aristotle,\"\" the principles of rhetoric, and taught them to Gorgias, who peddled them in Athens. He was an engineer who freed Selinus from pestilence by draining marshes and changing the courses of streams.\u2022 He was a courageous statesman who, though himself an aristocrat, led a popular revolution against a narrow aristocracy, refused the dictatorship, and established a moderate democ\u00ad racy.00 He was a poet, and wrote On Nature and On Purifications in such excellent verse that Aristotle and Cicero ranked him high among the poets, and Lucretius complimented him with imitation. \"When he went to the Olympic games,\" says Diogenes Laenius, \"he was the object of general\nattention, so that there was no mention made of anybody else in com\u00ad parison with him.\"111 Perhaps, after all, he was a god.\nThe 470 lines that survive give us only hazardous intimations of his philosophy. He was an eclectic, and saw some wisdom in every system. He deprecated Parmenides' wholesale rejection of the senses, and welcomed each sense as an \"avenue to understanding.\"\"\" Sensation is due to effiuxes of panicles proceeding from the object and falling upon the \"pores\" (poroi) of the senses; thereforelight needs time to come from the sun to us.\"' Night is caused by the eanh intercepting the rays of the sun.\u2022 All things are com\u00ad posed of four elements-air, fire, water, and eanh. Operating upon these are two basic forces, attraction and repulsion, Love and Hate. The end\u00ad less combinations and separations of the elements by these forces produce the world of things and history. When Love or the tendency to combine is doininant, matter develops into plants, and organisms take higher and higher forms. Just as transmigration weaves all souls into one biography, so in nature there is no sharp distinction between one species or genus and another; e.g., \"Hair and leaves and the thick feathers of birds, and the scales that form on tough limbs, are the same thing.\"'' Nature produces every kind of organ and form; Love unites them, sometimes into monstrosi\u00ad ties that perish through maladaptation, sometimes into organisms capable of propagating themselves and meeting the conditions of survival.\u2022 All higher forms develop from lower forms.'111 At first both sexes are in the same body; then they become separated, and each longs to be reunited with the other.\u2022.. To this process of evolution corresponds a process of dissolution, in which Hate, or the force of division, tears down the com\u00ad plex structure that Love has built. Slowly organisms and planets reven to more and more primitive forms, until all things are merged again in a\nPerhaps Plato poached here for Aristophanes' speech in the Symposium.\nCHAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY  AND RELIGION\t357\nprimeval and amorphous mass..,. These alternating processes of develop\u00ad ment and decay go on endlessly, in each part and in the whole; the two forces of combination and separation, Love and Hate, Good and Evil, fight and balance each other in a vast universal rhythm of Life and Death. So old is the philosophy of Herbert Spencer.n\nThe place of God in this process is not clear, for in Empedocles it is difficult to separate fact from metaphor, philosophy from poetry. Some\u00ad times he identifies deity with the cosmic sphere itself, sometimes with the life of all life, or the mind of all mind; but he knows that we shall never be able to form a just idea of the basic and original creative power. \"We cannot bring God near so as to reach him with our eyes and lay hold of him . with our hands\tFor he has no human head attached to bodily members,\nnor do two branching arms dangle from his shoulders; he has neither feet nor knees nor any hairy parts. No; he is only mind, sacred and ineffable mind, flashing through the whole universe with swift thoughts.\"\" And Empedocles concludes with the wise and weary counsel of old age:\nWeak and narrow are the powers implanted in the limbs of men; many the woes that fall on them and blunt the edge of thought; short is the measure of the life in death through which they toil. Then are they borne away; like smoke they vanish into air; and what they dream they know is but the little that each hath stumbled upon in wandering about the world. Yet boast they all that they have learned the whole. Vain fools! For what that is, no eye hath seen, no ear hath heard, nor can it be conceived by the mind of man...\nIn his last years he became more distinctly a preacher and prophet, ab\u00ad sorbed in the theory of reincarnation, and imploring his fellow men to purge away the guilt that had exiled them from heaven. With the assorted wisdom of Buddha, Pythagoras, and Schopenhauer he warned the human race to abstain from marriage, procreation,.,. and beans.\"\" When, in 41 5, the Athenians besieged Syracuse, Empedocles did what he could to help its resistance, and thereby offended Acragas, which hated Syracuse with all the animosity of kinship. Banished from his native city, he went to the mainland of Greece and died, some say, in Megara..,. But Hippobotus, says Diogenes Laertius,.,. tells how Empedocles, after bringing back to full life a woman who had been given up for dead, rose from the feast that cele\u00ad brated her recovery, disappeared, and was never seen again. Legend said that he had leaped into Etna's fiery mouth so that he might die without leaving a trace behind him, and thereby confirm his divinity. But the\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVI\nelemental fire betrayed him; it flung up his brazen slippers and left them, like heavy symbols of mortality, upon the crater's edge.\u2022\nTHE SOPHISTS\nIt is a reproof to those who think of Greece as synonymous with Athens, that none of the great Hellenic thinkers before Socrates belonged to that city, and only Plato after him. The fate of Anaxagoras and Socrates indi\u00ad cates that religious conservatism was stronger in Athens than in the col-"]
[6.443368911743164, 9.904027938842773, "at these restrictions, and, without lawyers, get around them; they know that to most men nd to some women dress makes the woman; and their behavior in this matter reveals a wisdom gathered through a thousand cen\u00ad turies.\nMORALS\nThe Athenians of the fifth century are not exemplars of morality; the progress of the intellect has loosened many of them from their ethical tra\u00ad ditions, and has turned them into almost unmoral individuals. They have a high reputation for legal justice, but they are seldom altruistic to any but their children; conscience rarely troubles them, and they never dream of loving their neighbors as themselves. Manners vary from class to class; in the dialogues of Plato life is graced with a charming courtesy, but in the comedies of Aristophanes there are no manners at all, and in public oratory\n294\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIII\npersonal abuse is relied upon as the very soul of eloquence; in such matters the Greeks have much to learn from the time-polished \"barbarians\" of Egypt or Persia or Babylon. Salutation is cordial but simple; there is no bowjng, for that seems to the proud citizens a vestige of monarchy; hand\u00ad shaking is reserved for oaths or solemn farewells; usually the greeting is merely Chaire-\"Rejoice\"-followed, as elsewhere, by some brilliant re\u00ad mark about the weather.81\nHospitality has lessened since Homeric days, for travel is a little more secure than then, and inns provide food and shelter for transients; even so it remains an outstanding virtue of the Athenians. Strangers are welcomed though without introduction; if they come with letters from a common friend, they receive bed and board, and sometimes parting gifts. An in\u00ad vited guest is always privileged to bring an uninvited guest with him. This freedom of entry gives rise in time to a class of parasites-parasitoi\u00ad a word originally applied to the clergy who ate the \"com left over\" from the temple supplies. The well to do are generous givers in both public and private philanthropy; the practice as well as the word is Greek. Char\u00ad ity-charitas, or love-is also pr. sent; there are many institutions for the care of strangers, the sick, the poor, and the old... The government provides pensions for wounded soldiers, and brings up war orphans at the expense of the state; in the fourth century it will make payments to disabled work\u00ad men... In periods of drought, war, or other crisis, the state pays two obols (34 cents) a day to the needy, in addition to the regular fees for attendance at the Assembly, the courts, and the plays. There are the normal scandals; a speech of Lysias concerns a man who, though on public relief, has rich men for his friends, earns money by his handicraft, and rides horses for recreation...,\nThe Greek might admit that honesty is the best policy, but he tries every\u00ad thing else first. The chorus in Sophocles' Philoctetes expresses the tender\u00ad est sympathy for the wounded and deserted soldier, and then takes advan\u00ad tage of his slumber to counsel Neoptolemus to betray him, steal his weapons, and leave him to his fate. Everyone complains that the Athenian retailers adulterate their goods, give short weight and short change despite the gov\u00ad rnment inspectors, shift the fulcrum of their scales towards the measur\u00ad ing weights,'\u00b0a and lie at e'\\'ery opportunity; the sausages, for example, are accused of being dogs.01 A comic dramatist calls the fishmongers \"assas\u00ad sins\"; a gentler poet calls them \"burglars.\"'\" The politicians are not much better; there is hardly a man in Athenian public life that is not charged with crookedness;\" an honest man like Aristides is considered exciting news, al-\nCHAP. XIII)  THE MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS   295\nmost a monstrosity; even Diogenes' daytime lantern does not find another. Thucydides reports that men are more anxious to be called clever than honest, and suspect honesty of simplicity.\" It is an easy matter to find Greeks who will betray their country: \"At no time,\" says Pausanias, \"was Greece wanting in people afflicted with this itch for treason.\".. Bribery is a popular way to political advancement, criminal impunity, diplomatic ac\u00ad complishments; Pericles has large sums voted to him for secret uses, pre\u00ad sumably for lubricating international negotiations. Morality is strictly tribal; Xenophon, in a treatise on education, frankly advises lying and rob\u00ad bery in dealing with the enemies of one's country.'\" The Athenian envoys at Sparta in 432 defend their empire in plain terms: \"It has always been the law that the weaker should be subject to the stronger   no one has ever\nallowed the cry for justice to hinder his ambition when he had a chance of gaining anything by might\"\"-though this passage, and the supposed speech of the Athenian leaders at Melos,'\" may be exercises of Thucydides' philosophical imagination, inflamed by the cynical discourses of certain Sophists; it would be as fair to judge the Greeks from the unconventional ethics of Gorgias, Callicles, Thrasymachus, and Thucydides as it would be to describe the modern European by the brilliant bizarreries of Machia\u00ad velli, La Rochefoucauld, Nietzsche, and Stimer-not saying how fair that would be. That something of this superiority to morals is an active in\u00ad gredient in the Greek character appears in the readiness with which the Spartans agree with the Athenians on these mooted points of morals. When the Lacedaemonian Phoebidas, despite a treaty of peace, treacherously seizes upon the citadel of Thebes, and the Spartan King Agesilaus is ques\u00ad tioned about the justice of this action, he replies: \"Inquire only if it is useful; for whenever an action is useful to our country it is right.\" Time and again truces are violated, solemn promises are broken, envoys are slain.\u2022\u2022 Perhaps, however, the Greeks differ from ourselves not in conduct but in candor; our greater delicacy makes it offensive to us to preach what we practice.\nCustom and religion among the Greeks exercise a very modest restraint upon the victor in war. It is a regular matter, even in civil wars, to sack the conquered city, to finish off the wounded, to slaughter or enslave all unransomed prisoners and all captured noncombatants, to burn down the houses, the fruit trees, and the crops, to exterminate the live stock, and to destroy the seed for future sowings.iro At the opening of the Peloponnesian War the Spartans butcher as enemies all Greeks whom they find on the sea, whether allies of Athens or neutrals;\"' at the battle of Aegospotami,\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIII\nwhich closes the war, the Spartans put to death three thousand Athenian prisoners02-almost the selected best of Athens' depleted citizenry. War of some kind-of city against city or of class against class-is a normal condi\u00ad tion in Hellas. In this way the Greece that defeated the King of Kings turns upon itself, Greek meets Greek in a thousand battles, and in the course of a century after Marathon the most brilliant civilization in history con\u00ad sumes itself in a prolonged national suicide.\nV. CHARACTER\nH we are still attracted to these reckless disputants it is because they cover the nakedness of their sins with an exhilarating vigor of enterprise and intellect. The nearness of the sea, the opportunities of trade, the free\u00ad dom of economic and political life form the Athenian to an unprecedented excitability and resilience of temper and thought, a very fever of mind and sense. What a change from the Orient to Europe, from the drowsy southern regions to these intermediate states where winter is cold enough to invigorate without dulling, and summer warm enough to liberate with\u00ad out enfeebling body and soul! Here is faith in life and man, a zest of living never rivaled again until the Renaissance.\nOut of this stimulating milieu comes courage, and an impulsiveness all the world away from the sophrosyne-self-control-which the philosophers vainly preach, or the Olympian serenity which young Winckelmann and old Goethe will foist upon the passionate and restless Greeks. A nation's ideals are usually a disguise, and are not to be taken as history. Courage and temperance-andreia, or manliness, and the meden agan, or \"nothing in ex\u00ad cess\" of the Delphic inscription-are the rival mottoes of the Greek; he realizes the one frequently enough, but the other only in his peasants, philosophers, and saints. The average Athenian is a sensualist, but with a good conscience; he sees no sin in the pleasures of sense, and finds in them the readiest answer to the pessimism that darkens his meditative inter\u00ad vals. He loves wine, and is not ashamed to get drunk now and then; he loves women, in an almost innocently physical way, easily forgives him\u00ad self for promiscuity, and does not look upon a lapse from virtue as an irremediable disaster. Nevertheless he dilutes two parts of wine with three of water, and considers repeated drunkenness an offense against good taste. Though he seldom practices moderation he sincerely worships it, and for\u00ad mulates more clearly than any other people in history the ideal of self\u00ad mastery.\nCHAP. xm)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS   297\nThe Athenians are too brilliant to be good, and scorn stupidity more than they abominate vice. They are not all sages, and we must not pic\u00ad ture their woman as all lovely Nausicaas or stately Helens, or their men as combining the courage of Ajax with Nestor's wisdom; history has remem\u00ad bered the geniuses of Greece and has ignored her fools (except Nicias) ; even our age may seem great when most of us are forgotten, and only our mountain peaks have escaped the obscurity of time. Discounting the pathos of distance, the average Athenian remains as subtle as an Oriental, as enamored of novelty as an American; endlessly curious and perpetually mobile; always preaching a Parmenidean calm and always tossed upon a Heracleitean sea. No people ever had a livelier fancy, or a readier tongue. Clear thought and clear expression seem divine things to the Athenian; he has no patience with learned obfuscation, and looks upon informed and intelligent conversation as the highest sport of civilization. The secret of the exuberance of Greek life and thought lies in this, that to the Greek, man is the measure of all things. The educated Athenian is in love with reason, and seldom doubts its ability to chart the universe. The desire to know and understand is his noblest passion, and as immoderate as the rest. Later he will discover the limits of reason and human effort, and by a nat\u00ad ural reaction will fall into a pessimism strangely discordant with the char\u00ad acteristic buoyancy of his spirit. Even in the century of his exuberance the thought of his profoundest men-who are not his philosophers but his dramatists-will be clouded over with the elusive brevity of delight and the patient pertinacity of death.\nAs inquisitiveness generates the science of Greece, so acquisitiveness es\u00ad\ntablishes and dominates its economy. \"Love of wealth wholly absorbs men,\" says Plato, with the exaggeration usual in moralists, \"and never for a mo\u00ad ment allows them to think of anything but their own private possessions; on this the soul of every citizen hangs suspended.\"1111 The Athenians are competitive animals, and stimulate one another with nearly ruthless rivalry. They are shrewd, and give the Semites a close run in cunning and strata\u00ad gem; they are every bit as stiff-necked as the Biblical Hebrews, as pug\u00ad nacious, obstinate, and proud. They bargain virulently in buying and sell\u00ad ing, argue every point in conversation, and, when they cannot make war upon other countries, quarrel among themselves. They are not given to sentiment, and disapprove of Euripides' tears. They are kind to animals and cruel to men: they regularly use torture upon unaccused slaves, and sleep heartily, to all appearances, after slaughtering a cityful of noncom\u00ad batants. Nevertheless they are generous to the poor or the disabled; and\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP.xm\nwhen the Assembly learns that the granddaughter of Aristogeiton the tyrannicide is living in destitution on Lemnos, it provides funds to bring her to Athens and to give her a dowry and a husband. The oppressed and hunted of other cities find a sympathetic refuge in Athens.\nIn truth the Greek does not think of character in our terms. He aspires neither to the conscience of the good bourgeois, nor to the sense of honor of the apstocrat. To the Greek the best life is the fullest one, rich in health, strength, beauty, passion, means, adventure, and thought. Virtue is arete, manly-literally and originally, martial-excellence (Ares, Mars); pre\u00ad cisely what the Romans called vir-tus, man-liness. The Athenian ideal man is the kalokagathos, who combines beauty and justice in a. gracious art of living that frankly values ability, fame, wealth, and friends as well as vir\u00ad tue and humanity; as with Goethe, self-development is everything. Along with this conception goes a degree of vanity whose candor is hardly to our taste: the Greeks never tire of admiring themselves, and announce at every tum their superiority to other warriors, writers, artists, peoples. If we wish to understand the Greeks as against the Romans we must think of the French vs. the English; if we wish to feel the Spartan spirit as opposed to the Athenian we must think of the Germans vs. the French.\nAll the qualities of the Athenians come together to make their city-state. Here is the creation and summation of their vigor and courage, their brilliance and loquacity, their unruliness and acquisitiveness, their vanity and patriotism, their worship of beauty and freedom. They are rich in passions but poor in prejudices. Now and then they tolerate religious in\u00ad tolerance, not as a check upon thought but as a weapon in partisan politics, and as a bound to moral experimentation; otherwise they insist upon a degree of liberty that seems fantastically chaotic to their Oriental visitors. But because they are free, because, ultimately, every office is open to every citizen, and each is ruled and ruler in tum, they give half their lives to their state. Home is where they sleep; they live in the market place, in the Assembly, in the Council, in the courts, in the great festivals, athletic contests, and dramatic spectacles that glorify their city and its gods. They recognize the right of the state to conscript their persons and their wealth for its needs. They forgive its exactions because it gives more opportunity for human development than man has ever known before; they fight for it fiercely because it is the mother and guardian of their liberties. \"Thus,\" says Herodotus, \"did the Athenians increase in strength. And it is plain enough, not from this instance only but from many examples, that freedom is an excellent thing; since even the Athenians, who,, while they continued un-\nCHAP. XIII)  THE MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS   299"]
[3.3769776821136475, 5.656434059143066, "The maintenance of the army and the navy constitutes the chief expen\u00ad diture of the state. Revenues come from traffic tolls, harbor dues, a two per cent tariff on imports and exports, a twelve-drachma annual poll tax on metics, a half-drachma tax on freedmen and slaves, a tax on prostitutes, a sales tax, licenses, fines, confiscations, and the imperial tribute. The tax on farm produce, which financed Athens under Peisistratus, is abandoned by the democracy as derogatory to the dignity of agriculture. Most taxes are farmed out to publicans, who collect them for the state and pocket a share as their profit. Considerable income is derived from state ownership of mineral resources. In emergencies the city resorts to a capital levy, the rate rising with the amount of property owned; by this method, for exam\u00ad ple, the Athenians in 428 raise two hundred talents ($1,200,000) for the siege of Mytilene. Rich1men are also invited tu undertake certain leiturgiai, i.e., public services, such as equipping embassies, fitting out ships for the fleet, or paying for plays, musical contests, and games. These \"liturgies\" are voluntarily undertaken by some of the wealthy, and are forced by pub\u00ad lic opinion upon others. To add to the discomfort of the well to do, any citizen assigned to a liturgy may compel any other to take it from him, or exchange fortunes with him, if he can prove the other to be richer than himself. As the democratic faction grows in power it finds ever more numerous occasions and reasons for using this device; and in return the financiers, merchants, manufacturers, and landed proprietors of Attica study the ans of concealment and obstruction, and meditate revolution.\nExcluding such gifts and levies, the total internal revenue of Athens in the time of Pericles amounts to some four hundred talents ($2,400,000) a\n266\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREE.CE\t(CHAP. XI\nyear; to which is added six hundred talents of contributions from subjects and allies. This income is spent without any budget, or advance estimate and allocation of funds. Under Pericles' thrifty management, and despite his unprecedented expenditures, the treasury shows a growing surplus, which in 440 stands at 9700 talents ($58,200,000); a pretty sum for any city in any age, and quite extraordinary in Greece, where few states-in the Peloponnesus none-have any surplus at all... In cities that have such a reserve it is deposited, usually, in the temple of the city's god-at Athens, after 434, in the Parthenon. The state claims the right to use not only this surplus, but, as well, the gold in the statues which it raises to its god; in the case of Pheidias' Athene Parthenos this amounts to forty talents ($240,- 000), and is so affixed as to be removable.\"\" In the temple the city keeps also its \"theoric fund,\" from which it makes the payments annually due the citizens for attendance at the sacred plays and games.\nSuch is Athenian democracy-the narrowest and fullest in history: nar\u00ad rowest in the number of those who share its privileges, fullest in the direct\u00ad ness and equality with which all the citizens control legislation, and administer public affairs. The faults of the system will appear vividly as its history unfolds; indeed, they are already noised about in Aristophanes. The irresponsibility of an Assembly that may without check of precedent or revision vote its momentary passion on one day, and on the next day its passionate regret, punishing then not itself but those who have misled it; the limitation of legislative authority to those who can attend the ekklesia; the encouragement of demagogues and the wasteful ostracism of able men; the filling of offices by lot and rotation, changing the personnel yearly and creating a chaos of government; the disorderliness of faction perpetually disturbing the guidance and administration of the state-these are vital de\u00ad fects, for which Athens will pay the full penalty to Sparta, Philip, Alexan\u00ad der, and Rome.\nBut every government is imperfect, irksome, and mortal; we have no reason to believe that monarchy or aristocracy would govern Athens bet\u00ad ter, or longer preserve it; and perhaps only this chaotic democracy can release the energy that will lift Athens to one of the peaks of history. Never before or since has political life, within the circle of citizenship, been so intense or so creative. This corrupt and incompetent democracy is at least a school: the voter in the Assembly listens to the cleverest men in Athens, the juror in the courts has his wits sharpened by the taking and sifting of evidence, the holder of office is molded by executive responsibility and\nCHAP.XI) PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   167\nexperience into a deeper maturity of understanding and judgment; \"the city,\" says Simonides, \"is the teacher of the man.\"\"\" For these reasons, it may be, the Athenians can appreciate, and thereby call into existence, Aes\u00ad chylus and Euripides, Socrates and Plato; the audience at the theater has been formed in the Assembly and the courts, and is ready to receive the best. This aristocratic democracy is Do laissez-faire state, no mere watch\u00ad man of property and order; it finances the Greek drama, and builds the Parthenon; it makes itself responsible for the welfare and development of its people, and opens up to them the opportunity ou monon tou zen, alla tou eu zen-\"not only to live, but to live well.\" History can afford to for\u00ad give it all its sins.\nCHAPTER XII\nWork and Wealth in Athens\nLAND AND FOOD\nJ\\ T the base of this democracy and this culture lies the production and fl.. distribution of wealth. Some men can govern states, seek truth, make music, carve statues, paint pictures, write books, teach children, or serve the gods because others toil to grow food, weave clothing, build dwellings, mine the earth, make useful things, transport goods, exchange them, or finance their production or their movement. Everywhere this is the foun\u00ad dation.\nSupporting all society is the peasant, the poorest and most necessary of men. In Attica he has at least the franchise; only citizens are permitted to own land, and nearly all peasants own the soil that they till. Clan control of the land has disappeared, and private ownership is solidly established. As in modem France and America, this great class of small proprietors is a steadying conservative force in a democracy where the propertyless city dwellers are always driving toward reform. The ancient war between the country and the city-between those who want high returns for agricul\u00ad ture and low prices for manufactured goods, and those who want low prices for food and high wages or profits in industry-is especially con\u00ad scious and lively in Attica. Whereas industry and trade are accounted plebeian and degrading by the Athenian citizen, the pursuits of husbandry are honored as the groundwork of national economy, personal character, and military power; and the freemen of the countryside tend to look down upon the denizens of the city as either weakling parasites or degraded slaves.'\nThe soil is poor: of 630,000 acres in Attica a third is unsuitable for cul\u00ad tivation, and the rest is impoverished by deforestation, meager rainfall, and rapid erosion by winter floods. The peasants of Attica shirk no toil\u00ad for themselves or their handful of slaves-to remedy this dry humor of the gods; they gather the surplus flow of headwaters into reservoirs, dike the channels of the streams to control the floods, reclaim the precious humus of the swamps, build thousands of irrigation canals to bring to their thirsty fields the trickle of the rivulets, patiently transplant vegetables to improve\n268\nCHAP. XII)\tWORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\ntheir size and quality, and let the land lie fallow in alternate years to regain its strength. They alkalinize the soil with salts like carbonate of lime, and fertilize it with potassium nitrate, ashes, and human waste;1 the gardens and groves about Athens are enriched with the sewage of the city, brought by a main sewer to a reservoir outside the Dipylon, and led thence by brick\u00ad lined canals into the valley of the Cephisus River.\u2022 Different soils are mixed to their mutual benefit, and green crops like beans in flower are plowed in to nourish the earth. Plowing, harrowing, sowing, and planting are crowded into the brief days of the fall; the grain harvest comes at the end of May, and the rainless summer is the season of preparation and rest. With all this care Attica produces only 67 5,ooo bushels of grain yearly-hardly enough to supply a quarter of its population. Without imported food Periclean Athens would starve; hence the urge to imperialism, and the necessity for a powerful fleet.\nThe countryside tries to atone for its parsimonious grain by generous harvests of olives and grapes. Hillsides are terraced and watered, and asses are encouraged to make the vine more fruitful by gnawing off the twigs.' Olive trees cover many a landscape in Periclean Greece, but it is Peisistratus and Solon who deserve the credit for introducing them. The olive tree takes sixteen years to come to fruit, forty years to reach perfection; with\u00ad out the subsidies of Peisistratus it might never have grown on Attic soil; and the devastation of the olive orchards in the Peloponnesian War will play a part in the decline of Athens. To the Greek the olive has many uses: one pressing gives oil for eating, a second, oil for anointing, a third, oil for illumination; and the remainder is used as fuel.\" It becomes Attica's richest crop, so valuable that the state assumes a monopoly of its export, and pays with it and wine for the grain that it must import.\nIt forbids altogether the export of figs, for these are a main source of health and energy in Greece. The fig tree grows well even in arid soil; its spreading roots gather whatever moisture the earth will yield, and its stinted foliage offers scant surface- for evaporation. Furthermore, the hus\u00ad bandman learns from the East the secret of caprification: he hangs branches of the wild male goat fig (caprificus) among the boughs of the female cul\u00ad tivated tree, and relies upon gall wasps to carry the fertilizing pollen of the male into the fruit of the female, which then bears richer and sweeter figs. These products of the soil-cereals, olive oil, figs, grapes, and wine-are the staples of diet in Attica. Cattle rearing is negligible as a source of food; horses are bred for racing, sheep for wool, goats for milk, asses, mules, cows, and oxen for transport, but chiefly pigs for food; and bees are kept as pro-\n270\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XII\nviders of honey for a sugarless world. Meat is a luxury; the poor have it only on feast days; the heroic banquets of Homeric days have dis.ippeared. Fish is both a commonplace and a delicacy; the poor man buys it salted and dried; the rich man celebrates with fresh shark meat and eels.\" Cereals take the form of porridge, flat loaves, or cakes, often mixed with honey. Bread and cake are seldom baked at home, but are bought from women peddlers or in market stalls. Eggs are added, and vegetables-particularly beans, peas, cabbage, lentils, lettuce, onions, and garlic. Fruits are few; oranges and lemons are unknown. Nuts are common, and condiments abound. Salt is collected in salt pans from the sea, and is traded in the in\u00ad terior for slaves; a cheap slave is called a \"salting,\" and a good one is \"worth his salt.\" Nearly everything is cooked and dressed with olive oil, which makes an excellent substitute for petroleum. Butter is hard to keep in Mediterranean lands, and olive oil takes its place. Honey, sweetmeats, and cheese provide dessert; cheesecakes are so fancied that many classic treatises are devoted to their esoteric art.7 Water is the usual drink, but everyone has wine, for no civilization has found life tolerable without narcotics or stimulants. Snow and ice are kept in the ground to cool wine in the hot months.\" Beer is known but scorned in Periclean days. All in all, the Greek is a moderate eater, and contents himself with two meals daily. \"Yet there are many,\" says Hippocrates, \"who, if accustomed to it, can easily bear three full meals a day.'79\nINDUSTRY\nOut of the earth come minerals and fuels as well as food. Lighting is provided by graceful lamps or torches-burning refined olive oil, or resin-or by candles. Heat is derived from dry wood or charcoal, burning in portable braziers. The cutting of trees for fuel and building denudes the woods and hills near the towns; already in the fifth century timber for houses, furniture, and ships is imported. There is no coal.\nGreek mining is not for fuels but for minerals. The soil of Attica is rich in marble, iron, zinc, silver, and lead. The mines at Laurium, near the southern tip of the peninsula, are in the phrase of Aeschylus \"a fountain running silver\"10 for Athens; they are a main support of the government, which retains all sub\u00ad soil rights, and leases the mines to private operators for a talent ($6000) fee and one twenty-fourth of the product yearly.11 In 483 a prospector discovers the first really profitable veins at Laurium, and a silver rush takes place to the region of the mines. Only citizens are.allowed to lease the properties, and only slaves perform the work. The pious Nicias, whose superstition will help to\nCHAP.XII)\tWORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS"]
[3.6430931091308594, 15.401752471923828, "Our oldest extant example is the Aethiopica, or \"Egyptian Tales,\" of Heli\u00ad odorus of Emesa. Of its date there is much dispute, but we may provisionally assign it to the third century. It begins in a style honorable with age:\nThe day had begun to smile cheerily, and the sun was already brightening the tops of the hills, when a band of men, in arms and appearance pirates, having ascended the summit of a slope that over\u00ad looks the Heracleotic mouth of the Nile, paused and surveyed the sea. Finding no sail there to promise them booty, they turned their eyes to the shore beneath them; and this is what they saw.37\nAt once we meet the rich and handsome youth Theagenes, and the lovely and tearful princess Chariclea; they have been captured by pirates; and there\n\" \u2022. The_ oldest mss. _assi t e essay in one case to \"Dionysius Longinus,\" in the other to D1onysms or Longmus, without funher clue. The only literary Longinus known to us f om anti9.uity is_ Cassius L nginus, Ze ob \u2022s p emi r. He was famous throughout the Em\u00ad prre for h s.learnmg; Eunap1us called hun a livmg library,\" and Porphyry ranked him \"the first of cnocs.\" 36\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE  OF THE  EMPIRE\t637\nbefalls them such a medley of mishaps, misunderstandings, battles, murders, and reunions as might supply a season's fiction today. Whereas in Petronius and Apuleius the chastity of maidens is a matter of swiftly passing concern, it is here the essence and pivot of the tale: Heliodorus preserves Chariclea's virginity through a score of narrow escapes, and writes persuasive homilies on the beauty and necessity of feminine virtue. There may be here some Christian influence; indeed, tradition made the author become the Christian bishop of Thessalonica. The Aethiopica unwittingly fathered an endless chain of imitations: here is the model for Cervantes' Persiles y Sigimmnda, the story of Clorinda in Tasso's Jerusalem Delivered, and the vast romances of Mme de Scudery; here are the love potions, signs, moans, faintings, and happy endings of a million pleasant tales; here is Clarissa Harlowe 1500 years before Richardson.\nThe most famous love story in ancient prose was Daphnis and Chloe. Of its author we know only the name Longus; and we merely guess at the third cen\u00ad tury as his time. Daphnis is exposed at birth, is rescued and reared by a shepherd, and becomes a shepherd in tum. Excellent passages of rural description suggest that Longus, like his poetic model Theocritus, had discovered the country after long residence in the city. Daphnis falls in love with a peasant girl who has also been rescued from infant exposure; they tend their flocks in charming com\u00ad radeship, bathe together in innocent nudity, and intoxicate each other with an unprecedented kiss. An old neighbor explains their fever to them, and describes from his own youth the sickness of romantic love. \"I thought not of my food, I cared not for my drink. I could take no rest, and sleep deserted me. My soul was heavy with sadness, my heart beat quickly, my limbs felt a deadly chill.\" 38 In the end their fathers, now wealthy, discover and enrich them; but they ignore their wealth and return to their modest pastoral life. The tale is told with the simplicity of finished art. Translated into supple French by Amyot (1559), it became the model for Saint-Pierre's Paul and Virginia, and the inspiration of countless paintings, poems, and musical compositions.\nAkin to it is a fragment of poetry kno-\\vn as Pervigilium Veneris, \"The Eve of Venus.\" No one knows who wrote it, or when; probably it belongs to this century.39 The theme is that of Lucretius' apostrophe and Longus' romance\u00ad that the goddess of love, by inflaming all living things with reckless desire, is the real creator of the world:\nTomorrow shall he love who never loved; Tomorrow shall he love who loved before.\nFresh spring has come, and sings her amorous song; The world is born anew, and vernal love\nDrives birds to mate, and all the waiting woods Unloose their tresses to the showers of spring. Tomorrow shall he love who never loved,\nAnd he shall love who loved before.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nSo the limpid verse flows on, finding the work of love in the fertilizing rain, in the forms of flowers, in the songs of merry festivals, in the awkward tentatives of desirous youth, in timid trysts amid woodland haunts; and after each stanza the pithy promise returns: Cras amet qui numquam amavit, quique amavit eras amet. Here, in the last great lyric poem of the pagan soul, we hear the trochaic cadence of medieval hymns, and a melodious premonition of the troubadours.\nTHE  ORIENTAL MONARCHY\nWhen Claudius II died of a pestilence that was decimating Goths and Romans alike ( 270), the army chose as his successor the son of an Illyrian\npeasant. Domitius Aurelianus had risen from the lowest ranks by strength of body and will; his nickname was Mamt ad f errum-\"hand on sword.\" It was a sign of reawakened good sense in the army that it chose a man who\nexacted as hard a discipline from others as from himself.\nUnder his lead the enemies of Rome were repulsed at every point except the Danube. There Aurelian ceded Dacia to the Goths, hoping that they would stand as a barrier between the Empire and ulterior hordes. Perhaps encouraged by this surrender, the Alemanni and the Vandals invaded Italy; but Aurelian in three battles overcame and dispersed them. Meditating dis\u00ad tant campaigns, and fearing an assault upon Rome during his absence, he persuaded the Senate to finance, and the guilds to erect, new walls around the capital. Everywhere in the Empire city walls were being built, signifying the weakening of the imperial power and the end of the Roman peace.\nPreferring offense to defense, Aurelian determined to restore the Empire by attacking Zenobia in the East, and then Tetricus, who had succeeded Postumus as the usurper of sovereignty in Gaul. ,vhile his general Probus recovered Egypt from Zenobia's son, Aurelian marched through the Balkans, crossed the Hellespont, defeated the Queen's army at Emesa, and besieged her capital. She tried to escape and enlist Persia's aid, but was captured; the city surrendered and was spared, but Longinus was put to death (272).\n\\Vhile the Emperor was leading his army back to the Hellespont, Palmyra revolted and slew the garrison he had left there. He turned about with the speed of Caesar, again besieged and soon took the city; now he abandoned it to pillage by his troops, razed its walls, rerouted its trade, and let it lapse into the desert village that it had been before and is today. Zenobia graced in golden chains Aurelian's triumph in Rome, and was allowed to spend her remaining years in comparative freedom at Tibur.\nIn 2 4 urelian defe ted Tetricus at Cha.Ions, and returned Gaul, Spain, and Bntam to the Empire. Happy at the resumption of its mastery, Rome\nCHAP, XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE EMPIRE\nhailed the victor as restitutor orbis, restorer of the world. Turning to the tasks of peace, he re-established some economic order by reforming the Roman coinage; and reorganized the government by applying to it the same severe discipline that had regenerated the army. Ascribing Rome's moral and political chaos in some degree to religious disunity, and im\u00ad pressed by the political services of religion in the East, he sought to unite old faiths and new in a monotheistic worship of the sun-god, and of the Emperor as the vicar of that deity on earth. He informed a skeptical army and Senate that it was the god, and not their choice or confirmation, that had made him Emperor. He built at Rome a resplendent Temple of the Sun, in which, he hoped, the Baal of Emesa and the god of Mithraism would merge. Monarchy and monotheism were advancing side by side, each seek\u00ad ing to make the other its aide. Aurelian's religious policy suggested that the power of the state was falling, that of religion rising; kings were now kings by the grace of God. This was the Oriental conception of government, old in Egypt, Persia, and Syria; in accepting it Aurelian advanced that Orientali\u00ad zation of the monarchy which had begun with Elagabalus and would com\u00ad plete itself in Diocletian and Constantine.\nIn 275, as Aurelian was leading an army across Thrace to settle matters with Persia, a group of officers, misled into thinking that he planned to execute them, assassinated him. Shocked by its own accumulated crimes, the anny asked the Senate to appoint a successor. None wanted an honor that so regularly heralded death; finally Tacitus, bein3 seventy-five years old, consented to serve. He claimed descent from the historian, and illustrated all the virtues preached by that laconic pessimist; but he died of exhaustion six months after takin3 the crown. The soldiers, repenting their repentance, resumed the prerogative of force, and saluted Probus as emperor (276)."]
[12.116036415100098, -11.346007347106934, "the predestinarian creed. Protestantism was the triumph of Paul over Peter; Fundamentalism is the triumph of Paul over Christ.\nJOHN\nThe accidents of history have transmitted Paul to us in comparative clarity, and have left the apostle John in obscurity and mystery. Besides three epistles, two major works have come down to us under his name.\nCriticism tentatively assigns the Book of Revelation to the year 69-70,72 and to another John, \"the Presbyter\" mentioned by Papias (135).73 Justin Martyr (135) attributes this powerful Apocalypse to the \"beloved\" apostle;74\nbut as early as the fourth century Eusebius 75 noted that some scholars doubted its authenticity. The author must have been a man of considerable prominence, for he addresses the churches of Asia in a tone of menacing authority. If the apostle wrote it (and we may provisionally continue to think so), we can understand why, like his brother James, he was called Boanerges, Son of Thunder. In Ephesus, Smyrna, Pero-amum Sardis and other cities of Asia Minor, John, rather than Peter or Paul, was looked upon as the highest head of the Church. Tradition as reported by Eusebius 76 held that John had been banished to Patmos by Domitian, and had on that Aegean\nCHAP.XXVII)\tTHE  APOSTLES\t593\nisle written both the Fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse. He lived to so great an age that people said he would never die.\nIn form Revelation resembles the books of Daniel and Enoch. Such prophetic-symbolic visions were a literary device frequently used by the Jews of the age; there were several other apocalypses (\"hidden things revealed\"), but. this one surpassed all the rest in lurid eloquence. Starting from the common belief that the coming of the Kingdom of God would be preceded by the reign of Satan and the heyday of evil, the author describes the principate of Nero as precisely this Satanic age. Satan and his followers, having revolted against God, are defeated by Michael's angelic hosts, are cast down upon the earth, and there lead the pagan world in the attack upon Christianity. Nero is the Beast and Antichrist of the book, a Messiah from Satan as Jesus was from God. Rome is described as \"the harlot who sits on the great waters, with whom the kings of the earth have committed fornication\"; she is the \"whore of Babyl(?n,\" the source and center and summit of all iniquity, immorality, perversion, idolatry; there the blasphemous and bloodstained Caesars demand the worship that Chris\u00ad tians must reserve for Christ.\nIn a succession of visions the author sees the punishments that will fall\nupon Rome and its empire. A plague of locusts will for five months torture all inhabitants except the 144,000 Jews who have on their foreheads the sign of Christianity.77 Other angels will empty \"the seven vials of God's wrath\" upon the earth, affiicting men with terrible sores, and turning the sea \"into blood like a dead man's,\" so that \"every living thing in the sea\" will die. Another angel will let loose the full heat of the sun upon all unrepentant men; another will cover the earth with darkness; four angels will lead \"twice 10,000 times 10,000\" knights to slaughter a third of mankind. Four horsemen w l ride forth to \"kill the people with sword, famine, death, and the wild ammals of the earth.\" 78 A great earthquake will tumble the planet into ruins; huge hailstones will fall upon the surviving infidels, and Rome will be utterly destroyed. The kings of the earth will come together on the plains of Armageddon to make their last stand against God; but they will be overwhelmed in death. Satan and his cohorts, everywhere defeated, will be plunged into Hell. Only true Christians will be saved from these calamities; and those who have suffered for Christ's sake, who have been \"washed in the blood of the Lamb,\" 79 will receive abounding reward.\nAfter a thousand years Satan will be released to prey again upon mankind; sin will mount again in an unbelieving world; and the forces of evil will make a last effort to undo the work of God. But they will once more be overcome, and this time Satan and his followers will be cast into Hell for\u00ad ever. Then will come the Last Judgment, when all the dead will be raised\n594\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVII\nfrom their graves, and the- drowned will be drawn up out of the seas. On that dread day all \"whose names are not found in the Book of Life\" will be \"flung into ...  a burning lake of .fire and brimstone.\" 80 The faithful will \"gather for God's great banquec, and will eat the bodies of kings, com\u00ad manders, mighty men . . . the bodies of all men, slaves or freemen, high or low,\" 81 who have not heeded the call of Christ. A new heaven and earth will be formed, and a New Jerusalem will come down from the hand of God to be a paradise on earth. It will have a foundation of precious stones, buildings of translucent silver or gold, walls of jasper, and each gate a single pearl; through it will run a \"river of living water,\" on whose bank will grow the \"tree of life.\" The reign of evil will be ended for all time; the faithful of Christ will inherit the earth; \"there will be no death any longer, nor night, nor any grief or pain.\" 82\nThe influence of the Book of Revelation was immediate, enduring, and profound. Its prophecies of salvation for loyal believers, and of punishment for their enemies, became the sustenance of a persecuted Church. Its theory of the millennium solaced those who mourned the long delay in the second coming of Christ. Its vivid images and brilliant phrases entered into both the popular and the literary speech of Christendom. For nineteen centuries men have interpreted the events of history as fulfillments of its visions; and in some recesses of the white man's world it still gives its dark colors and bitter flavor to the creed of Christ.\nIt seems incredible that the Apocalypse and the Fourth Gospel should have come from the same hand. The Apocalypse is Jewish poetry, the Fourth Gospel is Greek philosophy. Perhaps the apostle wrote Revelation in justifi\u00ad able wrath after Nero's persecution, and the Gospel in the mellow meta\u00ad physics of his old age (A.D. 90?). His memories of the Master may by this time have faded a bit, so far as one could ever forget Jesus; and doubtless in the isles and cities of Ionia he had heard many an echo of Greek mysticism and philosophy. Plato had set a theme by picturing the Ideas of God as the patterns on which all things were formed; the Stoics had combined these Ideas into the Logos Spermatikos or fertilizing wisdom of God; the Neo\u00ad Pythagoreans had made the Ideas a divine person; and Philo had turned them into the Logos or Reason of God, a second divine principle, through which God created, and communicated with, the world. If we reread the famous exordium of the Fourth Gospel with all this in mind, and retain the Logos of the Greek original in place of the translation Word, we perceive at once that John has joined the philosophers:\nIn the beginning was the Logos; the Logos was with God, and the Logos was God. . . . All things were made by the Logos; without\nCHAP.xxvn)\tTHE\tAPOSTLES\t595\nhim nothing was made that was made. It was by him that all things came into existence.\tSo the Logos became flesh and blood, and\ndwelt amongst us.\nJust as Philo, learned in Greek speculation, had felt a need to rephrase Judaism in forms acceptable to the logic-loving Greeks, so John, having lived for two generations in a Hellenistic environment, sought to give a Greek philosophical tinge to the mystic Jewish doctrine that the Wisdom of God was a living being,83 and to the Christian doctrine that Jesus was the Messiah. Consciously or not, he continued Paul's work of detaching Christianity from Judaism. Christ was no longer presented as a Jew, living more or less under the Jewish Law; he was made to address the Jews as \"you,\" and to speak of their Law as \"yours\"; he was not a Messiah sent \"to save the lost sheep of Israel,\" he was the coeternal Son of God; not merely the future judge of mankind, but the primeval creator of the universe. In this perspective the Jewish life of the man Jesus could be put into the back\u00ad ground, faded almost as in Gnostic heresy; and the god Christ was assimilated to the religious and philosophical traditions of the Hellenistic mind. Now the pagan world-even the anti-Semitic world-could accept him as its own.\nChristianity did not destroy paganism; it adopted it. The Greek mind, dying, came to a transmigrated life in the theology and liturgy of the Church; the Greek language, having reigned for centuries over philosophy, became the vehicle of Christian literature and ritual; the Greek mysteries passed down into the impressive mystery of the Mass. Other pagan cultures con\u00ad tributed to the syncretist result. From Egypt came the ideas of a divine trinity, the Last Judgment, and a personal immortality of reward and pun\u00ad ishment; from Egypt the adoration of the Mother and Child, and the mystic theosophy that made Neoplatonism and Gnosticism, and obscured the Chris\u00ad tian creed; there, too, Christian monasticism would find its exemplars and its source. From Phrygia came the worship of the Great Mother; from Syria the resurrection drama of Adonis; from Thrace, perhaps, the cult of Dionysus, the dying and saving god. From Persia came millennarianism, the \"ages of the world,\" the \"final conflagration,\" the dualism of Satan and God, of Darkness and Light; already in the Fourth Gospel Christ is the \"Light shining in the darkness, and the darknesshasneverputit out.\" 84The Mithraic ritual so closely resembled the eucharistic sacrifice of the Mass that Christian fathers charged the Devil with inventing these similarities to mislead frail minds.85 Christianity was the last great creation of the ancient pagan world.\nCHAPTER  XXVIII\nTheGrowth of the Church\nTHE  CHRISTIANS\nHEY met in private rooms or small chapels, and organized themselves on the model of the synagogue.1 Each congregation was called an ekklesia-the Greek term for the popular assembly in municipal govern\u00ad ments. Slaves were welcomed, as in the Isiac and Mithraic cults; no attempt was made to liberate them, but they were comforted by the promise of a Kingdom in which all could be free. The early converts were predominantly proletarian, with a sprinkling of the lower middle classes and an occasional conquest among the rich. Nevertheless, they were far from being the \"dregs of the people,\" as Celsus would claim; they lived for the most part orderly and industrious lives, financed missions, and raised funds for impoverished Christian communities. Little effort was made as yet to win over the rural population; these came in last, and it was in this strange way that their name pagani (villagers, peasants) came to be applied to the pre-Christian"]
[5.367727279663086, -6.586145401000977, "cf kindly wisdom and steadfast friends!J.ip, just in judgment and blameless in life, and second only to Aemilianus in eloquence of speech and purity of style. Cicero, across a century, fell in love with Laelius, named after him his essay on friendship, and wished he might have lived not in his own turbu-\nCHAP. v)\tTHE   GREEK  CONQUEi>T\t97\nlent epoch but in that exalted circle of Rome's intellectual youth. Its in\u00ad fluence on literature was considen:)le; through p2rticipation in it Terence developed the elegant precision of his language; and Gaius Lucilius ( 180- 103) perhaps learned here to give a social purpose to the satires with which he lashed the vices and luxury of the a e.\nThe Greek mentors of this group were Polybius and Panaetius. Polybius lived for years in Scipio's home. He was a realist and a rationalist, and had few illusions about men and states. Panaetius came from Rhodes and, like Polybius, belonged to the Greek aristocracy. For many years he lived with Scipio in affectionate intimacy and reciprocal influence: he stirred Scipio to all the nobility of Stoicism, and probably it ;was Scipio who persuaded him to modify the extreme ethical demands of that philosophy into a more practicable creed. In a book On Duties Panaetius laid down the central ideas of Stoicism: that man is part of a whole and must co-operate with it-with his family, his country, and the divine Soul of the World; that he is here not to e joy the plea ures of the senses, but to do his duty without com\u00ad plaint or stint. Panaetius did not, like the earlier Stoics, re uire a perfect virtue, or complete indifference to the goods and fortunes of life. Educated Romans grasped at this philosophy as a dignified and presentable substitute for a faith in which they had ceased to believe, and found in its ethic a moral code completely congenial to their traditions and ideals. Stoicism became the inspiration of Scipio, the ambition of Cicero, the better self of Seneca, the guide of Trajan, the consolation of Aurelius, and the conscience of Rome.\nTHE  AWAKENI G  OF LITERATURE\nIt was a basic purpose of the Scipionic circle to encourage literature as well as philosophy, to mold the Latin tongue into a refined and fluent literary medium, to lure the Roman muses to the nourishing springs of Greek poetry, and to provide an audience for promising writers of verse or prose. In 204 Scipio Africanus proved his character by welcoming to Rome a poet brought there by Cato, the strongest opponent of everything represented by the Scipios and their friends. Quintus Ennius had been born of Greek and Italian parentage near Brundisium ( 2 39).\tHe had received his education in Tarentum, and his enthusiastic spirit had been deepiy impressed by the Greek dramas presented on the T arentine stage. His courage as a soldier in Sardinia attracted Cato, who was quaestor there. Arrived in Rome, he lived by teaching Latin and Greek, recited his verses to his friends, and found admittance to the circle of the Scipios.\nThere ,,:as h2rdly a pcetic form that he did not try. He wrote a few\nCAESAR AND CHRIST\n\"\n(CHAP.V\ncomedies and at least twenty tragedies. He was in love with Euripides, flirted like him with radical ideas, and plagued the pious with such Epi\u00ad curean quips as, \"I grant you there are gods, but they don't care what men do; else it would go well with the good and ill with the bad-which rarely happens\"; 28 according to Cicero the audience applauded the lines.29 He translated or paraphrased Euhemerus' Sacred History, which argued that the gods were merely dead heroes deified by popular sentiment. He was not immune to theology of a kind, for he announced that the soul of Homer, having passed through many bodies, including Pythagoras and a peacock, now resided in Ennius. He wrote with verve an epic history of Rome from Aeneas to Pyrrhus, and these Anna/es became, till Virgil, the national poem of Italy. A few fragments survive, of which the most famous is a line that Roman conservatives never tired of quoting:\nMoribus antiquis stat res Romana virisque-\n\"the Roman state stands through its ancient morals and its great men.\" Metrically the poem was a revolution; it replaced the loose \"Satumian\" verse of Naevius with the flowing and flexible hexameters of Greek epic poetry. Ennius molded Latin to new forms and powers, filled his lines with the meat of thought, and prepared for Lucretius, Horace, and Virgil in method, vocabulary, theme, and ideas. To crown his career he wrote a treatise on the pleasures of the palate, and died of gout at seventy, after com\u00ad posing a proud epitaph:\nPay me no tears, nor for my passing grieve; I linger on the lips of men, and live.30\nEnnius succeeded in everything but comedy; perhaps he took philosophy too seriously, forgetting his counsel that \"one must philosophize, but not too much.\"31 The people rightly preferred laughter to philosophy, and made Plautus rich and Ennius poor. For like reasons they gave little en\u00ad couragement to the tragic drama in Rome. The tragedies of Pacuvius and Accius were acclaimed by the aristocracy, ignored by the people, and for\u00ad gotten by time.\nIn Rome, as in Athens, plays were presented to the public by state officials as partial celebration of a religious festival or as the obsequies of some distinguished citizen. The theater of Plaums and Terence consisted of a wooden scatfoldir:o\u00ad supporting a decorated background (the scae11a), and, in front of this, a circul orchestra, or platform for dancing; the rear half of this circle formed the pros\u00ad caenium, or stage. These flimsy structures were tom down after each festival, like our reviewing stands today. The spectators stood, or sat on stools they had brought, or squatted on the ground under the sky. Not till 145 was a con=iplete\nCHAP. v)\tTHE   GREEK  CONQUEST\t99\ntheater built in Rome, still of wood and roofless, but fitted with seats in the Greek semicircular style. No admission was charged; slaves might attend, but not sit; women were admitted only in the rear. The audience in this period was prob\u00ad ably the roughest and dullest in dramatic history-a jostling, boisterous crowd of \"groundlings\"; it is sad to note how often the prologues beg for quiet and better manners, and how the crude jokes and stereotyped ideas must be repeated to be understood. Some prologues ask mothers to leave their babies at home, or threaten noisy children, or admonish \u00b7women not to chatter so much; such peti\u00ad tions occur even in the midst of the published plays.32 If an exhibition of prize fighting or rope walking happened to compete, the play, as like as not, would be interrupted until the more exciting performance was over. At the end of a Roman comedy the words, Nzmc plaudite omnes, or some variant, made plain that the play was finished and that applause was in order.\nThe best feature of the Roman stage was the acting. The leading part was usually played by the manager, a freeman; the other performers were mostlr Greek slaves. Any citizen who became an actor forfeited his civic rights-a cus\u00ad tom that lasted tiiI Voltaire. Female parts were taken by men. As audiences were small, actors in this age did not wear masks, but contented themselves with paint and wigs. About 100 B.c., as audiences grew larger, the mask became necessary to distinguish the characters; it was called persona, apparently from the Etruscan word for mask, phersu; and the parts were called dramatis personae-masks of the play. Tragedians wore a high shoe, or \"buskin\" (cotbumus), comedians a low shoe, or \"sock\" (soccus). Parts of the play were sung to the obbligato of a flute; sometimes singers sang the parts while actors performed them in pantomime.\nThe Plautine comedies were written in rough and ready iambic verse, imitating the meter as well as the matter of their Greek models. 1\\1ost of the Latin comedies that have come down to us ,vere taken directly, or by combination, from one or more Greek dramas; usually from Philemon, l\\lenander, or other practitioners of the New Comedy in Athens. The author and title of the Greek original were usually named on the title page. Adaptations of Aristophanes and the Old Comedy were ruled out by a law of the Twelve Tables punishing political satire with death.33 It was probably fear of this lethal legislation that led the Latin playwrights to keep the Greek scenes, characters, customs, names, even coins, of their originals; but for Plautus Roman law would have banished Roman life almost completely from the Roman stage. This police supervision did not exclude coarseness and obscenity; the aedile wished to amuse the crowd, not to elevate it; and the Roman goYernment was never displeased by the ignorance of the multi\u00ad tude. The audience preferred broad humor to wit, buffoonery to subtlety, vul\u00ad garity to poetry, Plautus to Terence.\nT. Maccius Plautus-literally, Titus the flat-footed clown-had made his first entrance in Umbria in 2 54. Coming to Rome, he worked as a stage hand, saved his money, inyested it eagerly, and lost it. To eat he wrote plays; his adaptations from the Greek pleased by the Roman allusions scattered\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nthrough them; he made money again and was given the citizenship of Rome. He was a man of the people and the earth, exuberantly jolly, Rabelaisianly r?bust; he laughed with everyone at everyone, but felt a hearty good will toward all. He wrote or refurbished 130  plays, of which twenty survive. The Miles Gloriosus is a jolly picture of a braggart soldier, whose servant feeds him hopefully with lies:\nServant: You saw those girls who stopped me yesterday?\nCaptain: What did they say?"]
[-4.307736396789551, -4.088463306427002, "aisle for the admission of light and a:r. Here, of course, was the essential in\u00ad terior forin of the medieval cathedral. With these vast edifices Rome began to take on that aspect of magnificence and strength which was to distinguish the city even after it ceased to be the capital of the world.\nTHE XEW GODS\nHow were the old gods faring in tllis age of reckless change? Apparently a rivulet of unbelief h d trickled down from the aristocracy to the crowd; it is hard to understand how a people still faithful to the ancient pantheon could have accepted with such boisterous approval those comedies in which Plautus-with whatever excuse of following Greek models-made fun of Jupiter's labors with Alcmena, and turned Mercury into a buffoon. Even Cato, so anxious to preserve old forms, m::rveled at the ability of two augurs to keep from laughing when they met face to face.21 Too long these takers of auspices had been suborned to political trickery; prodigies and portents had been concocted to mold public opinion, the vote of the people had been annulled by pious humbuggery, nd re!i3ion had consented to tum exploitation into a sacrament. It was a bad cmen that Pclybius, after living seventeen years among the hi;hest circles i:i Rome, cou!d write, about r 50 B.c., as if the Roman religion were merel\u00b7.1 a toe! of .r.,-overnment:\nThe\tquality in which the Roman commonwealth is most distinctly superior is, in my judgment, the nature of its religion. The very thino\u00ad that among other nations is an object of reproach-i.e., supers.tition_:: is that which maintains the cohesion of the Roman state. These mat\u00ad ters are clothed in such pomp, and introduced to such an extent into public and private life, as no other religion can parallel. . .. I be\u00ad lieve that the government has adopted this course for the sake of t e c_ommon people. This might not have been necessary had it been pos\u00ad sible to form a state composed 0f wise men; but as everv multitude s fickle full of l wless desires, unreasoned passion, and vfolent anger, 1t must be held m by invisible terrors and rel:gious pagear:tr:\u00b7.22\nPolybius could have justified himself, perhaps, by recent incidents tend\u00ad ing to show that, despite Plautus and philosophy, superstition still was king. \"\\Vhen the disaster of Cannae seemed to lewe Rome defenseless arrainst Hannibal, the excitable populace fell into a panic, and cried, \"To wha god must we pray to save Rome?\" The Senate sought to still the commotion by\n94\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nhuman sacrifice; then\u00b7by prayers to Greek gods; then by applying the Greek ritual to all the gods, Roman and Greek alike. Finally the Senate decided that if it could not prevent superstition it would organize and control it. In 205 it announced that the Sibylline Books foretold that Hannipal would leave Italy if the l\\fagna Mater-a form of the goddess Cybele-should be brought from Phrygian Pessinus to Rome. Attalus, King of Pergamum, con\u00ad sented; the black stone which was believed to be the incarnation of the Great Mother was shipped to Ostia, where it was received with impressive cere\u00ad mony by Scipio Africanus and a band of virtuous matrons. When the vessel that bore it was grounded in the Tiber's mud, the Vestal Virgin Claudia freed it, and drew it upstream to Rome, by the magic power of her chastity. Then the matrons, each holding the stone tenderly in her turn, carried it in solemn procession to the Temple of Victory, and the pious people burned incense at their doors as the Great Mother passed. The Senate was shocked to find that the new divinity had to be served by self-emasculated priests; such men were found, but no Roman was allowed to be among them. From that time onward Rome celebrated, every April, the Megalesia, or Feast of the Great Goddess, first with wild sorrow and then with wild rejoicing. For Cybele was a vegetation ceity, and legend told how her son Attis, symbol of autumn and spring, had died and gone to Hades, and then had risen from the dead.\nIn that same year (205) Hannibal left Italy, and the Senate complimented\nitself on its handling of the reli;ious crisis. But the wars with Macedon opened the gates to Greece and the East; in the wake of soldiers returning with Eastern spoils, ideas, and myths came a flood of Greek and Asiatic captives, slaves, refugees, traders, travelers, athletes, artists, actors, musicians, teachers, and lecturers; and men in their migrations carry along their gods. The lower classes of Rome were pleased to learn of Dionysus-Bacchus, of Orpheus and Eurydice, of mystic rites that gave a divine inspiration and intoxication, of initiations that revealed the resurrected deity and promised the worshiper eternal life. In 186 the Senate was disturbed to learn that a considerable minority of the people had adopted the Dionysian cult, and that the new god was being celebrated by nocturnal bacchanalia whose secrecy lent color to rumors of unrestrained drinking and sexual revelry. \"More uncleanliness was wrought with men than with women,\" says Livy; and he adds, probably turning gossip into history, that '\\vhoever would not submit to defilement ...  was s:1crificed as a victim.\"23 The Senate sup\u00ad pressed the cult, arrested 7000 of the devotees, and sentenced hundreds to\ndeath. It was a temporary victory in the long war that Rome was to warre\n0\nagainst Oriental faiths.\nCHAP.V}\tTHE  GREEK  CONQUEST\t95\nTHE COMING OF PHILOSOPHY\nThe Greek conquest cf Rome took the form of sending Greek religion and comedy to the Roman plebs; Greek morals, philosophy, and art to the upper classes. These Greek gifts conspired with wealth and empire in that sapping of Roman faith and character which was one part of Bellas' long revenge upon her conquerors. The conquest reached its climax in Roman philosophy, from the stoic Epicureanism of Lucretius to the epicurean Stoicism of Seneca. In Christian theology Greek metaphysics overcame the gods of Italy. Greek culture triumphed in the rise of Constantinople as first the rival an\u00b5\u00b7 then the successor of Rome; and when Constantinople fell, Greek literature, philosophy, and art reconquered Italy and Europe in the Renaissance. This is the central stream in the history of European civili\u00ad zation; all other currents are tributaries. \"It was no little brook that flowed from Greece into our city,\" said Cicero, \"but a mighty river of culture and leaming.\"24 Henceforth the mental, artistic, and religious life of Rome was a part of the Hellenistic world.*\nThe invading Greeks found a strategic opening in the schools and lec\u00ad ture halls of Rome. A swelling stream of Graeculi-\"Greeklings,\" as the scornful Romans called them-followed the armies returning from the East. Many of them, as slaves, became tutors in Roman families; some, the gra111- 1natici, inaugurated secondary education in Rome by opening schools for instruction in the language ::nd literature of Greece; some, the rbetores, gave private instruction and public lectures on oratory, literary composition, and philosophy. Roman orators-even the mishellenist Cato-began to model their addresses on the speeches of Lysias, Aeschines, and Demosthenes.\nFew of these Greek teachers had any reli0ious belief; fewer transmitted any; a small minority of them followed Epicurus and preceded Lucretius in describing religion as the chief evil in human life. The patricians saw\nwhere the wind was blowing, and tried to stop it; in 173 the Senate banished two Epicureans, and in 161 it decreed that \"no philosophers or rhetors shall be permitted in Rome.\" The wind would not stop. In 159 Crates of\n.'\\fallus, Stoic head of the roval library at Perp-ainum, came to Rome on an official embassy, broke a leg, stayed on, and, while convalescing, gave lec- tures on literature and philosophy. In 155 Athens sent as ambassadors to Rome the leaders of its three great philosophical schools: Carne:ides the Academic or Platonist, Critolaus the Peripatetic or Aristotelian, and Diog-\nSaid Horace, in a now-trite line: Graecia capta fennn'Uictorem cepit: \"Conquered Greece rook captive her barbarous conqueror.\" 24a\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. V\nenes the Stoic of Seleucia. Their coming was almost as strong a stimulus as Chrysoloras would bring to Italy in 1453. Carneades spoke on eloquence so eloquently th t the younger set came daily to hear him.25 He was a com\u00ad plete skeptic, doubted rhe existence of the gods, and argued that as good reasons could be given for doing injustice as for being just-a belated sur\u00ad render of Plato to Thrasymachus.26 \\Vhen old Cato heard of this he moved in the Senate that the ambassadors be sent home. They were. But the new generation had t2sted the wine of philosophy; and from this time onward the rich youth of Rome went eagerly to Athens and Rhodes to exchange their oldest faith for the newest doubts.\nThe very conquerors of Greece were in person the sponsors of Hellenistic culture and philosophy in Rome. Flamininus, who had loved Greek litera\u00ad ture before invading Macedon and freeing Greece, was deeply moved by the art and drama he saw in Hellas. \\Ve must lay it to the credit side of Rome that some of its generals could understand Polycleitus and Pheidias, Scopas and Praxiteles, even if they carried their appreciation to the point of robbery. Of all the spoils that Aemilius Paulus brought b:1ck from his victories over Perseus, he kept for himself only the library of the King, as a heritage for his children. He had his sons instructed in Greek literature and philosophy as well as in the Roman arts of the chase and war; and so far as his public duties permitted he shared in these studies with his children. When Paulus died, his youngest sen was adopted by his friend, P. Cor\u00ad nelius Scipio, son of Africanus. Follcwing Roman custom, the lad took the name of his adoptive father and added the name of his father's clan; in this way he became the P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus whom we shall here: fter mean by Scipio. He was a handsome and healthy youth, simple in habits and moderate in speech, affectionate and generous, so honest that at his death, after having all the plunder of Carthage pass through his hands, he left only thirty-three pounds of silver and two of gold-though he had lived like a scholar rather than as a man of means. In his youth he met the Greek exile Polybius, who earr.ed h:s gr2t tude and lifelcng friendship by giving him good advice nd geed books. The boy won his spurs by fighting under his father at Pydna; iil Spain he accepted the challenge of the enemy to single\ncombat, and won.27\nIn private life he gathered abcut him a group of distinguished Romans interested in Greek thou_:;-ht. Chief amcn6 them was Gaius Laelius, a man"]
[12.168706893920898, -9.510107040405273, "Two factors, said Paul, determine who shall be saved by Christ's death: divine election and humble faith. God chooses from all eternity those whom he will bless with his grace, and those whom he will damn.56 Nevertheless, Paul bestirred himself to awaken faith as a rod to catch God's grace; only through such \"assurance of things longed for,\" such \"confidence in things unseen,\" 57 can the soul experience that profound change which makes a new man, unites the believer with Christ, and allows him to share in the fruits of Christ's death. Good works and the performance of all the 613 precepts of the Jewish Law will not suffice, said Paul; they cannot remake the inner man, or wash the soul of sin. The death of Christ had ended the epoch of the Law; now there should no more be Jew and Greek, slave and freeman, male and female, for \"in union with Christ Jesus you are all one.\" 58 As to good works combined with faith, Paul never tired of inculcating them; and the most famous words ever spoken about love are his own:\nThough I speak with the tongues of men and angels, and have not love, I am become as sounding brass or tinkling cymbal. And though I have the gift of preaching, and understand all mysteries, and have all knowledge; and though I have all faith, so that I can move moun\u00ad tains; if I have not love I am nothing. And though I give away every\u00ad thing that I am, and give myself, but do it in pride, not love, it profits me nothing. Love is patient and kind. It is not envious or boastful.\n. . . It does not insist on its rights    Itnever fails. So faith, hope,\nand love endure, these three; and the greatest of these is love.59\nCAESAR AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVII\nTo sexual love, and marriage, Paul gives the most discouraging toleration. One passage 60 suggests, but does not prove, that he was married: \"Have we not\" (he and Barnabas) \"a right to take a Christian wife about with us, like the rest of the apostles, and the Lord's brothers, and Peter?\"-but in another 61 he calls himself single. Like Jesus, he had no sympathy for physical desire.62 He was horrified when he heard of promiscuity and perversions.63 \"Do you not know,\" he asked the Corinthians, \"that your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit that is within you? ...  Honor God with your bodies.\" 64 Virginity is better than marriage, but marriage is better than concupiscence. The marriage of divorced persons is forbidden, except after mixed unions. Women are to be obedient to their husbands, slaves to their masters. \"Everyone ought to remain in the station in which he was called\" (i.e., converted to Christianity). \"If you were a slave when you were called, never mind. Even if you can gain your freedom, make the most of your present condition instead. For a slave who has been called to union with\nthe Lord is a freedman of the Lord, just as a freeman who had been called is\na slave of Christ.\" 65 Freedom and slavery meant little if the world was\nsoon coming to an end. By the same token national liberty was unimportant. Let \"every soul be in subjection to the higher powers, for there is no power but God, and the powers that be are ordained by God.\" 66 It was ungracious of Rome to destroy so accommodating a philosopher.\nThe Martyr\n''Do your best to come to me soon,\" runs the doubtful second letter to Timothy,\nfor Demas has deserted me for love of the present world . . . Crescens has gone, and Titus; no one but Luke is with me.   At\nmy first appearance in court no one came to help me; everybody de\u00ad serted me.    But the Lord stood by me. and gave me strength, so\nthat I might make a full presentation of the message and let all the heathen hear it. So I was saved from the jaws of the lion.    My\nlife is already being poured out, and the time has come for my de\u00ad parture. I have had a part in the great contest. I have run my race, I have preserved the faith.66a\nHe spoke bravely, but he was desolate. One ancient tradition said that he was freed, went to Asia and Spain, preached again, and once more found himself a prisoner in Rome; probably he was never freed. \\ Vithout wife or children to comfort him, with all friends gone but one, only his faith could\nCHAP. XXVII)\tTHE  APOSTLES\t591\nsupport him; and perhaps that too was shaken. Like the other Christians of his age, he had lived on the hope of seeing Christ return. He had written to the Philippians: \"We are eagerly awaiting the coming of a savior, the Lord Jesus Christ.... The Lord is coming soon.\" 67 And to the Corin\u00ad thians: \"The appointed time has grown very short. From now on, those who have wives should live as though they had none . . . and those who buy anything as if they did not own it.... For the present shape of the world is passing away ...  Maranatha! Lord, come quickly!\" 68 But in his second epistle to the Thessalonians he reproved them for neglecting the affairs of this world in expectation of Christ's early advent; the coming will be delayed until the \"Adversary\"-Satan-\"makes his appearance and pro\u00ad claims himself to be God.\" 69 \\Ve surmise from his last letters that he had struggled, during his imprisonment, to reconcile his early faith with the long delay in the Parousia or Second Appearance. More and more he put his hope beyond the grave, and made for his own solace the great adjustment that saved Christianity-the transformation of the belief in Christ's earthly return into the hope of union with him in heaven after death. Apparently he was tried again, and convicted; Caesar and Christ came face to face, and Caesar won for a day. We do not know the precise charge; probably now, as at Thessalonica, Paul was accused of \"disobeying the emperor's decrees, and claiming that someone else called Jesus is king.\" 70 This was a crime of 1naiestas, punishable with death. We have no ancient record of the trial; but Tertullian, writing about 200, reports that Paul was beheaded at Rome; and Origen, about 220, writes that \"Paul suffered martyrdom in Rome under Nera.\" 71 Probably, as a Roman citizen, he had the honor of a distinct execution, and was not mingled with the Christians crucified after the fire of 64. Tradition united him with Peter in a simultaneous, though separate, martyrdom; and a touching legend pictured the great rivals meeting in friendship on the road to death. Over the place on the Via Ostia, where th Church believed that Paul had found peace, a shrine was raised in the third century. Remade in ever fairer form, it stands today as the basilica of San Paolo fuori le Mura-St. Paul beyond the Walls.\nIt is a fit symbol of his victory. The emperor who condemned him died\na coward's death, and soon nothing survived of his inordinate works. But from the defeated Paul came the theological structure of Christianity, as from Paul and Peter the astonishing organization of the Church. Paul had found a dream of Jewish eschatology, con.fined in Judaic Law; he had freed and broadened it into a faith that could move the world. With the patience of a statesman he had interwoven the ethics of the Jews with the met2- physics of the Greeks, and had transformed the Jesus of the Gospels into the Christ of theology. He had created a new mystery, a new form of the\n592\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVII\nresurrection drama, which would absorb and survive all the rest. He had replaced conduct with creed as the test of virtue, and in that sense had begun the Middle Ages. It was a tragic change, but perhaps humanity had willed it so; only a few saints could achieve the imitation of Christ, but many souls could rise to faith and courage in the hope of eternal life.\nThe influence of Paul was not immediately felt. The communities that\n.. he had established were tiny isles in a pagan sea. The church at Rome was Peter's, and remained faithful to his memory. For a century after Paul's death he was almost forgotten. But when the first generations of Christianity had passed away, and the oral tradition of the apostles began to fade, and a hundred heresies disordered the Christian mind, the epistles of Paul provided the framework for a stabilizing system of belief that united the scattered congregations into a powerful Church.\nEven so, the man who had detached Christianity from Judaism was still so essentially Jewish in intensity of character and sternness of morality that the Middle Ages, adopting paganism into a colorful Catholicism, saw no kindred spirit in him, built few churches to him, seldom sculptured his figure or used his name. Fifteen centuries went by before Luther made Paul the Apostle of the Reformation, and Calvin found in him the somber texts of"]
[8.99981689453125, -15.473322868347168, "this tribe of men, and is not posses.sed by it.\" 61 Philo, twenty years before the Dispersion, described \"the continents ...  full of Jewish settlements, and likewise the ...  islands, and nearly all Babylonia.\" 62 By A.D. 70 there were thousands of Jews in Seleucia on the Tigris, and in other Parthian cities; they were numerous in Arabia, and crossed thence into Ethiopia; they abounded in Syria and Phoenicia; they had large colonies in Tarsus, Antioch, Miletus, Ephesus, Sardis, Smyrna; they were only less numerous in Delos, Corinth, Athens, Philippi, Patrae, Thessalonica. In the west there were Jewish communities in Carthage, Syracuse, Puteoli, Capua, Pompeii, Rome, even in Horace's native Venusia. All in all we may reckon 7,000,000 Jews in the Empire-some seven per cent of the population, twice their pro\u00ad portion in the United States of America today.63\nTheir number, dress, diet, circumcision, poverty, ambition, prosperity, exclu\u00ad siveness, intelligence, aversion to images, and observation of an inconvenient Sabbath aroused an anti-Semitism that ranged from jokes in the theater and slurs in Juvenal and Tacitus to murders in the street and wholesale pogroms. Apion of Alexandria made himself the chief mouthpiece of these attacks, and Josephus answered him in an incisive pamphlet.\u2022\nAfter the fall of Jerusalem Josephus sailed to Rome with Titus, and accom\u00ad panied the conqueror of his people in a triumphal procession that exhibited captive Jews and Jewish spoils. Vespasian gave him Roman citizenship, a pension, an apartment in his palace, and profitable lands in Judea.65 In return Josephus took Vespasian's family name Flavius, and wrote The Wars of the Jews (ca. ?S) to defend the actions of Titus in Palestine, to exonerate his own defection, and to discourage further revolt by showing forth the might of Rome. In his later years (ca. 93), feeling more keenly his isolation, he wrote The Antiquities of the Jews to regain the good \u00b7will of his people by giving gentiles a more favorable view of Jewish achievements, customs, and character. His narratives are clear and forceful, and his account of Herod the Great is as engaging as Plutarch, but his bias and his aims impair his objectivity. The Antiquities required many years an  exhaust d the au hor's stre gth; the last four of the twenty books were written by h1S secretanes from his noteS.66 Josephus was still but fiftv-six when the work appeared, but he was already worn out by a life of adventure, controversy, and moral solitude.\nWith their characteristic resilience the Jews gradually rebuilt their economic\nJosephus rejoiced to learn that an ulcer had compelled Apion to be circumcized.64\nCHAP. xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t547\nand cultural life in Palestine. Amid the siege of Jerusalem an aged pupil of Hillel, Johanan ben Zakkai, fearful lest the carnage should destroy all teachers and transmitters of the oral tradition, escaped from the city, and set up an academy in a vineyard at Yahne, or Jamnia, near the Mediterranean coast. When Jerusalem fell Johanan organized a new Sanhedrin at Jamnia, composed not of priests, politicians, and rich men, but of Pharisees and rabbis-i.e., teachers of the Law. This Bet Din or Council had no political power, but most Palestinian Jews recognized its authority in all matters of religion and morals. The patriarch whom the Council chose as its head appointed the administrative officers of the Jewish community, and had the power to excommunicate recalcitrant Jews. The stem discipline of the Patriarch Gamaliel II (ca. 100) welded into unity first the Council, then the Jews of Jamnia, then the Jews of Palestine. Under his leadership the contradictory interpretations of the Law transmitted by Hillel and Shammai were reviewed and voted on; those of Hillel were for the most part approved, and were made binding upon all Jews.\nSince the Law was now the indispensable cement of scattered and state\u00ad less Jewry, the teaching of the Law became the chief occupation of the synagogue throughout the Diaspora; the synagogue replaced the temple, prayer replaced sacrifice, the rabbi replaced the priest. T a12naim-expositors\n-interpreted one or another of the orally transmitted laws (Halacha) of the Jews, usually supported it with scriptural quotation, sometimes added to it, and illustrated it with stories, homilies, or other material ( Haggada). The most famous of the Tannaim was Rabbi Akiba hen Joseph. At the age of forty (ca. A.D. 80) he joined his five-year-old son at school, and learned to read. Soon he could recite the whole Pentateuch by heart. After thirteen years of study he opened his own school under a fig tree in a village near Jamnia. His enthusiasm and idealism, his courage and humor, even his lusty dogmatism, brought him many students. When, in 95, word came that Domitian was planning new measures against the Jews, Akiba was chosen with Gamaliel and two others to make a personal appeal to the Emperor. While they were in Rome Domitian died. Nerva heard their plea favorably, and ended the fiscus Iudaicus-the tax laid upon Jews for rebuilding Rome. On his return to Jamnia Akiba set himself the lifelong task of codifying the Halacha; his pupil Rabbi Meir and their successor Judah the Patriarch (ca. 200) completed the undertaking. Even in this classified form the Halacha r mained part of the oral trad:tion, handed down from generation to genera\u00ad non by scholars and professional memorizers-living textbooks of the Law.\nAkiba's methods were as absurd as his conclusions were sound; he derived liberal principles from a weird exegesis in which every letter of the Torah, or written law, was held to have a mysterious meaning; perhaps he had observed that men will accept the rational only in the form of the mystical.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nFrom Akiba came that painstaking organization and exposition of theology and ethics which passed down through _the Talmud to Maimonides, and ultimately to the methods of the Scholastic philosophers.\nIn his ninetieth year, when he had grown weak and reactionary, Akiba found himself, as in his youth, surrounded by revolution. In 115-16 theJews of Cyrene, Egypt, Cyprus, and Mesopotamia rose once more against Rome; the massacre of gentiles by Jews, and of Jews by Gentiles, became the order of the day; 220,000 men, says Dio, were killed in Cyrene, 240,000 in Cyprus; the figures are incredible, but we know that Cyrene never recovered from the devastation, and that for centuries thereafter no Hebrew was allowed in Cyprus. The uprisings were suppressed, but the surviving Jews kept fiercely alive their hope of a Messiah who would rebuild the Temple and restore them in triumph to Jerusalem. Roman stupidity reanimated the revolt. In\n130  Hadrian declared his intention to raise a shrine to Jupiter on the site\nof the Temple; in 131 he issued a decree forbidding circumcision and public instruction in the Jewish Law.67 Under the leadership of Simeon Bar Co\u00ad cheba, who claimed to be the Messiah, the Jews made their last effort in antiquity to recover their homeland al'ld their freedom ( 13 2).  Akiba, who all his life had preached peace, gave his blessing to the revolution by accept\u00ad ing Bar Cocheba as the promised Redeemer. For three years the rebels fought valiantly against the legions; finally they were beaten by lack of food and supplies. The Romans destroyed 985 towns in Palestine, and slew 580,000 men; a still larger number, we are told, perished through starvation, disease, and fire; nearly all Judea was laid waste. Bar Cocheba himself fell in defending Bethar. So many Jews were sold as slaves that their price fell to that of a horse. Thousands hid in underground channels rather than be captured; surrounded by the Romans, they died one by one of hunger, while the living ate the bodies of the dead.68\nResolved to destroy the recuperative virility of Judaism, Hadrian forbade not merely circumcision, but the observance of the Sabbath or any Jewish holyday, and the public performance of any Hebrew ritual.69 A new and heavier poll tax was placed upon all Jews. They were allowed in Jerusalem only on one fixed day each year, when hey might come and weep before the ruins of their Temple. The pagan city of Aelia Capitolina rose on the site of Jerusalem, with shrines to Jupiter and Venus, and with palaestras theaters, and baths. The Council at Jamnia was dissolved and outlawed\u00b7 ; minor and powerless Council was permitted at Lydda, but public instructi n in the Law was prohibited on pain of death. Several rabbis were executed f r dis beying thi inj ction. Akiba, now ninety-five, insisted on teaching his pupils; he was nnpnsoned for three years, but taught even in jail; he was\nCHAP. xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t549\ntried and condemned, and died, we are told, with the basic tenet of Judaism on his lips: \"Hear,0 Israel! The Lord is our God, the Lord is one.\" 70\nThough Hadrian's decrees were softened by Antoninus Pius, the Jews did not for centuries recover from the disaster of Bar Cocheba's revolt. From this moment they entered their Middle Ages, abandoning all secular learning except medicine, renouncing every form of Hellenism, and taking comfort and unity only from their rabbis, their mystic poets, and their Law. No other people has ever known so long an exile, or so hard a fate. Shut out from their Holy City, the Jews were compelled to surrender it first to paganism, then to Christianity. Scattered into every province and beyond, condemned to poverty and humiliation, unbefriended even by philosophers and saints, they retired from public affairs into private study and worship, passionately preserving the words of their scholars, and preparing to write them down at last in the Talmuds of Babylonia and Palestine. Judaism hid in fear and obscurity while its offspring, Christianity, went out to conquer the world.\nBOOKV\nTHE\tYOUTH OF CHRISTIANITY\n4 B.C.-A.D. 32 5\nCHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE\nAll dates except the first are A.n.; and all dates before 150  are uncertain.\nB.c. 4: Binh of Christ"]
[-3.027125597000122, -14.073116302490234, "It was an excellent choice and a merited name, for Probus stood out in courage and integrity. He expelled the Germans from Gaul, cleared the Vandals from Illyricum, built a wall between the Rhine and the Danube, frightened the Persians with a word, and gave peace to the whole Roman realm. Soon, he pledged his people, there would be no arms, no armies, and no wars; and the reign of law would cover the earth. As a prelude to this utopia he compelled his troops to clear wastelands, drain marshes, plant vines, and perform other public works. The army resented this sublimation, murdered him (282), mourned him, and built a monument to his memory. It now hailed as imperator one Diodes, the son of a Dalmatian freedman.\nDiocletian, as he henceforth called himself, had risen by brilliant talents and flexible scruples to the consulate, a proconsulate, and command of the palace guards. He was a man of genius, less skilled in war than in statesman-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXIX\nship. He came to the throne after a period of anarchy worse than that which had prevailed from the Gracchi to Antony; like Augustus, he pacified all parties, protected all frontiers, extended the role of government, and based his rule on the aid and sanction of religion. Augustus had created the Em\u00ad pire, Aurelian had saved it; Diocletian reorganized it.\nHis first vital decision revealed the state of the realm and the waning of Rome. He abandoned the city as a capital, and made his emperial head\u00ad quarters at Nicomedia in Asia Minor, a few miles south of Byzantium. The Senate still met in Rome, the consuls went through their ritual, the games roared on, the streets still bore the noisome pullulation of humanity; but power and leadership had gone from this center of economic and moral decay. Diocletian based his move on military necessity: Europe and Asia must be defended, and could not be def ended from a city so far south of the Alps. Hence he appointed a capable general, Maximian, as his cornier (286), charging him with defense of the West; and Maximian made not Rome but Milan his capital. Six years later, to further facilitate administra\u00ad tion and defense, each of the two Augusti chose a \"Caesar\" as his aide and successor: Diocletian selected Galerius, who made his capital at Sirmium (Mitrovica on the Save), and was responsible for the Danube provinces; and Maximian appointed Constantius Chlorus (the Pale), who made his capital at Augusta Trevirorum (Treves). Each Augustus pledged himself to retire after twenty years in favor of his Caesar, who would then appoint a \"Caesar\" to aid and succeed him in turn. Each Augustus gave his daughter in marriage to his \"Caesar,\" adding the ties of blood to those of law. In this way, Diocletian hoped, wars of succession would be avoided, government would recapture continuity and authority, and the Empire would stand on guard at four strategic points against internal rebellion and external\nattack. It was a brilliant arrangement, which had every virtue but unity and freedom.\nThe monarchy was divided, but it was absolute. Each law of each ruler was issued in the name of all four, and was valid for the realm. The edict of the rulers became law at once, without the sanction of the Senate at Rome. All governmental o_fficia s were appointed by the rulers, and a,gigantic bureaucracy spread its coils around the state. To further fortify the system, Diocletian developed the cult of the Emperor's genius into a personal wor\u00ad ship of himself as the earthly embodiment of Jupiter, while Maximian mod\u00ad estly consented to be Hercules; wisdom and force had come down from heaven to restore order and peace on earth. Diocletian assumed a diadem-a broad white fillet set with pearls-and robes of silk and gold; his shoes were studded with precious gems; he kept himself aloof in his palace, and required visitors to pass the gantlet of ceremonious eunuchs and titled chamberlains,\nCHAP. XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE  OF THE  EMPIRE\nand to kneel and kiss the hem of his robe. He was a man of the world, and doubtless smiled in private at these myths and fonns; but his throne lacked the legitimacy of time, and he hoped to buttress it, to check the turbulence of the populace and the revolts of the army, by enduing himself with divinity and awe. \"He had himself called dominus,\" says Aurelius Victor, \"but he behaved like a father.\" 40 This adoption of Oriental despotism by the son of a slave, this identification of god and king, meant the final failure of repub\u00ad lican institutions in antiquity, the surrender of the fruits of Marathon; it was a reversion, like Alexander's, to the forms and theories of Achaemenid and Egyptian courts, of Ptolemaic, Parthian, and Sassanid kings. From this Orientalized monarchy came the structure of Byzantine and European king\u00ad doms till the French Revolution. All that was needed now was to ally the Oriental monarch in an Oriental capital with an Oriental faith. Byzantinism began with Diocletian.\nTHE  SOCIALISM OF DIOCLETIAN\nHe proceeded with Caesarian energy to remake every branch of the gov\u00ad ernment. He transformed the aristocracy by raising to it many civil or military officials, and making it a hereditary caste with an Oriental grada\u00ad tion of dignities, profusion of titles, and complexity of etiquette. He and his colleagues redivided the Empire into ninety-six provinces grouped into seventy-two dioceses and four prefectures, and appointed civil and military rulers for each division. It was a frankly centralized state, which considered local autonomy, like democracy, a luxury of security and peace, and excused its dictatorship by the needs of actual or imminent war. Wars were waged, and with brilliant success; Constantius recovered revolted Britain, and Galerius defeated the Persians so decisively that they surrendered Meso\u00ad potamia and five provinces beyond the Tigris. For a generation Rome's enemies were held at bay.\nIn years of peace Diocletian, with his aides, faced the problems of eco\u00ad nomic decay.To overcome depression and prevent revolution he substituted a managed economy for the law of supply and demand.41 He established a sound currency by guaranteeing to the gold coinage a fixed weight and purity which it retained in the Eastern Empire till 1453. He distributed food to the poor at half the market price or free, and undertook extensive public works to appease the unemployed.42 To ensure the supply of neces\u00ad saries for the cities and the armies, he brought many branches of industry under complete state control, beginning with the import of grain; he per-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXll\nsuaded the shipowners, merchants, and crews engaged in this trade to accept such control in return for governmental guarantee of security in employ\u00ad ment and returns.43 The state had long since owned most quarries, salt deposits, and mines; now it forbade the export of salt, iron, gold, wine, grain, or oil from Italy, and strictly regulated the importation of these articles.44 It went on to control establishments producing for the army, the bureaucracy, or the court. In munition factories, textile mills, and bakeries the government required a minimum product, bought this at its own price, and made the associations of manufacturers responsible for carrying out orders and specifications. If this procedure proved inadequate, it completely nationalized these factories, and manned them with labor bound to the job.45 Gradually, under Aurelian and Diocletian, the majority of industrial estab\u00ad lishments and guilds in Italy were brought under the control of the corporate state. Butchers, bakers, masons, builders, glass blowers, ironworkers, en\u00ad gravers, were ruled by detailed governmental regulations.46 The \"various corporations,\" says Rostovtze.ff, \"were more like minor supervisors of their own concerns on behalf of the state than their owners; they were themselves in bondage to the officials of the various departments, and to the commanders of the various military units.\" 41 The associations of tradesmen and artisans received various privileges from the government, and often exerted pressure upon its policies; in return they served as organs of national administration, helped to regiment labor, and collected taxes for the state from their mem\u00ad bership.48 Similar methods of governmental control were extended, in the late third and early fourth centuries, to provincial armament, food, and clothing industries. \"In every province,\" says Paul-Louis, \"special procura\u00ad tores superintended industrial activities. In every large town the state became a powerful employer ... standing head and shoulders above the private industrialists, who were in any case crushed by taxation.\" 49\nSuch a system could not work without price control. In 301 Diocletian and his colleagues issued an Edictum de pretiis, dictating maximum legal prices or wages for all important articles or services in the Empire. Its pre\u00ad amble attacks monopolists who, in an \"economy of scarcity,\" had kept goods from the market to raise prices:\nWho is ... so devoid of human feeling as not to see that im\u00ad moderate prices are widespread in the markets-of our cities, and that the passion for gain is lessened neither by plentiful supplies nor by fruitful years?-so that ... evil men reckon it their loss if abun\u00ad dance omes. There are me_n whose ai_m it is to restrain general prospenty . . . to seek usunous and rumous returns.   Avarice\nrages throughout the world.... Wherever our annies are com\u00ad pelled to go forthe common safety, profiteers extort prices not merely\nCHAP.XXIX)   THE  COLLAPSE OF THE  EMPIRE\nfour or eight times the normal, but beyond any words to describe. Sometimes the soldier must exhaust his salary and his bonus in one purchase, so that the contributions of the whole world to support the armies fall to the abominable profits of thieves.\u2022 50\nThe Edict was until our time the most famous example of an attempt to replace economic laws by governmental decrees. Its failure was rapid and complete. Tradesmen concealed their commodities, scarcities became more acute than before, Diocletian himself was accused of conniving at a rise in prices,52 riots occurred, and the Edict had to be relaxed to restore pro-\u2022 duction and distribution.53 It was finally revoked by Constantine.\nThe weakness of this managed economy lay in its administrative cost. The required bureaucracy was so extensive that Lactantius, doubtless with political license, estimated it at half the population.54 The bureaucrats found their task too great for human integrity, their surveillance too sporadic for the evasive ingenuity of men. To support the bureaucracy, the court, the army, the building program, and the dole, taxation rose to unprecedented peaks of ubiquitous continuity. As the state had not yet discovered the plan of public borrowing to conceal its wastefulness and postpone its reckoning, the cost of each year's operations had to be met from each year's revenue. To avoid returns in depreciating currencies, Diocletian directed that, where possible, taxes should be collected in kind: taxpayers were required to trans\u00ad\nport their tax quotas to governmental warehouses, and a laborious organiza\u00ad tion was built up to get the goods thence to their final destination.55 In each municipality the decuriones or municipal officials were held financially responsible for any shortage in the payment of the taxes assessed upon their communities.56\nSince every taxpayer sought to evade taxes, the state organized a special force of revenue police to examine every man's property and income; tor\u00ad ture was used upon wives, children, and slaves to make them reveal the hidden wealth or earnings of the household; and severe penalties were enacted for evasion.57 Towards the end of the third century, and still more in the fourth, flight from taxes became almost epidemic in the Empire. The\nSome of the \"ceilings\" established in the Edict reveal the level of prices and wages in A._v. 301: \\V eat, lentils, peas, $3.50 a bu.; barley, rye, beans, $2.10 a bu.; wine, 2_1-26 cents a pmt; olive od, 10.5 cents a pint; pork, 10.5 cents a lb., beef or mutton, 7 cents; chickens, 2 for\n52.5 cents; dormice, IO for 35 cents; best cabbage or lettuce, 5 heads for 3.5 cents; green onions, 25 for 3.5 cents; best snails, 10 for 3,5 cents; large apples or peaches, 10 for 3.5 cents; figs, 25 for 3.5 cents; hair, 5 cents a lb.; shoes, 62 cents to .$1.38 a pair. \\Vages of farm labor, 23-46 cents, plus keep, per day; stonemasons, carpenters, blacksmiths, bakers, 46 cents plus keep; barbers, $1.75 cents per man; scribes, 23 cents per 100 lines; elementary teachers, 46 cents per pupil per month; teachers of Greek or Larin literature, or geometry, .$1.84 per pupil per month; lawyers for pleading a case, .$7.36.51"]
[3.1938698291778564, 6.461343288421631, "ruin Athens, makes $170 a day by leasing a thousand slaves to the mine oper\u00ad ators at a rental of one obol (17 cents) each per day; many an Athenian fortune is made in this way, or by lending money to the enterprise. The slaves in the mine number some twenty thousand, and include the superintendents and engineers. They work in ten-hour shifts, and the operations continue without interruption, night and day. If the slave rests he feels the foreman's lash; if he tries to escape he is attached to his work by iron shackles; if he runs away and is captured his forehead is branded with a hot iron.1\" The galleries are but three feet high and two feet wide; the slaves, with pick or chisel and hammer, work on their knees, their stomachs, or their backs.1\" The broken ore is carried out in baskets or bags handed from man to man, for the galleries are too narrow to let two men pass each other conveniently. The profits are enor\u00ad mous: in 483 the share received by the government is a hundred talents ($600,- 000)-awindfall that builds a fleet for Athens and saves Greece at Salamis. Even for others than the slaves there is evil in this as well as good; the Athenian treasury becomes dependent upon the mines, and when, in the Peloponnesian War, the Spartans capture Laurium the whole economy of Athens is upset. The exhaustion of the veins in the fourth century co-operates with many other factors in Athenian decay. For Attica has no other precious metal in her soil.\nMetallurgy advances with mining. The ore at Laurium is crushed in huge mortars with a heavy iron pestle worked by slave power; then it goes to mills where it is ground between revolving stones of hard trachyte; then it is sized by screening; the material that passes through the screen is sent to an ore washer, where jets of water are discharged from cisterns upon inclined rec\u00ad tangular tables of stone covered with a smooth thin coat of hard cement; the current is turned at sharp angles, where pockets snare the metal particles. The collected metal is thrown_ into small smelting furnaces equipped with blowers to raise the heat; at the bottom of each furnace are openings through which the molten metal is drawn. Lead is separated from the silver by heating the molten metal on cupels of porous material and exposing it to the air; by this simple process the lead is converted into litharge, and the silver is freed. The processes of smelting and refining are competently performed, for the silver coins of Athens are ninety-eight per cent pure. Laurium pays the price of the wealth it produces, as mining always pays the price for metal industry; plants and men wither and die from the furnace fumes, and the vicinity of the works becomes a scene of dusty desolation.u\nOther industries are not so toilsome. Attica has many of them now, small in scale but remarkably specialized. It quarries marble and other stones, it makes a thousand shapes of pottery, it dresses hides in great tanneries like those owned by Cleon, rival of Pericles, and Anytus, accuser of Socrates; it has wagon\u00ad makers, shipbuilders, saddlers, harness makers, shoe manufacturers; there are saddlers who make only bridles, and shoemakers who make only men's or\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CBAP.m\nwomen's shoes.111 In the building trades are carpenters, molders, stonecutters, metalworkers, painters, veneerers. There are blacksmiths, swordmakers, shield\u00ad makers, lampmakers, lyre tuners, millers, bakers, sausage men, fishmongers\u00ad everything necessary to an economic life busy and varied, but not mechanized or monotonous. Common textiles are still for the most part produced in the home; there the women weave and mend the ordinary clothing and bedding of the family, some carding the wool, some at the spinning wheel, some at the loom, some bent over an embroidery frame. Special fabrics come from work\u00ad shops, or from abroad-fine linens from Egypt, Amorgos, and Tarentum, dyed woolens from Syracuse, blankets from Corinth, carpets from the Near East and Carthage, colorful coverlets from Cyprus; and the women of Cos, late in the fourth century, learn the art of unwinding the cocoons of the silkworm and weaving the filaments into silk.JS In some homes the women become so highly skilled in textile arts that they produce more than their families can use; they sell the surplus at first to consumers, then to middlemen; they employ helpers, freedmen or slaves; and in this way a domestic industry develops as a step to a factory system.\nSuch a system begins to take form in the age of Pericles. Pericles himself, like Alcibiades, owns a factory.\" No machinery is available, but slaves can be had in abundance; it is because muscle power is cheap that there is no incentive to develop machinery. The ergasteria of Athens are rather workshops than factories; the largest of them, Cephalus' shield factory, has 120 workmen, Timarchus' shoe factory has ten, Demosthenes' cabinet factory twenty, his armor factory thirty.JS At first these shops produce only to order; later they manufacture for the market, and finally for export; and the spread and abun\u00ad dance of coinage, replacing barter, facilitates their operations. There are no corporations; each factory is an independent unit, owned by one or two men; and the owner often works beside his slaves. There are no patents; crafts are handed down from father to son, or are learned by apprentices; the Athenians are exempted by law from caring for the old age of parents who have failed to teach them a trade.211 Hours are long but work is leisurely; master and man labor from dawn to twilight, with a siesta at summer noons. There are no vacations, but there are some sixty workless holydays every year.\nm. TRADE AND FINANCE\nWhen an individual, a family, or a city creates a surplus, and wishes to exchange it, trade begins. The first difficulty here is that transport is costly, for roads are poor, and the sea is a snare. The finest road is the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis; but this is mere dirt, and is often too narrow to let vehicles pass. The bridges are precarious causeways formed by earthen\nCHAP.m)    WORK AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\ndikes, which as likely as not have been washed away by floods. The usual draft animal is the ox, who is too philosophical to enrich the trader that de\u00ad pends upon him for transpon; wagons are fragile, and always break down, or get bogged in the mud; it is better to pack the goods on the back of a mule, for he goes a trifle faster, and does not take up so much of the road. There is no postal service in Greece, even for the governments; they are con\u00ad tent with runners, and private correspondence must wait the chance of using these. lmponant news can be flashed by fire beacons from hill to hill, or sent by carrier pigeons.\"\" There are inns here and there on the road, but they are favored by robbers and vermin; even the god Dionysus, in Aris\u00ad tophanes, inquires of Heracles for \"the eating-houses and hostels where there are the fewest bugs.\"'\"\nSea transpon is cheaper, especially if voyages are limited, as most of them are, to the calm summer months. Passenger tariffs are low: for two drach\u00ad mas ($2) a family can secure passage from the Piraeus to Egypt or the Black Sea,S\" but ships do not cater to passengers, being made to carry goods or wage war or do either at need. The main motive power is wind upon a sail, but slaves ply the oars when the wind is contrary or dead. The small... est seagoing merchant vessels are triaconters with thirty oars, all on one level; the penteconter has fifty. Back about 700 the Corinthians launched the first trireme, with a crew of two hundred men plying three banks or tiers of oars; by the fifth century such ships, beautiful with their long and lofty prows, have grown to 2 56 tons, carry seven thousand bushels of grain, and become the talk of the Mediterranean by making eight miles an hour.\u2022\nThe second problem of trade is to find a reliable medium of exchange. Every city has its own system of weights and measures, and its own indi\u00ad vidual coinage; at every one of a hundred frontiers one must transvalue all values skeptically, for every Greek government except the Athenian cheats by debasing its coins.\" \"In most cities,\" says an anonymous Greek, \"merchants are compelled to ship goods for the return journey, for they cannot get money that is of any use to them elsewhere.\"\u2022 Some cities mint coins of electrum-a compound of silver and gold-and rival one another in getting as little gold as possible into the mixture. The Athenian govern\u00ad ment, from Solon onward, helps Athenian trade powerfully by establishing a reliable coinage, stamped with the owl of Athena; \"taking owls to Athens\" is the Greek equivalent of \"carrying coals to Newcastle.\"\"\" Because Athens, through all her vicissitudes, refuses to depreciate her silver drachmas, these \"owls\" are accepted gladly throughout the Mediterranean world, and tend\n274\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XII\nto displace local currencies in the Aegean. Gold at this stage is still an anicle of merchandise, sold by weight, rather than a vehicle of trade; Athens mints it only in rare emergencies, usually in a ration to silver of 14 to 1 .\u2022 The smallest Athenian coins are of copper; eight of these make an obol-a coin of iron or bronze, named from its resemblance to nails or spits (obeliskoi). Six obols make a drachma, i.e., a handful; two drachmas make a gold stater; one hundred drachmas make a mina; sixty minas make a tal\u00ad ent. A drachma in the first half of the fifth century buys a bushel of grain, as a dollar does in twentieth-century America.,.\tThere is no paper money\nin Athens, no government bonds, no joint-stock corporations, no stock exchange.\nBut there are banks. They have a hard struggle to get a footing, for those who have no need for loans denounce interest as a crime, and the philoso\u00ad phers agree with them. The average fifth-century Athenian is a hoarder; if he has savings he prefers to hide them rather than entrust them to the banks. Some men lend money on mongages, at 16 to 18 per cent; some lend it, without interest, to their friends; some deposit their money in tem\u00ad ple treasuries. The temples serve as banks, and lend to individuals and states at a moderate interest; the temple of Apollo at Delphi is in some measure an international bank for all Greece. There are no private loans to governments, but occasionally one state lends to another. Meanwhile the money-changer at his table (trapeza) begins in the fifth century to re\u00ad ceive money on deposit, and to lend it to merchants at interest rates that vary from I z to 30 per cent according to the risk; in this way he becomes a banker, though to the end of ancient Greece he keeps his early name of trapezite, the man at the table. He takes his methods from the Near East, improves them, and passes them on to Rome, which hands them down to modern Europe. Soon after the Persian War Themistocles deposits sev\u00ad enty talents ($420,000) with the Corinthian banker Philostephanus, very much as political adventurers feather foreign nests for themselves today; this is the earliest known allusion to secular-nontemple-banking. Towards the end of the century Antisthenes and Archestratus establish what will become, under Pasion, the most famous of all private Greek banks. Through such trapezitai money circulates more freely and rapidly, and so does more work, than before; and the facilities that they offer stimulate creatively the expansion of Athenian trade.\nIn this volume an obol is reckoned as equivalent in buying power to 17 cents in United States currency in 1938, a drachma as $1, a talent as $6000. These equivalents are only approximate, for prices rose throughout Greek history; cf. section V of this chapter.\nCHAP.XII)\tWORK  AND  WEALTH  IN  ATHENS\nTrade, not industry or finance, is the soul of Athenian economy. Though many producers still sell directly to the consumer, a growing number of them require the intermediary of the market, whose function it is to buy and store goods until the consumer is ready to purchase them. In this way a class of retailers arises, who peddle their wares through the streets, or in the wake of armies, or at festivals or fairs, or off er them for sale in shops or stalls in the agora or elsewhere in the town. To the shops come freemen or metics or slaves to haggle with tradesmen and buy for the home. One of the severest disabilities suffered by the \"free\" women of Athens is that custom does not allow them to shop.\u2022\nForeign commerce advances even faster than domestic trade, for the Greek states have learned the advantages of an international division of labor, and each specializes in some product; the shieldmaker, for example, no longer goes from city to city at the call of those who need him, but makes his shields in his shop and sends them out to the markets of the classic world. In one century Athens moves from household economy-wherein each household makes nearly all that it needs-to urban economy-wherein each town makes nearly all that it needs-to international economy-where each state is dependent upon imports, and must make exports to pay for them. The Athenian fleet for two generations keeps the Aegean clear of pirates, and from 480 to 430 commerce thrives as it never will again until Pompey suppresses piracy in 67 B.c. The docks, warehouses, markets, and banks of the Piraeus offer every facility for trade; soon the busy port becomes the chief center of distribution and reshipment for the commerce between the East and the West. \"The articles which it is difficult to get, one here, one there, from the rest of the world,\" says lsocrates, \"all these it is easy to buy in Athens.\"00 \"The magnitude of our city,\" says Thucydides, \"draws the produce of the world into our harbor, so that to the Athenian the fruits of other countries are as familiar a luxury as those of his own.\"11 From the Piraeus merchants carry the wine, oil, wool, minerals, marble, pottery, arms, luxuries, books, and works of art produced by the fields and shops of Attica; to the Piraeus they bring grain from the Byzantium, Syria, Egypt, Italy, and Sicily, fruit and cheese from Sicily and Phoenicia, meat from Phoenicia and Italy, fish from the Black Sea, nuts from Paphlagonia, copper from Cyprus, tin from England, iron from the Pontic coast, gold from Thasos and Thrace, timber from Thrace and Cyprus, embroideries from the Near East, wools, flax, and dyes from Phoenicia, spices from Cyrene, swords from Chalcis, glass from Egypt, tiles from Corinth, beds from Chios and Miletus, boots and bronzes from\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XII\nEtruria, ivory from Ethiopia, perfumes and ointments from Arabia, slaves from Lydia, Syria, and Scythia. The colonies serve not only as markets, but as shipping agents to send Athenian goods into the interior; and though the cities of Ionia decay in the fifth century because the trade that once passed there is diverted to the Propontis and Caria during and after the Persian War, Italy and Sicily replace them as outlets for the surplus prod\u00ad ucts and population of mainland Greece. We may estimate the amount of Aegean commerce from the return of 1 200  talents from a 5 per cent tax laid in 413 upon the imports and exports of the cities in the Athenian Empire, indicating a trade of $144,000,000 a year.\nThe danger lurking in this prosperity is the growing dependence of Athens upon imported grain; hence her insistence upon controlling the Hellespont and the Black Sea, her persistent colonizing of the coasts and isles on the way to the straits, and her disastrous expeditions to Egypt in 459 and to Sicily in 415. It is this dependence that persuades Athens to transform the Confederacy of Delos into an empire; and when, in 405, the Spartans destroy the Athenian fleet in the Hellespont, the starvation and surrender of Athens are inevitable results. Nevertheless it is this trade that makes Athens rich, and provides, with the imperial tribute, the sinews of her cultural development. The merchants who accompany their goods to all quarters of the Mediterranean come back with changed perspective, and alert and open minds; they bring new ideas and ways, break down ancient taboos and sloth, and replace the familial conservatism of a rural aristocracy with the individualistic and progressive spirit of a mercantile civilization. Here in Athens East and West meet, and jar each other from their ruts. Old myths lose their grasp on the souls of men, leisure rises, inquiry is supported, science and philosophy grow. Athens becomes the most intensely alive city of her time.\nIV. FREEMEN AND SLAVES\nWho does all this work? In the countryside it is done by citizens, their families, and free hired men; in Athens it is done partly by citizens, partly by freedmen, more by metics, mostly by slaves. The shopkeepers, artisans, merchants, and bankers come almost entirely from the voteless classes. The burgher looks down upon manual labor, and does as little of it as he may. To work for a livelihood is considered ignoble; even the professional prac\u00ad tice or. teaching of music, sculpture, or painting is accounted by many"]
[6.426947593688965, 10.892557144165039, "der the rule of dictators, were not a whit more valiant than any of their neighbors, no sooner shook off the yoke than they became decidedly the first of all.\"\"\nPREMARITAL RELATIONS\nIn morality, as in alphabet, measures, weights, coinage, costume, music, as\u00ad tronomy, and mystic cults, classic Athens seems more Oriental than European. The physical basis of love is accepted frankly by both sexes; the love philters that anxious ladies brew for negligent men have no merely Platonic aim. Pre\u00ad marital chastity is required of respectable women, but among unmarried men after the ephebic period there are few moral restraints upon desire. The great festivals, though religious in origin, are used as safety valves for the natural promiscuity of humanity; sexual license on such occasions is condoned in the belief that monogamy may be more easily achieved during the balance of the year. No stigma is attached in Athens to the occasional intercourse of young men with courtesans; even married men may patronize them without any greater moral penalty than a scolding at home and a slightly tarnished repu\u00ad tation in the city.\"\" Athens officially recognizes prostitution, and levies a tax upon its practitioners.\"\"\nWith a career so open to talent, harlotry becomes in Athens, as in most other cities of Greece, a well-plied profession with many specialties. The lowest order of them, the pornai, live chiefly at the Piraeus, in common brothels marked for the convenience of the public with the phallic symbol of Priapus. An obol secures admission to these houses, where the girls, so lightly clad that they are called gymnai (naked), allow their prospective purchasers to examine them like dogs in a kennel. A man may strike a bargain for any period of time, and may arrange with the madam of the house to take a girl to live with him for a week, a month, or a year; sometimes a girl is hired out in this way to two or more men, distributing her time among them according to their means.11 Higher than these girls in the affection of the Athenians are the auletrides, or flute-players, who, like the geisha of Japan, assist at \"stag\" entertainments, pro\u00ad vide music and gaiety, perform dances artistic or lascivious, and then, if prop\u00ad erly induced, mingle with the guests and spend the night with them... A few old courtesans may stave off destitution by developing training schools for such flute girls, and teaching them the science of cosmetic adornment, personal transfiguration, musical entertainment, and amorous dalliance. Tradition hands down carefully from one generation of courtesans to another, like a precious heritage, the arts of inspiring love by judicious display, holding it by coy re\u00ad fusal, and making it pay.\u2022 Nevertheless some of the auletrides, if we may take Lucian's word for it from a later age, have tender hearts, know real affection,\n300\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\nand ruin themselves, Camille-like, for their lovers' sakes. The honest courtesan is an ancient theme hoary with the dignity of age.\nThe highest class of Greek courtesans is composed of the hetairai-literally, companions. Unlike the pornai, who are mostly of Oriental birth, the hetairai are usually women of the citizen class, who have fallen from the respectability or fled from the seclusion required of Athenian maids and matrons. They live independently, and entertain at their own homes the lovers whom they lure. Though they are mostly brunettes by nature, they dye their hair yellow in the belief that Athenians prefer blondes; and they distinguish themselves, appar\u00ad ently under legal compulsion, by wearing flowery robes.\" By occasional read\u00ad ing, or attending lectures, some of them acquire a modest education, and amuse their cultured patrons with learned conversation. Thais, Diotima, Thargelia, and Leontium, as well as Aspasia, are celebrated as philosophical disputants, and sometimes for their polished literary style.\u2022 Many of them are renowned for their wit, and Athenian literature has an anthology of hetairai epigrams.\u2022 Though all courtesans are denied civil rights, and are forbidden to enter any temple but that of their own goddess, Aphrodite Pandemos, a select minority of the hetairai enjoy a high standing in male society at Athens; no man is ashamed to be seen with these; philosophers contend for their favors; and an historian chronicles their history as piously as Plutarch.\"'\nIn such ways a number of them achieve a certain scholastic immortality. There is Clepsydra, so named because she accepts and dismisses her lovers by the hourglass; Thargelia, who, as the Mata Hari of her time, serves the Per\u00ad sians as a spy by sleeping with as many as possible of the statesmen of Athens;\"' Theoris, who consoles the old age of Sophocles, and Archippe, who succeeds her about the ninth decade of the dramatist's life;\"\" Archeanassa, who amuses Plato,\"\u00b0 and Danae and Leontium, who teach Epicurus the philosophy of pleasure; Themistonoe, who practices her .art until she has lost her last tooth and her last lock of hair; and the businesslike Gnathaena, who, having spent much time in the training of her daughter, demands a thousand drachmas ($1000) as the price of the young lady's company for a night.'11 The beauty of Phryne is the talk of fourth-century Athens, since she never appears in public except completely veiled, but, at the Eleusinian festival, and again on the feast of the Poseidonia, disrobes in the sight of all, lets down her hair, and goes to bathe in the sea.\"' For a time she loves and inspires Praxiteles, and poses for his Aphrodites; from her, too, Apelles takes his Aphrodite Anadyomene.\"' So rich is Phryne from her loves that she offers to rebuild the walls of Thebes if the Thebans will inscribe her name on the structure, which they stubbornly refuse to do. Perhaps she asks too large an honorarium from Euthias; he re\u00ad venges himself by indicting her on a charge of impiety. But a member of the court is one of her clients, and Hypereides, the orator, is her devoted lover;\nCHAP. XIII)  THE MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS   301\nHypereides defends her not only with eloquence but by opening her tunic and revealing her bosom to the court. The judges look upon her beauty, and vindicate her piety.''\nLais of Corinth, says Athenaeus, \"appears to have been superior in beauty to any woman that had ever been seen.,,.. As many cities as claimed Homer dis\u00ad pute the honor of having witnessed her birth. Sculptors and painters beg her to pose for them, but she is coy. The great Myron, in his old age, persuades her; when she disrobes he forgets his white hair and beard, and offers her all his possessions for one night; whereupon she smiles, shrugs her rounded shoul\u00ad ders, and leaves him statueless. The next morning, burning with readolescence, he has his hair trimmed, and his beard cut off; he puts on a scarlet robe and a golden girdle, a chain of gold around his neck and rings on all his fingers. Be colors his cheeks with rouge, and perfumes his garments and his flesh. He seeks out Lais, and announces that he loves her. \"My poor friend,\" she re\u00ad plied, seeing through his metamorphosis, \"you are asking me what I refused to your father yesterday.\"'\" She lays up a great fortune, but does not refuse her\u00ad self-to poor but comely lovers; she restores the ugly Demosthenes to virtue by asking ten thousand drachmas for an evening;\"' and from the well-to-do Aris\u00ad tippus she earns such sums as scandalize his servant;78 but to the penniless Diogenes she gives herself for a pittance, being pleased to have philosophers at her feet. She spends her wealth generously upon temples, public buildings, and friends, and finally returns, after the custom of her kind, to the poverty of her youth. She plies her trade patiently to the end; and when she dies she is honored with a splendid tomb as the greatest conqueror that the Greeks have ever known.78\nGREEK FRIENDSHIP\nStranger than this strange entente between prostitution and philosophy is the placid acceptance of sexual inversion. The chief rivals of the hetairai are the boys of Athens; and the courtesans, scandalized to the very depths of their pockets, never tire of denouncing the immorality of homosexual love. Mer\u00ad chants import handsome lads to be sold to the highest bidder, who will use them first as concubines and later as slaves;.. and only a negligible minority of males think it amiss that the effeminate young aristocrats of the city should arouse and assuage the ardor of aging men. In this matter of genders Sparta is as careless as Athens; when Aleman wishes to compliment some girls he calls them his \"female boy-friends.\"81 Athenian law disfranchises those who receive homosexual attentions,.. but public opinion tolerates the practice humorously; in Sparta and Crete no stigma of any kind is attached to it;88 in Thebes it is accepted as a valuable source of military organization and bravery. The great\u00ad est heroes in the fond remembrance of Athens are Harmodius and Aristogeiton,\n302\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIII\ntyrannicides and lovers; the most popular in Athens in his day is Alcibiades, who boasts of the men who love him; as late as Aristotle \"Greek lovers\" plight their troth at the tomb of Iolaus, comrade of Heracles;\" and Aristippus de\u00ad scribes Xenophon, leader of armies and hardheaded man of the world, as infat\u00ad uated with young Cleinias.\"\" The attachment of a man to a boy, or of a boy to a boy, shows in Greece all the symptoms of romantic love-passion, piety, ecstasy, jealousy, serenading, brooding, moaning, and sleeplessness... When Plato, in the Phaedrus, talks of human love, he means homosexual love; and the disputants in his Symposium agree on one point-that love between man and man is nobler and more spiritual than love between man and woman..., A simi\u00ad\n.lar inversion appears among the women, occasionally among the finest, as in Sappho, frequently among the courtesans; the auletrides love one another more passionately than they love their patrons, and the pornaia are hothouses of Lesbian romance...\nHow shall we explain the popularity of this perversion in Greece? Aristotle attributes it to fear of overpopulation,.. and this may account for part of the phenomenon; but there is obviously a connection between the prevalence of both homosexuality and prostitution in Athens, and the seclusion of women. After the age of six the boys of Periclean Athens are taken from the gynaeceum in which respectable women spend their lives, and are brought up chiefly in com\u00ad panionship with other boys, or men; little opportunity is given them, in their formative and almost neutral period, to know the attractiveness of the tender sex. The life of the common mess hall in Sparta, of the agora, gymnasium, 'and pafaestra in Athens, and the career of the ephebos, show the youth only ,the male form; even art does not announce the physical beauty of woman until Praxiteles. In married life the men seldom find mental companionship at home; the rarity of education among women creates a gulf between the sexes, and men seek elsewhere the charms that they have not permitted their wives to acquire. To the Athenian citizen his home is not a castle but a dormitory; from morning to evening, in a great number of cases, he lives in the city, and rarely has social contacts with respectable women other than his wife and daugh\u00ad ters. Greek society is unisexual, and misses the disturbance, grace, and stimu\u00ad lation that the spirit and charm of women will give to Renaissance Italy and Enlightenment France.\nvm. LOVE AND MARRIAGE\nRomantic love appears among the Greeks, but seldom as the cause of marriage. We find little of it in Homer, where Agamemnon and Achilles frankly think of Chryseis and Briseis, even of the discouraging Cassandra, in terms of physical desire. Nausicaa, however, is a warning against too\nCHAP. XIII)  THE  MORALS AND MANNERS OF THE ATHENIANS    303\nbroad a generalization, and legends as old as Homer tell of Heracles and Iola, of Orpheus and Eurydice. The lyric poets, again, talk abundantly of love, commonly in the sense of amorous appetite; stories like that which Stesichorus tells of a maiden dying for love00 are exceptional; but when Theano, wife of Pythagoras, speaks of love as \"the sickness of a long\u00ad ing soul,\".. we feel the authentic note of romantic rut. As refinement grows, and superimposes poetry upon heat, the tender sentiment becomes more frequent; and the increasing delay that civilization places between desire and fulfillment gives imagination leisure to embellish the object of hope. Aeschylus is still Homeric in his treatment of sex; but in Sophocles we hear of \"Love\" who \"rules at will the gods,\"*\"\" and in Euripides many a passage proclaims Eros' power. The later dramatists often describe a youth desperately enamored of a girl.\"' Aristotle suggests the real quality of romantic adoration when he remarks that \"lovers look at the eyes of the beloved, in which modesty dwells.\"\u00b0'\nSuch affairs in classic Greece lead rather to premarital relations than to matrimony. The Greeks consider romantic love to be a form of \"posses\u00ad sion\" or madness, and would smile at anyone who should propose it as a fit guide in the choice of a marriage mate.Ill Normally marriage is arranged by the parents as in always classic France, or by professional matchmakers,\"' with an eye not to love but to dowries. The father is expected to provide for his daughter a marriage portion of money, clothing, jewelry, and per\u00ad haps slaves.97 This remains to its end the property of the wife, and reverts to her in case of a separation from her husband-a consideration that dis\u00ad courages divorce by the male. Without a dowry a girl has little chance of marriage; therefore where the father cannot give it to her the relatives combine to provide it. Marriage by purchase, so frequent in Homeric days, has by this means been inverted in Periclean Greece: in effect, as Euripides' Medea complains,.. the woman has to buy her master. The Greek, then, marries not for love, nor because he enjoys matrimony (for he prates end\u00ad lessly about its tribulations), but to continue himself and the state through a wife suitably dowered, and children who will ward off the evil fate of an untended soul. Even with these inducements he avoids wedlock as long\n\u2022Cf.Antigone, 78rf.:\nWhen Love disputes\nHe carries his battles!"]
[8.806575775146484, 7.232888221740723, ". onies, where geographical separation had broken some of the bonds of tradition. Perhaps Athens would have remained obscurantist and intolerant to the point of stupidity had it not been for the growth of a cosmopolitan trading class, and the coming of the Sophists to Athens.\nThe debates in the Assembly, the trials before the heliaea, and the rising need for the ability to think with the appearance of logic and to speak with clarity and persuasion, conspired with the wealth and curiosity of an imperial society to create a demand for something unknown in Athens before Pericles-formal higher education in letters, oratory, science, philos\u00ad ophy, and statesmanship. The demand was met at first not by the organi\u00ad zation of universities but by wandering scholars who engaged lecture halls, gave there their courses of instruction, and then passed on to other cities to repeat them. Some of these men, like Protagoras, called themselves sophistai-i.e., teachers of wisdom.81 The word was accepted as equivalent to our \"university professor,\" and bore no derogatory connotation until the conflict between religion and philosophy led to conservative attacks upon the Sophists, and the commercialism of certain of them provoked Plato to darken their name with the imputations of venal sophistry that now cling to it. Perhaps the general public entertained a vague dislike for these teachers from their first appearance, since their costly instruction in logic and rhetoric could be bought only by the well to do, and gave these an advantage in trying their cases before the courts.\u2022 It is true that the more famous Sophists, like most skilled practitioners in any field, charged all that their patrons could be persuaded to pay; this is the final law of prices everywhere. Protagoras and Gorgias, we are told, demanded ten thousand drachmas ($10,000) for the education of a single pupil. But lesser Sophists were content with reasonably moderate fees; Prodicus, famous through\u00ad out Greece, asked from one to fifty drachmas for admission to his courses.\u2022 Protagoras, the most renowned of the Sophists, was born in Abdera a\nCHAP. XVI)  THE CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t35\ngeneration before Democritus. In his lifetime he was the better known of the two, and the more influential; we surmise his repute from the furore created by his visits to Athens.\u2022\"' Even Plato, who was not often intention\u00ad ally fair to the Sophists, respected him, and described him as a man of high character. In the Platonic dialogue that is named after him Protagoras makes a much better showing than the argumentative young Socrates; here it is Socrates who talks like a Sophist, and Protagoras who behaves like a gentleman and a philosopher, never losing his temper, never jealous of another's brilli\u00b7,nce, never taking the argument too seriously, and never anxious to spea\u00b7\u2022c He admits that he undertakes to teach his pupils pru\u00ad denc;: in priva1 - and public matters, the orderly management of home and fan-'.dy, the ari- .:>f rhetoric or persuasive speaking, and the ability to under\u00ad strnd and direct affairs of state.\"' He defends his high fees by saying that it is his custom, when a pupil objects to the sum asked, to agree to receive as ad quate vrhatever amount the pupil may name as just in a solemn statement before some sacred shrine\"'-a rash procedure for a teacher who doubted the existence of the gods. Diogenes Laertius accuses him of being the first to \"arm disputants with the weapon of sophism,\" a charge that would have pleased Socrates; but Diogenes adds that Protagoras \"was also the first to invent that sort of argument which is called Socratic\"\"\"-which might not have pleased Socrates.\nIt was but one of his many distinctions that he founded European gram\u00ad\nmar and philology. He treated of the right use of words, says Plato,.. and was the first to distinguish the three genders of nouns, and certain tenses and moods of verbs.\"\u00b0 But his chief significance lay in this, that with him, rather than with Socrates, began the subjective standpoint in philosophy. Unlike the lonians he was less interested in things than in thought-i.e., in the whole process of sensation, perception, understanding, and expression. Whereas Parmenides rejected sensation as a guide to truth, Protagoras, like Locke, accepted it as the only means of knowledge, and refused to admit any transcendental-suprasensual-reality. No absolute truth can be found, said Protagoras, but only such truths as hold for given men under given conditions; c:ontradictory assertions can be equally true for different per\u00ad sons or at different times.\"' All truth, goodness, and beauty are relative and subjective; \"man is the measure of all things-of those that are, that they are, and of those that are not, that they are not.\"\u00b0\" To the historical eye a whole world begins to tremble when Protagoras announces this sim\u00ad ple principle of humanism and relativity; all established truths and sacred\nThese probably occurred in 451-45, 432, 422, and 415.\"\"\n36o\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVI\nprinciples crack; individualism has found a voice and a philosophy; and the supernatural bases of social order threaten to melt away.\nThe far-reaching skepticism implicit in this famous pronouncement might have remained theoretical and safe had not Protagoras applied it for a mo\u00ad ment to theology. Among a group of distinguished men in the home of the unpopular freethinker, Euripides, Protagoras read a treatise whose first sentence made a stir in Athens. \"With regard to the gods I know not whether they exist or not, or what they are like. Many things prevent our knowing: the subject is obscure, and brief is the span of our mortal life.\"\"\" The Athenian Assembly, frightened by that ominous prelude, banished Protagoras, ordered all Athenians to surrender any copies they might have of his writings, and burned the books in the market place. Protagoras fled to Sicily, and, story tells us, was drowned on the way.\"'\nGorgias of Leontini carried on this skeptical revolution, but had the good sense to spend most of his life outside of Athens. His career was typi\u00ad cal of the union between philosophy and statesmanship in Greece. Born about 483, he studied philosophy and rhetoric with Empedocles, and be\u00ad came so famous in Sicily as an orator and a teacher of oratory that in 42 7 he was sent by Leontini as an ambassador to Athens. At the Olympic games of 408 he captivated a great crowd by an address in which he appealed to the warring Greeks to make peace among themselves in order to face with unity and confidence the resurrected power of Persia. Traveling from city to city, he expounded his views in a style of oratory so euphuistically ornate, so symmetrically antithetical in idea and phrase, so delicately poised be\u00ad tween poetry and prose, that he had no difficulty in attracting students who offered him a hundred minas for a course of instruction. His book On Nature sought to prove three startling propositions: ( r) Nothing exists; (2) if anything existed it would be unknowable; and (3) if anything were knowable the knowledge of it could not be communicated from one person to another.\u2022\u2022 Nothing else remains of Gorgias' writings. After enjoying the hospitality and fees of many states he settled down in Thessaly, and had the wisdom to consume most of his great fortune before his death... He lived, as all authorities assure us, to at least one hundred and five; and an ancient writer tells us that \"though Gorgias attained to the age of one hun\u00ad dred and eight, his body was not weakened by old age, but to the end of his life he was in sound condition, and his senses were those of a youth.\"..\nThese propositions, aiming to discredit the transcendentalism of Parmenides, meant: (1) Nothing exists beyond the senses; (2) if anything existed beyond the senses it would be un\u00ad knowable, for all knowledge comes through the senses; (3) if anything suprasensual were knowable, the knowledge of it would be incommunicable, since all communication is through the senses.\nCHAP. XVI)\tTHE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t361\nH the Sophists together constituted a scattered university, Hippias of Elis was a university in himself, and typified the polymath in a world where knowledge was not yet so vast as to be clearly beyond the grasp of one mind. He taught astronomy and mathematics, and made original contribu\u00ad tions to geometry; he was a poet, a musician, and an orator; he lectured on literature, morals, and politics; he was an historian, and laid the foundations of Greek chronology by compiling a list of victors at the Olympic games; he was employed by Elis as an envoy to other states; and he knew so many arts and trades that he made with his own hands all his clothing and oma\u00ad ments.08 His work in philosophy was slight but important: he protested against the degenerative artificiality of city life, contrasted nature with law, and called law a tyrant over mankind.\"\" Prodicus of Ceos carried on the grammatical work of Protagoras, fixed the parts of speech, and pleased the elders with a fable in which he represented Heracles choosing laborious Virtue instead of easy Vice.100 Other Sophists were not so pious: Antiphon of Athens followed Democritus into materialism and atheism, and defined justice in terms of expediency; Thrasymachus of Chalcedon (if we may take Plato's word for it) identified right with might, and remarked that the success of villains cast doubt upon the existence of the gods.IOl\nAll in all, the Sophists must be ranked among the most vital factors in the history of Greece. They invented grammar and logic for Europe; they developed dialectic, analyzed the forms of argument, and taught men how to detect and practice fallacies. Through their stimulus and example reasoning became a ruling passion with the Greeks. By applying logic to language they promoted clarity and precision of thought, and facilitated the accurate transmission of knowledge. Through them prose became a form of literature, and poetry became a vehicle of philosophy. They ap\u00ad plied analysis to everything; they refused to respect traditions that could not be supported by the evidence of the senses or the logic of reason; and they shared decisively in a rationalist movement that finally broke down, among the intellectual classes, the ancient faith of Hellas. \"The common opinion\" of his time, says Plato, derived \"the world and all animals and plants ... and inanimate substances from ... some spontaneous and unin\u00ad telligent cause.moo Lysias tells of an atheistic society that called itself the kakodaimoniotai, or Devils' Club, and deliberately met and dined on holy\u00ad days set apart for fasting.1.. Pindar, at the opening of the fifth century, accepted the oracle of Delphi piously; Aeschylus defended it politically; Herodotus, about 450, criticized it timidly; Thucydides, at the end of the century, openly rejected it. Euthyphro complained that when in the As-\n362\tTHE\tLI FE\tOF\tGREECE\t(CHAP, XVI\nsembly he spoke of oracles, the people laughed at him as an antiquated fool.,a,\nThe Sophists must not be blamed or credited for all of this; much of it was in the air, and was a natural result of growing wealth, leisure, travel, research, and speculation. Their role in the deterioration of morals was likewise contributory rather than basic; wealth of itself, without the aid of philosophy, puts an end to puritanism artd stoicism. But within these modest limits the Sophists unwittingly quickened disintegration. Most of them, barring a thoroughly human love of money, were men of high char\u00ad acter and decent life; but they did not transmit to their pupils the tradi\u00ad tions or the wisdom that had made or kept them reasonably virtuous despite their discovery of the secular origin and geographical mutability of morals. Their colonial derivation may have led them to underestimate the value of custom as a peaceful substitute for force or law in maintaining morality and order. To define morality or human worth in terms of knowledge, as Protagoras did a generation before Socrates,\"\"\" was a heady stimulus to thought, but an unsteadying blow to character; the emphasis on knowledge raised the educational level of the Greeks, but it did not develop intelli\u00ad gence as rapidly as it liberated intellect. The announcement of the relativity of knowleoge did not make men modest, as it should, but disposed every man to consider himself the measure of all things; every clever youth could now feel himself fit to sit in judgment upon the moral code of his people, reject it if he could not understand and approve it, and then be free to rationalize his desires as the virtues of an emancipated soul. The distinc\u00ad tion between \"Nature\" and convention, and the willingness of minor Sophists to argue that what \"Nature\" permitted was good regardless of custom or law, sapped the ancient supports of Greek morality, and en\u00ad couraged many experiments in living. Old men mourned the passing of domestic simplicity and fidelity, and the pursuit of pleasure or wealth unchecked by religious restraints.\"\"' Plato and Thucydides speak of think\u00ad ers and public men who rejected morals as superstitions, and acknowledged no right but strength. This unscrupulous individualism turned the logic and rhetoric of the Sophists into an instrument of legal chicanery and political demagogy, and degraded their broad cosmopolitanism into a cau\u00ad tious reluctance to defend their country, or an unprejudiced readiness to sell it to the highest bidder. The religious peasantry and the conservative aristocrats began to agree with the common citizen of the urban democracy that philosophy had become a danger to the state.\nSome of the philosophers themselves joined in the attack upon the Soph-\nCHAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t36\nists. Socrates condemned them (as Aristophanes was to condemn Socrates) for making error specious with logic and persuasive with rhetoric, and scorned them for taking fees.107 He excused his ignorance of grammar on the ground that he could not afford the fifty-drachma course of Prodi\u00ad cus, but only the one-drachma course, which gave merely the rudiments.108 In an ungenial moment he used a merciless and revealing comparison:\nIt is believed among us, Antiphon, that it is possible to dispose of beauty or of wisdom alike honorably or dishonorably; for if a per\u00ad son sells his 6eauty for money to anyone that wishes to purchase it, men call him a male prostitute; but if anyone makes a friend of a person whom he knows to be an honorable and worthy admirer, we regard him as prudent. In like manner those who sell their wis\u00ad dom for money to any that will buy, men call sophists, or, as it were, prostitutes of wisdom; but whoever makes a friend of a person whom he knows to be deserving, and teaches him all the good that he knows, we consider him to act the part which becomes a good and honorable citizen.1\u00b0\"\nPlato could afford to agree with this view, being a rich man. Isocrates be\u00ad gan his career with a speech Against the Sophists, became a successful pro\u00ad fessor of rhetoric, and charged a thousand drachmas ($1 ooo) for a course.110 Aristotle continued the attack; he defined a Sophist as one who \"is only eager to get rich off his apparent wisdom,'nn and accused Protagoras of \"promising to make the worse appear the better reason.\"=\nThe tragedy was deepened by the fact that both sides were right. The complaint about fees was unjust: short of a state subsidy no other way was then open to finance higher education. If the Sophists criticized tra\u00ad ditions and morals it was, of course, with no evil intent; they thought that they were liberating slaves. They were the intellectual representatives of their time, sharing its passion for the free intellect; like the Encyclopedists of Enlightenment France they swept away the dying past with magnifi\u00ad cent elan, and did not live long enough, or think far enough; to establish new institutions in place of those that loosened reason would destroy. In every civilization the time comes when old ways must be re-examined if the society is to readjust itself to irresistible economic change; the Sophists were the instrument of this re-examination, but failed to provide the states\u00ad manship for the readjustment. It remains to their credit that they power\u00ad fully stimulated the pursuit of knowledge, and made it fashionable to think. From every corner of the Greek world they brought new ideas and chal\u00ad lenges to Athens, and aroused her to philosophical consciousness and ma-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVI"]
[1.040006160736084, 16.44214630126953, "Naples Museum\n \t\nFIG. 63-The \"Old Market Woman\"\nMetropolitan Museum, New York\n(See page 626)\nFie. 64-The Prize Fighter\nMuseo delle Terme, Rome\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE   ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t335\ntemple. The interior was relatively small; much of the space was taken up by two double-storied Doric colonnades that supported the roof, and divided the naos into a nave and two aisles; while in the western end Athene Parthenos blinded her worshipers with the gold of her raiment, or fright\u00ad ened them with her spear and shield and snakes. Behind her was the Room of the Virgins, adorned with four columns in the Ionic style. The marble tiles of the roof were sufficiently translucent to let some light into the nave, and yet opaque enough to keep out the heat; moreover, piety, like love, deprecates the sun. The cornices were decorated with careful detail, sur\u00ad mounted with terra-cotta acroteria, and armed with gargoyles to carry off the rain. Many parts of the temple were painted, not in subdued colors but in bright tints of yellow, blue, and red. The marble was washed with a stain of saffron and milk; the triglyphs and parts of the molding were blue; the frieze had a blue background, the metopes a red, and every figure in them was colored.\"\" A people accustomed to a Mediterranean sky can bear and relish brighter hues than those that suit the clouded atmosphere of northern Europe. Today, shorn of its colors, the Parthenon is most beauti\u00ad ful at night, when through every columned space come changing vistas of sky, or the ever worshipful moon, or the lights of the sleeping city mingling with the stars.*\nGreek art was the greatest of Greekproducts; for though its masterpieces\nhave yielded one by one to the voracity of time, their form and spirit still survive sufficiently to be a guide and stimulus to many arts, many genera\u00ad tions, and many lands. There were faults here, as in all that men do. The\nThe Parthenon, like the Erechtheum and the Theseum, was preserved through its use as a Christian church; it needed no great change of name, being in each case dedicated to the Virgin. After the Turkish occupation in 1456 it was transformed into a mosque, and acquired a minaret. In 1687, when the Venetians besieged Athens, the Turks used the temple to store each day's supply of powder for their artillery. The Venetian commander, so informed, ordered his gunners to fire upon the Parthenon. A shell pierced the roof, exploded the powder, and laid half the building in ruins. After capturing the city Morosini tried also to take the pediment statuary, but his workmen dropped and smashed the figures in lowering them. In 1800 Lord Elgin, British ambassador to Turkey, secured permission to remove a part of the sculptures to the British Museum, on the ground that they would be safer there than at Athens against weather and war. His spoils included twelve statues, fifteen metopes, and fifty-six slabs of the frieze. The Museum's expert on sculpture advised against buying this material; it was only after ten years of negotiations that the Museum agreed to pay\n$175,000 for them, which was less than half what Lord Elgin had spent in securing and transporting them.\"\" A few years later, during the Greek War of Independence (1821-1830), the Acropolis was twice bombarded, and much of the Erechtheum was destroyed.\"' Some metopes of the Parthenon are still in place; a few slabs of the frieze are in the Athens Museum, and a few others in the Louvre. The citizens of Nashville, Tennessee, have built a replica of the Parthenon, in the same dimensions as the original, with like materials, and, so far as our knowledge goes, with the same decorations and coloring; and the Metropolitan Museum of Art contains a small hypothetical reproduction of the interior.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIV\nsculpture was too physical, and rarely reached the soul; it moves us more often to admire its perfection than to feel its life. The architecture was narrowly limited in form and style, and clung across a thousand years to the simple rectangle of the Mycenaean megaron. It achieved almost nothing in secular fields; it attempted only the easier problems of construction, and avoided difficult tasks like the arch and the vault, which might have given it greater scope. It held up its roofs with the clumsy expedient of internal and superimposed colonnades. It crowded the interior of its temples with statues whose size was out of proportion to the edifice, and whose ornamentation lacked the simplicity and restraint that we expect of the classic style.\u2022\nBut no faults can outweigh the fact that Greek art created the classic style. The essence of that style-if the theme of this chapter may be restated in closing-is order and form: moderation in design, expression, and decora\u00ad tion; proportion in the parts and unity in the whole; the supremacy of rea\u00ad son without the extinction of feeling; a quiet perfection that is content with simplicity, and a sublimity that owes nothing to size. No other style but the Gothic has had so much influence; indeed, Greek statuary is still the ideal, and until yesterday the Greek column dominated architecture to the discouragement of more congenial forms. It is good that we are freeing ourselves from the Greeks; even perfection becomes oppressive when it will not change. But long after our liberation is complete we shall find in\u00ad struction and stimulus in that art which was the life of reason in form, and in that classic style which was the most characteristic gift of Greece to mankind.\nOne might also note the lack of order in the arrangement of the buildings on the Acropolis, or in the sacred enclosure at Olympia; but it is difficult to say whether this dis\u00ad order was a defect of taste or an accident of history.\nCHAPTER XV\nThe Advancement of Learning\nHE cultural activity of Periclean Greece takes chiefly three fonns\u00ad an, drama, and philosophy. In the first, religion is the inspiration; in\nthe second it is the battleground; in the third it is the victim. Since the organization of a religious group presumes a common and stable creed, every religion sooner or later comes into opposition with that fluent and changeful current of secular thought that we confidently call the progress of knowledge. In Athens the conflict was not always visible on the surface, and did not directly affect the masses of the people; the scientists and the philosophers carried on their work without explicitly attacking the popular faith, and often mitigated the strife by using the old religious terms as sym\u00ad bols or allegories for their new beliefs; only now and then, as in the indict\u00ad ments of Anaxagoras, Aspasia, Diagoras of Melos, Euripides, and Socrates, did the struggle come out into the open, and become a matter of life and death. But it was there. It ran through the Periclean age like a major theme; played in many keys and elaborated in many variations and forms; it was heard most distinctly in the skeptical discourses of the Sophists and in the materialism of Democritus; it sounded obscurely in the piety of Aeschylus, in the heresies of Euripides, even in the irreverent banter of the conservative Aristophanes; and it was violently recapitulated in the trial and death of Socrates. Around this theme the Athens of Pericles lived its mental life.\nI.  THE MATHEMATICIANS\nPure science, in fifth-century Greece, was still the handmaiden of philosophy, and was studied and developed by men who were philosophers rather than scientists. To the Greeks higher mathematics was an instrument not of prac\u00ad tice but of logic, directed less to the conquest of the physical environment than to the mtellectual construction of an abstract world.\nPopular arithmetic, before the Periclean period, was almost primitively clumsy.\u2022 One upright stroke indicated 1, two strokes 2, three 3, and four 4; 5, 10,  100, 1000, and 10,000 were expressed by the initial letter of the Greek word\nOn later (possibly Periclean) arithmetical notation cf. Chap. XXVIIl, sect. 1, below."]
[-1.512037992477417, 9.06562328338623, "In 572, at the age of sixty-six, and after serving as archon for twenty-two years, Solon retired from office into private life; and having bound Athens, through the oath of its officials, to obey his laws unchanged for ten years;'9 he set out to observe the civilizations of Egypt and the East. It was now, apparently, that he made his famous remark-\"! grow old while always learning.\"\"\u00b0 At Heliopolis, says Plutarch, he studied Egyptian history and thought under the tutelage of the priests; from them, it is said, he heard of the sunken continent Atlantis, whose tale he told in an unfinished epic which two centuries later would fascinate the imaginative Plato. From Egypt he sailed to Cyprus and made laws for the city that in his honor changed its name to Soli.* Herodotus.. and Plutarch describe with miracu\u00ad lous memory his chat at Sardis with Croesus, the Lydian king: how this\nDiogenes Laertius tells this story rather of Soli in Cilicia-me town whose preservation of old Greek speech into Alexander's day led to the word solecism.\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\t119\nparagon of wealth, having arrayed himself in all his paraphernalia, asked Solon did he not account him, Croesus, a happy man; and how Solon, with Greek audacity, replied:\nThe gods,0 King, have given the Greeks all other gifts in mod\u00ad erate degree; and so our wisdom, too, is a cheerful and a homely, not a noble and kingly, wisdom; and this, observing the numerous misfortunes that attend all conditions, forbids us to grow insolent upon our present enjoyment, or to admire any man's happiness that may yet, in course of time, suffer change. For the uncertain future has yet to come, with every possible variety of fortune; and him only to whom the divinity has continued happiness unto the end do we call happy; to salute as happy one that is still in the midst of life and hazard we think as little safe and conclusive as to crown and proclaim as victorious the wrestler that is yet in the ring...\nThis admirable exposition of what the Greek dramatists mean by byhris\n-insolent prosperity-has the ring of Plutarch's eclectic wisdom; we can only say that it is better phrased than Herodotus' report, and that both accounts belong, presumably, to the realm of imaginary conversations. Cer\u00ad tainly both Solon and Croesus, in the manner of their deaths, justified the skepticism of this homily. Croesus was dethroned by Cyrus in 546, and (if we may rephrase Herodotus with Dante) knew the bitterness of re\u00ad membering, in his misery, the happy time of his splendor, and the stern warning of the Greek. And Solon, returning to Athens to die, saw in his last years the overthrow of his constitution, the establishment of a dictator\u00ad ship, and the apparent frustration of all his work.\nThe Dictatorship of Peisistratus\nThe confficting groups which he had dominated for a generation had resumed, upon his departure from Athens, the natural play of politics and intrigue. As in the passionate days of the French Revolution, three parties struggled for power: the \"Shore,\" led by the merchants of the ports, who favored Solon; the \"Plain,\" led by the rich landowners, who hated Solon; and the \"Mountain,\" a combination of peasants and town laborers who still fought for a redistribution of the land. Like Pericles a century later, Peisistratus, though an aristocrat by birth and fortune, manners and tastes, accepted the leadership of the commons. At a meeting of the Assembly he displayed a wound, claiming that it had been inflicted upon him by\n120\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nthe enemies of the people, and asked for a bodyguard. Solon protested; knowing the subtlety of his cousin, he suspected that the wound had been self-inflicted, and that the bodyguard would open the way to a dictator\u00ad ship. \"Ye men of Athens,\" he warned them, \"I am wiser than some of you, and braver than others: wiser than those of you who do not perceive the treachery of Peisistratus, and braver than those who are aware of it, but out of fear hold their peace.\"83 Nevertheless the Assembly voted that Peisistratus should be allowed a force of fifty men. Peisistratus collected four hundred men instead of fifty, seized the Acropolis, and declared a dic\u00ad tatorship. Solon, having published to the Athenians his opinion that \"each man of you, individually, walketh with the tread of a fox, but collectively ye are geese,\"\"' placed his arms and shield outside his door as a symbol of resigning his interest in politics, and devoted his last days to poetry.\nThe wealthy forces of the Shore and the Plain united for a moment and expelled the dictator (556). But Peisistratus secretly made his peace with the Shore, and, probably with their connivance, re-entered Athens under circumstances that seemed to corroborate Solon's judgment of the collec\u00ad tive intelligence. A tall and beautiful woman, arrayed in the armor and costume of the city's goddess Athena, and seated proudly in a chariot, led the forces of Peisistratus into the city, while heralds announced that the patron deity of Athens was herself restoring him to power (550). \"The people of the city, folly persuaded,\" says Herodotus, \"that the woman was the veritable goddess, prostrated themselves before her, and received Peisistratus back.\"811 The leaders of the Shore turned against him again and drove him into a second exile (549); but in 546 Peisistratus once more returned, defeated the troops sent out against him, and this time main\u00ad tained his dictatorship for nineteen years, during which the wisdom of his policies almost redeemed the picturesque unscrupulousness of his means. The character of Peisistratus was a rare union of culture and intellect, administrative vigor and personal charm. He could fight ruthlessly, and readily forgive; he could move in the foremost cqrrents of the thought of his time, and govern without the intellectual's vacillation of purpose and timidity of execution. He was mild of manner, humane in his decisions, and generous to all. \"His administration,\" says Aristotle, \"was temperate, and showed the statesman rather than the tyrant.\"\"\" He made few reprisals upon regenerate enemies, but he banished irreconcilable opponents, and distributed their estates among the poor. He improved the army and built up the fleet as security against external attack; but he kept Athens out of war, and maintained at home, in a city so recently disturbed by class hos-\nCHAP.V)\tATHENS\tIU\ntility, such order and content that it was common to say that he had brought back the Golden Age of Cronus' reign.\nHe surprised everyone by making little change of detail in the Solonian constitution. Like Augustus he knew how to adorn and support dictator\u00ad ship with democratic concessions and forms. Archons were elected as usual, and the Assembly and the popular courts, the Council of Four Hun\u00ad dred and the Senate of the Areopagus met and functioned as before, except that the suggestions of Peisistratus found a very favorable hearing. When a citizen accused him of murder he appeared before -the Senate and offered to submit to trial, but the complainant decided not to press the charge. Year by year the people, in inverse proportion to their wealth, became reconciled to his rule; soon they were proud of him, at last fond of him. Probably Athens had needed, after Solon, just such a man as Peisistratus: one with sufficient iron in his blood to beat the disorder of Athenian life into a strong and steady form, and to establish by initial compulsion those habits of order and law which are to a society what the bony structure is to an animal-its shape and strength, though not its creative life. When, after a generation, the dictatorship was removed, these habits of order and the framework of Solon's constitution remained as a heritage for democ\u00ad racy. Peisistratus, perhaps not knowing it, had come not to destroy the law but to fulfill it.\nHis economic policies carried on that emancipation of the people which Solon had begun. He settled the agrarian question by dividing among the poor the lands that belonged to the state, as well as those of banished aris\u00ad tocrats; thousands of dangerously idle Athenians were settled upon the soil; and for centuries afterward we hear of no serious agrarian discontent in Attica.er He gave employment to the needy by undertaking extensive public works, building a system of aqueducts and roads, and raising great temples to the gods. He encouraged the mining of silver at Laurium, and issued a new and independent coinage. To finance these undertakings he laid a ten per cent tax upon all agricultural products; later he seems to have reduced this to 5 per cent.\u2022 He planted strategic colonies on the Dar\u00ad danelles, and made commercial treaties with many states. Under his rule trade flourished, and wealth grew not among a few only, but in the com\u00ad munity as a whole. The poor were made less poor, the rich not less rich. That concentration of wealth which had nearly tom the city into civil war was brought under control, and the spread of comfort and oppor\u00ad tunity laid the economic bases of Athenian democracy.\nUnder Peisistratus and hissons Athens was physically and mentally trans-\n122\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP,V\nformed. Till their time it had been a second-rate city in the Greek world, lagging behind Miletus, Ephesus, Mytilene, and Syracuse in wealth and cul\u00ad ture, in vitality of life and mind. Now new buildings of stone and marble reflected the radiance of the day; the old temple of Athena on the Acropo\u00ad lis was beautified with a Doric peristyle; and work was begun on that tem\u00ad ple of Olympian Zeus whose stately Corinthian columns, even in their ruins, brighten the road from Athens to her port. By establishing the Pana\u00ad thenaic games and giving them a Panhellenic character, Peisistratus brought to his city not honor only, but the stimulus of foreign faces, competition, and ways; under his rule the Panathenaea became the great national fes\u00ad tival, whose impressive ceremonial still moves on the frieze of the Par\u00ad thenon. To his court, by public works and private beneficence, Peisistratus attracted sculptors, architects, and poets; in his palace was collected one of the earliest libraries of Greece. A committee appointed by him gave to the Iliad and the Odyssey the form in which we know them. Under his administration and encouragement Thespis and others lifted drama from a mummers' mimicry to a form of art ready to be filled out by the great triumvirate of the Athenian stage.\nThe \"tyranny\" of Peisistratus was part of a general movement in the commercially active cities of sixth-century Greece, to replace the feudal rule of a landowning aristocracy with the political dominance of the mid\u00ad dle class in temporary alliance with the poor.\u2022 Such dictatorships were brought on by the pathological concentration of wealth, and the inabil\u00ad ity of the wealthy to agree on a compromise. Forced to choose, the poor, like the rich, love money more than political liberty; and the only political freedom capable of enduring is one that is so pruned as to keep the rich from denuding the poor by ability or subtlety and the poor from robbing the rich by violence or votes. Hence the road to power in Greek commer\u00ad cial cities was simple: to attack the aristocracy, defend the poor, and come to an understanding with the middle classes... Arrived at power, the dictator abolished debts, or confiscated large estates, taxed the rich to finance public works, or otherwise redistributed the overconcentrated wealth; and while attaching the masses to himself through such measures, he secured the support of the business community by promoting trade with state coinage and commercial treaties, and by raising the social prestige of the bourgeoisie. Forced to depend upon popularity instead of hereditary\nThe word tyrmt had come from Lydia, perhaps from the town of Tyrrha, meaning a fortress; probably it is a distant cousin to our word tO'Wer (Gk. tyrris). Apparently it was applied first to Gyges, the Lydian king.\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\npower, the dictatorships for the most pan kept out of war, supported reli\u00ad gion, maintained order, promoted morality, favored the higher status\u00b7 of women, encouraged the arts, and lavished revenues upon the beautification of their cities. And they did all these things, in many cases, while pre\u00ad serving the forms and procedures of popular government, so that even under despotism the people learned the ways of libeny. When the dictator\u00ad ship had served to destroy the aristocracy the people destroyed the dic\u00ad tatorship; and only a few changes were needed to make the democracy of freemen a reality as well as a form.\nThe Establishment of Democracy\nWhen Peisistratus died, in 5 2 7, he left his power to his sons; his wisdom had survived every test except that of parental lov . Hippias gave promise of being a wise ruler, and for thirteen years continued the policies of his father. Hipparchus, his younger brother, was harmlessly, though expen\u00ad sively, devoted to love and poetry; it was at his invitation that Anacreon and Simonides came to Athens. The Athenians were not quite pleased to see the leadership of the state pass down without their consent to the young Peisistratids, and began to realize that the dictatorship had given them everything but the stimulus of freedom. Nevenheless Athens was prosperous, and the quiet reign of Hippias might have gone on to a peace\u00ad ful close had it not been for the unsmooth course of true Greek love."]
[-1.523798942565918, 9.79697322845459, "Samos had been a cultured center long before Polycrates. Here, about 590, the fabulous Aesop had been the Phrygian slave of the Greek Iadmon. An unconfirmed tradition tells how Iadmon freed him, how Aesop traveled widely, met Solon, lived at the court of Croesus, embezzled the money that Croesus had commissioned him to distribute at Delphi, and met a vio\u00ad lent death at the hands of the outraged Delphians.\" His fables, largely taken from Eastern sources, were well known at Athens in the classic age; Socrates, says Plutarch, put them into verse.\" Though their form was Oriental, their philosophy was characteristically Greek. \"Sweet are the beauties of Nature, the earth and sea, the stars, and the orbs of sun and moon. But a,11 the rest is fear and pain,\"\" especially if one embezzles. We can still meet him in the Vatican, where a cup from the Periclean age rep\u00ad resents him with half-bald head and Vandyke beard, listening profitably to a merry fox.\u2022\nThe great Pythagoras was born in Samos, but left it in 5 29 to live at Cro\u00ad tona in Italy. Anacreon came from Teos to sing Polycrates' charms and to tutor his son. The greatest figure at the court was the artist Theodorus, che Leonardo of Samos, Jack-of-all-trades and master of most. The Greeks ascribed to him, perhaps as a cloture on research, the invention of the level, the square, and the lathe;.. he was a skilled engraver of gems, a metalworker, stoneworker, woodworker, sculptor, and architect. He took part in de\u00ad signing the second temple of Artemis at Ephesus, built a vast skias, or pavilion, for Sparta's public assemblies, helped to introduce clay modeling\nenterprises today make both ends meet with an error of only a few inches, or\nnone.\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t143\ninto Greece, and shared with Rhoecus the honor of bringing from Egypt or Assyria to Samos the hollow casting of bronze.\" Before Theodorus the Greeks had made crude bronze statues by riveting plates of the metal to a \"bridge\" of wood;'\" now they were prepared to produce such masterpieces in bronze as the Charioteer of Delphi and the Discus Thrower of Myron. Samos was famous also for its pottery; Pliny recommends it to us by telling us that the priests of Cybele would use nothing but Samian potsherds in depriving themselves of their manhood.\u2022\nHeracleitus of Ephesus\nAcross the Caystrian Gulf from Samos stood Ionia's most famous city\u00ad Ephesus. Founded about I ooo by colonists from Athens, it prospered by tapping the trade of both the Cayster and the Maeander. Its population, its religion, and its art contained a strong Eastern element; the Artemis wor\u00ad shiped there began and ended as an Oriental goddess of motherhood and fertility. Her renowned temple had many deaths, and almost as many resurrections. On the site of an ancient altar twice built and twice de\u00ad stroyed, the first temple was erected about 600, and was probably' the earliest important edifice in the Ionic style. The second temple was raised about_540, partly through the generosity of Croesus; Paeonius of Ephesus, Theodorus of Samos, and Demetrius, a priest of the shrine, shared in de\u00ad signing it. It was the largest Greek temple that had yet been built, and was ranked without dispute among the Seven Wonders of the World.\u2022\nThe city was known not only for its temple but for its poets, its philoso\u00ad phers, and its expensively gowned women.61 Here, as early as 690 B.c., lived Callinus, the earliest known elegiac poet of Greece. Far greater and uglier was Hipponax, who, towards 550, composed poems so coarse in subject, obscure in language, pointed in wit, and re.fined in metrical style, that all Greece began to talk about him, and all Ephesus to hate him. He was short and thin, lame and deformed, and completely disagreeable. Woman, he tells us, in one of his surviving fragments, brings two days of happiness to a man-\"one when he marries her, the other when he buries her.\"\"\" He was a ruthless satirist, and lampooned every notable in Ephesus from the\nThe other six were the Hanging Gardens of Babylon, the Pharos at Alexandria, the Colossus of Rhodes, the Pheidian Zeus at Olympia, the tomb of Mausolus at Halicarnassus, and the Pyramids. Pliny describes the second temple as 425 feet long by 225 feet wide, with 127 columns sixty feet m height-several of them adorned or disfigured with reliefs.18 Com\u2022 pleted in 420 B.c. after more than a century of labor, it was destroyed by fire in 356.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VI\nlowest criminal to the highest priest of the temple. When two sculptors, Bupalus and Athenis, exhibited an elegant caricature of him he attacked them with such corrosive verse that some of it has proved more durable than their stone, and sharper than the teeth of time. \"Hold my coat,\" says a typically polished morsel; \"I shall hit Bupalus in the eye. I am ambidex\u00ad trous, and I never miss my aim.\"li8 Tradition said that Hipponax died by suicide; but perhaps this was only a universal h.\nThe most illustrious son of Ephesus was Heracleitus the Obscure. Bom about 530, he belonged to a noble family, and thought that democracy was a mistake. \"There are many bad but few good,\" he said ( 111\u2022), and \"one man to me is as ten thousand if he be the best\" ( 11 3). But even aristocrats did not please him, nor women, nor scholars. \"Abundant learning,\" he wrote with genial particularity, \"does not form the mind; if it did it would have instructed Hesiod, Pythagoras, Xenophanes and Hecataeus\" (16). \"For the only real wisdom is to know that idea which by itself will govern everything on every occasion\" (19). So he went off, like a Chinese sage, to live in the mountains and brood over the one idea that would explain all things. Disdaining to expound his conclusions in words intelligible to common men, and seeking in obscurity of life and speech some safety from individuality-destroying parties and mobs, he expressed his views in pithy and enigmatical apophthegms On Nature, which he deposited in the temple of Artemis for the mystification of posterity.\nHeracleitus has been represented in modem literature as building his philosophy around the notion of change; but the extant fragments hardly support this interpretation. Like most philosophers he longed to find the One behind the Many, some mind-steadying unity and order amid the chaotic flux and multiplicity of the world. \"All things are one,\" he said, as passionately as Parmenides (1); the problem of philosophy was, what is this one? Heracleitus answered, Fire. Perhaps he was influenced by the Persian worship of fire; probably, as we may judge from his identification of Fire with Soul and God, he used the term symbolically as well as liter\u00ad ally, to mean energy as well as :fire; the fragments permit no certainty. \"This world ... was made neither by a god nor by man, but it ever was, and is, and shall be, ever-living Fire, in measures being kindled and in measures going out\" (20). Everything is a form of Fire, either in Fire's \"downward path\" through progressive condensation into moisture, water,\nThe parenthetical numbers refer to the fragments of Heracleitus as numbered by\nBywater.\nCHAP.VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t145\nand earth; or in its \"upwar.d path\" from earth to water to moisture to Fire.*\"'\nThough he finds a consoling constancy in the Eternal Fire, Heracleitus is troubled by its endless transformations; and the second nucleus of his thought is the eternity and ubiquity of change. He finds nothing static in the universe, the mind, or the soul. Nothing is, everything becomes; no condition persists unaltered, even for the smallest moment; everything is ceasing to be what it was, and is becoming what it will be. Here is a new emphasis in philosophy: Heracleitus does not merely ask, like Thales, what things are, but, like Anaximander, Lucretius, and Spencer, how they be\u00ad came what they are; and he suggests, like Aristotle, that a study of the sec\u00ad ond question is the best approach to the first. The extant apophthegms do not contain the famous formula, panta rei, ouden menei-\"all things flow, nothing abides\"; but antiquity is unanimous in attributing it to Heracleitus,118 \"You cannot step twice into the same river, for other waters are ever flow\u00ad ing on to you\" (41); \"we are and we are not\" (81); here, as in Hegel, the universe is a vast Becoming. Multiplicity, variety, change are as real as unity, identity, being; the Many are as real as the One,.., The Many are the One; every change is a passage of things towards or from the condition of Fire. The One is the Many; in the very heart of Fire flickers restless change.\nHence Heracleitus passes to the third element in his philosophy-the unity of opposites, the interdependence of contraries, the harmony of strife. \"God is day and night, winter and summer, war and\u00b7 peace, surfeit and hunger\" (36). \"Good and bad are the same; goodness and badness are one\" (57-8); \"life and death are the same; so are waking and sleeping, youth and age\" (78). All these contraries are stages in a fluctuating move\u00ad ment, moments of the ever-changing Fire; each member in an opposing pair is necessary to the meaning and existence of the other; reality is the tension and interplay, the alternation and exchange, the unity and bar-\nPossibly Heracleitus had in mind a nebular hypothesis: the world begins as fire (or heat or energy), it becomes gas or moisture, which is precipitated as water, whose chemical residue, after evaporation, forms the solids of the earth.\"\" Water and earth (liquid and solid) are two stages of one process, two forms of one reality (25). \"All things are exchanged for Fire, and Fire for all things\" (22). All change is a \"pathway down or up,\" a passage from one to another form-now more, now less, condensed-of energy or Fire. \"The path upwards and downwards is one and the same\" (6c}); rarefaction and condensation are movements in an eternal oscillation of change; all things are formed or. the downward and condensing or on the upward and rarefying pathway of reality from Fire and back to Fire; all forms are modes\n:Jf one underlying energy. In Spinoza's langua e: Fire or energy is the eternal and omni\u00ad present substance, or basic principle; condensanon and rarefaction (the downward and up\u00ad ward paths) are its attributes; its modes or specific forms are the visible things of the world.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.VI\nmony, of opposites. \"They understand not hew that which is at variance with itself agrees with itself. There sits attunement of opposite tensionsf like that of the bow and the harp\" (45). As the tension of the string, loosened or drawn taut, creates the harmony of vibrations called music or a note, so the alternation and strife of opposites creates the essence and meaning and harmony of life and change. In the struggle of organism with organism, of man with man, of man with woman, of generation with generation, of class with class, of nation with nation, of idea with idea, of creed with creed, the warring opposites are the warp and woof on the loom of life, working at cross-purposes to produce the unseen unity and hidden concord of the whole. \"From things that differ comes the fairest attunement\" (46); any lover will understand.\nAll three of these principles-fire, change, and the tension unity of con\u00ad traries-enter into Heracleitus' conception of soul and God. He smiles at men who \"seek in vain to purify themselves from blood-guiltiness by de\u00ad filing themselves with blood\" (130), or who \"offer prayers to these statues here-as if one should try to converse with houses; such men know noth\u00ad ing of the real nature of gods\" (126). Nor will he admit personal im\u00ad mortality; man too, like everything else, is a changeful and fitful flame, \"kindled and put out like a light in the night\" (77). Even so, man is Fire; the soul or vital principle is part of the eternal energy in all things; and as such it never dies. Death and birth are arbitrary points taken in the current of things by the human analyzing mind; but from the impartial standpoint of the universe they are merely phases in the endless change of forms. At every instant some part of us dies while the whole lives; at every second one of us dies while Life lives. Death is a beginning as well as an ending; birth is an ending as well as a beginning. Our words, our thoughts, even our morals, are prejudices, and represent our interests as parts or groups; philosophy must see things in the light of the whole. \"To God all things are beautiful and good and right; men deem some things wrong and some right\" (61)."]
[5.78287410736084, 17.243677139282227, "riage: \"If my breasts were still capable of giving suck, and my womb were able to bear children, then to another marriage-bed not with trembling feet would I come. But now on my skin age has brought many lines, and Love hastens not to me with his gift of pain\"-and she advises her suitor to seek a younger wife.11 In truth we do not know when she died, or how; we know only that she left behind her a vivid memory of passion, poetry, and grace; and that she shone even above Alcaeus as the most melodious singer of her time. Gently, in a final fragment, she reproves those who would not admit that her song was finished:\nYou dishonor the good gifts of the Muses, my children, when you say, \"We will crown you, dear Sappho, best player of the clear, sweet lyre.\" Know you not that my skin is all wrinkled with age, and my hair is turned from black to white? . . . Surely as starry Night follows rose-armed Dawn and brings darkness to the ends of the earth, so Death tracketh everything living, and catcheth it in the end...\nTHE NORTHERN EMPIRE\nNonh of Lesbos is little Tenedos, whose women were accounted by some ancient travelers to be the most beautiful in Greece.\u2022 Then one follows the adventurous Hellenes into the nonhem Sporades: to lmbros, and Lemnos, and Samothrace. The Milesians, seeking to control the Hellespont, founded, about 560, the still-living town of Abydos on its south shore;\u2022 here Leander and Byron swam the straits, and\u2022 Xerxes' army crossed to Europe on a bridge of boats. Fanher eastward the Phocaeans settled Lampsacus, birthplace of Epi\u00ad curus. Within the Propontis lay two groups of islands: the Proconnesus, rich in the marble that gave the Propontis its current name, the Sea of Marmora; and the Arctonnesus, on whose southernmost tip the Milesians established in 7 57 the great pon of Cyzicus. Along the coast rose one Greek city after an\u00ad other: Panormus, Dascylium, Apameia, Cius, Astacus, Chalcedon. Up through the Bosporus the Greeks advanced, hungry for metals, grain, and trade, found\u00ad ing Chrysopolis (now Scutari) and Nicopolis-\"city of victory.\" Then they made their way along the southern shore of the Black Sea, depositing towns at Heracleia, Pontica, Tieum, and Sinope-a city splendidly adorned, says Strabo,\"' with gymnasium, agora, and shady colonnades; Diogenes the Cynic was not above being born here. Then Amisus, Oenoe, Tripolis, and Trapezus (Trebizond, Trabzon)-where Xenophon's Ten Thousand shouted with joy at the sight of the longed-for sea. The opening up of this region to Greek\nNearly all the cities mentioned in this chapter are mll in existence, though under altered\naames.\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t157\ncolonization, perhaps by Jason, later by the Ionians, gave the mother cities the same outlet for surplus population and trade, the same resources in food, silver, and gold, that the discovery of America gave to Europe at the beginning of modem times...\nFollowing the eastern shores of the Euxine northward into Medea's Colchis, the Greeks founded Phasis and Dioscorias, and Theodosia and Panticapaeum in the Crimea. Near the mouths of the Bug and the Dnieper they established the city of Olbia (Nikolaev); at the mouth of the Dniester, the town of Tyras; and on the Danube, Troesmis. Then, moving southward along the west shore of the Black Sea, they built the cities of lstrus (Constanta, Kustenje), Tomi (where Ovid died), Odessus (Varna), and Apollonia (Burgas). The histori\u00ad cally sensitive traveler stands appalled at the antiquity of these living towns; but today's residents, engrossed in the tasks of their own generation, are undis\u00ad turbed by the depth of the centuries that lie silent beneath them.\nThen again at the Bosporus the Megarians, about 660, built Byzantium\u2022\u00ad yesterday Constantinople, now Istanbul. Even before Pericles this strategic port was becoming what Napoleon would call it at the Peace of Tilsit-the' key to Europe; in the third century B.c. Polybius described its maritime position as \"more favorable to security and prosperity than that of any other city in the world known to us.\"\"' Byzantium grew rich by exacting tolls from passing ves\u00ad sels, and exporting to the Greek world the grain of southern Russia (\"Scythia\") and the Balkans, and the fish that were netted with shameful ease as they crowded through the narrow straits. It was its curving form, and the wealth derived from this fishing industry, that gave the city its later name, the \"Golden Horn.\" Under Pericles Athens dominated Byzantine polities, levied tolls there to fill her treasury in time of emergency, and regulated the export of grain from the Black Sea as a contraband of war.08\nAlong the northern or Thracian shore of the Propontis the Greeks built towns at Selymbria, Perinthus (Eregli), Bisanthe, Callipolis (Gallipoli), and Sestus. Later settlements were established on the southwestern coast of Thrace at Aph\u00ad rodisias, Aenus, and Abdera-where Leucippus and Democritus would pro\u00ad pound the philosophy of atomistic materialism. Off the coast of Thrace lay the island of Thasos, \"bare and ugly as a donkey's back in the sea,\" Archilochus described it,\"\" but so rich in gold mines that their proceeds paid all the expenses of the government. On or near the eastern coast of Macedonia Greek gold\u00ad seekers, chiefly Athenians, founded Neapolis and Amphipolis-whose capture by Philip would lead to the war in which Athens was to lose her liberty. Other Greeks, mostly from Chalcis and Eretria, conquered and named the three-fin\u00ad gered peninsula of Chalcidice, and by 700 had established thirty towns there,\nThe name was probably taken from Byzas, a native king.08\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nseveral of them destined to play a role in Greek history: Stageirus (birthplace of Aristotle), Scione, Mende, Potidaea, Acanthus, Cleonae, Torone, and Olyn\u00ad thus-captured by Philip in 348 and known to us now through the oratory of Demosthenes. Recent excavations at Olynthus have unearthed a town of considerable extent, with many houses of two stories and some of twenty-five rooms. In the time of Philip Olynthus appears to have had 60,000 inhabitants; we may judge from this figure for a minor city the abounding fertility and energetic expansion of the pre-Periclean Greeks.\nFinally, between Chalcidice and Euboea, Ionian migrants peopled the Eu\u00ad boean Isles-Gerontia, Polyaegos, Icos, Peparethos, Scandile, Scyros. The orbit of empire in east and north had come full tum, the circuit was complete; Greek enterprise had transformed the islands of the Aegean and the coasts of Asia Minor, the Hellespont, the Black Sea, Macedonia, and Thrace into a busy net\u00ad work of Hellenized cities, throbbing with agriculture, industry, trade, politics, literature, religion, philosophy, science, art, eloquence, chicanery, and venery. It only remained to conquer another Greece in the West, and build a bridge between ancient Bellas and the modem world.\nCHAPTER  VII\nThe Greeks in the West\nTHE SYBARITES\nKIRTING Sunium again, our ship of fancy, sailing westward, finds Cythera, island haunt of Aphrodite, and therefore the goal of Wat\u00ad teau's Embtrrkation.\u2022 There, about A.D. 160, Pausanias saw \"the most holy and ancient of all the temples that the Greeks have built to Aphrodite\";1 and there, in 1887, Schliemann dug its ruins out of the earth.\" Cythera was the southernmost of the Ionian Islands that bordered the west coast of Greece, and so named because Ionian immigrants settled them; Zacynthos, Cephal\u00ad lenia, Ithaca, Leucas, Paxos, and Corcyra made the rest. Schliemann thought that Ithaca was the island of Odysseus, and vainly sought under its soil some confirmation of Homer's tale;\" but Dorpfeld believed that Odysseus' home was on rocky Leucas. From the cliffs of Leucas, as an annual sacri\u00ad fice to Apollo, the ancient Leucadians, says Strabo, were in the habit of hurling a human victim; but being men as well as theologians, they merci\u00ad fully attached to him powerful birds whose wings might break his fall:\u2022 probably the story of Sappho's leap is bound up with memories of this rite. Corinthian colonists occupied Corcyra (Corfu) about 734 B.c., and soon became so strong that they defeated Corinth's navy and established their independence. From Corcyra some Greek adventurers sailed up the Adriatic as far as Venice; some made small settlements on the Dalmatian coast and in the valley of the Po;\" others crossed at last through fifty miles\nof stormy water to the heel of Italy.\nThey found a magnificent shore line, curved into natural harbors and backed by a fertile hinterland that had been almost neglected by the aborigines.\u2022 The Greek invaders took possession of this coastal region by the ruthless law of colonial expansion-that natural resources unex\u00ad ploited by the native population will draw in, by a kind of chemical attrac\u00ad tion, some other people to exploit them and pour them into the commerce and usage of the world. From Brentesium (Brindisi) the newcomers, chiefly Dorian, traversed the heel of the peninsula to establish a major city\nWatteau's painting, Embarkation for Cythera, symbolized the spirit of the upper classes\nin eighteenth-century France, which had shed just enough theology to be epicurean.\n159\n160\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VII"]
[5.4062042236328125, 13.395374298095703, "Thrice ten thy sum of years the nuptial prime, Nor fall far short, nor far exceed the time ... A virgin choose, that morals chaste imprest\nBy this wise love may stamp her yielding breast. Some known and neighboring damsel be thy prize; And wary bend around thy cautious eyes,\nLest by a choice imprudent thou be found\n102\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nThe merry mock of all the dwellers round. No better lot has Providence assigned Than a fair woman with a virtuous mind; Nor can a worse befall than when thy fate Allots a worthless, feast-continuing mate.\nShe with no touch of mere material flame Shall bum to tinder thy care-wasted frame; Shall send a fire thy vigorous bones within And age unripe in bloom of years begin.'\"\nBefore this Fall of Man, says Hesiod, the human race lived through many happy centuries on the earth. First the gods, in the days of Cronus (Virgil's Saturnia regna), had made a Golden Race of men, who were themselves as gods, living without toil or care; of its own accord the earth bore ample food for them, and nourished their rich flocks; they spent many a day in joyous festival, and never aged; and when at last death came to them, it was like a painless and dreamless sleep. But then the gods, with divine whimsicality, made a Silver Race, far inferior to the first; these indi\u00ad viduals took a century to grow up, lived through a brief maturity of suf\u00ad fering, and died. Zeus made then a Brazen Race, men with limbs and weapons and houses of brass, who fought so many wars with one another that \"black Death seized them and they quitted the bright sunlight.\" Zeus tried again and made the Heroic Race, which fought at Thebes and Troy; when these men died \"they dwelt with carefree spirit in the Isles of the Blest.\" Last and worst came the Iron Race, mean and corrupt, poor and disorderly, toiling by day and wretched by night; sons dishonoring parents, impious and stingy to the gods, lazy and factious, warring among them\u00ad selves, taking and giving bribes, distrusting and maligning one another, and grinding the faces of the poor; \"Would,\" cries Hesiod, \"that I had not been born in this age, but either before or after it!\" Soon, he hopes, Zeus will bury this Iron Race under the earth.\"'\nSuch is the theology of history with which Hesiod explains the poverty and injustice of his time. These ills he knew by sight and touch; but the past, which the poets had filled with heroes and gods, must have been nobler and lovelier than this; surely men had not always been as poor and harassed and petty as the peasants whom he knew in Boeotia. He does not realize how deeply the faults of his class enter into his own outlook, how narrow and earthly, almost commercial, are his views of life and labor, women and men. What a fall this is from the picture of human\nCHAP.V)\tATHENS\naffairs in Homer, as a scene of crime and terror, but also of grandeur and nobility! Homer was a poet, and knew that one touch of beauty redeems a multitude of sins; Hesiod was a peasant who grudged the cost of a wife, and grumbled at the impudence of women who dared to sit at the same table with their husbands.\" Hesiod, with rough candor, shows us the ugly basement of early Greek society-the hard poverty of serfs and small farmers upon whose toil rested all the splendor and war sport of the aris\u00ad tocracy and th1 kings. Homer sang of heroes and princes for lords and ladies; Hesiod knew no princes, but sang his lays of common men, and pitcht>d his tunt accordingly. In his verses we hear the rumblings of those peas _nt revolts r.hat would produce in Attica the reforms of Solon and the dic1:atorship of Peisistratus.*\nIn Boeotia, as in the Peloponnese, the land was owned by absentee nobles who (!1;1,elt in or near the towns. The most prosperous of the cities were built around Lake Copais, now dry but once supplying a complex system of irrigation tunnels and canals. Late in the Homeric Age this tempting region was invaded by peoples who took their name from that Mt. Boeon, in Epirus, near which they had had their home. They captured Chaeronea (near which Philip was to put an end to Greek liberty), Thebes, their future capital, and finally the old Minyan capital, Orchomenos. These and other towns, in classic days, joined under the leadership of Thebes in a Boeotian Confederacy, whose common affairs were managed by annu\u00ad ally chosen boeotarchs, and whose peoples celebrated together at Coronea the festival of Panboeotia.\nIt was the custom of the Athenians to laugh at the Boeotians as dull\u00ad witted, and to attribute this obtuseness to heavy eating and a moist and foggy climate-very much as the French used to diagnose the English. There may have been some truth in this, for the Boeotians play an unpre\u00ad possessing part in Greek history. Thebes, for example, aided the Persian invaders, and was a thorn in the side of Athens for centuries. But in the other side of the scales we place the brave and loyal Plataeans, plodding Hesiod and soaring Pindar, the noble Epaminondas and the completely lovable Plutarch. We must beware of seeing Athens' rivals only through Athens' eyes.\nHistory kn<;>WS nothing of Hesiod's death. l;egend_ tells how, at the age of eighty, he seduced the maiden Clymene; how her brother killed him and threw his body into the sea\u2022 and how Clymene bore as his son the lyric poet Stesichorus-who, however was born Sicily.\u2022\t'\n104\tTHLIFE EOF GREECE\t\nDELPHI\nFrom Plutarch's city, Chaeronea, one passes at the continuous risk of his life over a dozen mountains into Phocis, to reach, on the very slope of Parnassus, the sacred city of Delphi. A thousand feet below is the Crisaean plain, bright with the silver leaves of ten thousand olive trees; five hundred feet farther down is an inlet of the Corinthian Gulf; ships move with the stately, silent slowness of distance over waters deceptively motionless. Be\u00ad yond are other ranges, clothed for a moment in royal purple by the setting sun. At a turn in the road is the Castalian Spring, framed in a gorge of per\u00ad pendicular cliffs; from the heights, legend said (adding another fable to his own), the citizens of Delphi hurled the wandering Aesop; over them, says history, Philomelus the Phocian drove the defeated Locrians in the Second Sacred War.*.. Above are the twin peaks of Parnassus, where the Muses dwelt when they tired of Helicon. Greeks who climbed a hundred tortuous miles to stand on this mountainside-poised on a ledge between mist-shrouded heights and a sunlit sea, and surrounded on every side with beauty or terror-could hardly doubt that beneath these rocks lived some awful god. Time and again eanhquake had rumbled here, frightening away the plundering Persians, and a century later the plundering Phocians, and a century later the plundering Gauls; it was the god protecting his shrine. As far back as Greek tradition could reach, worshipers had gathered here to find in the winds among the gorges, or the gases escaping from the earth, the voice and will of deity. The great stone that nearly closed the cleft from which the gases came was, to the Greeks, the center of Greece, and therefore the omphalos, as they called it, the umbilicus or very navel of the world.\nOver that navel they built their altars, in older days to Ge, Mother Earth,\nlater to her bright conqueror Apollo. Once a terrible s.erpent had guarded the gorge, holding it against men; Phoebus had slain him with an arrow, and, as the Pythian Apollo, had become the idol of the shrine. There, when an earlier temple was destroyed by fire (548), the rich Alcmaeonids, aristocrats exiled from Athens, rebuilt it with funds subscribed by all Greece and augmented by their own; they gave it a fa ade of marble, sur-\nTwice the Greeks waged Sacred Wars over the perquisites of Apollo's temple: once in 595-85, when the southern Greeks put an end to the exactmg of greedy tolls by the people of neighboring: Cirrha from pilgrims p g to Delphi through their port; and again m 356-46, when an allied Greek army under Philip of Macedon ousted the Phocians who had captured Delphi and appropriated the te;;c!:!unds. The first war led to the neutralization of Delphi and the establishment of the P \u2022 games; the second led to the Macedonian conquest of Greece.\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\t105\nrounded it with a Doric peristyle, and supported it with Ionic colonnades within; seldom had Greece seen so magnificent a shrine. A Sacred Way wound up the slope to the sanctuary, adorned at every step with statues, porticoes, and \"treasuries\"-miniature temples built in the sacred precincts (at Olympia, Delphi, or Delos) by Greek cities as repositories for their funds, or as their individual tributes to the god. A hundred years before the battle of Marathon, Corinth and Sicyon raised such treasuries at Del\u00ad phi; later, Athens, Thebes, and Cyrene rivaled them, Cnidus and Siphnos surpassed them. Amid them all, as a reminder that Greek drama was a part of Greek religion, a theater was built into the face of Parnassus. Far above all the rest was a stadium, where Greece practiced its favorite wor\u00ad ship of health, courage, beauty, and youth.\nImagination pictures the scene in the days of Apollo's festival-fervent pilgrims crowding the road to the sacred city, filling noisily the inns and tents thrown up to shelter them, passing curiously and skeptically among the booths where subtle traders displayed their wares, mounting in religious procession or hopeful pilgrimage to Apollo's temple, laying before it their offering or sacrifice, chanting their hymns or saying their prayers, sitting awed in the theater, and plodding up half a thousand trying steps to wit\u00ad ness the Pythian games or gaze in wonder at mountains and sea. Life once passed this way in all its eagerness.\nTHE LESSER STATE\nIn the western mainlands of Greece life was content to be rural and subdued throughout Greek history-and is so today. In Locris, Aetolia, Acamania, and Aeniania men were too close to primitive realities, too far from the quickening currents of communication and trade, to have time or skill for literature, philosophy, or art; even the gymnasium and the theater, so dear to Attica, found no home here; and the temples were artless village shrines stirring no national sentiment. At long intervals modest towns arose, like Amphissa in Locris, or Aetolian Naupactus, or little Calydon, where once Meleager had hunted the boar with Atalanta.\u2022 On the west coast near Calydon is the modem Mesolongion, or Missolonghi, where Marco Bozzaris fought and Byron died.\nA wild boar having devastated the fields of Calydon, Meleager, sen of Calydon's King Oeneus, organized a hunt for it, with such aides as Theseus, Castor and Pollux, Nestor, Jason, and the fair-faced, fleet-footed Atalanta. Several heroes were slain by the boar, but Atalanta shot it and Meleager killed it. Atalanta, sought by many wooers in her Arcadian home, agreed to marry any one of them that could outrun her, but those who lost were to be put to death. Hippomenes won by dropping as he ran the three golden apples of the Hesperides given him by Aphrodite; Atalanta stooped to pick them, and lost the race. Of Meleager's secret love for Atalanta, and his tragic death, the reader may learn in Swinburne's Atalll'llt4 in Calydon."]
[0.03810156509280205, 17.772546768188477, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\ndevelopment it uses three methods: fresco, or painting upon wet plaster; tem\u00ad pera, or painting upon wet cloth or boards with colors mixed with the white of eggs; and encaustic, which mixed the colors with melted wax; this is as near as antiquity comes to painting in oils. Pliny, whose will to believe sometimes rivals that of Herodotus, assures us that the art of painting was already so ad\u00ad vanced in the eighth century that Candaules, King of Lydia, paid its weight in gold for a picture by Bularchus;9 but all beginnings are mysteries. We may judge the high repute of painting in Greece from the fact that Pliny gives it more space than to sculpture; and apparently the great paintings of the classic and Hellenistic periods were as much discussed by the critics, and as highly regarded by the people, as the most distinguished specimens of architecture or\nstatuary.20\nPolygnotus -o\u00b7fThasos was as famous in fifth-century Greece as Ictinus or Pheidias. We find him in Athens about 472; perhaps it was the rich Cimon who procured him commissions to adorn several public buildings with murals.\u2022 Upon the Stoa, which thereafter was called Poecile, or the Painted Portico, and which, three centuries later, would give its name to the philosophy of Zeno, Polygnotus depicted the Sack of Troy-not the bloody massacre of the night of victory, but the somber silence of the morning after, with the victors quieted by the ruin around them, and the defeated lying calm in death. On the walls of the temple of the Dioscuri he painted the Rape of the Leucippidae, and set a precedent for his art by portraying the women in transparent drapery. The Amphictyonic Council was not shocked; it invited Polygnotus to Delphi, where, in the Lesche, or Lounge, he painted Odysseus in Hades, and another Sack of Troy. All these were vast frescoes, almost empty of landscape or background, but so cro ded with individualized figures that many assistants were needed to fill in with color the master's carefully drawn designs. The Lesche mural of Troy showed Menelaus' crew about to spread sail for the return to Greece; in the center sat Helen; and though many other women were in the picture, all appeared to be gazing at her beauty. In a comer stood Andromache, with Astyanax at her breast; in another a little boy clung to an altar in fear; and in the distance a horse rolled around on the sandy beach.1\" Here, half a century before Euripides, was all the drama of The Trojan Women. Polygnotus refused to take pay for these pictures, but gave them to Athens and Delphi out of the generosity of confident strength. All Hellas acclaimed him: Athens conferred citizenship upon him, and the Amphictyonic Council arranged that wherever he went in Greece he should be (as Socrates wished to be) maintained at the public expense.211 All that remains of him is a little pigment on a wall at Delphi to remind us that artistic immortality is..a moment in geological time.\nHe repaid Cimon by making love to his sister Elpinice, and\u00b7 painting her portrait as Laodicea among the women of Troy.11\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE\tART\tOF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t317\nAbout 470 Delphi and Corinth established quadrennial contests in paint\u00ad ing as pan of the Pythian and Isthmian games. The an was now sufficiently advanced to enable Panaenus, brother (or nephew) of Pheidias, to make recognizable portraits of the Athenian and Persian generals in his Battle of Marathon. But it still placed all figures in one plane, and made them of on.e stature; it indicated distance not by a progressive diminution of. size and a modeling with light and shade, but by covering more c5f the lower half of the farther figures with the curves that-represented the ground. Towards\n440 a vital step forward was taken. Agatharchus, employed by Aeschylus and Sophocles to paint scenery for their plays, perceived the connection between light and shade and distance, and wrote a treatise on perspective as a means of creating theatrical illusion. Anaxagoras and Democritus took up the idea from the scientific angle, and at the end of the century Apollo\u2022 dorus of Athens won the name of skiagraphos, or shadow painter, because he made pictures in chiaroscuro-i.e., in light and shade; hence Pliny spoke of him as \"the first to paint objects as they really appeared.\"\"\nGreek painters never made full use of these discoveries; just as Solon frowned upon the theatrical art as a deception, so the artists seem to have thought it against their honor, or beneath their dignity, to give to a plane surface the appearance of three dimensions. Nevertheless it was through perspective and chiaroscuro that Zeuxis, pupil of Apollodorus, made him\u00ad self the supreme figure in fifth-century painting. He came from Heracleia (Pontica?) to Athens about 424; and even amid the noise of war his coming was considered an event. He was a \"character,\" bold and conceited, and he painted with a swashbuckling brush. At the Olympic games he strutted about in a checkered tunic on which his name was embroidered in gold; he could afford it, since he had already acquired \"a vast amount of wealth,, from his paintings.u But he worked with the honest care of a great artist, and when Agatharc.hus boasted of his own speed of execution, Zeuxis said quietly, \"I take a long time.\"'\" He gave away many of his masterpieces, on the ground that no price could do them justice; and cities and kings were happy to receive them.\nHe had only one rival in his generation-Parrhasius of Ephesus, almost as great and quite as vain. Parrhasius wore a golden crown on his head, called himself \"the prince of painters,\" and said that in him the art had reached per\u00ad fection.\" He did it all in lusty good humor, singing as he painted.18 Gossip said that he had bought a slave and tortured him to study facial expression in pain for a picture of Prometheus;'\u2022 but people tell many stories about anists. Like Zeuxis he was a realist; his Runner was portrayed with such verisimili\u2022\n318\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP XIV\ntude that those who beheld it expected the perspiration to fall from the pic\u00ad ture, and the athlete to drop from exhaustion. He drew an immense mural. of The People of Athens, representing them as implacable and merciful, proud and humble, fierce and timid, fickle and generous-and so faithfully that the Athenian public, we are informed, realized for the first time its own complex and contradictory character.\"\"\nA great rivalry brought him into public competition with Zeuxis. The latter painted some grapes so naturally that birds tried to eat them. The judges were enthusiastic about the picture, and Zeuxis, confident of victory, bade Parrhasius draw aside the curtain that concealed the Ephesian's paint\u00ad ing. But the curtain proved to be a part of the picture, and Zeuxis, hav\u00ad\n:ng himself been deceived, handsomely acknowledged his defeat. Zeuxis suffered no loss of reputation. At Crotona he agreed to paint a Helen for the temple of Lacinian Hera, on condition that the five loveliest women of the city should pose in the nude for him, so that he might select from each her fairest feature, and combine them all in a second goddess of beauty.11 Penelope, too, found new life under his brush; but he admired more his portrait of an athlete, and wrote under it that men would find it easier to criticize him than to equal him. All Greece enjoyed his conceit, and talked about him as much as of any dramatist, statesmen, or general. Only the prize fighters outdid his fame.\nm. THE MASTERS OF SCULPTURE\nMethods\nNone the less painting remained slightly alien to the Greek genius, which loved form more than color, and made even the painting of the classic age (if we may judge it from hearsay) a statuesque study in line and design rather than a sensuous seizure of the colors of life. The Hellene delighted rather in sculpture: he filled his home, his temples, and his grave with terra\u00ad cotta statuettes, worshiped his gods with images of stone, and marked the tombs of his departed with stelae reliefs that are among the commonest and most moving products of Greek art. The artisans of the stelae were simple workers who carved by rote, and repeated a thousand times the familiar theme of the quiet parting, with clasped hands, of the living from the dead. But the theme itself is noble enough to bear repetition, for it shows classic restraint at its best, and teaches even a romantic soul that feeling speaks\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE   ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\nwith most power when it lowers its voice. These slabs show us the dead most often in some characteristic occupation of life-a child playing with a hoop, a girl carrying a jar, a warrior proud in his armor, a young woman admiring her jewels, a boy reading a book while his dog lies content but watchful under his chair. Death in these stelae is made natural, and there\u00ad fore forgivable.\nMore complex, and supreme in their kind, are the sculptural reliefs of this age. In one of them Orpheus bids a lingering farewell to Eurydice, whom Hermes has reclaimed for the nether world;\"' in another Demeter gives to Trip\u00ad tolemus the golden grain by Iwhich he is to establish agriculture in Greece; here some of the coloring still adheres to the stone, and suggests the warmth and brilliance of Greek relief in the Golden Age.\"' Still more beautiful is Tbe Birth of Aphrodite, carved on one side of the \"Ludovisi Throne\"\u2022 by an un\u00ad known sculptor of presumably Ionian training. Two goddesses are raising Aphrodite from the sea; her thin wet garment clings to her form and reveals it in all the splendor of maturity; the head is semi-Asiatic, but the drapery of\nthe attendant deities, and the soft grace of their pose, bear the stamp of the sensitive Greek eye and hand. On another side of the \"throne\" a nude girl plays the double flute. On a third side a veiled woman prepares her lamp for the evening; perhaps the face and garments here are even nearer to perfection than on the central piece.\nThe advance of the fifth-century sculptor upon his forebears is impressive. Frontality is abandoned, foreshortening deepens perspective, stillness gives place to movement, rigidity to life. Indeed, when Greek statuary breaks through the old conventions and shows man in action, it is an artistic revolu\u00ad tion; rarely before, in Egypt or the Near East, or in pre-Marathon Greece, has any sculpture in the round been caught in action. These developments owe much to the freshened vitality and buoyancy of Greek life after Salamis, and more to the patient study of motile anatomy by master and apprentice through many generations. \"Is it not by modeling your works on living beings,\" asks Socrates, sculptor and philosopher, \"that you make your statues appear alive? ... And as our different attitudes cause the play of certain muscles of our body, upwards or downwards, so that some are contracted and some stretched, some wrung and some relaxed, is it not by expressing these efforts that you give greater truth and verisimilitude to your works?\"\"' The Periclean sculptor is interested in every feature of the\nA block of marble discovered in Rome in 1887 when the Villa Ludovisi was torn down. The original is in the Museo delle Terme in Rome; there is a good copy in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York.\n320\tTHE\ti.. IF E OF\tGREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\nbody-in the abdomen as much as the face, in the marvelous play of the elastic flesh over the moving framework of the bones, in the swelling of muscles, tendons, and veins, in the endless wonders of the structure and action of hands and ears and feet; and he is fascinated by the difficulty of molding the extremities. He does not often use models to pose for him in a studio; for the most part he is content to watch the men stripped and active in the palaestra or on the athletic field, and the women solemnly marching in the religious processions, or naturally absorbed in their domestic tasks. It is for this reason, and not through modesty, that he centers his studies of anatomy upon the male, and in his portraits\u00b7 of women substitutes the re\u00ad finements of drapery for anatomical detail-though he makes the drapery as transparent as he dares. Tired of the stiff skirts of Egypt and archaic Greece he loves to show feminine robes agitated by a breeze, for here again he catches the quality of motion and life.  ."]
[7.379283905029297, 6.924554824829102, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI\nthe zenith and unity of the life of Greece-statesmanship, art, science, philosophy, literature, religion, and morals living no separate career as in the pages of chroniclers, but woven into one many-colored fabric of a nation's history.\nThe affections of Pericles wavered between art and philosophy, and he might have found it hard to say whether he loved Pheidias or Anaxagoras the more; perhaps he turned to Aspasia as a comproinise between beauty\n- and wisdom. For Anaxagoras he entertained, we are told, \"an extraor\u00ad dinary esteem and admiration.ms It was the philosopher, says Plato,u who deepened Pericles into statesmanship; from long intercourse with Anaxag\u00ad oras, Plutarch believes, Pericles derived \"not merely elevation of purpose and dignity of language, raised far above the base and dishonest buffoon\u00ad eries of mob eloquence, but, besides this, a composure of countenance, and a serenity and calmness in all his movements, which no occurrence whilst he was speaking could disturb.\" When Anaxagoras was old, and Pericles was absorbed in public affairs, the statesman for a time let the philosopher drop out of his life; but later, hearing that Anaxagoras was starving, Pericles hastened to his relief, and accepted humbly his rebuke, that \"those who have occasion for a lamp supply it with oil.\"\u2022\nIt seems hardly credible, and yet on second thought most natural, that the stem \"Olympian\" should have been keenly susceptible to the charms of woman; his self-control fought against a delicate sensibility, and the toils of office must have heightened in him the normal male longing for feininine tenderness. He had been many years married when he met Aspasia. She belonged to-she was helping to create-the type of hetaira that was about to play so active a part in Athenian life: a woman rejecting the seclusion that marriage brought to the ladies of Athens, and preferring to live in unlicensed unions, even in relative promiscuity, if thereby she Inight enjoy the same freedom of movement and conduct as men, and par\u00ad ticipate with them in their cultural interests. We have no testimony to Aspasia's beauty, though ancient writers speak of her \"small, high-arched foot,\" \"her silvery voice,\" and her golden hair.\"' Aristophanes, an unscrupu\u00ad lous political enemy of Pericles, describes her as a Milesian courtesan who had established a luxurious brothel at Megara, and had now imported some of her girls into Athens; and the great comedian delicately suggests that the quarrel of Athens with Megara, which precipitated the Peloponnesian War, was brought about because Aspasia persuaded Pericles to revenge her upon Megarians who had kidnaped some of her personnel.\u2022 But Aris-\nCHAP.XI) PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT  2S3\ntophanes was not an historian, and may be trusted only where he himself is not concerned.\nArriving in Athens about 450, Aspasia opened a school of rhetoric and philosophy, and boldly encouraged the public emergence and higher edu\u00ad cation of women. Many girls of good family came to her classes, and some husbands brought their wives to study with her.\"' Men also attended her lectures, among them Pericles and Socrates, and probably Anaxagoras, Euripides, Alcibiades, and Pheidias. Socrates said that he had learned from her the art of eloquence,\"' and some ancient gossips would have it that the statesman inherited her from the philosopher.\"\" Pericles now found it admirable that his wife had formed an affection for another man. He of\u00ad fered her her freedom in return for his own, and she agreed; she took a third husband,\"\" while Pericles brought Aspasia home. By his own law of 451 he could not make her his wife, since she was of Milesian birth; any child he might have by her would be illegitimate, and ineligible to Athenian citizenship. He seems to have loved her sincerely, even uxoriously, never leaving his home or returning to it without kissing her, and finally willing his fortune to the son that she bore him. From that time onward he fore\u00ad went all social life outside his home, seldom going anywhere except to the agora or the council hall; the people of Athens began to complain of his aloofness. For her part Aspasia made his home a French Enlightenment salon, where the art and science, the literature, philosophy, and statesman\u00ad ship of Athens were brought together in mutual stimulation. Socrates mar\u00ad veled at her eloquence, and credited her with composing the funeral ora\u00ad tion that Pericles delivered after the first casualties of the Peloponnesian War.\"' Aspasia became the uncrowned queen of Athens, setting fashion's tone, and giving to the women of the city an exciting example of mental and moral freedom.\nThe conservatives were shocked at all this, and turned it to their pur\u00ad\nposes. They denounced Pericles for leading Greeks out to war against Greeks, as in Aegina and Samos; they accused him of squandering public funds; -finally, through the mouths of irresponsible comic dramatists abus\u00ad ing the free speech that prevailed under his rule, they charged him with turning his home into a house of ill fame, and having relations with the wife of his son.\u2022 Not daring to bring any of these matters to open trial, they attacked him through his friends. They indicted Pheidias for em\u00ad bezzling, as they alleged, some of the gold assigned to him for his chrysele\u00ad phantine Athen.a, and apparently succeeded in convicting him; they in-\n254\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XI\ndieted Anaxagoras on the ground of irreligion, and the philosopher, on Pericles' advice, fled into exile; they brought against Aspasia a like writ of impiety (graphe asebeias), complaining that she had shown disrespect for the gods of Greece.\u2022 The comic poets satirized her mercilessly as a Deianeira who had ruined Pericles,* and called her, in plain Greek, a concu\u00ad bine; one of them, Hermippus, doubtless in turn a dishonest penny, ac\u00ad cused her of serving as Pericles' procuress, and of bringing freeborn women to him for his pleasure.\u2022 At her trial, which took place before a court of fifteen hundred jurors, Pericles spoke in her defense, using all his elo\u00ad quence, even to tears; and the case was dismissed. From that moment (432) Pericles began to lose his hold upon the Athenian people; and when, three years later, death came to him, he was already a broken man.\nm. ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY\nDeliberation\nThese strange indictments suffice to show how real was the limited de\u00ad mocracy that functioned under the supposed dictatorship of Pericles. We must study this democracy carefully, for it is one of the outstanding experi\u00ad ments in the history of government. It is limited, first, by the fact that only a small minority of the people can read. It is limited physically by the difficulty of reaching Athens from the remoter towns of Attica. The franchise is restricted to those sons, of two free Athenian parents, who have reached the age of twenty-one; and only they and their families enjoy civil rights, or directly bear the military and fiscal burdens of the state. Within this jealously circumscribed circle of 43,000 citizens out of an Attic population of 315 ,ooo, political power, in the days of Pericles, is formally equal; each citizen enjoys and insists upon isonomia and isegoria-equal rights at law and in the Assembly. To the Athenian a citi\u00ad zen is a man who not only votes, but takes his turn, by lot and rote, as mag\u00ad istrate or judge; he must be free, ready, and able to serve the state at any time.. No one who is subject to another, or who has to labor in order to live, can have the time or the capacity for these services; and therefore the manual worker seems to most Athenians unfit for citizenship, though, with human inconsistency they admit the peasant proprietor. All of the 1 15 ,ooo\n\tDeianira, wife of Heracles, caused his death by presenting him with a poisoned robe. Sophocles' Tracbinum Women.\t.\nCHAP.XI) PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   255\nslaves of Attica, all women, nearly all workingmen, all of the 28,500 \"met\u00ad ics\" or resident aliens,\u2022 and consequently a great part of the trading class,\nare excluded from the franchise.t\nThe voters are not gathered into parties, but are loosely divided into fol\u00ad lowers of the oligarchic or the democratic factions according as they oppose or favor the extension of the franchise, the dominance of the Assembly, and the governmental succor of the poor at the expense of the rich. The active members of each faction are organized into clubs called hetaireiai, com\u00ad panionships. There are clubs of all kinds in Periclean Athens-religious\nclubs, kinship clubs, military clubs, workers' clubs, actors' clubs, political clubs, and clubs honestly devoted to eating and drinking. The strongest of all are the oligarchic clubs, whose members are sworn to mutual aid in politics and law, and are bound by a common passionate hostility to those lower enfranchised ranks that press upon the toes of the landed aristocracy and the moneyed merchant class.81 Against them stand the relatively demo\u00ad cratic party of small businessmen, of citizens who have become wage work\u00ad ers, and of those who man the merchant ships and the Athenian fleet; these groups resent the luxuries and privileges of the rich, and raise up to leader\u00ad ship in Athens such men as Cleon the tanner, Lysicles the sheep dealer, Eucrates the tow seller, Cleophon the harp manufacturer, and Hyperbolus the lampmaker. Pericles holds them off for a generation by a subtle mix\u00ad ture of democracy and aristocracy; but when he dies they inherit the gov\u00ad ernment and thoroughly enjoy its perquisites. From Solon to the Roman conquest this bitter conflict of oligarchs and democrats is waged with ora\u00ad tory, votes, ostracism, assassination, and civil war.\nEvery voter is of right a member of the basic governing body-the ekklesia, or Assembly; there is at this level no representative government. Since transportation is difficult over the hills of Attica, only a fraction of tile eligible members ever attend any one meeting; there are rarely more than two or three thousand. Those citizens who live in Athens or at the Piraeus come by a kind of geographical determinism to dominate the As\u00ad sembly; in this way the democrats gain ascendancy over the conservatives, who are for the most part scattered among the farms and estates of Attica. The Assembly meets four times a month, on important occasions in the agora, in the Theater of Dionysus, or at the Piraeus, ordinarily in a semi\u00ad circular place called the Pnyx on the slope of a hill west of the Areopagus;\nThe Greek word, metoikoi, means \"sharing the home.\"\ntThe figures are from Gomme, A. W., The Population of Athens in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C., pp. 21, 26, 47. They are frankly conjectural. The total figure include$ the wives and minor children of the citizens.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI"]
[4.965155124664307, 0.3231407403945923, "But dwelling with the glorious gods in ease A tearless life they pass,\nWhose joy on earth it was\nTo keep their plighted word. But, far from these, Torments the rest sustain too dark for human gaze.'\"\nThe third and concluding section of a Pindaric ode was usually a word of moral counsel. We must not expect any subtle philosophy here; Pindar was no Athenian, and had probably never met or read a Sophist; his intellect was con\u00ad sumed in his art, and no force remained for original thought. He was satisfied to urge his victorious athletes or princes to be modest in their success, and to show respect for the gods, their fellow men, and their own best selves. Now and then he mingled reproof with praise, and dared to warn Hieron against greed;\" but neither was he afraid to say a kind word for that most maligned and loved of all goods-money. He abhorred the revolutionists of Sicily, and warned them almost in the words of Confucius: \"Even for the feeble it is an easy thing to shake a city to its foundation, but it is a sore struggle to set it in its place again.'\"11 He liked the moderate democracy of Athens after Salamis, h1;it sincerely believed aristocracy to be the least h1\u00b5\"mful of all forms of gov\u00ad ernment. Ability, he thought, lies in the blood rather than in schooling, and\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t377\ntends to appear in families that have shown .it before. Only good blood can prepare a man for those rare deeds that ennoble and justify human life. \"Things of a day! What are we and what not? A dream about a shadow is man; yet when some god-given splendor falls, a glory of light comes over him, and his life is sweet.\"'\u2022\nPindar was not popular in his lifetime, and for some centuries yet he will continu.e to enjoy the lifeless immortality of those writers whom all men praise and no one reads. While the world was moving forward he asked it to stand still, and it left him so far behind that though younger than Aeschylus h seems older than Aleman. He wrote a poetry as compact, involved, and devious as Tacitus' prose, in an artificial and deliberately archaic dialect of his own, in met rs so elaborate that few poets have ever cared to follow them,\u2022 and so varied that only two of the forty-five odes have the same metrical form. He is so obscure, despite the naivete of his thought, that grammarians spend a life\u00ad time unraveling his Teutonic constructions, only to find, beneath them, a mine of sonorous platitudes. If despite these faults, and his frigid formality, and turgid metaphors, and tiresome mythology, some curious scholars are still per\u00ad suaded to read him, it is because his narratives are swift and vivid, his simple morality is sincere, and the splendor of his language lifts to a passing grandeur even the humblest themes.\nHe lived to the age of eighty, secure in Thebes from the turmoil of Athenian thought. \"Dear to a man,\" he sang, \"is his own home city, his comrades and his kinsmen, so that he is well content. But to foolish men belongeth a love for things afar.\"\" Ten days before his end (442), we are told, he sent to ask the oracle of Ammon, \"What is best for man?\"-to\u00b7which the Egyptian oracle answered, like a Greek, \"Death.\".. Athens put up a statue to him at the public cost, and the Rhodians inscribed his seventh Olympian ode-a panegyric of their island-in letters of gold upon a temple wall. When, in 335, Alexander ordered rebellious Thebes to be burned to the: ground he commanded his soldiers to leave unharmed the house in which Pindar had lived and died.\nn. THE DIONYSIAN THEATER\nThe story is told in the Lexicon of Suidas19 that during the performance of a play by Pratinas, about 500 B.c., the wooden benches upon which the auditors sat gave way, injuring some, and causing such alarm that the Athenians built, on the southern slope of the Acropolis, a theater of stone,\nA notable exception is Dryden's Alexander's Felllt.\n378\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nwhich t ey dedicated to the god Dionysus.\u2022 In the next two centuries similar theaters rose at Eretria, Epidaurus, Argos, Mantinea, Delphi, T auro\u00ad menium (Taormina), Syracuse, and elsewhere in the scattered Greek world. But it was on the Dionysian stage that the major tragedies and comedies were first played, and fought out the bitterest phase of that war, between the old theology and the new philosophy, which binds into one vast process of thought and change the mental history of the Periclean age.\nThe great theater is, of course, open to the sky. The fifteen thousand seats, rising in a fanlike semicircle of tiers toward the Parthenon, face Mt. Hymettus and the sea; when the persons of the drama invoke the earth and the sky, the sun and the stars and the ocean, they are addressing realities which most of the audience, as it listens to the speech or chant, can directly see and feel. The seats, originally of wood, later of stone, have no backs; many people bring cushions; but they sit through five plays in a day with no other known support for their spines than the unaccommodating knees of the auditors behind them. In the front rows are a few marble seats with backs for the local high priests of Dionysus and the officials of the\ncity.t At the foot of the auditorium is an orcbestra, or dancing space, for\nthe chorus. At the rear of this is a small wooden building known as the\nskene, or scene, which serves to represent now a palace, now a temple, now a private dwelling, and probably also to house the players while off stage.+ There are such simple \"properties''-altars, furniture, etc.-as the story may require; in the case of Aristophanes' Birds there are important adjuncts of scenery and costume;'\u00b0 and Agatharchus of Samos paints backgrounds in such a way as to produce the illusion of distance. Several mechanical de\u00ad vices help to vary the action or the place.\u00a7 To show an action that has transpired within the skene, a wooden platform (ekkyklema) may be wheeled out, and have human figures arranged on it in a tableau suggestive\nThis was not the Theater of Dionysus that tourists see today; the surviving structure was built under the direction of the Finance Minister Lycurgus about 338. Some parts of it are conjecturally traced back to 421; some others appear to have been added in the first and third centuries after Christ.\nt This and the remarks about the stage presume that the theater built by Lycurgus followed\nthe general plan of the structure that it replaced.\n:j: Whether the action took place on the roof of the skene, or upon the proskenion, or proscenium, before it, is uncertain; perhaps the action moved from one level to the other as the location of the story changed.\n\u00a7 A drop curtain was used in the Roman period, being lowered into a crevice at the begin\u00ad ning of a scene, and raised at the end; but our extant plays from the fifth century give no evidence of this, and apparently rely on choral interludes to serve the purpose of a curtain between the \"acts.\"\nCHAP.XVII)  THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE    379\nof what has occurred; so a corpse may be on it, with che murderers holding bloody weapons in their hands; it is against the traditions of the Greek drama to represent violence directly on the stage. At either side of the proscenium is a large, triangular, upright prism that turns on a pivot; each face of the prism has a different scene painted on it; and by revolving these periaktoi the background can be altered in a moment. A still stranger apparatus is the mechme, or machine, a crane with pulley and weights; it is placed upon the skene at the left, and is used to lower gods or heroes from heaven down to the;: stage, or to raise them back to heaven, or even to exhibit them suspended in the air. Euripides in particular is fond of using this mechanism to let down a god-a deus ex machina, as the Romans put it-who piously unties the knot of his agnostic plays.\nThe tragic drama at Athens is not a secular or perennial affair, but part of the annual celebration of the feast of Dionysus.\"\" From among many plays offered to the archon a few are selected for performance. Each of the ten tribes or demes of Attica chooses one of its rich citizens to serve as choragus, i.e., director of the chorus; it is his privilege to pay the cost of training the singers, dancers, and actors, and to meet the other expenses of presenting one of the compositions. Sometimes a choragus spends a for\u00ad tune upon scenery, costumes, and \"talent\"-in this way every play financed by Nicias obtains a prize;\"'\" some other choragi economize by hiring second\u00ad hand robes from dealers in theatrical costumes... The actual training of the chorus is usually undertaken by the dramatist himself."]
[10.546192169189453, -10.896295547485352, "325: Council of Nicaea\n326: Constantine kills son, nephew and wile\t'\n330: Constantinople made the capital\n337: Death of Constantine\n\u2022\nCHAPTER  XXVI\nJesus\n4 B.C.-A.D. 30\nTHE SOURCES\nID Christ exist? Is the life story of the founder of Christianity the product of human sorrow, imagination, and hope-a myth comparable\nto the legends of Krishna, Osiris, Attis, Adonis, Dionysus, and .Mithras? Early in the eighteenth century the circle of Bolingbroke, shocking even Voltaire, privately discussed the possibility that Jesus had never lived. Vol\u00ad ney propounded the same doubt in his Ruins of Empire in r79r. Napoleon, meeting the German scholar '\\Vieland in 1 808, asked him no petty question of politics or war, but did he believe in the historicity of Christ? 1\nOne of the most far-reaching activities of the modem mind has been the \"Higher Criticism\" of the Bible-the mounting attack upon its authenticity and veracity, countered by the heroic attempt to save the historical foundations of Christian faith; the results may in time prove as revolutionary as Christianity itself. The first engagement in this two-hundred-year war was fought in silence by Hermann Reimarus, professor of Oriental languages at Hamburg; on his death in 1768 he left, cautiously unpublished, a 1400-page manuscript on the life of Christ. Six years later Gotthold Lessing, over the protests of his friends, published portions of it as the W olfenbiittel Frapnents. Reimarus argued that Jesus can only be regarded and understood not as the founder of Christianity, hut as the final and dominant figure in the mystical eschatology of the Jews\u00ad i.e., Christ thought not of establishing a new religion, but of preparing men for the imminent destruction of the world, and God's Last Judgment of all souls. In 1796 Herder pointed out the apparently irreconcilable difference between the Christ of Matthew, Mark, and Luke, and the Christ of the Gospel of St. John. In 1828 Heinrich Paulus, summarizing the life of Christ in 1192 pages, proposed a rationalistic interpretation of the miracles-i.e., accepted their occurrence but ascribed them to natural causes and powers. In an epoch-marking Life of Jesus (1835-36) David Strauss rejected this compromise; the supernatural elements in the Gospels, he thought, should be classed as myths, and the actual career of Christ must be reconstructed without using these elements in any form. Strauss's massive volumes made Biblical criticism the storm center of German thought for a generation. In the same year Ferdinand Christian Baur attacked the Epistles\n553\n\u2022\n554\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\no.Pf aul, rejecting as unauthentic all but those to the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans. In 1840 Bruno Bauer began a series of passionately controversial works aiming to show that Jesus was a myth, the personified form of a cult that evolved in the second century from a fusion of Jewish, Greek, and Roman theology. In 1863 Ernest Renan's Life of Jesus, alarming millions with its rationalism and charming millions with its prose, gathered together the results of German criti\u00ad cism, and brought the problem of the Gospels before the entire educated world. The French school reached its climax at the end of the century in the Abbe Loisy, who subjected the New Testament to such rigorous textual analysis that the Catholic Church felt compelled to excommunicate him and other \"Mod\u00ad ernists.\" Meanwhile the Dutch school of Pierson, Naber, and i\\1atthas carried the movement to its farthest point by laboriously denying the historical reality of Jesus. In Germany Arthur Drews gave this negative conclusion its definitive exposition (1906); and in England W. B. Smith and J.M. Robertson argued to a like denial. The result of two centuries of discussion seemed to be the annihila\u00ad tion of Christ.\n\\Vhat evidence is there for Christ's existence? The earliest non-Christian reference occurs in Josephus' Antiquities of tbe Jews (A.D. 93?):\nAt that time lived Jesus, a holy man, if man he may be called, for he performed wonderful works, and taught men, and joyfully re\u00ad ceived the truth. And he was followed by many Jews and many Greeks. He was the Messiah.2\nThere may be a genuine core in these strange lines; but the high praise given to Christ by a Jew uniformly anxious to please either the Romans or the Jews-both at that time in conflict with Christianity-renders the passage suspect, and Christian scholars reject it as almost certainly an interpolation.3 There are references to \"Yeshu'a of Nazareth\" in the Talmud, but they are too late in date to be certainly more than counterechoes of Christian\nthought.4 The oldest known mention of Christ in pagan literature is in a letter of the younger Pliny (ca. 110),5 asking the advice of Trajan on the\ntreatment of Christians. Five years later TacitusG * described Nero's perse\u00ad\ncution of the Cbrestiani in Rome, and pictured them as already (A.D. 64) numbering adherents throughout the Empire; the paragraph is so T acitean in\nstyle, force, and prejudice that of all Biblical critics only Drews questions its authenticity.7 Suetonius (ca. 125) mentions the same persecution,s and reports Claudius' banishment ca. 52).of .\"Jews who, stirred up by Christ [impulsore Cbresto], were causing public disturbances,\" 9 the passage accords well with the Acts of the Apostles, which mentions a decree of Claudius that \"the Jews should leave Rome.\" 10 These references prove the existence\nQuoted on p. 281.\nCHAP. XXVI)\tJESUS\t555"]
[13.71867561340332, -12.810431480407715, "-at three in the afternoon-he \"cried out with a loud voice, and gave up the ghost.\" Luke adds-again revealing the sympathy of the Jewish popu\u00ad lace-that \"all the people that came together to that sight . . . smote their breasts and returned\" to the town.141 Two kindly and influential Jews, hav\u00ad ing secured Pilate's permission, took the body down from the cross, em\u00ad balmed it with aloes and myrrh, and placed it in a tomb.\n\\Vas he really dead? The two robbers beside him were still alive; their legs were brok;n by the soldiers so that the weight of the body would hang upon the hands, constricting the circulation and soon stopping the heart. This was not done in Jesus' case, though we are told that :1 soldier pierced his breast with a lance, drawing forth first blood and then lymph. Pilate expressed surprise that a man should die after six hours of crucifixion; he gave his consent to Christ's removal from the cross only when the centurion in charge assured him of Christ's death.\nTwo days later Mary Magdalene, whose love of Jesus partook of that nervous intensity which characterized all her feelings, visited the tomb with \"Mary the mother of James, and Salome.\" They found it empty. \"Frightened and yet overjoyed,\" they ran to tell the news to the disciples. On the way they met one whom they thought to be Jesus; they bowed down before him and clasped his feet. We can imagine the hopeful in\u00ad credulity with which their report was greeted; the thought that Jesus had triumphed over death, and had thereby proved himself l\\1essiah and Son of God,.filled the \"Galileans\" with such excitement that they were ready for any miracle and any revelation. That same day, we are told, Christ ap\u00ad peared to two disciples on the road to Emmaus, talked with them, and ate with them; for a long time \"they were prevented from recognizing him\"; but when \"he took the bread and blessed it . . . their eyes were opened, and they knew him, and he vanished from them.\" 142 The disciples went back to Galilee, and soon thereafter \"saw him and bowed down before him, though some were in doubt.\" 143 While they were fishing they saw Christ join them; they cast their nets, and drew in a great haul.144\nForty days after his appearance to Mary Magdalene, says the beginning of the Book of Acts, Christ ascended physically into heaven. The idea of a saint being so \"translated\" into the sky in body and life was familiar to the\n574\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\nJews; they told it of Moses, Enoch, Elijah, and Isaiah. The Master went as mystically as he had come; bur most of the disciples seem to have been sincerely convinced that he had, after his crucifixion, been with them in the flesh. \"They went back with great joy to Jerusalem,\" says Luke,145 \"and were constantly in the Temple, blessing God.\"\nCHAPTER  XXVII\nThe Apostles\nA.D. 30-95\nPETER\nHRISTIANITY arose out of Jewish apocalyptic-esoteric revelations of the coming Kingdom; it derived its impetus from the personality\nand vision of Christ; it gained strength from the belief in his resurrection, and the promise of eternal life; it received doctrinal form in the theology of Paul; it grew by the absorption of pagan faith and ritual; it became a triumphant Church by inheriting the organizing patterns and genius of Rome.\nThe apostles were apparently unanimous in believing that Christ would soon return to establish the Kingdom of Heaven on earth.* \"The end of all things is near,\" says the first epistle of Peter; \"be serious and collected, therefore, and pray.\" 3 \"Children,\" says the first epistle of John, \"it is the last hour.You have heard that Antichrist was coming, and many Antichrists\" (Nero, Vespasian, Domitian?) \"have indeed appeared. So we may be sure that it is the last hour.\" 4 The belief in the Messianic mission, bodily resur\u00ad rection, and earthly return of Christ formed the basic faith of early Chris\u00ad tianity. This creed did not prevent the apostles from continuing to accept Judaism. \"Day after day,\" says Acts, \"they all went regularly to the Tem\u00ad ple\"; 5 they obeyed the dietetic and ceremonial laws; 6 they proclaimed their faith at first only to Jews, and often preached it in the Temple courts.7\nOur chief guide _for this period is the Acts of the Apostles. It is universally agreed that this book ? the Third Gospel are by the same author; but there is far less general acceptance of th tradlt!on that both were written by Luke, the gentile friend of Paul. As Acts makes no men on of Paul's death, the original work may have been composed about 63 as an effort ti> mollify Roman h?stility to Christianity and Paul; but it was probably expanded by a later hand. It abounds m the supernatural, but its basic narrative may be accepted as history.1 In the second century various apocryphal \"Acts\" and \"Epistles\" rounded out with legend the story of the Apostles after Christ. These \"Acts\" were the historical novels of the age, not nec arily _attempts at deception; the Church rejected them. but the pious accepted them, and mcreasmgly confused them with history.\nOf the seven letters ascribed in the New Testament to the Twelve Apostles, criticism in\u00ad clines to accept the first of Peter as substantially genuine,2 to identify the author of the epistles of John with the disputed author of the Fourth Gospel; and to reject the rest as of doubtful authenticity.\n575\n576\tCAESAR  AND  CHR 1ST\t(CHAP. XXVII\nThey believed that they had received from Christ or the Holy Spirit miraculous powers of inspiration, healing, and speech. Many sick and infirm persons came to them; some were cured, says Mark,8 by anointing with oil\n-always a popular treatment in the East. The author of Acts draws a touch\u00ad ing picture of the trustful communism in which these early Christians lived:\nThere was but one heart and soul in the multitude who had become believers, and not one of them claimed anything that belonged to him as his own, but they shared everything they had with one another.\n. . . No one among them was in any want, for any who O\\vned lands or houses would sell them and bring the proceeds and put them at the disposal of the Apostles; then they were shared with ev.eryone in pro\u00ad portion to his need.9\nAs the number of proselytes increased, the apostles, by a !:lying on of hands, ordained seven deacons to administer the affairs of the community. For some time the Jewish authorities tolerated the sect as small and harmless; but as the \"Nazarenes\" multiplied in a few years from 120 to 8000,10 the priests became alarmed. Peter and others were arrested and questioned by the Sanhedrin; the Sadducees wished to condemn them to death, but a Pharisee named Gamaliel-probably the teacher of Paul-advised a sus\u00ad pended judgment; as a compromise the prisoners were flogged and released. A little later (A.O. 30?) Stephen, one of the ordained deacons, was sum\u00ad moned before the Sanhedrin on the charge that he had \"used abusive lan\u00ad guage about Moses and about God.\" 11 He defended himself with reckless vehemence:\nYou stubborn people, with heathen hearts and ears, you are always opposing the Holy Spirit, just as your forefathers did! Which of the prophets did not your forefathers persecute? They killed the men who foretold the coming of the righteous one, whom you have now betrayed and killed-you who had the Law given you by angels, and did not obey it! 12 \u2022\nThe Sanhedrin, in a rage, had him dragged outside the city and stoned to death. A young Pharisee named Saul aided the attack; thereafter he went from house to house in Jerusalem, seized adherents of \"the \\Nay,\" and put them in jail.13\nhe Jewish converts o Greek na?1e and culture, who had had Stephen as t?eir leader, e_d to Samaria and Antioch, \u00b7where they established strong Chris\u00ad tian communmes. Most of the apostles, apparently spared in this persecution"]
[-6.26680326461792, -13.484824180603027, "Faced with this second threat in seven years to the very life of Rome, the Senate mobilized all its resources and called upon the states of Italy to unite in the defense of their land. \\Vith their help Rome raised armies totaling 300,000 foot, 14,000 horse, and 456,000 reserves. One army, under the first of many famous Scipios, met Hannibal along the Ticino-a small river flowing into the Po at Pavia. Hannibal's Numidian cavalry put the Romans to flight, and Scipio, dangerously wounded, was saved by the brave interposition of the son who was destined to meet Hannibal again at Zama sixteen years later. At Lake Trasimene Hannibal encountered another Roman army, 30,000 strong, led by the tribune Caius Flaminius, and accom\u00ad panied by slave dealers bringing fetters and chains for the prospective prisoners whom they hoped to sell. \\Yith pan of his forces Hannibal de\u00ad coyed this army into a plain surrounded by hills and woods that concealed most of his troops; at his signal the hidden columns debouched upon the Romans from every side and killed nearly all of them, including Flaminius himself (217).\nHannibal now controlled all nonhern Italy, but he knew that he was still outnumbered ten to one by a resolute foe. His only hope lay in persuading\n50\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Ill\nat least some of the Italian states to revolt against Rome. He released all prisoners whom he had taken from Rome's allies, saying that he had come not to fight Italy but to set it free. He marched through flooded Etruria, where for four days no dry land could be found on which to pitch a camp; crossed the Apennines to the Adriatic, and there allowed his soldiers a long interval to refresh their energies and heal their wounds. He himself suffered from severe ophthalrnia, took no time to treat it, and lost the use of one eye. Then he marched down the eastern coast, inviting the Italian tribes to join him. None did; on the contrary, every city closed its gates against him and prepared to fight. As he moved south, his Gallic allies, inter\u00ad ested only in their northern homes, began to desert him. Plots against his life were so numerous that he had to assume ever new disguises. He begged his government to send him supplies and men by some Adriatic port; it refused. He asked his younger brother Hasdrubal, whom he had left in Spain, to organize an army and cross Gaul and the Alps to join him; but the Romans had invaded Spain, and Hasdrubal did not dare to leave it. Ten years were to pass before his corning.\nRome now adopted against her greatest adversary his own baffiing policy of caution and attrition. Quintus Fabius Maxirnus, made dictator in 217, created an adjective by delaying as long as he could a direct engagement with Hannibal; in time, he believed, the invaders would be reduced by hunger, discord, and disease. After a year this \"masterly inaction\" irritated the Roman populace; the Assembly overruled the Senate, as well as all precedents and logic, by electing Minucius Rufus codictator with Fabius. Against Fabius' advice Minucius advanced against the enemy, fell into a trap, was severely beaten, and thereafter understood why Hannibal said that he feared Fabius, who would not fight, more than Marcellus, who would.25 A year later Fabius was deposed, and the Roman armies were entrusted to Lucius Aernilius Paulus and Caius T erentius Varro. Paulus the aristocrat counseled caution; Varro of the plebs was all for action; and as usual, caution lost the argument. Varro sought and found the Carthagin\u00ad ians at Cannae, in Apulia, some ten miles from the Adriatic coast. The Romans had 80,000 infantry, 6000 cavalry; Hannibal had 19,000 veterans, 16,000 unreliable Gauls, 10,000 horse; and he had lured Varro to fight in a broad plain ideal for cavalry. He had placed the Gauls at his center, expect\u00ad ing that they would give way. They did; and when the Romans followed them into the pocket, the subtle Carthaginian, himself in the thick of the fray, ordered his veterans to close in upon the Roman flanks and bade his cavalry smash through the opposed horsemen to attack the legions from behind. The Roman army was surrounded, lost all chance of maneuvering, and was almost annihilated; 44,000 of them fell, including Paulus and eighty\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t51\nsenators who had enlisted as soldiers; ro,ooo escaped to Canusium, among them Varro and the Scipio who was to win the surname of Af ricanus Maior ( 216). Hannibal lost 6000 men, two thirds of them Gauls. It was a supreme example of generalship, never bettered in history. It ended the days of Roman reliance upon infantry, and set the lines of military tactics for two thousand years.\nSCIPIO\nThe disaster shattered Rome's hegemony in southern Italy. Samnites, Bruttians, Lucanians, Metapontum, Thurii, Crotona., Locri, and Capua joined Cisalpine Gaul in attaching themselves to Hannibal; only Umbria., Latium, and Etruria remained firm. Hiero of Syracuse was loyal to the death, but his successors declared for Carthage. Philip V of Macedon, fearful of Roman expansion through Illyria into the east, allied himself with Han\u00ad nibal and declared war upon Rome. Carthage herself became interested and sent Hannibal meager reinforcements and supplies. Some of the young Roman nobles among the survivors at Canusium thought the situation hope\u00ad less and meditated flight to Greece, but Scipio shamed them into courage. Rome was for a month hysterical with terror; only a small garrison remained to protect it against Hannibal. Matrons of high family ran weeping to the temples and cleansed with their hair the statues of the gods; some whose husbands and sons had fallen in battle cohabited with foreigners and slaves lest their strain should die. To regain the favor of obviously offended deities the Senate again sanctioned human sacrifice and buried alive two Gauls and two Greeks.26\nBut the Romans, says Polybius, \"were most to be feared when they stood in real danger. . . . Though they were now so overwhelmingly defeated, and their military reputation had been destroyed, yet, by the peculiar virtues of their constitution, and by wise counsel, they not only recovered their supremacy in Italy . . . but in a few years made themselves masters of\nthe world.\" 21 The  class war ceased, and all groups rushed to the rescue of\nthe state. Taxes had already risen apparently beyond tolerance; but now the citizens, even widows and children, voluntarily brought their secret savings to the Treasury. Every male who could bear arms was called to the colors; slaves were accepted in the levies and were promised freedom in the event of victory. Not a single soldier would consent to receive pay. Rome prepared to contest every inch of ground against the new lion of Carthage.\nBut Hannibal did not come. His 40,000 men were too small a force, he thought, to besiege a city to whose defense many armies would converge\n52\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. III\nfrom still loyal states; and if he took it, how could he hold it? His Italian allies, instead of strengthening, weakened him; Rome and her friends were raising forces to attack them, and without his help they would succumb. His aides reproached his caution, and one of them remarked, sadly, \"The gods have not given all their gifts to one man. You know how to win victory, Hannibal, but you do not know how to use it.\"28 Hannibal decided to wait till Carthage, Macedon, and Syracuse could unite with him in a multiple offensive that would retake Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and Illyria, and compel Rome to confine her power to Italy. He released all captives except Romans, and offered these to Rome for a small ransom. ,vhen the Senate refused this he sent most of them to Carthage as slaves, and forced the rest, in Roman style, to amuse his men by gladiatorial combats, even to the death. He besieged and took several towns and then led his army to winter in Capua. It was the most pleasant and dangerous place that he could have chosen.\nFor this second city of Italy-some twelve miles north of Naples-had learned from the Etruscans and the Greeks the vices as well as the graces of civilization; and Hannibal's troops felt entitled to indulge for a season the flesh that had borne so many hardships and wounds. They were never again the invincible soldiers who had through many campaigns been formed in their master's Spartan image. In the next five years Hannibal led them to some minor successes; but while they were so engaged the Romans laid siege to Capua. Hannibal sought to relieve it by marching to within a few miles of Rome; the Romans raised twenty-five new legions-200,000 men\u00ad and Hannibal, still limited to 40,000, retired to the south. In 2 I I Capua fell; its leaders, who had let loose a massacre of Romans in the city, were beheaded or committed suicide; and the population, which had strongly sup\u00ad ported Hannibal, was dispersed throughout Italy. A ye:1r before, Marcellus had taken Syracuse; and a year later Agrigentum yielded to Rome.\nMeanwhile a Roman army under the two older Scipios had been sent to Spain to keep Hasdrubal occupied. They defeated him at the Ebro (215); but both of them were soon afterward killed in battle, and their gains were being lost when their son and nephew, Scipio Africanus, was dispatched to the Spanish command. He was but twenty-four, far below the legal age for so responsible a position; but the Senate was willing to stretch the constimtion to save the state, and the Assembly was by this time voluntarily subordinating itself to the Senate. The people admired him not only because he was handsome and eloquent, intelligent and brave, but pious, courteous, and just. It was his custom, before undertaking an enterprise, to commune with the gods in the temples on the Capitol, and, after his victories, to reward them with hecatombs. He believed-or represented-himself to be a favorite of Heaven; his successes spread the belief and filled his followers\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t53\nwith confidence. He soon restored discipline among the troops, captured Nova Carthago after a long siege, and scrupulously turned over to the Treasury the precious metal and stones that there fell into his hands. Most of the Spanish cities surrendered to him, and by 205 Spain had become a Roman province.\nNevertheless, Hasdrubal's main force had escaped and now crossed Gaul and the Alps into Italy. The young leader's message to Hannibal was inter\u00ad cepted, and his plan of campaign was revealed to Rome. A Roman army met his modest force at the Metaurus River (207) and defeated him despite his excellent generalship. Seeing the battle lost and all hope of reaching his brother gone, Hasdrubal leaped into the midst of the legions and took death in his stride. The Roman historians, perhaps romancing, tell us that the victor cut off the yomh's head and sent it through Apulia to be cast over the ramparts into Hannibal's camp. Broken in spirit by the fate of a brother whom he had dearly loved, Hannibal withdrew his thinned-out forces to Bruttium. \"No action was fought with him this year,\" says Livy, \"nor did the Romans care to disturb him, so great was the reputation of his powers even while his cause was everywhere round him crumbling into ruin.\" 29 Carthage sent him a hundred ships laden with men and food, but a gale drove the vessels to Sardinia, where a Roman fleet sank or captured eighty of them; the rest fled home.\nIn 205 young Scipio, fresh from his victories in Spain, \u00b7was chosen consul,\nraised a new army, and sailed for Africa. The Carthaginian government appealed to Hannibal to come to the help of the city that had so long refused to support him. How shall we imagine the feelings of the half-blind warrior, driven into a corner of Italy by an endless stream of enemies, seeing all his toil and hardships of fifteen years brought to nothing, and all his triumphs summing up to futility and flight? Half of his troops refused to embark with him for Carthage; according to hostile historians he had 20,000 of them killed for disobedience and for fear that Rome might add them to her legions.30 Touching his native soil after an absence of thirty-six years, he hastily formed a new army and went out to face Scipio at Zama, fifty miles south of Carthage (202). The two generals met in a courteous inter\u00ad view, found agreement impossible, and joined battle. For the first time in his life Hannibal was defeated; the Carthaginians, mostly mercenaries, gave ground before the Roman infantry and the reckless cavalry of Masinissa, the Numidian king; 20,000 Carthaginians were left dead on the field. Hannibal, now forty-five, fought with the energy of youth, attacked Scipio in personal combat and wounded him, attacked l\\Iasinissa, re-formed his disordered forces again and again, and led them in desperate counrercharges. \\Vhen all hope fled he eluded capture, rode to Carthage, announced that he had\n54\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. Ill\nlost not only a battle but the war, and advised the Senate to sue for peace. Scipio was generous. He allowed Carthage to retain her African empire but demanded the surrender of all her war vessels except ten triremes; she was not to make war outside of Africa or within it without Rome's consent; and she was to pay Rome 200 talents ($720,000) e;ery year for fifty years. Hannibal pronounced the terms just and persuaded his government to accept them.\nThe Second Punic War changed the face of the western Mediterranean. It gave Spain and all its wealth to Rome, providing the funds for the Ro.man conquest of Greece. It reunited Italy under Rome's unquestioned mastery and threw open all routes and markets to Roman ships and goods. But it was the most costly of all ancient wars. It ravaged or injured half the farms of Italy, destroyed 400\ttowns, killed 300,000 men;31 southern Italy has never quite recovered from it to this day. It weakened democracy by show\u00ad ing that a popular assembly cannot wisely choose generals or direct a war. It began the transformation of Roman life and morals by hurting agricul\u00ad ture and helping trade; by taking men from the countryside and teaching them the violence of battle and the promiscuity of the camp; by bringing the precious metals of Spain to finance new luxuries and imperialistic ex\u00ad pansion; and by enabling Italy to live on the extorted wheat of Spain, Sicily, and Africa. It was a pivotal event for almost every phase of Roman history. To Carthage it was the beginning of the end. With much of its commerce and empire left to it, it might have solved the problems of regeneration. But the oligarchical government was so corrupt that it threw upon the lower classes the burden of raising the annual indemnity for Rome and embezzled part of it to boot. The popular party called upon Hannibal to come out of his retirement and save the nation. In 196 he was elected suffete. He shocked the oligarchs by proposing that the judges of the Court of 104 should be elected for one year and should be ineligible for a second term until after a year's interval. When the Senate rejected the measure he brought it be\u00ad fore the Assembly, and carried it; by this law and this procedure he estab\u00ad lished at one stroke a degree of democracy qual to Rome's. He punished and checked venality and pursued it to its source. He relieved the citizens of the extra taxes that had been laid upon them, and yet so managed the finances that by 1 88 Carthage was able to pay off the Roman indemnity in"]
[-7.326404571533203, -9.006570816040039, "B.C. a neolithic culture appeared: a longheaded race called by ancient tradi\u00ad tion Liguri and Siceli fashioned rude pottery with linear ornament, made tools and weapons of polished stone, domesticated animals, hunted and fished, and buried their dead. Some lived in caves, others in round huts of wattle and daub; from these cylindrical cottages architecture pursued a continuous development to the round \"House of Romulus\" on the Palatine, the Temple of Vesta in the Forum, and the J\\1ausoleum of Hadrian-the Castel Sant' Angelo of today.\nAbout 2000 B.c. northern Italy was invaded-presumably not for the first time-by tribes from central Europe. They brought with them the custom of building their villages upon piles sunk in water, for safety from animal or human attack. They settled on Garda, Como, Maggiore, and the other en\u00ad chanted lakes that still lure aliens to Italy. Later they moved south and, find\u00ad ing fewer lakes, built their homes upon land, but still upon a foundation of piles. Their habit of surrounding these settlements with rampart and moat passed down to form features of Roman camps and medieval chateaux. They pastured flocks and herds, tilled the soil, wove clothing, fired pottery; and out of bronze, which had appeared in Italy toward the end of the Neo\u00ad lithic Age (about 2500 B.c.), they forged a hundred varieties of tools and weapons, including combs, hairpins, razors, tweezers, and other timeless im, plements.9 They allowed their rubbish to accumulate so lavishly around the\nCHAP. I)\tETRUSCAN  PRELUDE\t5\nvillages that their culture has received the name of terramare-earth marl\u00ad from the fertilizing potency of these remains. So far as we know, they were the direct ancestors of the basic population of Italy in historical times.\nIn the valley of the Po the descendants of these terramctricoli, about 1000\nB.c., learned from Germany the use of iron, made from it improved imple\u00ad ments, and, so armed, spread their \"Vill::movan\" culture from its center at Villanova, near Bologna, far down into Italy. From them, we may believe, came the blood, languages, and essential arts of the Umbrians, Sabines, and Latins. Then, about 800 B.c., a new flood of immigrants arrived, subjugated the Villanovan population, and established between the Tiber and the Alps one of the strangest civilizations in the records of mankind.\nETRUSCAN LIFE\nThe Etruscans are among the irritating obscurities of history. They ruled Rome for a hundred years or more, and left upon Roman ways so varied an influence that Rome can hardly be understood without them; yet Roman literature is as mute concerning them as a matron anxious to forget, pub\u00ad licly, the surrenders of her youth. Italian civilization, as literate provision, begins with them: 8000 inscriptions, as well as many works of art, mingle with their remains; and there are indications of a lost literature in poetry, drama, and history.10 But only a few unrevealing words of the language have been deciphered, and scholarship stands in deeper darkness today before the Etruscan mystery than that which shrouded the Egypt of the Pharaohs before Champollion.\nConsequently men still debate who the Etruscans were, and when and whence they came. Perhaps the old tradition has been too readily set aside; pedants love to disprove the accepted, which mischievously survives. Most Greek and Roman historians took it for granted that the Etruscans had come from Asia Minor.11 Many elements in their religion, dress, and art suggest an Asiatic origin; many, again, seem natively Italian. J\\fost likely the civilization of Etruria was an out\u00ad growth of the Villanovan culture, commercially influenced by Greece and the Near East, while the Etruscans themselves, as they believed, were invaders from Asia Minor, probably Lydia. In any case, their superior killing power made them the ruling caste in Tuscany.\nWe do not know where they landed; but we know that they founded, con\u00ad quered, or developed many cities-not mere villages of mud and straw as before them, but walled towns with geometrically laid-out streets, and houses not only of beaten earth, but often of baked brick or stone. Twelve of these communities joined in a loose Etruscan Federation, dominated by Tarquinii (now Corneto),\n6\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\nArretium (Arezzo), Perusia (Perugia), and Veii (Isola Farnese).* Hardships of transportation through mountains and forests collaborated with the jealous pubJTiacity of men, here as in Greece, to form independent city-states, seldom united against external foes; each cherished its separate security, often stood aside while others were attacked, and, one after another, succumbed to Rome. But through most of the sixth century B.C. these allied municipalities constituted the strongest political force in Italy, with a well-organized army, a famous cavalry, and a powerful navy that for a time ruled what is still called the Tyrrhene (i.e., Etruscan) Sea.t\nAs in the case of Rome, the government of the Etruscan cities began as a monarchy, became an oligarchy of \"first families,\" and gradually gave over to an assembly of propertied citizens the right of choosing the annual magistrates. So far as ,ve can make out from the tomb paintings and reliefs, it was a thoroughly feudal society, with an aristocracy owning the soil and enjoying in luxury the surplus product of Villanovan serfs and war-won slaves. Under this discipline Tuscany was reclaimed from forest and swamp, and a system of rural irrigation and urban sewage was developed beyond anything discoverable in contemporary Greece. Etruscan engineers built drainage tunnels to take the overflow of lakes, and cut drained roadways through rock and hill.12 As early as 700 B.c. Etruscan industry mined the copper of the western coast and the iron of Elba, smelted the iron ore at Populonia, and sold pig iron throughout Italy.13 Etruscan merchants traded up and down the T yrrhene Sea, brought amber, tin, lead, and iron from northern Europe down the Rhine and the Rhone and over the Alps, and sold Etruscan products in every major port of the Mediterranean. About 500 n.c. S:truscan towns issued their own coins.\nThe people themselves are pictured on their tombs as short and stocky, with large heads, features almost Anatolian, complexion ruddy, especially in women; but rouge is as old as civilization.14 The ladies were famous for their beauty,15 and the men sometimes had faces of refinement and nobility. Civilization had already advanced to a precarious height, for specimens of dental bridgework have been found in the graves; 16 dentistry, like medicine and surgery, had been imported from Egypt and Greece.17 Both sexes_ wore the hair long, and the men fondled beards. Garments followed the Ionian styie: an inner shirt like the chiton, and an outer robe that became the Roman toga. Men as well as women loved ornament, and their tombs abounded in jeweiry.\nIf we may judge from the gay pictures of the sepulchers, the life of the Etruscans, like that of the Cretans, ,vas hardened with combat, softened with luxury, and brightened with feasts :ind games. The men waged war lustily, and practiced a variety of virile sports. They hunted, fought bulls in the arena, and\nThe names given are Roman; the Etruscan names are unknown.\nt The GreeKs called the Etruscans Tyrrbeni or Tyrsroi; the Romans called them Etrusci\nor Tusci. Possibly, like tyrant, the Greek name came from Tyrrha, a fortress in Lydia. Tower\nis probably a kindred word.\nCHAP. I)\tETRUSCAN   PRELUDE\t7\ndrove their chariots, sometimes four horses abreast, around a dangerous course. They threw the discus and the javelin, pole-vaulted, raced, wrestled, boxed, and fought in gladiatorial bouts. Cruelty marked these games, for the Etruscans, like the Romans, thought it dangerous to let civilization get too far from the brute. Less heroic persons brandished dumbbells, threw dice, played the flute, or danced. Scenes of bibulous merriment relieve the paintings in the tombs. Sometimes they are symposia for men only, with vinous conversation; now and then they show both sexes, richly dressed, reclining in pairs on elegant couches, eating and drinking, waited on by slaves, and entertained by dancers and musicians.18 Occasionally the meal is adorned with an amorous embrace.\nProbably the lady in this case was a courtesan, corresponding to the Greek hetaira. If we may believe the Romans, the young women of Etruria, like those of Greek Asia and Samurai Japan, were allowed to obtain dowries by prosti\u00ad tution; 19 a character in Plautus accuses a girl of \"seeking in the Tuscan way to earn her marriage by the shame of her body.\" 20 Nevertheless, women enjoyed a high status in Etruria, and the paintings represent them as prominent in every aspect of life. Relationship was traced through the mother in a manner sug\u00ad gesting again an Asiatic origin.21 Education was not confined to the male, for Tanaquil, wife of the first Tarquin, was versed in mathematics and medicine as well as political intrigue.22 Theopompus ascribed a communism of women to the Etruscan,23 but no confirming evidence has come down to us of this Platonic utopia. Many of the pictures are scenes of marital concord and family life, with children romping about in happy ignorance.\nReligion provided every incentive to a negative morality. The Etruscan pantheon was fully e,quipped to terrify the growing ego and ease the tasks of parentage. The greatest of the gods was Tinia, who wielded the thunder and the lightning. About him, as a committee pitilessly carrying out his commands, were the Twelve Great Gods, so great that it was sacrilege (and we may there\u00ad fore neglect) to pronounce their names. Especially fearsome were Mantus and J\\fania, master and mistress of the Underworld, each with an executive horde of winged demons. Least appeasable of all was Lasa or Mean, goddess of fate, brandishing snakes or a sword, and armed with stylus and ink to write, and hammer and nails to affix, her unalterable decrees. Pleasanter were the Lares and Penates-little statuettes kept on the hearth, and symbolizing the spirits of field and home.\nThe sacred science of ascertaining the future by studying the livers of sheep or the flight of birds had probably come down to the Etruscans from Babylonia; but according to their own traditions it had been revealed to them by a divine boy, grandson of Tinia, who sprang to life from a furrow freshly turned, and at once spoke with the wisdom of a sage. Etruscan ritual culminated in the sacrifice of a sheep, a bull, or a man. Human victims were slaughtered or buried alive at the funerals of the great. ln some cases prisoners of war were massacred as a propitiation of the gods; so the Phoceans taken at Alalia in 535 B.c. were stoned to death in the forum of Caere, and some 300 Romans captured in 358 B.c.\n8\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I"]
[-4.747198104858398, -0.6946123242378235, "were sacrificed at Tarquinii. The Etruscan appears to have believed that for every enemy slain he could secure the release of a soul from hell.24\nThe belief in hell was the favorite feature of Etruscan theology. The dead spirit, as seen in the sepulchral representations, was conducted by genii to the tribunal of the Underworld, where in a Last Judgment it was given an oppor\u00ad tunity to defend its conduct in life. If it failed, it was condemned to a variety of torments that left their mark on Virgil (reared on Mantua's Etruscan lore), on the early Christian conception of hell, and, through these and twenty cen\u00ad turies, on Tuscan Dante's Inferno. From such damnation the good were spared, and the sufferings of the damned might be shortened by the prayers or sacrifices of their living friends. The saved soul passed from the Underworld to the society of the gods above, there to enjoy feasts, luxuries, and powers depicted hopefully on the tombs.\nNormally the Etruscans buried their dead. Those who could afford it were laid to rest in sarcophagi of terra cotta or stone, and the lid was topped with reclining figures carved partly in their likeness, partly in the smiling style of the archaic Greek Apollos; here, again, Etruscan traditions contributed to medieval art. Occasionally the dead were cremated and placed in cinerary urns, which also might be adorned with the figure of the deceased. In many cases the um or tomb simulated a house; sometimes the tomb, cut into the rock, was divided into rooms, and was equipped for post-mortem living with furniture, utensils, vases, clothing, weapons, mirrors, cosmetics, and gems. In a tomb at Caere the skeleton of a warrior lay on a perfectly preserved bed of bronze, with weapons and chariots beside it; and in a chamber behind his were the ornaments and jewelry of a woman presumably his wife. The dust that )lad been her beloved body was clothed in her bridal robes.25\nETRUSCAN ART\nEtruscan art is nearly all that we know of Etruscan history. We can trace in it_ the manners and mora:s of the people, the power of religion and caste, and the changing tides of economic and cultural contact with Asia Minor, Egypt, Greece, and Rome. It was an art fettered by ecclesiastical conventions and liber\u00ad ated by technical skill; it reflected a brutal and obscurantist civilization, but expressed it with character and force. Oriental influences-Ionic, Cypriot, Egyptian-dictated its earlier forms and styles, and Greek models dominated its later sculpture and pottery. In architecture and painting, however, in bronze _ statuary and the working of metals, Etruscan art spoke with its own voice and was unique.\nThe architectural remains are never more than fragments or tombs. Parts of Etruria's city walls still stand-heavy structures of uncemented masonry firmly and accurately joined. The homes of rich Etruscans defined the classic design of the Italian house: a deliberately forbidding external wall, a central atriwn or\nCHAP, I)\tETRUSCAN PRELUDE\t9\nreception room, an opening in the roof of the atrium to let rain fall into a cistern be1ow, and a circuit of small chambers surrounding the atrium and often faced by a colonnaded porch. Vitruvius has described Etruscan temples, and the tombs sometimes take their form. Essentially they followed Greek models; but the \"Tuscan style\" modified the Doric by leaving the column unfluted, giving it a base, and planning the cella on a six-to-five proportion of length to breadth, instead of the more graceful Attic relation of six-to-three. A cella of brick, a peristyle of stone, architraves and pediments of wood, reliefs and ornaments in terra cotta, the whole resting on a podium or elevation, and brightly painted outside and within: this was the Etruscan temple. For secular mass architecture\n-for city gates and walls, aqueducts and drains-the Etruscans (so far as we know) introduced the arch and vault to Italy. Apparently they had brought these majestic forms from Lydia, which had taken them from Babylonia.\u2022 But they did not follow up this brilliant method of covering great spaces without a confusion of columns and an oppressive weight of architraves. For the most part they walked in the grooves worn by the Greeks, and left Rome to con\u00ad summate the arcuate revolution.\nThe most renowned of Etruria's products is its pottery. Every museum abounds in it, setting the weary navigator of ceramic halls to wonder what unseen perfection exonerates these stores. Etruscan vases, when they are not clearly copies of Greek forms, are mediocre in design, crude in execution, barbarous in ornament. No other art has produced so many distortions of the human frame, so many hideous masks, uncouth animals, monstrous demons, and terrifying gods. But the black wares (bucchero nero) of the sixth century n.c. have an Italian vigor, and perhaps represent an indigenous development of Villanovan styles. Fine vases were found at Vulci and Tarquinii-imported from Athens or imitated from black-figured Attic shapes. The Fram;ois Vase, a huge amphora discovered at Chiusi by a Frenchman of that name, was apparently the work of the Greek masters Clitias and Ergotimus. The later urns, red-figured on a black ground, are elegant, but again evidently of Greek manufacture; their abundance suggests that the Attic potters had captured the Etruscan market and driven the native workers into merely industrial production. All in all, the robbers were justified who, when they rifled Etruscan tombs, left so much of the pottery.\nWe cannot speak of Etruscan bronzes with such reckless irreverence. The\nbronze casters of Etruria were at the top of their craft. They almost rivaled the potters in productivity; one city alone is reported to have had two thousand statues in bronze. What remains to us from their hands belongs mostly to the period of Roman domination. Among these reliefs two masterpieces stand out: the Orator who now holds forth, with Roman dignity and bronze restraint, in the Archeological Museum at Florence; and-also at Florence-the Chimera found at Arezzo in 1553, and partly restored by Cellini. It is a disagreeable\nThey were used in Egyptian tombs and temples, and in the palaces of Nineveh. Some\nRoman arches re s old as any that remain in Etruria.26\nIO\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\nfigure, presumably the monster slain by Bellerophon-head and body of a lion, a serpent for a tail, a goat's head growing anomalously out of the back; but its power and finish reconcile us to its biological extravagance. Etruscan bronze\u00ad workers produced, often for distant export, millions of statuettes, swords, hel\u00ad mets, cuirasses, spears, shields, utensils, urns, coins, locks, chains, fans, mirrors, beds, lamps, candelabra, even chariots. Greeting the visitor to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York is an Etruscan chariot: body and wheels of wood, sheathing and tires of bronze, the high front embossed with figures of consider\u00ad able grace. Many bronze objects were delicately engraved. The surface was coated with wax, the design was etched in with a stylus, the piece was dipped into acid, the wax-freed lines were burned into the metal, and then the wax was melted away. In the working of silver and gold, bone and ivory, the Etruscan artist was the heir and peer of the Egyptian and the Greek.\nSculpture in stone was never popular in Etruria. Marble was scarce, and the quarries of Carrara were apparently unknown. Fine clays were at hand, how\u00ad ever, and soon took shape in a profusion of terra-cotta reliefs, statuettes, and sepulchral or architectural ornaments. About the end of the sixth century an unknown Etruscan artist established a school of sculpture at Veii, and carved the chef-d'oeuvre of Etruscan art-that Apollo of Veii which was found on the site in 1916, and until lately stood in the Villa Giulia at Rome. Modeled on the Ionian and Attic Apollos of the time, this engaging statue shows an almost feminine Mona Lisa face, with delicate smile, archly slanting eyes, and a body of health, beautv, and life; the Italians call it il Apollo che cammina-\"the Apollo that walks.\" In this, and in many excellent figures on sarcophagi, Etruscan sculptors carried to perfection the Asiatic stylization of hair and drapery, while in the Orator they or their Roman heirs established a tradition of realistic portraiture.\nEtruscan painting collaborated with that of Greek Italy in transmitting another art to Rome. The elder Pliny described frescoes at Ardea \"of older age than Rome itself\"; and at Caere others of \"still greater antiquity\" and \"supreme beauty.\" 27 The art used pottery, and the interiors of homes and tombs, for its surfaces; only tomb frescoes and vase pictures remain, but in such quantity that every stage of Etruscan painting can be traced in them, from Oriental and Egyptian, through Greek and Alexandrian, to Roman and Pompeian styles. In some tombs we find the first Italian examples of windows, portals, columns, porticoes, and other architectural forms mimicked by painting on inner walls, in the very manner of Pompeii. Often the colors of these frescoes are faded; a few are astonishingly fresh and brilliant after more than a score of centuries. The technique is mediocre. In the earlier pictures there is no perspective, no foreshortening, no use of light and shade to give fullness :md depth; the figures are Egyptianly slender, as if seen in a horizontally convex mirror; the faces are regularly in profile, wherever the feet may point. In the later examples perspec\u00ad tive and foreshortening appear, and the proportions of the body are represented with greater fidelity and skill. But in either case there is in these paintings a\nCHAP. 1)\tETRUSCAN  PRELUDE\nfrolicsome and impish vivacity that makes one wonder how pleasant the life\nof the Etruscans must have been, if their tombs were so gay.\nHere are men in battle, and enjoying it; or they play at war in the jousts of the arena. They hunt the boar or lion with all the bravery of men who have or expect an audience; they box or wrestle in the palaestra, while the spectators dispute more violently than the combatants; they ride their horses, or drive their chariots, around the amphitheater; sometimes, resigned to peace, they fish. One pleasant scene shows a couple idly boating on a quiet stream: so old is wisdom. In a grave at Caere the pictured man and his lady recline on a couch; garlanded with laurel, he pledges her his eternal fidelity with a goblet of wine; she smiles and believes him, though she knows he lies. In other burial chambers the Etruscan painter sketches his idea of paradise: endless revelry, with careless lasses dancing wildly to double-pipes and the lyre. Pipes and lyres, trumpets and syrinxes, were apparently essential to every banquet, wedding, and funeral; love of music and the dance is cne of the gracious aspects of Etruscan civiliza\u00ad tion. In the Tomb of the Lioness at Corneto the figures whirl about in nude and Bacchic frenzy.28\nIt was the natural destiny of the Etruscans to expand north and south, to extend their sway to the foothills of the Alps and the Greek cities of Cam\u00ad pania, and then to find themselves face to face, across the Tiber, with grow\u00ad ing Rome. They established colonies at Verona, Padua, Mantua, Panna, Modena, Bologna, and beyond the Apennines at Rimini, Ravenna, and Adria; from this modest Etruscan outpost the Adriatic took its name. They hemmed in Rome with Etruscan settlements at Fidenae, Praeneste (Pales\u00ad trina), and Capua, perhaps also at Cicero's Tusculum (\"little Tuscany>'). Finally-in 618 B.C., according to a precise and precarious tradition-an Etruscan adventurer captured the throne of Rome; and for a century the Roman nation was ruled and formed by Etruscan civilization and power.\nROME UNDER THE  KINGS\nAbout rooo B.c. Villanovan migrants crossed the Tiber and settled in Latium. No one knows whether they conquered, or exterminated, or merely married the neolithic population they found there. Slowly the agricultural villages of this historic region between the Tiber and the Bay of Naples coalesced into a few jealously sovereign city-states, loath to unite except in annual religious festivals or occasional wars. The strongest was Alba Longa, lying at the foot of Mt. Alban, probably where Castel Gandolfo now shelters the Pope on summer days. It was from Alba Longa, perhaps in the eighth century before Christ, that a colony of Latins-greedy for conquest, or driven by the pressure of the birth rate upon the land-moved some twenty"]
[-6.492147445678711, -13.695713996887207, "full.\nTo get rid of him the oligarchy secretly sent word to Rome that Han\u00ad nibal was plotting to renew the war. Scipio used all his influence to protect his rival, but was overruled; the Senate accommodated the rich Carthagin\u00ad ians by demanding the surrender of Hannibal. The old warrior fled by night, rode 150 miles to Thapsus, and there took ship to Antioch (195).\nCHAP. III)\tHANNIBAL  AGAINST  ROME\t55\nHe found Antiochus III hesitating between war and peace with Rome; he advised war and became one of the King's staff. \\Vhen the Romans de\u00ad feated Antioch us at J\\.fagnesia ( r 89) they made it a condition of peace that Hannibal should be turned over to them. He escaped first to Crete, then to Bithynia. The Romans hunted him out and surrounded his hiding place with soldiers. Hannibal preferred death to capture. \"Let us,\" he said, \"re\u00ad lieve the Romans from the anxiety they have so long experienced, since they think it tries their patience too much to wait for an old man's.death.\" 32 He drank the poison that he carried with him, and died, aged sixty-seven, in the year r 84 B.C. A few months later his conqueror and admirer, Scipio, followed him to peace.\nCHAPTER  IV\nStoic Rome\n508-202  B.C.\nHAT kind of human beings were these irresistible Romans? \\Vhat institutions had formed them to such ruthless strength in character\nand policy?-what homes and schools, what religion and moral code? How did they take from the soil, and by what economic organization and skill did they mold to their uses, the wealth required to equip their growing cities and those ever new armies that never knew rest? \\Vhat were they like in their streets and shops, their temples and theaters, their science and philosophy, their old age and death? Unless we visualize, scene by scene, this Rome of the early Republic, we shall never understand that vast evo\u00ad lution of customs, morals, and ideas which produced in one age the stoic Cato, in a later age the epicurean Nero, and at last transformed the Roman Empire into the Roman Church.\nTHE FAMILY\nBirth itself was an adventure in Rome. If the child was deformed or female, the father was permitted by custom to expose it to death.1 Other\u00ad wise it was welcomed; for though the Romans even of this period prac\u00ad ticed some measure of family limitation, they were eager to have sons. Rural life made children assets, public opinion condemned childlessness, and religion promoted fertility by persuading the Roman that if he left no son to tend his grave his spirit would suffer endless misery. After eight days the child was formally accepted into the family and the clan by a solemn ceremony at the domestic hearth. A clan (gens) was a group of freeborn families tracing themselves to a common ancestor, bearing his name, united in a common worship, and bound to mutual aid in peace and war. The male child was designated by an individual first name (praenomen), such as Publius, l\\farcus, Caius; by his clan name (nomen), such as Cornelius, Tullius, Julius; and by his family name (cog;nomen), such as Scipio, Cicero, Caesar. \\Vomen were most often designated simply by the clan name\u00ad Cornelia, Tullia, Claudia, Julia. Since in classical days there were only\n56\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t57\nsome fifteen first names for males, and these tended to be repeated con\u00ad fusingly in many generations of the same family, they were usually reduced to an initial, and a fourth-or even a fifth-name was added for distinctive\u00ad ness. So P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus Maior, the conqueror of Hannibal, was differentiated from P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus Africanus Minor, the destroyer of Carthage.\nThe child found itself absorbed into the most basic and characteristic of Roman institutions-the patriarchal family. The power of the father was nearly absolute, as if the family had been organized as a unit of an anny always at _war. He alone of the family had any rights before the law in the early Republic; he alone could buy, hold, or sell property, or make contracts; even his wife's dowry, in this period, belonged to him. If his wife was accused of a crime she was committed to him for judgment and punishment; he could condemn her to death for infidelity or for stealing the keys to his wine. Over his children he had the power of life, death, and sale into slavery. All that the son acquired became legally his father's prop\u00ad erty; nor could he marry without his father's consent. A married daughter remained under her father's power, unless he allowed her to marry cum manu-gave her into the hand or power of her husband. Over his slaves he had unlimited authority. These, and his wife and children, were 111ancipia to him-literally, \"taken in hand\"; and no matter what their age or status, they remained in his power until he chose to emancipate them-to let them \"out of hand.\" These rights of the paterfamilias were checked to some de\u00ad gree by custom, public opinion, the clan council, and praetorian law; other\u00ad wise they lasted to his death, and could not be ended by his insanity or even by his own choice. Their effect was to cement the unity of the family as the basis of Roman morals and government and to establish a discipline that hardened the Roman character into stoic strength. They were harsher in the letter than in practice; the most extreme of them were seldom used, the rest seldom abused. They did not bar a deep and natural pietas, or rever\u00ad ential affection, between parents and children. The tomb stelae of Rome are as tender as those of Greece or our own.\nSince the greater urgency of the male supplies woman with charms more potent than any law, her status in Rome must not be judged from her legal disabilities. She was not allowed to appear in court, even as a witness. \"\\Vid\u00ad owed, she could not claim any dower right in her husband's estate; he might, if he wished, leave her nothing. At every age of her life she was under the tutelage of a man-her father, her brother, her husband, her son, or a guardian-without whose consent she could not marry or dispose of property. On the other hand, she could inherit, though not beyond 100,000 sesterces ( $15,ooo), and she could own without limit. In many instances,\n58\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. IV\nas the earlier passed into the later Republic, she became wealthy because her husband put his property in her name to escape bankruptcy obligations, damage suits, inheritance taxes, and other everlasting jeopardies. She played a role in religion as priestess; nearly every priest had to have a wife and lost his office when she died. Within the home ( domus) she was honored mis\u00ad tress, mea domina, madame. She was not, like the Greek wife, confined to a gynaeceum, or woman's quarters; she took her meals with her mate, though she sat while he reclined. She did a minimum of servile work, for nearly every citizen had a slave. She might spin, as a sign of gentility, but her chief economic function was t\u00b7o superintend the servants; she made it a point, however, to nurse her children herself. They rewarded her patient motherhood with profound love and respect; and her husband seldom al\u00ad lowed his legal mastery to cloud his devotion.\nThe father and the mother, their house and land and property, their children, their married sons, their grandchildren by these sons, their daugh\u00ad ters-in-law, their slaves and clients-all these constituted the Roman familia:\nnot so much a family as a household; not a kinship group but an assembly of owned persons and things subject to the oldest male ascendant. It was within this miniature society, containing in itself the functions of family, church, school, industry, and government, that the Roman child grew up, in piety and obedience, to form the sturdy citizen of an invincible state.\nTHE RELIGION OF ROME\nThe Gods\nThe Roman family was both an association of persons with things and an association of persons and things with gods. It was the center and source of religion, as well as of morals, economy, and the state; every part of its property and every aspect of its existence were bound up in a solemn in\u00ad timacy with the spiritual world. The child was taught, by the eloquent silence of example, that the undying fire in the hearth was the sign and substance of the goddess Vesta, the sacred flame that symbolized the life and continuity of the family; which therefore must never be extinguished, but must be tended with \"religious\" care, and fed with a portion of each meal. Over the hearth he saw the little icons, crowned with flowers, that represented the gods or spirits of the family: the Lar that guarded its fields and buildings, its fortune and destiny, and the Penates, or gods of the in\u00ad terior, who protected the accumulations of the family in its storerooms, cupboards, and barns. Hovering invisible but potent over the threshold\nCHAP. IV)\tSTOIC  ROME\t59\nwas the god Janus, two-faced not as deceitful but as watching all entry and exit at every door. The child's father, he learned, was the ward and embodiment of an inner genius, or generative power, which would not die with the body, but must be nourished forever at the paternal grave. His mother was also the carrier of a deity and had likewise to be treated as divine; she had a Juno in her as the spirit of her capacity to bear, as the father enclosed a genius as the spirit of his power to beget. The child too had his genius or Juno, as both his guardian angel and his soul-a godly kernel in the mortal husk. Everywhere about him, he heard with awe, were the watchful Di Manes, or Kindly Shades, of those male forebears whose grim death masks hung on the household walls, warning him not to stray from the ways of his ancestors, and reminding him that the family was composed not merely of those few individuals that lived in his moment but also of those that had once been, or would someday be, members of"]
[13.493718147277832, -11.008355140686035, "The speeches of Stephen, Peter, Paul, and others in Acts may have been invented by the author, after the general custom of ancient historians.\nCHAP. XXVII)\tTHE  APOSTLES\t577\nbecause they still observed the Law, remained in Jerusalem with the Judaic Christians. While Peter carried the Gospel to the towns of Judea, James \"the Just,\" \"the brother of the Lord,\" became the head of the now reduced and impoverished church in Jerusalem. James practiced the I,aw in all its severity, and rivaled the Essenes in asceticism; he ate no meat, drank no wine, had only one garment, and never cut his hair or beard. For eleven years, under his guid\u00ad ance, the Christians were left undisturbed. About 41 another James, the son of Zebedee, was beheaded; Peter was arrested, but escaped. In 62 James the Just was himself put to death. Four years later the Jews revolted against Rome. The Jerusalem Christians, too convinced of the coming \"end of the world\" to care about politics, left the city and established themselves in pagan and pro-Roman Pella, on the farther bank of the Jordan. From that hour Judaism and Chris\u00ad tianity parted. The Jews accused the Christians of treason and cowardice, and the Christians hailed the destruction of the Temple by Titus as a fulfillment of Christ's prophecy. Mutual hatred enflamed the two faiths, and wrote some of their most pious literature.\nThereafter Judaic Christianity waned in number and power, and yielded the new religion to be transformed by the Greek mind. Galilee, where Christ had lived nearly all his life, and where the l\\fagdalene and the other women who had been among the first to follow him were now lost in obscurity, turned a deaf ear to the preachers who proclaimed the Nazarene as the Son of God. The Jews, who thirsted for libertv, and reminded themselves daily that \"the Lord is One,\" were repelled by a M ssiah who ignored their struggle for independence, and\n,vere scandalized by the announcement that a god had been born in a cave or stable in one of their villages. Judaic Christianity survived for five centuries in a little group of Syriac Christians called Ebionim (\"the poor\"), who practiced Christian poverty and the full Jewish Law. At the end of the second century the Church condemned them as heretics.\nMeanwhile the apostles and disciples had spread the Good News, chiefly among the Jews of the Dispersion,14 from Damascus to Rome. Philip made converts in Samaria and Caesarea, John developed a strong church in Ephesus, and Peter preached in the cities of Syria. Like most of the apos\u00ad tles, Peter took a \"sister\" with him on his missions to serve as his wife and aide.15 He healed the sick so successfully that at Samaria a magician, Simon Magus, offered him money for a share in his mysterious powers. At Joppa he raised Tabitha from app2rent death; at Caesarea he won a Roman cen\u00ad turion to Christianity. A vision, says the Book of Acts, convinced him that he should accept pagan as well as Jewish converts; and from this time for\u00ad ward, with -some amiable vacillations, he contented himself with baptizing, rather than also circumcizing, non-Jewish proselytes. We feel some of the ardor of these early missionaries in the first epistle of Peter:\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVII\nPeter, an apostle of Jesus Christ, to those [ hristian Je\":'s] w are scattered as foreigners over Pontus, Galatia, Cappadoc1a, Asia, and Bithynia ...\tGod bless you and give you perfect peace.... My dearly beloved, I pray you as aliens and exiles, to live pright lives among the gentiles so that ...\tthey may, from observing the uprightness of your conduct, come to praise God.... Submit to all human authority for the Master's sake...\t: Live like free men, but do not make your freedom an excuse for wrong doing.... Servants, be submissive to your masters, and perfectly respectful to them; not only to those who are kind and considerate, but also to those who are unreasonable. You married women, likewise, must be submissive to your husbands, so that any who refuse to believe ... may be won over when they see how chaste and submissive you are. Yo must not adopt the external attractions of arranging your hair or wearing jewelry; you must be a qujet and gentle spirit. You mar\u00ad ried men also must be considerate to your wives; show deference to women as the weaker sex, sharing the gift of life with you\tRe\u00ad\nturn not evil for evil.\tAbove all keep your love for one another\nstrong, for love covers a multitude of sins.16\n,ve do not know when and by what stages Peter made his way to Rome. Jerome (ca. 390) dates his first arrival there as early as 42. The tradition that he played a leading role in establishing the Christian community in the capital has survived all criticism.11 Lactantius speaks of Peter's coming to Rome in Nero's reign; 18 probably the apostle visited the city on divers occasions. He free and Paul in prison labored as rivals to win converts there, until both of them suffered martyrdom, perhaps in the same year 64.19 Origen reports that Peter \"was crucified head downward, for he had asked that he might suffer that way,\" 20 perhaps hoping that in that position death would come sooner, or (said the opinion of the faithful) holding himself unworthy to die in the same manner as Christ. Ancient texts testify that his wife was killed with him and that he had to see her led to execution.21 A later story named Nero's Circus, on the Vatican field, as the place of his death. Over the site the Cathedral of St. Peter rose, and claimed to enshrine his bones.\nHis missions in Asia Minor and Rome must have _helped to preserve many Judaic elements in Christianity. Through him and the other apostles it inherited Jewish monotheism, puritanism, and eschatology. Through them and Paul the Old Testament became the only Bible that first-century Chris\u00ad tianity knew. Till 70 Christianity was preached chiefly in synagogues or among Jews\u2022. The fo: ' ce:emony, and vestments of Hebrew worship passed down mto Chnsnan ntual. The Paschal lamb of sacrifice was subli-\nCHAP. xxvn)\tTHE  APOSTLES\t579\nmated in the Agnus Dei-the expiatory Lamb of God-of the Catholic Mass. The appointment of elders (presbyteri, priests) to govern the churches was adopted from Jewish methods of administering the synagogue. Many Judaic festivals-e.g., Passover and Pentecost-were accepted into the Christian calendar, however altered in content and date. The Jewish Dispersion aided the rapid dissemination of Christianity; the frequent movement of Jews from city to city, and their connections throughout the Empire, co-operated with commerce, Roman roads, and the Roman peace, to open a path for the Christian faith. In Christ and Peter Christianity was Jewish; in Paul it became half Greek; in Catholicism it became half Roman. In Protestantism the Judaic element and emphasis were restored.\nPAUL\nThe Persecutor\nThe founder of Christian theology was born at Tarsus, in Cilicia, about the tenth year of our era. His father was a Pharisee, and brought up the youth in the fervent principles of that sect; the Apostle of the Gentiles never ceased to consider himself a Pharisee, even after he had rejected the Judaic Law. The father was also a Roman citizen, and transmitted the precious franchise to his son. Probably the name Paul was the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew Saul, so that both names belonged to the apostle from infancy.22 He did not receive a classical education, for no Pharisee would have per\u00ad mitted such outright Hellenism in his son, and no man with Greek training would have written the bad Greek of the Epistles. Nevertheless, he learned to speak the language with sufficient fluency to address an Athenian au\u00ad dience, and he occasionally referred to famous passages in Greek literature. We may believe that some Stoic theology and ethics passed from the uni\u00ad versity environment of Tarsus into the Christianity of Paul. So he uses the\n,Stoic term pneuma (breath) for what his English translators call spirit. Like most Greek cities, Tarsus had followers of the Orphic or other mystery religions, who believed that the god they worshiped had died for them, had risen freim the grave, and would, if appealed to by lively faith and proper ritual, save them from Hades, and share with them his gift of eternal and blessed life.23 The mystery religions prepared the Greeks for Paul, and Paul for the Greeks.\nAfter the youth had learned the trade of tentmaking, and had received instruction in the local synagogue, his father sent him to Jerusalem, where, Paul tells us, he was \"educated at the feet of Gamaliel according to the\n580\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVIl\nstrict manner of the Law.\" 24 Gamaliel was reputedly the grandson of Hillel; he succeeded Hillel as president of the Sanhedrin, and carried on the tradi\u00ad tion of interpreting the Law with a lenient regard for the frailty of man\u00ad kind. Stricter Pharisees were shocked to find him gazing appreciatively even upon pagan women.25 He was so learned that the Jews, who keenly honor scholarship, called him \"the beauty of the Law,\" and gave to him first, as to only six men after him, the title of rabban, \"our master.\" From him and others Paul learned that shrewd and subtle, sometimes casuistic and sophisti\u00ad cal, manner of Biblical interpretation which was to disport itself in the Talmud. Despite Paul's initiation into Hellenism he remained to the end a Jew in mind and character, uttered no doubt of the Torah's inspiration, and proudly maintained the divine election of the Jews as the medium of man's salvation.\nHe describes himself as \"insignificant in appearance,\" 26 and adds: \"to keep me from being too much elated, a bitter physical affliction was sent me\"; 27 he does not further specify. Tradition pictured him at fifty as a bent and bald and bearded ascetic, with vast forehead, pale face, stern coun\u00ad tenance, and piercing eyes; Dlirer imagined him so in one of the greatest drawings of all time; but in truth these representations are literature and art, not history.\nHis mind was of a type frequent among Jews: penetrating and passionate rather than genial and urbane; emotional and imaginative rather than objec\u00ad tive and impartial; he was powerful in action because he was narrow in thought. Even more than Spinoza he was a \"God-intoxicated man,\" con\u00ad sumed with religious enthusiasm in the literal sense of this word-holding \"a god within.\" He believed himself divinely inspired, and endowed with the ability to work miracles. He was also a practical soul, capable of laborious organization, impatiently patient in founding and preserving Christian com\u00ad munities. As in so many men, his faults and virtues were near allied and mutually indispensable. He was impetuous and courageous, dogmatic and decisive, domineering and energetic, fanatical and creative, proud before man and humble before God, violently wrathful and capable of the ten\u00ad derest love. He advised his follo-wers to \"bless them that persecute you,\" but he could hope that his enemies-\"the party of circumcision\"-\"would get themselves emasculated.\" 28 He knew his failings, struggled against them, and begged his converts to \"put up with a little folly from me.\" 29 The post\u00ad script to his first epistle to the Corinthians sums him up: \"This farewell I, Paul, add in my own hand. A curse upon anyone who has no love for the Lord! Lord, ome quic y! The blessing of the Lord Jesus be with you! My love be with you all.  He was what he had to be to do what he did.\nHe began by attacking Christianity in the name of Judaism, and ended\nCHAP.:xxvu)\tTHE   APOSTLES"]
[10.976831436157227, -10.772485733032227, "of Christians rather than of Christ; but unless we assume the latter we are driven to the improbable hypothesis that Jesus was invented in one genera\u00ad tion; moreover, we must suppose that the Christian community in Rome had been established some years before 52, to merit the attention of an imperial decree. About the middle of this first century a pagan named Thallus, in a fragment preserved by Julius Africanus,11 argued that the abnormal darkness alleged to have accompanied the death of Christ was a purely natural phenomenon and coincidence; the argument took the existence of Christ for granted. The denial of that existence seems never to have occurred even to the bitterest gentile or Jewish opponents of nascent Christianity.\nThe Christian evidence for Christ begins with the letters ascribed to Saint Paul. Some of these are of uncertain authorship; several, antedating\nA.D. 64, are almost universally accounted as substantially genuine. No one has questioned the existence of Paul, or his repeated meetings with Peter, James, and John; and Paul enviously admits that these men had known Christ in the flesh.12 The accepted epistles frequently refer to the Last Sup\u00ad per 13 and the crucifixion.14\nMatters are not so simple as regards the Gospels. The four that have come down to us are survivors from a much larger number that once circulated among the Christians of the first two centuries. Our English term gospel (Old English godspel, good news) is a rendering of the Greek euangelion, which is the opening word of Mark, and means \"glad tidings\"-that the l\\lessiah had come, and the Kingdom of God was at hand. The Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke are \"synoptic\": their contents and episodes allow of being arranged in parallel columns and \"viewed together.\" They were written in the Greek koine of popular speech, and were no models of gram\u00ad mar or literary finish; nevertheless, the directness and force of their simple style, the vivid power of their analogies and scenes, the depth of their feeling, and the profound fascination of the story they tell give even the rude originals a unique charm, immensely enhanced for the English world by the highly inaccurate but lordly version made for King James.\nThe oldest extant copies of the Gospels go back only to the third century. The original compositions were apparently written between A.D. 60 and 1 20, and were therefore exposed to two centuries of errors in transcription, and to possible alterations to suit the theology or aims of the copyist's sect or time. Christian writers before 100 quote the Old, but never the New, Testament. The only reference to a Christian gospel before 150 is in Papias, ,vho, about 1 35, reports an unidentified \"John the Elder\" as saying that J\\fark had composed his gospel from memories conveyed to him by Peter.15 Papias adds: \"Matthew\n556\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVI\ntranscribed in Hebrew the Logia\"-apparently an early Aramaic collection of the sayings of Christ. Probably Paul had some such document, for though he men\u00ad tions no gospels he occasionally quotes the direct words of Jesus.* Criticism gen\u00ad erally agrees in giving the Gospel of Mark priority, and in dating it between 65 and 7o. Since it sometimes repeats the same matter in different forms,16 it is widely be\u00ad lieved to have been based upon the Logia, and upon another early narrative which may have been the original composition of Mark himself. Our Gospel of Mark was apparently circulated while some of the apostles, or their immediate disciples, were still alive; it seems unlikely, therefore, that it differed substantially from their recollection and interpretation of Christ.17 We may conclude, with the brilliant but judicious Schweitzer, that the Gospel of Mark is in essentials \"genuine history.\" 18\nOrthodox tradition placed Matthew's Gospel first. Irenaeus 19 describes it as originally composed in \"Hebrew\"-i.e., Aramaic; but it has come down to us only in Greek. Since in this form it apparently copies Mark, and probably also the\nLogia, criticism inclines to ascribe it to a disciple of Matthew rather than to the \"publican\" himself; even the most skeptical students, however, concede to it as\nearly a date as A.D. 85-90.20 Aiming to convert Jews, Matthew relies more than\nthe other evangelists on the miracles ascribed to Jesus, and is suspiciously eager to prove that many Old Testament prophecies were fulfilled in Christ. Never\u00ad theless, it is the most moving of the four Gospels, and must be ranked among the unconscious masterpieces of the world's literature.\nThe Gospel according to St. Luke, generally assigned to the last decade of the first century, announces its desire to co-ordinate and reconcile earlier accounts of Jesus, and aims to convert not Jews but gentiles. Very probably Luke was himself a gentile, the friend of Paul, and the author of the Acts of th Apostles.21 Like Matthew he borrows much from Mark.22 Of the 661 verses in the received\ntext of Mark over 600 are rep:oduced in Matthew, a?d 350 in Luke, mostly word for word.23 Many passages m Luke that are not m Mark occur in Matthew,\nagain nearly verbatim; apparently Luke borrowed these from Matthew, or Luke\nand Matthew t?ok th m from  common_ source, now lost. Luke works up these\ncandid borrowmgs with some literary skill; Renan thought this Gospel the most beautiful book ever written.24\nThe Fourth <?ospel does not pret nd to e a bio raphy of Jesus; it is a pres\u00ad entation of Chnst from the theological pmnt of _view, as the divine Logos or Word, creator of the wo:ld and_ re_deemer of n_iankmd. It contradicts the synoptic gospels in a hundred details and m Its general picture of Christ.25The half-Gnostic\ncharacter of the work, and its e phasis on metaphysical ideas, have led many Christian scholars to doubt that its_ uthor was the apostle John.26 Experience suggests, however, that an old trad1t10n must not be too quickly rejected\u00b7 our ancestors were not all fools. Recent studies tend to restore the \u00b7Fourth G spel\n\" In 1s97 and 1903 Grenfell and Hunt discovered in the ruins of Oxvrhynchus in E\tt twelve fragments of ogia loosely corresponding to pas_sages in the Gospels. These'papy notolder than the third century, but they may be copies of older manuscripts.\nCHAP. XXVI)\tJESUS\t557\nto a date near the end of the first century. Probably tradition was correct in assigning to the same author the \"Epistles of John\"; they speak the same ideas in the same style.\nIn summary, it is clear that there are many contradictions between one gospel and another, many dubious statements of history, many suspicious resemblances to the legends told of pagan gods, many incidents apparently designed to prove the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecies, many pas\u00ad sages possibly aiming to establish a historical basis for some later doctrine or ritual of the Church. The evangelists shared with Cicero, Sallust, and Tacitus the conception of history as a vehicle for moral ideas. And presum\u00ad ably the conversations and speeches reponed in the Gospels were subject to the frailties of illiterate memories, and the errors or emendations of copyists. All this granted, much remains. The contradictions are of minutiae, not substance; in essentials the synoptic gospels agree remarkably well, and form a consistent ponrait of Christ. In the enthusiasm of its discoveries the Higher Criticism has applied to the New Testament tests of authenticity so severe that by them a hundred ancient wonhies-e.g., Hammurabi, David, Socrates-would fade into legend.* Despite the prejudices and theological preconceptions of the evangelists, they record many incidents that mere in\u00ad ventors would have concealed-the competition of the apostles for high places in the Kingdom, their flight after Jesus' arrest, Peter's denial, the failure of Christ to work miracles in Galilee, the references of some auditors to his possible insanity, his early uncertainty as to his mission, his confessions of ignorance as to the future, his moments of bitterness, his despairing cry on the cross; no one reading these scenes can doubt the reality of the figure behind them. That a few simple men should in one generation have invented so powerful and appealing a personality, so lofty an ethic and so inspiring a vision of human brotherhood, would be a miracle far more incredible than any recorded in the Gospels. After two centuries of Higher Criticism the outlines of the life, character, and teaching of Christ, remain reasonably\n' clear, and constitute the most fascinating feature in the history of Western man.\nTHE  GROWTH OF JESUS\nBoth Matthew and Luke assign Jesus' binh to \"the days when Herod was king of Judea\" 27-consequently before 3 B.c. Luke, however, describes"]
[6.039881229400635, 4.410702705383301, "best form of government, and democracy is nonsense. \"It is absurd,\" says Xenophon's Socrates, \"to choose magistrates by lot where no one would dream of drawing lots for a pilot, a mason, a flute-player, or any craftsman at all, though the shoncomings of such men are far less harmful than those that disorder our government.\"''18 He condemns the litigiousness of the Athenians, their noisy envy of one another, the bitterness of their political factions and disputes: \"On these accounts,\" he says, \"I am constantly in the greatest fear lest some evil should happen to the state too great for it to bear.\",., Nothing could save Athens, he thought, except government by knowledge and ability; and this was no more to be determined by voting than the qualifications of a pilot, a musician, a physician, or a carpenter. Nor should power or wealth choose the officials of the state; tyran y and plutocracy are as bad as democracy; the reasonable compromise is an aristocracy in which office would be restricted to those mentally fit and trained for it.181 Despite these criticisms of Athenian democracy Socrates recognized its advantages, and appreciated the liberties and opportunities that it gave him. He smiled at the tendency of some followers to preach a \"return to Nature,\" and adopted towards Antisthenes and the Cynics the same attitude that Voltaire would take towards Rousseau-that with all its\nCHAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t373\nfaults civilization is a precious thing, not to be abandoned for any primeval simplicity.181\nNevertheless the majority of the Athenians looked upon him with irri\u00ad tated suspicion. The onhodox in religion considered him to be the most dangerous of the Sophists; for while he observed the amenities of the ancient faith he rejected tradition, wished to subject every rule to the scrutiny of reason, founded morality in the individual conscience rather than in social good or the unchanging decrees of heaven, and ended with a skepticism that left reason itself in a mental confusion unsettling to every custom and belief. To him, as well as to Protagoras and Euripides, praisers of the past like Aristophanes attributed the irreligion of the age, the dis\u00ad respect of the young for the old, the loosened morals of the educated classes, and the disorderly individualism that was consuming Athenian life. Though Socrates refused to suppon the oligarchic faction, many of its leaders were his pupils or his friends. When one of them, Critias, led the oligarchs in a rich man's revolution and a ruthless terror, democrats like Anytus and Meletus branded Socrates as the intellectual source of the oligarchic reac\u00ad tion, and determined to remove him from Athenian life.\nThey succeeded, but they could not destroy his immense influence. The dialectic he had received from Zeno was passed down through Plato to Aristotle, who turned it into a system of logic so complete that it remained unaltered for nineteen hundred years. Upon science his influence was injurious: students were turned away from physical research, and the doc\u00ad trine of external design offered no encouragement to scientific analysis. The individualist and intellectualist ethic of Socrates had a modest share, perhaps, in undermining Athenian morals; but its emphasis on conscience as above the law became one of the cardinal tenets of Christianity. Through his pupils the many suggestions of his thought became the sub-\nStance of all the major philosophies of the next two centuries. The most powerful element in his influence was the example of his life and charac\u00ad ter. He became for Greek history a martyr and a saint; and every genera\u00ad tion that sought an exemplar of simple living and brave thinking turned back to nourish its ideals with his memory. \"In contemplating the man's wisdom and nobility of character,\" said Xenophon, \"I find it beyond my power to forget him, or, in remembering him, to refrain from praising him. And if, among those who make virtue their aim, any one has ever been brought into contact with a person more helpful than Socrates, I count that man worthy to be called most blessed.\"181\n0\nCHAPTER  XVII\nTheLiterature of the Golden Age\nI. PINDAR\nORMALl..,Y the philosophy of one age is the literature of the next: the ideas and issues that in one generation are fought out on the field of re\u00ad\nsearch and speculation provide in the succeeding generation the background of drama, fiction, and poetry. But in Greece the literature did not lag behind the philosophy; the poets were themselves philosophers, did their own thinking, and were in the intellectual vanguard of their time. That same conflict between conservatism and radicalism which agitated GrCrek religion, science, and philoso\u00ad phy found expression also in poetry and drama, even in the writing of history. Since excellence of artistic form was added, in Greek letters, to depth of specu\u00ad lative thought, the literature of the Golden Age reached heights never touched again until the days of Shakespeare and Montaigne.\nBecause of this burden of thought, and the decay of royal or aristocratic patronage, the fifth century was less rich than the sixth in lyric poetry as an independent art. Pindar is the transition between the two periods: he inherits the lyric form, but fills it with dramatic magnificence; after him poetry breaks through its traditional limits, and, in the Dionysian drama, combines with religion, music, and the dance to make a greater vehicle for the splendor and passion of the Golden Age.\nPindar came of a Theban family that. traced its lineage back to primitive times, and claimed to include many of the ancient heroes commemorated in his verse. His uncle, an accomplished flutist, passed down to Pindar much of his love for music, and something of his skill. For advanced musical instruction the parents sent the boy to Athens, where Lasus and Agathocles taught him choral composition. Before he was twenty-i.e., by 502-he returned to Thebes, and studied with the poetess Corinna. Five times he competed against Corinna in public song, and five times was beaten; but Corinna was very pleasing to be\u00ad hold, and the judges were men.1 Pindar called\u00b7 her a sow, Simonides a crow, himself an eagle.\" Despite this myopia his reputation rose so high that his fel\u00ad low Thebans soon concocted a story that told how once, as the young poet slept in the fields, some bees had settled upon his lips, and had left their honey there.a Soon he was handsomely commissioned to write odes in honor of princes and rich men; he was the guest of noble families in Rhodes, Tenedos,\n374\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t37J\nCorinth, and Athens, and for a time lived as royal bard at the courts of Alexan\u00ad der I of Macedon, Theron of Acragas, and Hieron I of Syracuse. Usually his songs were paid for in advance, very much as if a city should in our days en\u00ad gage a composer to celebrate it with an original composition for chorus and dance, and to conduct the performance himself. When Pindar returned to Thebes, towards his forty-fourth year, he was acclaimed as Boeotia's greatest gift to Greece.\nHe worked painstakingly, composing the music for each poem, and often training a chorus to sing it. He wrote hymns and paeans for deities, dithyrambs for the festivals of Dionysus, parthenaia for maidens, enkomia for celebrities, skolia for banquets, threnoi, or dirges, for funerals, and epinikia, or songs of victory, for winners at the Panhellenic competitions. Of all these only forty\u00ad five odes remain, named after the games whose heroes they honored. Of these odes, again, only the words survive, none of the music; in judging them, we are in the position of some future historian who, having the librettos of Wag\u00ad ner's operas but nothing of the scores, should list him as a poet rather than a composer, and should rank him by the words that once attended upon his harmonies. Or if we picture some Chinese scholar, unfamiliar with Christian story, reading in one evening, in lame translation, ten Bach chorals divorced from their music and ritual, we shall measure our justice to Pindar. When read today, ode after ode, in the silence of the study, he is beyond comparison the dreariest outpost in the classical landscape.\nOnly the analogy of music can explain the structure of these poems. To Pindar, as to Simonides and Bacchylides, the form to be followed in an epinician ode was as compulsory as sonata form in the sonatas and symphonies of modern Europe. First came the statement of the theme-the name and story of the athlete who had gained the prize, or of the nobleman whose horses had drawn their chariot to victory. In general Pindar celebrates \"the wisdom of man, and his beauty, and the splendor of his fame.\"' In truth he was not much interested in his formal subject; he sang in praise of runners, courtesans, and kings, and was willing to accept any promptly paying tyrant as a patron saint:5 if the occa\u00ad sion gave scope to his rich imagination and his proudly intricate verse. His topic might be anything from a mule race to the glory of Greek civilization in all its variety and spread. He was loyal to Thebes, and not more inspired than the Delphic oracle when he defended Theban neutrality in the Persian War; but later he was ashamed of his error, and went out of his way to praise the leader of the Greek defense as \"renowned Athens, rich, violet-crowned, worthy of song, bulwark of Hellas, god-protected city.\"1 The Athenians are said to have given him ten thousand drachmas ($10,000) for the dithyrambs, or pro\u00ad cessional song, in which these lines occurred;\" Thebes, we are less reliably informed, fined him for his implied reproof, and Athens paid the fine.'\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XVII\nThe second part of a Pindaric ode was a selection from Greek mythology. Here Pindar was discouragingly lavish; as Corinna complained, he \"sowed with the whole sack rather than with the hand.\"\u2022 He had a high conception of the gods, and honored them as among his best clients. He was the favorite poet of the Delphic priesthood; during his life he received many privileges from them, and after his death his spirit was, with Caledonian generosity, invited to share in the first fruits offered at Apollo's shrine.10 He was the last defender of the orthodox faith; even the pious Aeschylus seems wildly heretical beside him; Pindar would have been horrified by the blasphemies of Prometheus Bound. Sometimes he rises to an almost monotheistic conception of Zeus as \"the All, governing all things and seeing all things.'m He is a friend of the Mysteries, and shares the Orphic hope of paradise. He preaches the divine origin and destiny of the individual soul,1\" and offers one of the earliest descriptions of a Last Judgment, a Heaven, and a Hell. \"Immediately after death the lawless spir\u00ad its suffer punishment, and the sins committed in this realm of Zeus are judged by One who passeth sentence stem and inevitable.\"\nBut in sunshine ever fair\nAbide the good, and all their nights and days An equal splendor wear.\nAnd never as of old with thankless toil\nFor their poor empty needs they vex the soil, And plough the watery seas;"]
[-1.1000999212265015, 4.633467197418213, "After the passing of fhemistocles and Aristides the leadership of the democratic faction at Athens descended to Ephialtes, and that of the oli-\nCHAP.XI)  PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   247\ngarchic or conservative faction to Cimon, son of Miltiades. Cimon had most of the virtues that Themistocles lacked, but none of the subtlety that abil\u00ad ity must depend upon for political success. Unhappy amid the intrigues of the city, he secured command of the fleet, and consolidated the liberties of Greece by his victory at the Eurymedon. Returning to Athens in glory, he at once lost his popularity by advising a reconciliation with Sparta. He won the Assembly's reluctant consent to lead an Athenian force to the aid of the Spartans against their revolted Helots at lthome; but the Spartans suspected the Athenians even when bringing gifts, and so clearly distrusted Cimon's soldiers that these returned to Athens in anger, and Cimon was disgraced. In 46 I he was ostracized at the instigation of Pericles, and the oligarchic party was so demoralized by  fall that for two generations the government remained in the hands of the democrats. Four years later Pericles, repentant (or, rumor said, enamored of Cimon's sister Elpinice), secured his recall, and Cimon died with honors in a naval campaign in\nCyprus.\nThe leader of the democratic party at this time was a man of whom we know strangely little, and yet his activity was a turning point in the his\u00ad tory of Athens. Ephialtes was poor but incorruptible, and did not long survive the animosities of Athenian politics. The popular faction had been strengthened by the war, for in that crisis all class divisions among freemen had for a moment been forgotten, and the saving victory at Salamis had been won not by the army-which was dominated by the aristocrats-but by the navy, which was manned by the poorer citizens and controlled by the mercantile middle class. The oligarchic party sought to maintain its privileges by making the conservative Areopagus the supreme authority in the state. Ephialtes replied by a bitter attack upon this ancient senate..\u2022 He impeached several of its members for malfeasance, had some of them put to death,' and persuaded the Assembly to vote the almost complete abolition of the powers that the Areopagus still retained. The conservative Aristotle later approved this radical policy, on the ground that \"the trans\u00ad fer to the commons of the judicial functions that had belonged to the Senate appears to have been an advantage, for corruption finds an easiez\nGrote's statement, written about 1850, of the case aF the Areopagus recalls certain criticisms of the Supreme Court of the United States m 1937. ''The Areopagus, standing alone in the enjoyment of a life-tenure, appears to have exercised an undefined and extensive control which long continuance had gradually consecrated. It was invested with a kind of religious respect. . . . The Areopagus also exercised a supervision over the public assembly, taking care that none of the proceedings ... should be such as to infringe the established laws of the coun . These were powers immense, undefined, not derived from any formal grant of the people. ,.\nTHli:  LlFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XI\nmaterial in a small number than in a large one.\"\" But the conservatives of the time did not see the issue so calmly. Ephialtes, having been found unpurchasable, was assassinated in 461 by an agent of the oligarchy,\" and the perilous task of leading the democratic party passed down to the aris\u00ad tocratic Pericles.\nPERICLES\n...\nThe man who acted as commander in chief of all the physical and spir\u00ad itual forces of Athens during her greatest age was born some three years before Marathon. His father, Xanthippus, had fought at Salamis, had led the Athenian fleet in the battle of Mycale, and had recaptured the Helles\u00ad pont for Greece. Pericles' mother, Agariste, was a granddaughter of the reformer Cleisthenes; on her side, therefore, he belonged to the ancient family of the Alcmaeonids. \"His mother being near her time,\" says Plu\u00ad tarch, \"fancied in a dream that she was brought to bed of a lion, and a few days after was delivered of Pericles-in other respects perfectly formed, only his head was somewhat longish and out of proportion\"t his critics were to have much fun with this very dolicocephalic head. The most famous music teacher of his time, Damon, gave him instruction in music, and Pythocleides in music and literature; he heard the lectures of Zeno the Eleatic at Athens, and became the friend and pupil of the philosopher Anaxagoras. In his development he absorbed the rapidly growing culture of his epoch, and united in his mind and policy all the threads of Athenian civilization-economic, military, literary, anistic, and philosophical. He was, so far as we know, the most complete man that Greece produced.\nSeeing that the oligarchic party was out of step with the time, he at\u00ad tached himself early in life to the party of the demos-i.e., the free popu\u00ad lation of Athens; then, as even in Jefferson's day in America, the word \"people\" carried cenain proprietary reservations. He approached politics in general, and each situation in it, with careful preparation, neglecting no aspect of education, speaking seldom and briefly, and praying to the gods that he might never utter a word that was not to the point. Even the comic poets, who disliked him, spoke of him as \"the Olympian,\" who wielded the thunder and lightning of such eloquence as Athens had never heard before; and yet by all accounts his speech was unimpassioned, and ap\u00ad pealed to enlightened minds. His influence was due not only to his intelli\u00ad gence but to his probity; he was capable of using bribery to secure state ends, but was himself \"manifestly free from every kind of corruption, and\nCHAP.XI)  PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   249\nsuperior to all considerations of money\";'1 and whereas Themistocles had entered public office poor and left it rich, Pericles, we are told, added noth\u00ad ing to his patrimony by his political career.\" It showed the good sense of the Athenians in this generation that for almost thirty years, between 467 and 428, they elected and re-elected him, with brief intermissions, as one of their ten strategoi or commanders; and this relative permanence of office not only gave him supremacy on the military board, but enabled him to raise the position of strategos autokrator to the place of highest influence in the government. Under him Athens, while enjoying all the privileges of democracy, acquired also the advantages of aristocracy and dictatorship. The good government and cultural patronage that had adorned Athens in the age of Peisistratus were continued now with equal unity and decisive\u00ad ness of direction and intelligence, but also with the full and annually re\u00ad newed consent of a free citizenship. History through him illustrated again the principle that liberal reforms are most ably executed and most perma\u00ad nently secured by the cautious and moderate leadership of an aristocrat enjoying popular support. Greek civilization was at its best when democ\u00ad racy had grown sufficiently to give it variety and vigor, and aristocracy survived sufficiently to give it order and taste.\nThe reforms of Pericles substan ially extended the authority of the peo\u00ad ple. Though the power of the heliaea had grown under Solon, Cleisthenes, and Ephialtes, the lack of payment for jury service had given the well to do a predominating influence in these courts. Pericles introduced (451) a fee of two obols (34 cents), later raised to three, for a day's duty as juror, an amount equivalent in each case to half a day's earnings of an average Athenian of the time.11 The notion that these modest sums weakened the fiber and corrupted the morale of Athens is hardly to be taken seriously, for by the same token every state that pays its judges or its jurymen would long since have been destroyed. Pericles seems also to have established a small remuneration for military service. He crowned this scandalous generosity by persuading the state to pay every citizen two obols annu\u00ad ally as the price of admission to the plays and games of the official festivals; he excused himself on the ground that these performances should not be a luxury of the upper and middle classes, but should contribute to elevate the mind of the whole electorate. It must be confessed, however, that Plato, Aristotle, and Plutarch-conservatives all-were agreed that these pittances injured the Athenian character.\"'\nContinuing the work of Ephialtes, Pericles transferred to the popular courts the various judicial powers that had been possessed by the archons\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI\nand magistrates, so that from this time the archonship was more of a bureaucratic or administrative office than one that carried the power of forming policies, deciding cases, or issuing commands. In 457 eligibility to the archonship, which had been confined to the wealthier classes, was ex\u00ad tended to the third class, or zeugitai; soon thereafter, without any legal form, the lowest citizen class, the thetes, made themselves eligible to the office by romancing about their income; and the importance of the thetes in the defense of Athens persuaded the other classes to wink at the fraud.\u2022 Moving for a moment in the opposite direction, Pericles (451) carried through the Assembly a restriction of the franchise to the legitimate off\u00ad spring of an Athenian father and an Athenian mother. No legal marriage was to be permitted between a citizen and a noncitizen. It was a measure aimed to discourage intermarriage with foreigners, to reduce illegitimate births, and perhaps to reserve to the jealous burghers of Athens the material rewards of citizenship and empire. Pericles himself would soon have rea\u00ad son to regret this exclusive legislation.\nSince any form of government seems good that brings prosperity, and even the best seems bad that hinders it, Pericles, having consolidated his political position, turned to economic statesmanship. He sought to reduce the pressure of population upon the narrow resources of Attica by estab\u00ad lishing colonies of poor Athenian citizens upon foreign soil. To give work to the idle,1\" he made the state an employer on a scale unprecedented in Greece: ships were added to the fleet, arsenals were built, and a great com exchange was erected at the Piraeus. To protect Athens effectively from siege by land, and at the same time to provide further work for the unemployed, Pericles persuaded the Assembly to supply funds for con\u00ad structing eight miles of \"Long Walls,\" as they were to be called, connect\u00ad ing Athens with the Piraeus and Phalerum; the effect was to make the city and its ports one fortified enclosure, open in wartime only to the sea\u00ad on which the Athenian fleet was supreme. In the hostility with which un\u00ad walled Sparta looked upon this program of fortification the oligarchic party saw a chance to recapture political power. Its secret agents invited the Spartans to invade Attica and, with the aid of an oligarchic insurrection, to put down the democracy; in this event the oligarchs pledged themselves to level the Long Walls. The Spartans agreed, and dispatched an army which defeated the Athenians at Tanagra (457); but the oligarchs failed to make their revolution. The Spartans returned to the Peloponnesus emp\u00ad ty-handed, dourly awaiting a better opportunity to overcome the flourish\u00ad ing rival that was taking from them their traditional leadership of Greece.\nCHAP.XI) PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   251\nPericles rejected the temptation to retaliate upon Sparta, and instead, devoted his energies now to the beautification of Athens. Hoping to make his city the cultural center of Bellas, and to rebuild the ancient shrines\u00ad which the Persians had destroyed-on a scale and with a splendor that would lift up the soul of every citizen, he devised a plan for using all the genius of Athens' artists, and the labor of her remaining unemployed, in a bold program for the architectural adornment of the Acropolis. \"It was his desire and design,\" says Plutarch, \"that the undisciplined mechanic multi\u00ad tude ... should not go without their share of public funds, and yet should not have these given them for sitting still and doing nothing; and to this end he brought in these vast projects of construction.\"\" To finance the undertaking he proposed that the treasury accumulated by the Delian Confederacy should be removed from Delos, where it lay idle and in\u00ad secure, and that such part of it as was not needed for common defense should be used to beautify what seemed to Pericles the legitimate capital of a beneficent empire.\nThe transference of the Delian treasury to Athens was quite acceptable\nto the Athenians, even to the oligarchs. But the voters were loath to spend any substantial part of the fund in adorning their city-whether through some qualm of conscience, or through a secret hope that the money might be appropriated more directly to their needs and enjoyment. The oli\u00ad garchic leaders played upon this feeling so ,cleverly that when the matter neared a vote in the Assembly the defeat of Pericles' plan seemed certain. Plutarch tells a delightful story of how the subtle leader turned the tide. \" 'Very well,' said Pericles; 'let the cost of these buildings go not to your account but to mine; and let the inscription upon them stand in my name.' When they heard him say this, whether it were out of a surprise to see the greatness of his spirit, or out of emulation of the glory of the works, they cried aloud, bidding him spend on ..  and spare no cost till all were\n:finished.\"\nWhile the work proceeded, and Pericles' especial protection and sup\u00ad port were given to Pheidias, lctinus, Mnesicles, and the other artists who labored to realize his dreams, he lent his patronage also to literature and philosophy; and whereas in the other Greek cities of this period the strifc of parties consumed much of the energy of the citizens, and literature languished, in Athens the stimulus of growing wealth and democratic free\u00ad dom was combined with wise and cultured leadership to produce the Golden Age. When Pericles, Aspasia, Pheidias, Anaxagoras, and Socrates attended a play by Euripides in the Theater of Dionysus, Athens could see visibly"]
[6.293335914611816, 9.029165267944336, "like Sparta's, while democracy, loosening all bonds with freedom, puts the accent on youth, and favors the new against the old. Athenian history offers several instances of children taking over their parents' property without proof of imbecility in the elders;,... but Sophocles rescues himself from such an action simply by reading to the court some passages from his latest play. Athenian law commands that sons shall support their infirm or aged parents;'\"' and public opinion, which is always more fearful than the law, enjoins modesty and respect in the behavior of the young towards the old. Plato takes it for granted that a well-bred youth will be silent in the presence of his seniors unless he is asked to speak.\"\" There are in the literature many pictures of modest adolescence, as in the earlier dialogues of Plato or the Symposium of Xenophon; and there are touching stories of filial devotion, like that of Orestes to Agamemnon, and of Antigone to Oedipus.\nWhen death comes, every precaution is taken that the soul of the departed shall be spared all avoidable suffering. The body must be buried or burned; else the soul will wander restlessly about the world, and will revenge itself upon its negligent posterity; it may, for example, reappear as a ghost, and bring disease or disaster to plants and men. Cremation is more popular in the Heroic Age, burial in the classic. Burial was Mycenaean, and will survive into Chris\u00ad tianity; cremation apparently entered Greece with the Achaeans and the Dorians, whose nomad habits made impossible the proper care of graves. One or the other is so obligatory among Athenians that the victorious generals at Argi\u00ad nusae are put to death for allowing a severe storm to deter them from recover\u00ad ing and burying their dead.\nGreek burial customs carry on old ways into the future. The corpse is bathed, anointed with perfumes, crowned with flowers, and dressed in the fin\u00ad est garments that the family can afford. An obol is placed between the teeth to pay Charon, the mythical boatman who ferries the dead across the Styx to Hades.\u2022 The body is placed in a coffin of pottery or wood; to \"have one foot in the coffin\" is already a proverb in Greece.\"\" Mourning is elaborate: black garments are worn, and the hair, or part of it, is shorn as a gift for the dead. On the third day the corpse is carried on a bier in procession through the streets, while the women weep and beat their breasts; professional wailers or dirge singers may be hired for the occasion. Upon the sod of the covered grave wine is poured to slake the dead soul's thirst, and animals may be sacrificed for its food. The mourners lay wreaths of flowers or cypress upon the tomb,m and then return home to the funeral feast. Since the departed soul is believed to be present at this feast, sacred custom requires that \"of the dead nothing but good\" shall be spoken;\"\" this is the source of an ancient saw, and perhaps of the unfailing lauds of our epitaphs. Periodically the children visit the graves\nIt was the custom among the Greeks to carry small change in the mouth.\nTIU  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(cHAP.XlII\nof their ancestors, attd offer them food and drink. After the battle of Plataea, where the Greeks of many cities have fallen, the Plataeans pledge themselves to provide for all the dead an annual repast; and six centuries later, in the days of Plutarch, this promise will still be performed.\nAfter death the soul, separated from the body, dwells as an insubstantial shade in Hades. ln Homer only spirits guilty of exceptional or sacrilegious offense suffe.r punishment there; all the rest, saints and sinners alike, share an equal fate of endless prowling about dark Pluto's realm. In the course of Greek history a belief arises, among the poorer classes, in Hades as a place of expiation for sins; Aeschylus pictures Zeus as judging the dead there and punishing the guilty, though no word is said about rewarding the good.= Only rarely do we find mention of the Blessed Isles, or the Elysian Fields, as heavens of eternal happiness for a few heroic souls. The thought of the gloomy fate awaiting nearly all the dead darkens Greek literature, and makes Greek life less bright and cheerful than is fitting under such a sun.\nCHAPTER XIV\nThe Art of Periclean Greece\nTHE ORNAMENTATION OF LIFE\n\"IT is beautiful,\" says a character in Xenophon's Economics,\nto see the footgear ranged in a row according to its kind; beautiful to see garments sorted according to their use, and coverlets; beau\u00ad tiful to see glass vases and tableware so sorted; and beautiful, too, despite the jeers of the witless and flippant, to see cooking-pots arranged with sense and symmetry. Yes, all things without excep\u00ad tion, because of symmetry, will appear more beautiful when placed in order. All these utensils will then seem to form a choir; the center which they unite to form will create a beauty that will be enhanced by the distance of the other objects in the group.'\nThis passage from a general reveals the scope, simplicity, and strength of the esthetic sense in Greece. The feeling for form and rhythm, for precision and clarity, for proportion and order, is the central fact in Greek culture; it enters into the shape and ornament of every bowl and vase, of every statue and painting, of every temple and tomb, of every poem and drama, of all Greek work in science and philosophy. Greek art is rea\u00ad son made manifest: Greek painting is the logic of line, Greek sculpture is a worship of symmetry, Greek architecture is a marble geometry. There is no extravagance of emotion in Periclean art, no bizarrerie of form, no striving for novelty through the abnormal or unusual;\u2022 the purpose is not to represent the indiscriminate irrelevancy of the real, but to catch the il\u00ad luminating essence of things, and to portray the ideal possibilities of men. The pursuit of wealth, beauty, and knowledge so absorbed the Athenians that they had no time for goodness. \"I swear by all the gods,\" says one of Xenophon's banqueters, \"that I would not choose the power of the Persian king in preference to beauty.\"'\nThe Greek, whatever the romanticists of less virile ages may have fancied\nof him, was no effeminate esthete, no flower of ecstasy murmuring mys-\nPbilokaloumen met' euteleias, says Thucydides' Pericles: ''We love beauty without ex\u00ad travagance.''\"\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\nteries of art for art's sake; he thought of art as subordinate to life, and of living as the greatest art of all; he had a healthy utilitarian bias against any beauty that could not be used; the useful, the beautiful, and the good were almost as closely bound together in his thought as in the Socratic philoso\u00ad phy.\u2022 In his view art was first of all an adornment of the ways and means of life: he wanted his pots and pans, his lamps and chests and tables and beds and chairs to be at once serviceable and beautiful, and never too ele\u00ad gant to be strong. Having a vivid \"sense of the state,\" he identified him\u00ad self with the power and glory of his city, and employed a thousand artists to embellish its public places, ennoble its festivals, and commemorate its history. Above all, he wished to honor or propitiate the gods, to express his gratitude to them for life or victory; he offered votive images, lavished his resources upon his temples, and engaged statuaries to give to his gods or his dead an enduring similitude in stone. Hence Greek art belonged not to a museum, where men might go to contemplate it in a rare moment of esthetic conscience, but to the actual interests and enterprises of the people; its \"Apollos\" were not dead marbles in a gallery, but the likenesses of beloved deities; its temples no mere curiosities for tourists, but the homes of living gods. The artist, in this society, was not an insolvent recluse in a studio, working in a language alien to the common citizen; he was an artisan toiling with laborers of all degrees in a public and intelligible task. Athens brought together, from all the Greek world, a greater concourse of artists, as well as of philosophers and poets, than any other city except Renaissance Rome; and these men, competing in fervent rivalry and co\u00ad operating under enlightened statesmanship, realized in fair measure the vision of Pericles.\nArt begins at home, and with the person; men p&int themselves before they paint pictures, and adorn their bodies before building homes. Jewelry, like cosmetics, is as old as history. The Greek was an expert cutter and engraver of gems. He 1;1sed simple tools of bronze-plain and tubular drills, a wheel, and a polishing mixture of emery powder and oil;1 yet his work was so delicate and minute that a microscope was probably required in executing the details, and is certainly needed in following them.8 Coins were not especially pretty at Athens, where the grim owl ruled the mint. Elis led all the mainland in this field, and towards the close of the fifth century Syracuse issued a dekadrachma that has never been surpassed in numismatic art. In metalwork the masters of Chalcis maintained their leadership; every Mediterranean city sought their iron, copper, and silver wares. Greek mirrors were more pleasing than mirrors by\n\"Among the ancients,\" said Stendhal, ''the beautiful is only the high relief of the useful.,,.\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE  ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t315\ntheir nature can frequently be; for though one might not see the clearest of reflections in the polished bronze, the mirrors themselves were of varied and attractive shapes, often elaborately engraved, and upheld by figures of heroes, fair women, or gods.\nThe potters carried on the forms and methods of the sixth century, with their traditional banter and rivalry. Sometimes they burnt into the vase a word of love for a boy; even Pheidias followed this custom when he carved upon the finger of his Zeus the words, \"Pantarkes is fair.'\" In the first half of the fifth century the red-figure style reached its apex in the Achilles and Penthesilea vase, the Aesop and the Fox cup in the Vatican, and the Berlin Museum Orpheus trmong the Thracians. More beautiful still were the white lekythoi of the mid\u00ad century; these slender flasks were dedicated to the dead, and were usually buried with them, or thrown upon the pyre to let their fragrant oils mingle with the flames. The vase painters ventured into individuality, and sometimes fired the clay with subjects that would have startled the staid masters of the Archaic age; one vase allows Athenian youths to embrace courtesans shamelessly; an\u00ad other shows men vomiting as they come from a banquet; other vases do what they can for sex education.\u2022 The heroes of Periclean vase painting-Brygus, Sotades, and Meidias-abandoned the old myths, and chose scenes from the life of their times, delighting above all in the graceful movement of woman and the natural play of the child. They drew more faithfully than their prede\u00ad cessors: they showed the body in three-quarters view as well as in profile; they produced light and shade by using thin or thick solutions of the glaze; they modeled the figures to show contours and depth, and the folds of feminine drapery. Corinth and Sicilian Gela were also centers of fine vase painting in this age, but no one questioned the superiority of the Athenians. It was not the competition of other potters that overcame the artists of the Cerarnicus; it was the rise of a rival art of decoration. The vase painters tried to meet the attack by imitating the themes and styles of the muralists; but the taste of the age went against them, and slowly, as the fourth century advanced, pottery resigned itself to being more and more an industry, less and less an art.\nTHERISE OF PAINTING\nFour stages vaguely divide the history of Greek painting. In the sixth cen\u00ad tury it is chiefly ceramic, devoted to the adornment of vases; in the fifth it is chiefly architectural, giving color to public buildings and statues; in the fourth it hovers between the domestic and the individual, decorating dwellings and making portraits; in the Hellenistic Age it is chiefly individual, producing easel pictures for private purchasers. Greek painting begins as an offshoot of draw\u00ad ing, and remains to the end a matter essentially of drawing and design. In its"]
[-6.3011698722839355, 7.311770439147949, "106\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.V\nBetween Acarnania and Aetolia runs the greatest r,iver of Hellas-the Ache\u00ad lous, which the imaginative Greeks worshiped as a god, and appeased with prayer and sacrifice. Near its sources in Epirus rises the Spercheus, along whose banks in the little state of Aeniania once lived the pre-Homeric Achaeans, and a small tribe called Hellenes, whose name, by the whims of usage, was adopted by all the Greeks. Towards the east lay Thermopylae, called \"Hot Gates\" because of its warm sulphur springs and its narrow strategic pass, from north to south, between mountains and the Malic Gulf. Then over Mt. Othrys and through Achaea Phthiotis one descends into the great plains of Thessaly.\nHere at Pharsalus Caesar's weary troops wiped out the forces of Pompey. Nowhere else in Greece were the crops so rich as in Thessaly, or the horses so spirited, or the arts so poor. Rivers ran from all directions into the Peneus, making a fertile alluvial soil from the southern boundary of the state to the foot of the northern ranges. Through these mountains the Peneus slashes its way across Thessaly to the Thracian Sea. Between the peaks of Ossa and Olym\u00ad pus it carves the Vale of Tempe (i.e., a cutting), where for four miles the angry river is hemmed in by precipitous cliffs rising a thousand feet above the stream. Along the great rivers were many cities-Pherae, Crannon, Tricca, Larisa, Gyrton, Elatea-ruled by feudal barons living on the toil of serfs. Here, in the extreme north, is Mt. Olympus, tallest of Greek peaks, and home of the Olympian gods. On its northern and eastern slopes lay Pieria, where the Muses had dwelt before they moved to Helicon.\u2022 Southward, and along the gulf, ran Magnesia, piling up mountains from Ossa to Pelion.\nBeginning a few miles across the strait from Magnesia, the great island of Euboea stretches its length along the shores of the mainland between inner gulfs and outer Aegean, and pivots itself on a peninsula at Chalcis that. almost binds it to Boeotia. The island's backbone is a range that continues Olympus, Ossa, Pelion, and Othrys, and ends in the Cyclades. Its coastal plains were rich enough to lure Ionians from Attica in the days of the Dorian invasion, and to lead to its conquest by Athens in 506 on the plea that Athens, if blockaded at the Piraeus, would starve without Euboean grain. Neighboring deposits of copper and iron and banks of murex shells gave Chalcis its wealth and its name; for a time it was the chief center of the metallurgical industry in Greece, mak\u00ad ing unrivaled swords and excellent vases of bronze. The trade of the island, helped by one of the first Greek coinages, passed out from Chalcis, enriched its citizens, and led them to found commercial colonies in Thrace, Italy, and Sicily. The Euboean system of weights and measures became almost universal in Greece; and the alphabet of Chalcis, given to Rome by the Euboean colony\nHence the wise counsel of Alexander Pope's philosophical doggerel: A little learning is a dangerous thing;\nDrink de p CIT taste not the Pierian spring.\"'\nCHAP. v)\tATHENS\tIO'J\nof Italian Cumae, became through Latin the alphabet of modem Europe. A few miles to the south of Chalcis was its ancient rival, Eretria. There Menede\u00ad mus, a pupil of Plato, established a school of philosophy, but for_the rest neithe; Eretria nor Chalcis wrote its name very distinctly into the record of Greek thought or art.\nFrom Chalcis a bridge, lineal descendant of the wooden span built in 41 I B.c., leads the traveler across the Euripus strait back into Boeotia. A few miles south on the Boeotian coast lay the little town of Aulis, where Agamemnon sacrificed his daughter to the gods. In this region once lived an insignificant tribe, the Graii, who joined the Euboeans in sending a colony to Cumae, near Naples; from them the Romans gave to all the Hellenes whom they encountered the name Graici, Greeks; and from that circumstance all the world came to know Bellas by a term which its own inhabitants never applied to themselves.\"\" Far\u00ad ther south is T anagra, whose poetess Corinna won the prize from Pindar about\n500 B.c., and whose potters, in the fifth and fourth centuries, would make the most famous statuettes in history. Five miles south again and we are in Attica. From the peaks of the Parnes range we can make out the hills of Athens.\nATTICA\nThe Background of Athens\nThe very atmosphere seems different-clean, sharp, and bright; each year here has three hundred sunny days. We are at once reminded of Cicero's comment on \"Athens' clear air, which is said to have contributed to the keenness of the Attic mind.'\"'\" Rain falls in Attica in autumn and winter, but seldom in summer. Fog and mist are rare. Snow falls about once a year in Athens, four or five times a year on the surrounding moun\u00ad taintops... The summers are hot, though dry and tolerable; and in the low\u00ad lands, in ancient days, malarial swamps detracted from the healthiness of the air.08 The soil of Attica is poor; nearly everywhere the basic rock lies close to the surface, and makes agriculture a heartbreaking struggle for the simplest goods of life.\u2022 Only adventurous trade, and the patient culture of the olive and the grape, made civilization possible in Attica.\nIt is all the more surprising that on this arid peninsula so many towns should have appeared. They are everywhere: at every harbor along the coast, in every valley among the hills. An active and enterprising people\n\"Attica,\" says Thucydides (i, I), \"because of the poverty of its soil, enjoyed from a very remote period freedom from faction [?] and invasion.\"\n108\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.V\nhad settled Attica in or before neolithic days, and had hospitably received and intermarried with Ionians-a mixture of Pelasgo-Mycenaeans and Achaeans...-fleeing from Boeotia and the Peloponnesus-in the face of the northern migrations and invasions. Here was no conquering alien race exploiting a native population, but a complex Mediterranean stock, of medium statur and dark features, directly inheriting the blood and cul\u00ad ture of the old Helladic- civilization, proudly conscious of its indigenous quality,\"\" and excluding from its national sanctuary, the Acropolis, those half-barbarian upstarts, the Dorians.\u2022\nRelationships of blood gave them their social organization. Each family belonged to a tribe, whose members claimed the same divine heroic ances\u00ad tor, worshiped the same deity, joined in the same religious ceremony, had a common archon (governor) and treasurer, owned together certain communal lands, enjoyed among themselves the rights of intermarriage and bequest, accepted obligations of mutual aid, vengeance, and defense, and slept at last in the tribal burial place. Each of the four tribes of Attica was composed of three phratries or brotherhoods, each phratry of thirty clans or gentes (gene), and each clan, as nearly as possible, of thirty heads of families.81 This kinship classification of Attic society lent itself not only to Inilitary organization and mobilization, but to so clannish an aristocracy of old families that Cleisthenes had to redistribute the tribes before he could establish democracy.\nEach town or village was probably in origin the home of a clan, and some\u00ad times took its name from the clan, or from the god or hero whom it wor\u00ad shiped, as in the case of Athens. The traveler entering Attica from eastern Boeotia would come first to Oropus, and receive no very favorable impres\u00ad sion; for Oropus was a frontier town, as terrifying to the tourist as any such today. \"Oropus,\" says Dicaearchus (?) about 300 B.c., \"is a nest of hucksters. The greed of the customhouse officials here is unsurpassed, their roguery inveterate and bred in the bone. Most of the people are coarse and truculent in their manners, for they have knocked the decent members of the community on the head.\"1111 From Oropus southward one moved through a close succession of towns: Rhamnus, Aphidna, Deceleia (a strate\u00ad gic point in the Peloponnesian War), Acharnae (home of Aristophanes' pugnacious pacifist Dicaeopolis), Marathon, and Brauron-in whose great temple stood that statue of Artemis which Orestes and Iphigenia had brought from the Tauric Chersonese, and where, every four years, as much of Attica as could come joined in the piety and debauchery of the Brauronia, or feast of Artemis.88 Then Prasiae and Thoricus; then the silver-Inining region of Laurium, so vital in the econoinic and military history of Athens:\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\nthen, at the very point of the peninsula, Sunium, on whose cliffs a lovely temple rose as a guide to mariners and their hopeful offering to the incal\u00ad culable Poseidon. Then up the western coast (for Attica is half coast, and its very name is from aktike, coastland) past Anaphlystus to the isle of Salamis,\u2022 home of Ajax and Euripides; then to Eleusis, sacred to Demeter and her mysteries; and then back to the Piraeus. Into this sheltered port, neglected before Themistocles revealed its possibilities, ships were to bring the goods of all the Mediterranean world for the use and pleasure of Athens. The barrenness of the soil, the nearness of the coast, the abundance of har\u00ad bors lured the people of Attica into trade; their courage and inventiveness won for them the markets of the Aegean; and out of that commercial em\u00ad pire came the wealth, the power, and the culture of Athens in the Periclean age.\nAthens under the Oligarchs\nThese towns of Attica were not only the background but the mem\u00ad bers of Athens. We have seen how, according to Greek belief, Theseus with a benevolent \"synoecism\" had brought the people of Attica into one\npolitical organization, with one capital.t Five miles from the Piraeus, and\nin a nest of hills-Hymettus, Pentelicus, and Parnes-Athens grew around the old Mycenaean acropolis; and all the landowners of Attica were its citizens. The oldest families, and those with the largest holdings, wielded the balance of power; they had tolerated the kingship when disorder threat\u00ad ened, but when quiet and stability returned they reasserted their feudal domination of the central government. After King Codrus had died in heroic self-sacrifice against the invading Dorians,t they announced (so the story went) that no one was good enough to succeed him, and replaced the king with an archon chosen for life. In 75 2 they limited the tenure of the archonship to ten years, and in 683 to one. On the latter occasion they divided the powers of the office among nine archons: an archon eponymos, who gave his name to the year as a means of dating events;an archon basileus, who bore the name of king but was merely head of the state religion; a polemarcbos, or military commander; and six thesmothetai, or lawmakers. As in Sparta and Rome, so in Athens the overthrow of the monarchy repre\u00ad sented not a victory for the commons, or any intentional advance towards"]
[-5.870204925537109, 3.592478036880493, "at Taras-the Roman Tarentum (Taranto).\u2022 There they grew olives, raised horses, manufactured pottery, built ships, netted fish, and gathered mus\u00ad sels to make a purple dye more highly valued than the Phoenician.8 As in most of the Greek colonies, the government began as an oligarchy of land\u00ad owners, passed under dictators .financed by the middle class, and enjoyed vigorous and turbulent intervals of democracy. Here the romantic Pyrrhus would land, in 281  B.c., and undertake to play Alexander to the West.\nAcross the Tarentine Gulf a new wave of immigrants, mostly Achaeans, founded the cities of Sybaris and Crotona. The murderous jealousy of these kindred states illustrates the creative energy and destructive passions of the Greeks. Trade between eastern Greece and western Italy had a choice of two routes, one by water, the other in part by land. Ships fol\u00ad lowing the water route touched at Crotona, and exchanged many goods there; thence they passed to Rhegium, paid tolls, and moved cautiously through pirate-ridden seas and the swirling currents of the Messina Straits to Elea and Cumae-the northernmost Greek settlement in Italy. To avoid these tolls and perils, and a hundred extra miles of rowing and sailing, mer\u00ad chants who chose the other route unloaded their cargoes at Sybaris, car\u00ad ried them overland some thirty miles to the western coast at Laus, and reshipped them to Poseidonia, whence they were marketed into the in\u00ad terior of Italy.\nStrategically situated on this line of trade, Sybaris prospered until it had\n(if we may believe Diodorus Siculus\") 300,000 population and such wealth as few Greek cities could match. Sybtrrite became a synonym for epicurean. All physical labor was performed by slaves or serfs while the citizens, dressed in costly robes, took their ease in luxurious homes and consumed\nexotic delicacies.t Men whose work was noisy, such as carpenters and\nsmiths, were forbidden to practice their crafts within the con.fines of the city. Some of the roads in the richer districts were covered with awnings as a protection against heat and rain.11 Alcisthenes of Sybaris, says Aris\u00ad totle, had a robe of such precious stuffs that Dionysius I of Syracuse later sold it for 120 talents ($720,000) .\" Smyndyrides of Sybaris, visiting Sicyon to sue for the hand of Cleisthenes' daughter, brought with him a thousand servants.28\nThe traditional dates for the founding of the Greek cities in the West are given in the Chronological Table. These dates were taken by Thucydides from the old logograeher Antiochus of Syracuse; they are _highly uncertain? an Mahaffy believed that the_ Sicilian foundations came later thnn those m Italy. Thucydides chronology, however, has still many supporters.1\nt Cooks or confectioners who invented new dishes or sweets-Athenaeus reports-were\nallowed to patent them for a year.10 Perhaps Athenaeus mistook caricature for history.\nCHAP.VII)\tTHE\tGREEKS  IN  THE  WEST\nAll went well with Sybaris until it slipped into war with its neighbor Crotona (510). We are unreliably informed that the Sybarites marched out to battle with an army of 300,000 men.11 The Crotoniates, we are fur\u00ad ther assured, threw this force into confusion by playing the tunes to which the Sybarites had taught their horses to dance.18 The horses danced, the Sybarites were slaughtered, and their city was so conscientiously sacked and burned that it disappeared from history in a day. When, sixty-five years later, Herodotus and other Athenians established near the site the new colony of Thurii, they found hardly a trace of what had been the proudest community in Greece.\nPYTHAGORAS OF CROTONA\nCrotona lasted longer; founded about 710 B.c., it is, as Crotone, still noisy with industry and trade. It had the only natural harbor between Taras and Sicily, and could not forgive those ships that discharged their cargoes at Sybaris. Enough trade remained to give the citizens a comfortable pros\u00ad perity, while a wholesome defeat in war, a long economic depression, a brisk climate, and a certain Dorico-Puritan mood in the population con\u00ad spired to keep them vigorous despite their wealth. Here grew famous ath\u00ad letes like Milo, and the greatest school of medicine in Magna Grecia.\u2022\nPerhaps it was its reputation as a health resort that drew Pythagoras to Crotona. The name means \"mouthpiece of the Pythian\" oracle at Delphi; many of his followers considered him to be Apollo himself, and some laid claim to having caught a flash of his golden thigh.17 Tradition assigned his birth to Samos about 580, spoke of his studious youth, and gave him thirty years of travel. \"Of all men,\" says Heracleitus, who praised parsimoni\u00ad ously, \"Pythagoras was the most assiduous inquirer.\"18 He visited, we are told, Arabia, Syria, Phoenicia, Chaldea, India, and Gaul, and came back with an admirable motto for tourists: \"When you are traveling abroad look not back at your own borders\";18 prejudices should be checked at every port of entry. More surely he visited Egypt, where he studied with the priests and learned much astronomy and geometry, and perhaps a lit\u00ad tle nonsense.\"' Returning to Samos and finding that the dictatorship of Polycrates interfered with his own, he migrated to Crotona, being now over .fifty years of age.\u2022\nThere he set up as a teacher; and his imposing presence, his varied learn. ing, and his willingness to receive women as well as men into his school,\n\u2022The name given by the Romans to the Greek cities in southern Italy.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP, VII\nsoon brought him several hundred students. Two centuries before Plato he laid down the principle of equal opportunity for both sexes, and did not merely preach it but practiced it. Nevertheless he recognized natural dif\u00ad ferences of function; he gave his women pupils considerable training in philosophy and literature, but he had them instructed as well in maternal and domestic arts, so that the \"Pythagorean women\" were honored by antiquity as the highest feminine type that Greece ever produced.\"\"\nFor the students in general Pythagoras established rules that almost turned the school into a monastery. The members bound themselves by a vow of loyalty, both to the Master and to one another. Ancient tradi\u00ad tion is unanimous that they practiced a communistic sharing of goods while they lived in the Pythagorean community.\u2022 They were not to eat flesh, or eggs, or beans. Wine was not forbidden, but water\u00b7was recommended\u00ad a dangerous prescription in lower Italy today. Possibly the prohibition of flesh food was a religious taboo bound up with the belief in the trans\u00ad migration of souls: men must beware of eating their ancestors. Probably there were dispensations, now and then, from the letter of these rules; English historians in particular find it incredible that the wrestler Milo, who was a Pythagorean, had become the strongest man in Greece without the help of beef\"'-though the calf that became a bull in his arms\"\" managed well enough on grass. The members were forbidden to kill any animal that does not injure man, or to destroy a cultivated tree. They were to dress simply and behave modestly, \"never yielding to laughter, and yet not looking stern.\" They were not to swear by the gods, for \"every man ought so to live as to be worthy of belief without an oath.\" They were not to offer victims in sacrifice, but they might worship at altars that were unstained with blood. At the close of each day they were to ask them\u00ad selves what wrongs they had committed, what duties they had neglected, what good they had done.\u2022\nPythagoras himself, unless he was an excellent actor, followed these rules\nmore rigorously than any student. Certainly his mode of life won for him such respect and authority among his pupils that no one grumbled at his pedagogical dictatorship, and .autos epha-ipse dixit-\"he himself has said it\" -became their formula for alfinal decision in almost any field of con\u00ad duct or theory. We are told, wlth touching reverence, that the Master never drank wine by day, and liy,'ed for the most part on bread and honey, with vegetables as dessert; that his robe was always white and spotless;\nCf. Chap. IX,sect. IV, below.\nCHAP. VII)\tTHE  GREEKS  IN  THE  WEST\nthat he was never known to eat too much, or to make love; that he never indulged in laughter, or jests, or stories; that he never chastised.any one, not even a slave.\u2022 Timon of Athens thought him \"a juggler of solemn speech, engaged in fishing for men\";\"' but among his most devoted followers were his wife Theano and his daughter Damo, who had facilities for com\u00ad paring his philosophy with his life. To Damo, says Diogenes Laertius, \"he entrusted his Commentaries, and charged her to divulge them to no person out of the house. And she, though she might have sold his discourses for much money, would not abandon them, for she thought obedience to her father's injunctions more valuable than gold; and that, too, though she was a woman.\"111\nInitiation into the Pythagorean society required, in addition to purifica\u00ad tion of the body by abstinence and self-control, a purification of the mind by scientific study. The new pupil was expected to preserve for five years the \"Pythagorean silence\"-i.e., presumably, to accept instruction without questions or argument-before being accounted a full member, or being permitted to \"see\" (study under?) Pythagoras.\u2022 The scholars were ac\u00ad cordingly divided into exoterici, or outer students, and esoterici, or inner members, who were entitled to the secret wisdom of the Master himself. Four subjects composed the curriculum: geometry, arithmetic, astronomy, and music. Mathematics came first;* not as the practical science that the Egyptians had made it, but as an abstract theory of quantities, and an ideal logical training in which thinking would be compelled to order and clarity by the test of rigorous deduction and visible proof. Geometry now defi\u00ad nitely received the form of axiom, theorem, and demonstration; each step in the sequence of propositions raised the student to a new platform, as the Pythagoreans put it, from which he might view more widely the secret structure of the world.\"' Pythagoras himself, according to Greek tradition, discovered many theorems: above all, that the sum of the angles within any triangle equals two right angles, and that the square of the hypotenuse of a right-angled triangle equals the sum of the squares of the other two sides. Apollodorus tells us that when the Master discovered this theorem he sacrificed a hecatomb-a hundred animals-in thanksgiving;112 but this would have been scandalously un-Pythagorean."]
[-7.2101240158081055, 7.930415630340576, "AST of Megara the road divides-south to Athens, north to Thebes.\nNorthward the route is mountainous, and draws the traveler up to the heights of Mt. Cithaeron. Far to the west Parnassus is visible. Ahead, across lesser heights and far below, is the fertile Boeotian plain. At the foot of the hill lies Plataea, where 100,000 Greeks annihilated 300,000 Persians. A little to the west is Leuctra, where Epaminondas won his first great vic\u00ad tory over the Spartans. Again a little west rises Mt. Helicon, home of the Muses and Keats's \"blushful Hippocrene\"-that famous fountain, the Horse's Spring, which, we are assured, gushed forth when the hoof of the winged steed Pegasus struck the earth as he leaped toward heaven.1 Directly north is Thespiae, always at odds with Thebes; and close by is the fountain in whose waters Narcissus contemplated his shadow-or, another story said, that of the dead sister whom he loved,9\nIn the little town of Ascra, near Thespiae, lived and toiled the poet Hesiod, second only to Homer in the affection of the classic Greeks. Tra\u00ad dition gave 846 and 777 as the dates of his birth and death; some m?dem scholars bring him down to 650;8 probably he lived a century earlier than that.' He was born at Aeolian Cyme in Asia Minor; but his father, tired of poverty there, migrated to Ascra, which Hesiod describes as \"miserable in winter, insufferable in summer, and never good\"1-like most of the places in which men live. As Hesiod, farm hand and shepherd boy, followed his flocks up and down the slopes of Helicon he dreamed that the Muses breathed into his body the soul of poetry. So he wrote and sang, and won prizes in musical contests,8 even, some said, from Homer himself.'\nLoving like any young Greek the marvels of mythology, he composed\u2022 a Tbeogony, or Genealogy of the Gods, of which we have a thousand halt\u00ad ing lines, giving those dynasties and families of deities which are as vital to religion as the pedigrees of kings are to history. First he sang of the\nSo all classical antiquity believed except some Boeotian literati of the second century\nA.D., who questioned Hesiod's authorship.\u2022\n98\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\t99\nMuses themselves, because they were, so to speak, his neighbors on Heli\u00ad con, and in his youthful imagination he could almost see them \"dancing with delicate feet\" on the mountainside, and \"bathing their soft skins\" in the Hippocrene.\" Then he described not so much the creation as the pro\u00ad creation of the world-how god begot god until Olympus overflowed. In the beginning was Chaos; \"and next broad-bosomed Earth, ever secure seat of all the immortals\"; in Greek religion the gods live on the earth or within it, and are always close to men. Next came Tartarus, god of the nether world; and after him Eros, or Love, \"fairest of the gods.\"'\u00b0 Chaos begot Darkness and Night, which begot Ether and Day; Earth begot Mountains and Heaven, and Heaven and Earth, mating, begot Oceanus, the Sea. We capitalize these names, but in Hesiod's Greek there were no capitals, and for all we know he meant merely that in the beginning was chaos, and then the earth, and the inners of the earth, and night and day and the sea, and desire begetting all things; perhaps Hesiod was a philosopher touched by the Muses and personifying abstractions into poetry; Empedocles would use the same tricks a century or two later in Sicily.\" From such a theology it would be but a step to the natural philosophy of the Ionians.\nHesiod's mythology revels in monsters and blood, and is not averse to\ntheological pornography. Out of the mating of Heaven (Uranus) and Earth (Ge or Gaea) came a race of Titans, some with fifty heads and a hundred hands. Uranus liked them not, and condemned them to gloomy Tartarus. But Earth resenting this, proposed to them that they should kill their father. One of the Titans, Cronus, undertook the task. Then \"huge Ge rejoiced, and hid him in ambush; in his hand she placed a sickle with jagged teeth, and suggested to him all the stratagem. Then came vast Heaven, bringing Night [Erebus] with him, and, eager for love, brooded around Earth, and lay stretched on all sides.\" Thereupon Cronus mutilated his father, and threw the flesh int0 the sea. From the drops of blood that fell upon the earth came the Furies; from the foam that formed around the flesh as it floated on the waters rose Aphrodite.\u2022\"' The Titans captured Olympus, deposed Heaven-Uranus, and raised Cronus to the throne. Cronus married his sister Rhea, but Earth and Heaven, his parents, having predicted that he would be deposed by one of his sons, Cronus swallowed them all except Zeus, whom Rhea bore secretly in Crete. When Zeus grew up he deposed Cronus in turn, forced him to disgorge his children, and plunged the Titans back into the bowels of the earth.a\nSuch, according to Hesiod, were the births and ways of the gods. Here,\nFrom aphros, foam. The final syllable is of uncertain derivation.\n100\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.V\ntoo, is the tale of Prometheus, Far-Seer and Fire-Bringer; here, in tedious abundance, are some of the divine adulteries that enabled so many Greeks, like Mayflower Americans, to trace their pedigrees to the gods-one would never have guessed that adultery could be so dull. We do not know how far these myths were the popular outgrowth of a primitive and almost sav\u00ad age culture, and how far they are due to Hesiod; few of them are men\u00ad tioned in the healthy pages of Homer. It is possible that some measure of the disrepute into which these tales brought the Olympians in days of philosophical criticism and moral development is to be ascribed to the gloomy fancy of Ascra's bard.\nIn the only poem universally conceded to Hesiod he descends from Olympus to the plains, and writes a vigorous georgic of the farmer's life. The Works t:md Days takes the form of a long reproof and counsel to the poet's brother Perseus, who is so strangely pictured that he may be only a literary device. \"Now will I speak to thee with good intent, thou exceed\u00ad ing foolish Perseus.\"1' This Perseus, we are told, has cheated Hesiod of Hesiod's inheritance; and now the poet, in the first of known sermons on the dignity of labor, tells him how much wiser honesty and toil are than vice and luxurious ease. \"Behold, thou mayest choose vice easily, even in heaps; for the path is plain, and she dwells very near. But before excellence the immortal gods have placed the sweat of toil; long and steep is the road that leads to her, and rough it is at first; but when you reach the height then truly is it easy, though so hard before.\"11 So the poet lays down rules for diligent husbandry, and the proper days for plowing, planting, and reaping, in rough saws that Virgil would polish into perfect verse. He warns Perseus against drinking heavily in summer, or dressing lightly in winter. He draws a chilly picture of winter in Boeotia-the \"keenly pierc\u00ad ing air that flays the steers,\" the seas and rivers tossed about by the north\u00ad ern wind, the moaning forests and crashing pines, the beasts \"shunning the white snow\" and huddling fearfully in their folds and stalls.1\" How cozy then is a well-built cottage, the lasting reward of courageous and prudent toil! There the domestic tasks go on despite the ston_n; then a wife is a helpmate indeed, and repays a man for the many tribulations she has caused him.\nHesiod cannot quite make up his mind about helpmates. He must have been a bachelor or a widower, for no man with a living wife would have spoken so acridly of woman. It is true that at the end of our fragment of\nthe Theogony the poet begins a chivalrous Catalogue of Women, recount\u00ad ing the legends of those days when heroines were as numerous as men, and\nCHAP. V)\tATHENS\tIOl\nmost of the gods were goddesses. But in both of his major works he tells with bitter relish how all human ills were brought to man by the beautiful Pandora. Angered by Prometheus' theft of fire from Heaven, Zeus bids the gods mold woman as a Greek gift for man. He\nbade Hephaestus with all speed mix earth with water, and endue it with man's voice and strength, and to liken in countenance to im\u00ad mortal goddesses the fair, lovely beauty of a maiden. Then he bade Athena teach her how to weave the highly wrought web, and golden Aphrodite to shed around her head grace, and painful desire, and cares that waste the limbs; but to endue her with a dog-like mind and tricky manners he charged the messenger Hermes.   They\nobeyed Zeus . . . and the herald of the gods placed within her a winning voice; and this woman he called Pandora, because all who dwelt in Olympian mansions bestowed on her a gift, a mischief to inventive men.1'\nZeus presents Pandora to Epimetheus, who, though he has been warned by his brother Prometheus not to accept gifts from the gods, feels that he may,yield to beauty this once. Now Prometheus has left with Epimetheus a mysterious box, with instructions that it should under no circumstances be opened. Pandora, overcome with curiosity, opens the box, whereupon ten thousand evils fly out of it and begin to plague the life of man, while Hope alone remains. From Pandora, says Hesiod, \"is the race of tender women; from her is a pernicious race; and tribes of women, a great hurt, dwell with men, helpmates not of consuming poverty but of surfeit. . . . So to mortal men Zeus gave women as an evil.'na\nBut alas, says our vacillating poet, celibacy is as bad as marriage; a lonely old age is a miserable thing, and the property of a childless man reverts at his death to the clan. So, after all, a man had better marry-though not before thirty; and he had better have children-though not more than one, lest the property be divided.\nWhen full matureness crowns thy manhood's pride, Lead to thy mansion the consenting bride;"]
[5.970135688781738, -3.3235604763031006, "CHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t153\nin a slight degree in the matter of poetry.',.,, As the ancients meant Homer when they said \"the Poet,\" so all the Greek world knew whom men signified when they spoke of \"the Poetess.\"\nPsappha, as she called herself in her soft Aeolic dialect, was born at Eresus, on Lesbos, about 612; but her family moved to Mytilene when she was still a child. In 593 she was among the conspiring aristocrats whom Pittacus banished to the town of Pyrrha; already at nineteen she was play\u00ad ing a part in public life through politics or poetry. She was not known for beauty: her figure was small and frail, her hair and eyes and skin were darker than the Greeks desired;'\" but she had the charm of daintiness, deli\u00ad cacy, refinement, and a brilliant mind that was not too sophisticated to conceal her tenderness. \"My heart,\" she says, \"is like that of a child.',,,, We know from her verses that she was of a passionate nature, one whose words, says Plutarch, \"were mingled with flames\";18 a certain sensuous quality gave body to the enthusiasms of her mind. Atthis, her favorite pupil, spoke of her as dressed in saffron and purple, and garlanded with .flowers. She must have been attractive in her minuscule way, for Alcaeus, exiled with her to Pyrrha, soon sent her an invitation to romance. \"Violet-crowned, pure, sweet-smiling Sappho, I want to say something to you, but shame prevents me.\" Her answer was less ambiguous than his proposah \"If thy wishes were fair and noble, and thy tongue designed not to utter what is base, shame would not cloud thine eyes, but thou wouldst speak thy just de\u00ad sires.\"'\" The poet sang her praises in odes and serenades, but we hear of no further intimacy between them.\nPerhaps they were separated by Sappho's second exile. Pittacus, fear\u00ad ing her maturing pen, banished her now to Sicily, probably in the year 591, when one would have thought her still a harmless girl. About this time she married a rich merchant of Andros; some years later she writes: \"I have a little daughter, like a golden .flower, my darling Cleis, for whom I would not take all Lydia, nor lovely Lesbos.\"90 She could afford to reject the wealth of Lydia, having inherited that of her husband on his early death. After five years of exile she returned to Lesbos, and became a leader of thie island's society and intellect. We catch the glamour of luxury in one of her surviving fragments: \"But I, be it known, love soft living, and for me brightness and beauty belong to the desire of the sun.\"91 She became deeply attached to her young brother Charaxus, and was vexed to her finger tips when, on one of his mercantile journeys to Egypt, he fell in love with the courtesan Doricha, and, ignoring his sister's entreaties, married her.\u2022\nMeanwhile Sappho too had felt the fire. Eager for an active life, she\n154\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nhad opened a school for young women, to whom she taught poetry, music, and dancing; it was the first \"finishing school\" in history. She called her students not pupils but hetairai-companions; the word had not yet ac\u00ad quired a promiscuous connotation. Husbandless, Sappho fell in love with one after another of these girls. \"Love,\" says one fragment, \"has shaken my mind as a down-rushing wind that falls upon the oak-trees.\".. \"I loved you, Atthis, long ago,\" says another fragment, \"when my own girlhood was still all flowers, and you seemed to me an awkward little child.\" But then Atthis accepted the attentions of a youth from Mytilene, and Sappho ex\u00ad pressed her jealousy with unmeasured passion in a poem preserved by Longinus and translated haltingly into \"sapphic\" meter by John Adding\u00ad ton Symonds:\nPeer of gods he seemeth to me, the blissful Man who sits and gazes at thee before him, Oose beside thee sits, and in silence hears thee\nSilverly speaking,\nLaughing love's low laughter. Oh, this, this only Stirs the troubled heart in my breast to tremble! For should I but see thee a little moment,\nStraight is my voice hushed;\nYea, my tongue is broken, and through and through me, 'Neath the flesh, impalpable fire runs tingling.\nNothing see mine eyes, and a voice of roaring Waves in my ear sounds;\nSweat runs down in rivers, a tremor seizes All my limbs, and paler than grass in autumn, Caught by pains of menacing death, I falter,\nLost in the love-trance.\u2022\"'\nAtthis' parents removed her from the school; and a letter ascribed to\nSappho gives what may be her account of the parting.\nShe (Atthis?) wept full sore to leave me behind, and said: \"Alas, how sad our lot! Sappho, I swear 'tis against my will I leave you.\" And I answered her: \"Go your way rejoicing, but remember me, for you know how I doted upon you. And if you remember not, oh, then I will remind you of what you forget, how dear and beau\u00ad tiful was the life we led together. For with many a garland of violets\nSwinburne has given us a better example of the meter, and described Sappho's love, in a profoundly beautiful poem called \"Sapphics\" (\"All the night came not upon my eyelids\"), in Poems arnl Ballads.\nCHAP, VI)\tTHE  GREAT  MIGRATION\t1ss\nand sweet roses mingled you have decked your fl.owing locks by my side, and with many a woven necklet, made of a hundred blossoms, your dainty throat; and with unguent in plenty, both precious and royal, have you anointed your fair young skin in my bosom. And no hill was there, nor holy place, nor water-brook, whither we did not go; nor ever did the teeming noises of the early spring fill any wood with the medley-song of the nightingales but you wandered thither with me.\"\u2022\nAfter which, in the same manuscript, comes the bitter cry, \"I shall never see Atthis again, and indeed I might as well be dead.\" This surely is the authentic voice of love, rising to a height of sincerity and beauty beyond good and evil.\nThe later scholars o antiquity debated whether these poems were ex\u00ad pressions of \"Lesbian love,\" or merely exercises of poetic fancy and im\u00ad personation. It is enough for us that they are poetry of the first order, tense with feeling, vivid with imagery, and perfect in speech and form. A fragment speaks of \"the footfall of the flowering spring\"; another of \"Love the limb-loosener, the bitter-sweet torment\"; another compares the unattainable love to \"the sweet apple that reddens on the end of the bough, the very end of the bough, which the gatherers missed, nay missed not, but could not reach so far.\"\u2022 Sappho wrote of other topics than love, and used, even for our extant remains, half a hundred meters; and she her\u00ad self set her poems to music for the harp. Her verse was collected into nine books, of some twelve thousand lines; six hundred lines survive, seldom continuous. In the year 1073 of our era the poetry of Sappho and Alcaeus was publicly burnea by ecclesiastical authorities in Constantinople and Rome.Bf Then, in 1897, Grenfell and Hunt discovered, at Oxyrhynchus in the Fayum, coffins of papier-mkhe, in whose making certain scraps of old books had been used; and on these scraps were some poems of Sappho.88\nMale posterity avenged itself upon her by handing down or inventing the tale of how she died of unrequited love for a man. A passage in Suidas.,. tells how \"the courtesan Sappho\"-usually identified with the poetess\u00ad leaped to death from a cliff on the island of Leucas because Phaon the sailor would not return her love. Menander, Strabo, and others refer to the story, and Ovid recounts it in loving detail;\"\" but it has many earmarks of legend, and must be left hovering nebulously between fiction and fact. In her later years, tradition said, Sappho had relearned the love of men. Among the Egyptian morsels is her touching reply to a proposal of mar-\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t{CHAP.VI"]
[-4.933969020843506, 9.46786880493164, "As when, among The deep dells of an arid mountain-side,\nA great fire bums its way, and the thick wood Before it is consumed, and shifting winds Hither and thither sweep the flames-so ranged Achilles in his fury through the field\nFrom side to side, and everywhere o'ertook\nHis victims, and the earth ran dark with blood.\"\"\nThe Odyssey is so different from all this that from the outset one suspects its separate authorship. Even some of the Alexandrian scholars suggested this, and all the critical authority of Aristarchus was required to hush the dispute/1 The Odyssey agrees with the Iliad in certain standard phrases\u00ad \"owl-eyed Athena,\" \"long-haired Greeks,\" \"wine-dark sea,\" \"rosy-fingered Dawn\"-which may have been t:1:ken from the same hoard and poetical tradition into which the authors of the Iliad had dipped their pens. But the Odyssey contains an array of words apparently brought into use after the Iliad was composed.\" In the second epic we hear frequently of iron, where the earlier one spoke of bronze; we hear of writing, of private property in land, of freedmen and emancipation-none of which are mentioned in the Iliad; the very gods and their functions are different.\u2022 The meter is the same dactylic hexameter, as in all the Greek epics; but the style and spirit\n210\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nand substance are so far from the Iliad that if one author wrote both poems he was a paragon of complexity and a master of all moods. The new poet is more literary and philosophical, less violent and warlike, than the old; more self-conscious and meditative, leisurely and civilized; so gentle, in\u00ad deed, that Bentley thought the Odyssey had been composed for the special benefit of women.\"\nWhether here too we have poets rather than a poet is harder to say than in the case of the -Iliad. There are signs of suture, but the stitching seems more skillful than in the older epic; the plot, though devious, turns out in the end to be remarkably consistent, worthy almost of contemporary fictioneers. From the beginning the conclusion is foreshadowed, every episode advances it, and its coming binds all the books into a whole. Prob\u00ad ably the epic was built upon pre-existing lays, as in the case of the Iliad; but the work of unification is far more complete. We may conclude with a high degree of diffidence that the Odyssey is a century younger than the Iliad, and is predominantly the work of one man.\nThe characters are less vigorously and vividly conceived than in the Iliad. Penelope is shadowy, and never quite emerges from behind her loom except in the end, when a moment of doubt, perhaps of regret, flits through her mind at the return of her master. Helen is clearer, and unique; here the launcher of a thousand ships and the cause of ten thousand deaths is still \"a goddess among women,\" maturely lovely in her middle age, gentler and quieter than before, but as proud as ever, and taking gracefully for granted all the attentions that hedge in a queen.\u2022 Nausicaa is a pretty essay in the male understanding of women; we hardly expected so delicate and romantic a picture from a Greek. Telemachus is uncertainly drawn, in\u00ad fected with hesitation as by some Hamlet touch; but Odysseus is the most complete and complex portrait in Greek poetry. All in all, the Odyssey is a fascinating novel in engaging verse, full of tender sentiment and adven\u00ad turous surprise; more interesting, to an unwarlike and aging soul, than the majestic and bloody Iliad.\nThese poems-sole survivors of a long succession of epics-became the most precious element in the literary heritage of Greece. \"Homer\" was the staple of Greek education, the repository of Greek myth, the source of a thousand dramas, the foundation of moral training, and-strangest of all-the very Bible of orthodox theology. It was Homer and Hesiod, said Herodotus (probably with some hyperbole), who gave definite and human form to the Olympians, and order to the hierarchy of heaven.\u2022 There is much that is magnificent in Homer's gods, and we come to like them for\nCHAP. IX)  T H E CO M MON  CULT UR E OF EARL Y GREECE\t211\ntheir failings; but scholars have long since detected in the poets who pic\u00ad tured them a rollicking skepticism hardly befitting a national Bible. These deities quarrel like relatives, fornicate like fleas, and share with mankind what seemed to Alexander the stigmata of mortality-the need for love and sleep; they do everything human but hunger and die. Not one of them could bear comparison with Odysseus in intelligence, with Hector in hero\u00ad ism, with Andromache in tenderness, or with Nestor in dignity. Only a poet of the sixth century, versed in Ionian doubt, could have made such farcelings of the gods.\"' It is one of the humors of history that these epics, in which the Olympians have essentially the function of comic relief, were reverenced throughout Hellas as props of respectable morality and belief. Eventually the anomaly proved explosive; the humor destroyed the belief, and the moral development of men rebelled against the superseded morals of the gods.\nGAMES\nReligion failed to unify Greece, but athletics-periodically-succeeded. Men went to Olympia,_Delphi, Corinth, and Nemea not so much to honor the gods-for these could be honored anywhere-as to witness the heroic contests of chosen athletes, and the ecumenical assemblage of varied Greeks. Alexander, who could see Greece from without, considered Olympia the capital of the Greek world.\nHere under the rubric of athletics we find the real religion of the Greeks\n-the worship of health, beauty, and strength. \"To be in health,\" said Simonides, \"is the best thing for man; the next best, to be of form and nature beautiful; the third, \u00b7co enjoy wealth gotten without fraud; and the fourth, to be in youth's bloom among friends.\"\"'\u2022 \"There is no greater glory for a man as long as he lives,\" said the Odyssey,\"\" \"than that which he wins by his own hands and feet.\" Perhaps it was necessary for an aristocratic people, living among slaves more numerous than themselves and frequently called upon to defend their soil against more populous nations, to keep in good condition. Ancient war depended upon physical vigor and skill, and these were the original aim of the contests that filled Hellas with the noise of their fame. We must not think of the average Greek as a student and lover of Aeschylus or Plato; rather, like the typical Briton or American, he was interested in sport, and his favored athletes were his earthly gods.\nGreek games were private, local, municipal, and Panhellenic. Even the\nfragmentary remains of antiquity reveal an interesting range of sports.\n:uz\tTHE   LIFE  OF GREECE\t\nA relief in the Athens Museum shows on one side a wrestling match, on another a hockey game.\u2022 Swimming, bareback riding, throwing or dodging missiles while mounted, were not so much sports as general accomplish\u00ad ments of all citizens. Hunting became a sport when it ceased to be a neces\u00ad sity. Ball games were as varied then as now, and as popular; at Sparta the terms ballplayer and youth were synonyms. Special rooms were built in the palaestra for games of ball; these rooms were called sphtti.risteria., and the teachers were spbairistai. On another relief we see men bouncing a ball against the floor or the wall, and striking it back with the fiat of the hand;'\u00b0 we do not know whether the players did this in tum as in modem handball. One ball game resembled Canadian lacrosse, being a form of hockey played with racquets. Pollux, writing in the second century of our era, describes it in almost modem terms:\nCertain youths, divided into two equal groups, leave in a level place-which they have prepared and measur d-a ball made of leather, about the size of an apple. They rush at it, as if it were a prize lying between them, from their fixed starting-points. Each of them has in his right hand a racquet (rhabdon) ... ending in a sort of flat bend whose center is woven with gut strings ... plaited like a net. Each side strives to be the first to drive the ball to the op\u00ad posite end of the ground from that allotted to them.\u2022\nThe same author pictures a game in which one team tries to throw a ball over or through an opposed group, \"until one side drives the other back over their goal line.\" Antiphanes, in an imperfect fragment from the fourth century B.c., describes a \"star\": \"When he got the ball he de\u00ad lighted to give it to one player while dodging another; he knocked it away from one and urged on another with noisy cries. Outside, a long pass, be\u00ad yond him, overhead, a short pass  \"\u2022\nFrom these private sports came local and incidental games, as after the death of a hero like Patroclus, or the successful issue of some great enter\u00ad prise, like the march of Xenophon's Ten Thousand to the sea. Then came municipal games, in which the contestants represented various localities and groups within one city-state. Almost but not quite international were the quadrennial Panathenaic games, established by Peisistratus in 566; here the entries were mostly from Attica, but outsiders were welcomed. Besides the usual athletic events there were chariot races, a torch race, a rowing race, musical competitions for voice, harp, lyre, and flute, dances, and recitations, chiefly from Homer. Each of the ten divisions of Attica was\nCHAP. IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    213\nrepresented by twenty-four men chosen for their health, vigor, and good looks; and a prize was awarded to the most impressive twenty-four for \"fine manhood.\"\u2022"]
[4.030329704284668, 4.0753560066223145, "in all these cases the members sit on benches under the open sky, and the sitting begins at dawn. Each session opens with the sacrifice of a pig to Zeus. It is usual to adjourn at once in case of a storm, earthquake, or eclipse, for these are accounted signs of divine disapproval. New legislation may be proposed only at the first session of each month, and the member who offers it is held responsible for the result of its adoption; if these are seriously evil another member may within a year of the vote invoke upon him the graphe paranomon, or writ of illegality, and have him fined, dis\u00ad franchised, or put to death; this is Athens' way of discouraging hasty legis\u00ad lation. By another form of the same writ a new proposal may be checked by a demand that before its enactment one of the courts shall pass upon its constitutionality-i.e., its agreement with existing law.111 Again, before considering a bill, the Assembly is required to submit it to the Council of Five Hundred for preliminary examination, very much as a bill in the American Congress, before discussion of it on the floor, is referred to a committee presumed to have especial knowledge and competence in the matter involved. The Council may not reject a proposal outright; it may only report it, with or without a recommendation.\nOrdinarily the presiding officer opens the Assembly by presenting a probouleuma, or reported bill. Those who wish to speak are heard in the order of their age; but anyone may be disqualified from addressing the Assembly if it can be shown that he is not a landowner, or is not legally married, or has neglected his duties to his parents, or has offended public morals, or has evaded a military obligation, or has thrown away his shield in battle, or owes taxes or other money to the state.111 Only trained orators avail themselves of the right to speak, for the Assembly is a difficult audi\u00ad ence. It laughs at mispronunciations, protests aloud at digressions, expresses its approval with shouts, whistling, and clapping of hands, and, if it strongly disapproves, makes such a din that the speaker is compelled to leave the bema, or rostrum.\"' Each speaker is allowed a given time, whose lapse is measured by a clepsydra or water clock.85 Voting is by a show of hands unless some individual is directly and specially affected by the proposal, in which case a secret ballot is taken. The vote may confirm, amend, or override the Council's report on a bill, and .the decision of the Assembly is final. Decrees for immediate action, as distinct from laws, may be en\u00ad acted more expeditiously than new legislation; but such decrees may with equal expedition be canceled, and do not enter into the body of Athenian law.\nAbove the Assembly in dignity, inferior to it in power, is the boule, or\nCHAP.XI)  PERICLES  AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   257\nCouncil. Originally an upper house, it has by the time of Pericles been reduced in effect to a legislative committee of the ekklesia. Its members are chosen by lot and rote from the register of the citizens, fifty for each of the ten tribes; they serve for a year only, and receive, in the fourth cen\u00ad tury, five obols per day. Since each councilor is disqualified for re-election until all other eligible citizens have had a chance to serve, every citizen, in the normal course of events, sits on the boule for at least one term during his life. It meets in the bouleuterion, or council hall, south of the agora, and its ordinary sessions are public. Its functions are legislative, executive, and consultative: it examines and reformulates the bills proposed to the Assembly; it supervises the conduct and accounts of the religious and ad\u00ad ministrative officials of the city; it controls public finances, enterprises, and buildings; it issues executive decrees when action is called for and the As\u00ad sembly is not in session; and, subject to later revision by the Assembly, it controls the foreign affairs of the state.\nTo perform these varied tasks the Council divides itself into ten prytanies,\nor committees, each of fifty members; and each prytany presides over the Council and the Assembly for a month of thirty-six days. Every morn\u00ad ing the presiding prytany chooses one of its members to serve as chairman of itself and the Council for the day; this position, the highest in the state, is therefore open by lot and turn to any citizen; Athens has three hun\u00ad dred presidents every year. The lot determines at the last moment which prytany, and which member of it, shall preside over the Council during the month or the day; by this device the corrupt Athenians hope to reduce the corruption of justice to the lowest point attainable by human charac\u00ad ter. The acting prytany prepares the agenda, convokes the Council, and formulates the conclusions reached during the day. In this way, through Assembly, Council, and prytany, the democracy of Athens carries out its legislative functions. As for the Areopagus, its powers are in the fifth century restricted to trying cases of arson, willful violence, poisoning, or premeditated murder. Slowly the law of Greece has been changed \"from status to contract,\" from the whim of one man, or the edict of a narrow class, into the deliberate agreement of free citizens.\nLaw\nThe earliest Greeks appear to have conceived of law as sacred custom, divinely sanctioned and revealed; themis\u2022 meant to them both these customs and\nI.e., what is laid down, from ti-themi, I place; cf. our doom in its early sense of law, and\nthe Russian duma.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI\na goddess who (like India's Rita or China's Tao or Tien) embodied the moral order and harmony of the world. Law was a part of theology, and the oldest Greek laws of property were mingled with liturgical regulations in the ancient temple codes... Perhaps as old as such religious law were the rules established by the decrees of tribal chieftains or kings, which began as force and ended, in time, as sanctities.\nThe second phase of Greek legal history was the collection and co-ordination of these holy customs by lawgivers (thesmothetai) like Zaleucus, Charondas, Draco, Solon; when such men put their new codes into writing, the thesmoi, or sacred usages, became nomoi, or man-made laws.\u2022 In these codes law freed itself from religion, and became increasingly secular; the intention of the agent entered more fully into judgment of the act; family liability was replaced by individual responsibility, and private revenge gave way to statutory punishment by the state.8'1\nThe third step in Greek legal development was the accumulative growth of a body of law. When a Periclean Greek speaks of the law of Athens he means the codes of Draco and Solon, and the measures that have been passed-and not repealed-by the Assembly or the Council. If a new law contravenes an old one, the repeal of the latter is prerequisite; but scrutiny is seldom complete, and two statutes are often found in ludicrous contradiction. In periods of excep\u00ad tional legal confusion a committee of nomothetai, or law determiners, is chosen by lot from the popular courts to decide which laws shall be retained; in such cases advocates are appointed to defend the old laws against those who propose to repeal them. Under the supervision of these nomothetai the laws of Athens, phrased in simple and intelligible language, are cut upon stone slabs in the King's Porch; and thereafter no magistrate is allowed to decide a case by an unwritten law.\nAthenian law makes no distinction between a civil and a criminal code, except that it reserves murder cases for the Areopagus, and in civil suits leaves the complainant to enforce the court's decree himself, going to his aid only if he meets with resistance... Murder is infrequent, for it is branded as a sacrilege as well as a crime, and the dread of feud revenge remains if the law fails to act. Under certain conditions direct retaliation is still tolerated in the fifth century; when a husband finds his mother, wife, concubine, sister, or daughter in illicit relations he is entitled to kill the male offender at once.89 Whether a killing is intentional or not it has to be expiated as a pollution of the city's soil, and the rites of purification are painfully rigid and complex. If the victim has granted pardon before dying, no action can be brought against the killer.\"' Beneath the\nIn Periclean Athens the name thesmothetai was given to the six minor archons who recorded, interpreted, and enforced the laws; in Aristotle's day they presided over the popular couns.\nCHAP.XI)  PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   259\nAreopagus are three tribunals for homicide cases, according to the class and origin of the victim, and according as the act was intentional, or excusable, or not. A fourth tribunal holds court at Phreattys on the coast, and tries those who, while exiled for unpremeditated homicide, are now charged with another and premeditated murder; being polluted by the first crime, they are not allowed to touch Attic soil, and their defense is conducted from a boat near the shore.\nThe law of property is uncompromisingly severe. Contracts are rigorously enforced; all jurors are required to swear that they \"will not vote for an abolition of private debts, or for a distribution of the lands or houses belong\u00ad ing to Athenians\"; and every year the head archon, on taking office, has procla\u00ad mation made by a herald that \"what each possesses he shall remain possessor and absolute master thereof.\"\" The right of bequest is still narrowly limited. Where there are male children the old religious conception of property, as bound up with a given family line and the care of ancestral spirits, demands that the estate should automatically pass to the sons; the father owns the property only in trust for the family dead, living, and to be born. Whereas in Sparta (as in England) the patrimony is indivisible and goes to the eldest son, in Athens (very much as in France) it is apportioned among the male heirs, the oldest receiving a moderately larger share than the others... As early as Hesiod we find the peasant limiting his family in Gallic fashion, lest his estate be ruinously divided among many sons... The husband's property never descends to the widow; all that remains to her is her dowry. Wills are as complex in Pericles' day as in our own, and are couched in much the same terms as now.\" In this as in other matters Greek legislation is the basis of that Roman law which in tum has provided the legal foundations of Western society.\nJustice\nDemocracy reaches the judiciary last of all; and the greatest reform ac\u00ad complished by Ephialtes and Pericles is the transfer of judicial powers from the Areopagus and the archons to the heliaea. The establishment of these popular courts gives to Athens what trial by jury will win for modem Europe. The heliaea* is composed of six thousand dicasts, or jurors, annu\u00ad ally drawn by lot from the register of the citizens; these six thousand are distributed into ten dicasteries, or panels, of approximately five hundred each, leaving a surplus for vacancies and emergencies. Minor and local cases are settled by thirty judges who periodically visit the demes or coun\u00ad ties of Attica. Since no juror may serve more than a year at a time, and\nStrictly, heliaea is the name of the place where the courts met. and was so called (from\nhelios, sun) because the sessions were held in the open air.\n260\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI"]
[-7.005290985107422, 12.987165451049805, "When Achilles comes she finds that he knows nothing of their supposed marriage; instead she learns that the army is impatient for her sacrifice. She throws herself at Agamemnon's feet, and begs for her life.\nI was thy first-born-first I called thee Sire, And sat, thy child, upon thy knees the first; And we exchanged sweet charities of life.\nAnd this was thy discourse with me-\"My child, Shall I behold thee happy in the home\nOf thy liege lord and husband, as befits?\" And nestling in the beard which now I clasp A suppliant, I made answer unto thee:\n\"I too will welcome thee, when grey with years, In the sweet shelter of my home, my Sire,\nAnd with fond fostering recompense thy love.\" Such were our words, which I remember well; But thou fotgettest, and wouldst take my life.88\nClytaemnestra denounces Agamemnon's surrender to a savage ritual, and utters a threat that contains many tragedies-\"Constrain me not to turn traitress to thee.\" She encourages Achilles' attempt to rescue the girl, but Iphigenia, changing her mood, refuses to escape.\nHear the thing that flashed upon me, mother, as I thought hereon: Lo, I am resolved to die; and fain am I that this be done Gloriously-that I thrust ignoble thoughts away....\nUnto me all mighty Hellas looks; I only can bestow\nBoons upon her-sailing of her galleys, Phrygia's overthrow, Safety for her daughters from barbarians in the days to come,\nThat the ravisher no more may snatch them from a happy home, When the penalty is paid for Paris' outrage, _Helen's shame.\nAll this great deliverance I in death shall compass, and my name, As of one who gave to Hellas freedom, shall be blessing-crqwned.\"\"\nWhen the soldiers come for her she forbids them to touch her, and moves of her own accord to the sacrificial pyre.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVII\nIn the Hecuba the war is over; Troy has been taken, and the victors are apportioning the spoils. Hecuba, widow of King Priam, sends her young\u00ad est son Polydorus with a treasure of gold to Priam's friend Polymnestor, King of Thrace. But Polymnestor, thirsting for the gold, slays the boy and throws his corpse into the sea; it is cast up on the shores of Ilion, and is brought to Hecuba. Meanwhile the shade of dead Achilles holds the winds from blowing the Greek fleet homeward till he has received in human sacrifice the fairest of Priam's daughters, Polyxena. The Greek herald, T althybius, comes to take the girl from Hecuba. Finding her prostrate, disheveled, and distraught who had so recently been a queen, he utters some lines of Euripidean doubt:\nWhat shall I say, Zeus?-that thou look'st on men? Or that this fancy false we vainly hold\nFor naught, who deem there is a race of gods, While chance controlleth all things among men?01\nThe next act of the composite drama takes the form of The Trojan Women. It was produced in 415, shortly after the Athenian destruction of Melos (416), and almost on the eve of the expedition that aimed to conquer Sicily for the Athenian Empire. It was at this moment that Euripides, shocked by the massacre in Melos and by the brutal imperialism of the proposed attack upon Syracuse, dared to present a powerful plea for peace, a brave portrayal of victory from the standpoint of the de\u00ad feated, \"the greatest denunciation of war in ancient literature.\".. He be:\u00ad gins where Homer ends-after the capture of Troy. The Trojans lie dead after a general slaughter, and their women, bereaved to madness, pass down from their ruined city to be the concubines of the victors. Hecuba enters with her daughters Andromache and Cassandra. Polyxena has already been sacrificed, and now Talthybius comes to lead Cassandra to Aga\u00ad memnon's tent. Hecuba falls to the ground in grief. Andromache tries to console her, but she too breaks down, as clasping the little prince Astyanax to her breast, she thinks of his dead father.\nAndromache.\tAnd I ... long since I drew my bow Straight at the heart of good fame; and I know\nMy shaft hit; and for that am I the more Fallen from peace. All that men praise us for, I loved for Hector's sake, and sought to win.\nI knew that always, be there hurt therein Or utter innocence, to roam abroad\nCHAP.XVII) THE  LITERATURE  OF THE GOLDEN  AGE\t407\nHath ill report for women; so I trod\nDown the desire thereof, and walked my way In mine own garden. And light words and gay Parley of women never passed my door.\nThe thoughts of mine own heart-I craved no more\u00ad Spake with me, and I was happy. Constantly"]
[-1.355678677558899, 18.263813018798828, "He uses almost any workable material that comes to his hand-wood, ivory, bone, terracotta, limestone, marble, silver, gold; sometimes, as in the chryselephantine statues of Pheidias, he uses gold on the raiment and ivory for the flesh. In the Peloponnesus bronze is the sculptor's favorite material, for he admires its dark tints as well adapted to represent the bodies of men tanned by nudity under the sun; and-not knowing the rapacity of man-he dreams that it is more durable than stone. In Ionia and Attica he prefers marble; its difficulty stimulates him, its firmness lets him chisel it safely, its translucent smoothness seems designed to convey the rosy color and deli\u00ad cate texture of a woman's skin. Near Athens the sculptor discovers the marble of Mt. Pentelicus, and observes how its iron content mellows with time and weather into a vein of gold glowing through the stone; and with the obstinate patience that is half of genius he slowly carves the quarries into living statuary. When he works in bronze the fifth-century sculptor uses the method of hollow casting by the process of cire perdu, or lost wax: i.e., he makes a model in plaster or clay, overlaps it with a thin coat ofwax, covers it all with a mold of plaster or clay perforated at many points, and places the figure in a furnace whose heat melts the wax, which runs out through the holes; then he pours molten bronze into the mold at the top till the metal fills all the space before occupied by the wax; he cools the figure, removes the outer mold, and files and polishes, lacquers or paints or gilds, the bronze into the final form. If he prefers marble he begins with the un\u00ad shaped block, unaided by any system of pointing;\u2022 he works freehand, and\nA method of indicating the depth to which, at various points, a block of sculptural ma\u00ad terial is to be cut by a carver before the artist takes it in hand. This process came mto use in Hellenistic Greece.\u2022\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE  ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t321\nfor the most part guides himself by the eye instead of by instruments;\u2022 blow by blow he removes the superfluous until the perfection that he has con\u00ad ceived takes shape in the stone, and, in Aristotle's phrase, matter becomes form.\nHis subjects range from gods to animals, but they must all be physically admirable; he has no use for weaklings, for intellectuals, for abnormal types, or for old women or men. He does well with the horse, but indifferently with other animals. He does better with women, and some of his anony\u00ad mous masterpieces, like the meditative young lady holding her robe on her breast in the Athens Museum, achieve a quiet loveliness that does not lend itse_lfto words. He is at his best with athletes, for these he admires without stint, and can observe without hindrance; now and then he exaggerates their prowess, and crosses their abdomens with incredible muscles; but despite this fault he can cast bronzes like that found in the sea near Anticythera, and alternatively named an Ephebos, or a Perseus whose hand once held Medusa's snake-haired head. Sometimes he catches a youth or a girl ab\u00ad sorbed in some simple and spontaneous action, like the boy drawing a thorn from his foot.\u2022 But his country's mythology is still the leading inspiration of his art. That terrible conflict between philosophy and religion which runs through the thought of the fifth century does not show yet on the monuments; here the gods are still supreme; and if they are dying they are nobly transmuted into the poetry of art. Does the sculptor who shapes in br mze the powerful Zeus of Artemisiumt really h lieve that he is model\u00ad ing the Law of the World? Does the artist who carves the gentle and sor\u00ad rowful Dionysus of the Delphi Museum know, in the depths of his inarticu\u00ad late understanding, that Dionysus has been shot down by the arrows of philosophy, and that the traditional features of Dionysus' successor, Christ, are already previsioned in this head?\nSchools\nH Greek sculpture achieved so much in the fifth century, it was in part because each sculptor belonged to a_ school, and had his place in a long lineage of masters and pupils carrying on the skills of their art, checking the extravagances of independent individualities, encouraging their specific ab ties, disciplining them with a sturdy grounding in the technology and achie\\Tements of the past, and forming them,_through this interplay of talent\nIn the Capitoline Musewn, Rome; probably a copy of a fifth-century Greek original.\nt In the Athens Museum; reproduced in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.\n322\tTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\nand law, into a greater art than often comes to genius isolated and unruled. Great artists are more frequently the culmination of a tradition than its ovenhrow; and though rebels are the necessary variants in the natural his\u00ad tory of art, it is only when their new line has been steadied with heredity and chastened with time that it generates supreme personalities.\nFive schools performed this function in Periclean Greece: those of Rhegium, Sicyon, Argos, Aegina, and Attica. About 496 another Pythago\u00ad ras of Samos settled at Rhegium, cast a Philoctetes that won him Mediter\u00ad ranean fame, and put into the faces of his statues such signs of passion, pain, and age as shocked all Greek sculptors till those of the Hellenistic period decided to imitate him. At Sicyon Canachus and his brother Aristocles car\u00ad ried on the work begun a century earlier by Dipoenus and Scyllis of Crete.. Callon and Onatas brought distinction to Aegina by their skill with bronze; perhaps it was they who made the Aegina pediments. At Argos Ageladas organized the transmission of sculptural technique in a school that reached its apex in Polycleitus.\nComing from Sicyon, Polycleitus made himself popular in Argos by de\u00ad\nsigning for its temple of Hera, about 42 2, a gold and ivory statue of the matron goddess, which the age ranked second only to the chryselephantine immensities of Pheidias.\u2022 At Ephesus he joined in a competition with Pheidias, Cresilas, and Phradmon to make an Amazon for the temple of Anemis; the four anists were made judges of the result; each, the story goes, named his own work best, Polycleitus' second best; and the prize was\ngiven to the Sicyonian. t\"' But Polycleitus loved athletes more th;m women or gods. In the famous Diadumenos (of which the best surviving copy is in\nthe Athens Museum) he chose for representation that moment in which the victor binds about his head the fillet over which the judges are to place the laurel wreath. The chest and abdomen are too muscular for belief, but the body is vividly posed upon one foot, and the features are a definition of classic regularity. Regularity was the fetish of Polycleitus; it was his life aim to find and establish a canon or rule for the correct proportion of every part in a statue; he was the Pythagoras of sculpture, seeking a divine mathe\u00ad matics of symmetry and form. The dimensions of any pan of a perfect body, he thought, should bear a given ratio to the dimensions of any one part, say the index finger. The Polycleitan canon called for a round head, broad shoulders, stocky torso, wide hips, and shon legs, making all in all a\nWe have perhaps an echo of its majesty in the noble head of Juno in the BritishMusemn. reputed to be a copy from Polycleitus.\nt Perhaps an A11111ZO'n in the Vatican is a Roman copy of this work.\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE  ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\nfigure rather of strength than of grace. The sculptor was so fond of his canon that he wrote a treatise to expound it, and molded a statue to illustrate it. Probably this was the Doryphoros, or Spear Bearer, of which the Naples Museum has a Roman copy; here again is the brachycephalic head, the powerful shoulders, the short trunk, the corrugated musculature overflow\u00ad ing the groin. Lovelier is the Westmacott Ephebos of the.British Museum, where the lad has feelings as well as muscles, and seems lost in a gentle medi\u00ad tation on something else than his own strength. Through these figures the canon of Polycleitus became for a time a law to the sculptors of the Pelopon\u00ad nesus; it influenced even Pheidias, and ruled till Praxiteles overthrew it with that rival canon of tall, slim elegance which survived through Rome into the statuary of Christian Europe.\nMyron mediated between the Peloponnesian and the Attic schools. Born at Eleutherae, living at Athens, and (says Pliny\"') studying for a while with Ageladas, he learned to unite Peloponnesian masculinity with Ionian grace. What he added to all the schools was motion: he saw the athlete not, like Polycleitus, before or after the contest, but in it; and realized his vision so well in bronze that no other sculptor in history has rivaled him in portray\u00ad ing the male body in action. About 470 he cast the most famous of athletic statues-the Discobolos or Discus Thrower.\u2022 The wonder of the male frame is here complete: the body carefully studied in all those movements of muscle, tendon, and bone that are involved in the action; the legs and arms and trunk bent to give the fullest force to the throw; the face not dis\u00ad torted with effort, but calm in the confidence of ability; the head not heavy or brutal, but that of a man of blood and refinement, who could write books if he would condescend. This chef-d'oeuvre was only one of Myron's achievements; his contemporaries valued it, but ranked even more highly his Athena tmd Marsyast and his Ladas. Athena here is too lovely for the purpose; no one could guess that this demure virgin is watching with calm content the flaying of the defeated flutist. Myron's Marsyas is George Bernard Shaw caught in an unseemly but eloquent pose; he has played for the last time, and is about to die; but he will not die without a speech. Ladas was an athlete who succumbed to the exhaustion of victory; Myron por\u00ad trayed him so realistically that an old Greek, seeing the statue, cried out: \"Like as thou wert in life,0 Ladas, breathing forth thy panting soul, such\nThe Museo delle Terme has the torso of a fine marble copy by a Roman artist. The Munich Antiquarium has a late copy in bronze; the Metropolitan Museum of An has a copy uniting the Vatican torso with the head from the Palazzo Lancelotti.\nt There is a good copy of the Lateran copy in the Metropolitan Museum of Art.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.XIV\nhath Myron wrought thee in bronze, stamping on all thy body thine eager\u00ad ness for the victor's crown.\" And of Myron's Heifer the Greeks said that it could do everything but moo.\u2022"]
[8.562639236450195, 5.02728796005249, "turity.  Without them Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle would have been\nimpossible.\nSOCRATES\nThe Mask of Silenus\nIt is pleasant to stand at last face to face with a personality apparently so real as Socrates. But when we consider the two sources upon which we must rely for our knowledge of Socrates we find that one of them, Plato, writes imaginative dramas, that the other, Xenophon, writes historical nov\u00ad els, and that neither product can be taken as history. \"They say,\" writes Diogenes Laertius, \"that Socrates having heard Plato read the Lysis, cried out, 'O Heracles! what a number of lies the young man has told a:bout me!' For Plato had set down a great many things as sayings of Socrates which he had never said.\"w Plato does not pretend to limit himself to fact; probably it never occurred to him that the future might have scant mea:ns of distinguishing, in his work, imagination from biography. But he draws so consistent a picture of his master throughout the Dialogues, from Socrates' youthful timidity in the Parmenides and his insolent loquacity in the Protagoras to the subdued piety and resignation of the Phaedo, that if this was not Socrates, then Plato is one of the greatest character creators in all literature. Aristotle accepts as authentically Socratic the views attrib\u00ad uted to Socrates in the Protagoras.n' Recently discovered fragments of an Alcibiades written by Aeschines of Sphettos, an immediate disciple of Socrates, tend to confirm the portrait given in the earlier dialogues of Plato, and the story of the philosopher's attachment to Alcibiades.m On the other hand, Aristotle classes Xenophon's Memorabilia and Banquet as forms of fiction, imaginary conversations in which Socrates becomes, more often tha:n not, a mouthpiece for Xenophon's ideas.\u2022= If Xenophon honestly played Eckermann to Socrates' Goethe we can only say that he has care\u00ad fully collected the master's safest platitudes; it is incredible that so virtuous a man should have upset a civilization. Other ancient writers did not make the old sage into such a saint; Aristoxenus of Tarentum, about 318, re\u00ad pqrted, on the testimony of his father-who claimed to have known Socrates\n-that the philosopher was a person without education, \"ignorant a:nd debauched\"t' and Eupolis, the comic poet, rivaled his rival Aristophanes\nSo in Book ill of the Memorabilia SocrateS is made to expound the principles of military\nstrategy.\nCRAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t365\nin abusing the great gadfl.y.ua Making due discount for polemic vitriol it is at least clear that Socrates was a man, hated and loved beyond any othe1 figure of his time.\nHis father was a sculptor, and he himself was said to have carved a Hermes, and three Graces that stood near the entrance to the Acropolis.us His mother was a midwife: it was a standing joke with him that he merely continued her trade, but in the realm of ideas, helping others to deliver themselves of their conceptions. One tradition describes him as the son of a slave;uo it is improbable, for he served as a hoplite (a career open only to citizens), inherited a house from his father, and had seventy minas ($7000) invested for him by his friend Crito;m for the rest he is represented as poor.m He paid.much attention to the training of the body, and was usu\u00ad ally in good physical condition. He made a reputation for himself as a soldier during the Peloponnesian War: in 432 he fought at Potidaea, in 424 at Delium, in 422 at Amp_hipolis. At Potidaea he saved both the life and the arms of the young Alcibiades, and gave up in the youth's favor his claim to the prize for valor; at Delium he was the last Athenian to give gflound to the Spartans, and seems to have saved himself by glaring at the enemy; even the Spartans were frightened. In these campaigns, we are told, he excelled all in endurance and courage, bearing without complaint hunger, fatigue, and cold.w At home, when he condescended to stay there, he worked as a stonecutter and statuary. He had no interest in travel, and seldom went outside the city and its port. He married Xanthippe, who berated him for neglecting his family; he recognized the justice of her complaint,:us and defended her gallantly to his son and his friends. Mar\u00ad riage disturbed him so little that he seems to have taken an additional wife when the mortality of males in the war led to the temporary legalization of polygamy.m\nAll the world knows the face of Socrates. Judging precariously from the bust in the Museo delle Terme at Rome, it was not typically Greek;- its spacious spread, its fl.at, broad nose, its thick lips, and heavy beard suggest rather Solon's friend of the steppes, Anacharsis, or that modern Scythian, Tolstoi. \"I say,\" Alcibiades insists, even while protesting his love, \"that Socrates is exactly like the masks of Silenus, which may be seen sitting in the statuaries' shops, having pipes and fl.utes in their mouths; and they are made to open in the middle, and there are images of gods inside them. I say also that he is like Marsyas the satyr. You will not deny, Socrates, that your face is that of a satyr.'nao Socrates raises no objection; to make\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVI\nmatters worse he confesses to an unduly large paunch, and hopes to reduce it by dancing.181\nPlato and Xenophon agree in describing his habits and his character. He was content with one simple and shabby robe throughout the year, and liked bare feet better than sandals or shoes.\"\"\" He was incredibly free from the acquisitive fever that agitates mankind. Viewing the multitude of arti\u00ad cles exposed for sale in the market place, he remarked, \"How many things there are that I do not want!\"ua-and felt himself rich in his poverty. He was a model of moderation and self-control, but all the world away from a saint. He could drink like a gentleman, and needed no timid asceticism to keep him straight.* He was no recluse; he liked good company, and let the rich entertain him now and then; but he made no obeisance to them, could get along very well without them, and rejected the gifts and invitations of magnates and kings.:llll All in all he was fortunate: he lived without working, read without writing, taught without routine, drank without dizziness, and died before senility, almost without pain.\nHis morals were excellent for his time, but would hardly satisfy all the good people who praise him. He \"took fire\" at the sight of Charmides, but controlled himself by asking if this handsome lad had also a \"noble soul.\"'.. Plato speaks of Socrates and Alcibiades as lovers, and describes the philoso\u00ad pher \"in chase of the fair youth.\",.. Though the old man seems to have kept these amours for the most part Platonic, he was not above giving advice to homosexuals and hetairai on how to attract lovers.188 He gallantly prom\u00ad ised his help to the courtesan Theodota, who rewarded him with the invi\u00ad tation: \"Come often to see me.\"\"'\" His good humor and kindliness were so unfailing that those who could stomach his politics found it simple to put up with his morals. When he had passed away Xenophon spoke of him as \"so just that he wronged no man in the most trifling affair ... so temperate that he never preferred pleasure to virtue; so wise that he never erred in distin\u00ad guishing better from worse ... so capable of discerning the character of others, and of exhorting them to virtue and honor, that he seemed to be such as the best and happiest of men would be.\"\"0 Or, as Plato put it, with mov\u00ad ing simplicity, he \"was truly the wisest, and justest, and best of all the men whom I have ever known.\"\"'\n\"So far as drinking is concerned,'' Xenophon makes Socrates say, \"wine does of a truth\n'moisten the soul' and lull our griefs to sleep\tBut I suspect that men's bodies fare like those of plants.\tWhen God gives the plants water in floods to drink they cannot stand up\nstraight or let the breezes blow through them; but when they drink only as much as they\nenjoy they grow up straight and tall, and come to full and abundant fruitage.\"\"'\nCHAP. XVI)\tTHE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t367\nPortrait of a Gadfly\nBeing curious and disputatious he became a s dent of philosophy, and was for a time fascinated by the Sophists who invaded Athens in his youth. There is no evidence that Plato invented the fact as well as the content of Socrates' meetings with Parmenides, Protagoras, Gorgias, Prodicus, Hip\u00ad pias, and Thrasymachus; it is likely that he saw Zeno when the latter came to Athens about 450, and that he was so infected with Zeno's dialectic that it never left him.1.. Probably he knew Anaxagoras, if not in person then in doctrine; for Archelaus of Miletus, pupil of Anaxagoras, was for a time the teacher of Socrates. Archelaus began as a physicist and ended as a student of morals; he explained the origin and basis of morals on ration\u00ad alistic lines, and perhaps turned Socrates from science to ethics.:ua By all these avenues Socrates c me to philosophy, and thencefonh found his \"greatest good in daily converse about virtue, examining myself and others; for a life unscrutinized is unwonhy of a man.\"* So he went prowling among men's beliefs, prodding them with questions, demanding precise answers and consistent views, and making himself a terror to all who could not think clearly. Even in Hades he proposed to be a gadfly, and \"find out who is wise, and who pretends to be wise and is not.\"'\" He protected himself from a similar cross-examination by announcing that he knew nothing; he knew all the questions, but none of the answers; he modestly called himself an \"amateur in philosophy.\"'\" What he meant, presumably, was that he was certain of nothing except man's fallibility, and had no hard and fast system of dogmas and principles. When the oracle at Delphi, to Chaerephon's alleged inquiry, \"Is any man wiser than Socrates?\" gave the alleged reply, \"No one,\"\"\" Socrates ascribed the response to his profession of ignorance.\nFrom that moment he set himself to the pragmatic task of getting clear ideas. \"For himself,\" he said, \"he would hold discourse, from time to time, on what concerned mankind, considering what was pious, what impious; what was just, what unjust; what was sanity, what insanity; what was courage, what cowardice; what was the nature of government over men, and the qualities of one skilled in governing them; and touching on other subjects ... of which he thought that those who were ignorant might justly be deemed no better than slaves.\"\"' To every vague notion, easy generali\u00ad zation, or secret prejudice he pointed the challenge, \"What is it?\" and asked for precise definitions. It became his habit to rise early and go to the mar\u00ad ket place, the gymnasiums, the palaestras, or the workshops of artisans, and\nDe tmezetastos bios ou biotos tmthropo.-Plato, Apology, 37."]
[0.7564111948013306, 0.8422291874885559, "him, Herod had him slain. Five days afterward he too died (4 B.c.), in the sixty-ninth year of his age, hated by all his people. It was said of him by his enemies that \"he stole to the throne like a fox, ruled like a tiger, and died like a dog.\" 17\nTHE  LAW AND ITS PROPHETS\nHerod's will divided his kingdom among three remaining sons. To Philip\n,vent the eastern region known as Batanea, containing the cities of Beth\u00ad saida, Capitolias, Gerasa, Philadelphia, and Bostra. To Herod Antipas went Peraea (the land beyond the Jordan) and, in the north, Galilee, where lay Esdraela, Tiberias, and Nazareth. To Archelaus fell Samaritis, Idumea, and Judea. In this last were many famous cities or towns: Bethlehem, Hebron, Beersheba, Gaza, Gadara, Emmaus, Jamnia, Joppa, Caesarea, Jericho, and Jerusalem. Some Palestinian cities were predominantly Greek, some Syrian; the Gadarene swine attest the non-Jews of Gadara. The gentiles were in the majority in all the coast towns except Joppa and Jamnia, and in the \"Decap\u00ad olis\" or ten cities of the Jordan; in the interior the villages were almost entirely Jewish. In this racial division, not 1Jnpleasing to Rome, lay the tragedy of Palestine.\nWe must go back to the Puritans of England to understand the repulsion aroused in pious Jews by the polytheism and immorality of pagan society. Religion was to the Jews the source of their law, their state, and their hope: to let it melt away in the swelling river of Hellenism would, they thought, be national suicide. Hence that mutual hatred of Jew and gentile which kept the little nation in a kind of undulating fever of racial strife, political turbulence, and periodic war. Moreover, the Jews of Judea scorned the people of Galilee as ignorant backsliders, and the Galileans scorned the Judeans as slaves caught in the cobwebs of the Law. Again, a perpetual feud burned between Judeans and Samaritans; for the latter claimed that their hill of Gerizim, and not Zion, had been chosen by Yahveh as his home, and they rejected all the Scriptures except the Pentateuch.18 All these factions agreed in hating the Roman power, which made them pay a heavy price for the unwelcome privilege of peace.\nThere were now in Palestine some 2,500,000 souls, of whom perhaps roo,ooo lived in Jerusalem.19 Most of them spoke Aramaic; priests and scholars understood Hebrew; officials and foreigners and most authors used Greek. The majority of the people were peasants, tilling and irrigating the soil, tending the orchard, the vine, and the flock. In the time of Christ Palestine grew enough wheat to export a modest surplus: 20 its dates, figs, grapes and olives, wine and oil were prized and bought throughout the Medi-\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nterranean. The old command was still obeyed to let the land lie fallow in each sabbatical year.21 Handicrafts were largely hereditary and were usually organized in guilds. Jewish opinion honored the worker, and most scholars plied their hands as well as their tongues. Slaves were fewer than in any other Mediterranean country. Petty trade flourished, but there were as yet few Jewish merchants of large means and range. \"We are not a commercial people,\" said Josephus; \"we live in a country [eastern Judea] without a sea\u00ad board, and have no inclination to [foreign] trade.\" 22 Financial operations were of minor scope until Hillel, perhaps at Herod's suggestion, abrogated the law of Deuteronomy ( 'V, 1-11) requiring the cancellation of debts every seventh year. The Temple itself was the national bank.\nWithin the Temple was the hall Gazith, meeting place of the Sanhedrin or Great Council of the Elders of Israel. Probably the institution arose in the period of Seleucid rule (ca. 100 B.c.), to replace the earlier council men, tioned in Numbers (xr, 16) as advising Moses. Originally selected by the high priest from the sacerdotal aristocracy, it had come in Roman times to co-opt into its membership a rising number of Pharisees and a few profes\u00ad sional Scribes.23 These seventy-one men, under the presidency of the high priest, claimed supreme power over all Jews every\"\"\u00b7here, and orthodox Jews everywhere acknowledged it; but the Hasmoneans, Herod, and Rome recognized their authority only in violations of Jewish law by a Judean Jew. They could pass sentence of death upon Jews in Judea for religious offenses, but could not execute it without confirmation by the civil power.24\nIn this assembly, as in most, two factions fought for predominance-a con\u00ad servative group led by the higher priests and the Sadducees, and a liberal group led by Pharisees and Scribes. Most of the upper clergy and upper classes belonged to the Sadducees (Zadokim), so named after their founder Zadok; they were nationalistic in politics and orthodox in religion; they stood for the enforcement of the Torah or written Law, but rejected the additional ordinances of the oral tradition and the liberalizing interpretations of the Pharisees. They doubted immortality and were content to possess the good things of the eanh.\nThe Pharisees (Perusbim, separatists) were so named by the Sadducees as meaning that they separated themselves (like good Brahmans) from those who contracted religious impurity by neglecting the requirements of ritual cleanliness.25 They were a continuation of the Chasidim, or Devotees, of the Maccabean age, who had upheld the strictest application of the Law. Josephus, h\u00bd11 elf a Pharisee, defined them as \u2022:a body of Jews who profess to be more religious than the rest, and to explam the laws more precisely.\" 26 For this purpose they added to the written Law of the Pentateuch the oral tradition of interpretations and decisions made by recognized teachers of the\nCHAP. xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t537\nLaw. These interpretations were necessary, in the judgment of the Phari\u00ad sees, to clarify the obscurities of the Mosaic Code, to specify its application in particular cases, and to modify its letter, occasionally, in adaptation to the changed needs and conditions of life. They were at once rigorous and lenient, softening the Law here and there as in Hillel's decree on interest, but demanding the full observation of the oral tradition as well as of the Torah. Only through this full obedience, they felt, could the Jews escape assimilation and extinction. Reconciled to Roman domination, the Pharisees so;ight consolation in the hope of a physical and spiritual immortality. They lived simply, condemned luxury, fasted frequently, washed sedulously, and were now and then irritatingly conscious of their virtue; but they repre\u00ad sented the moral strength of Judaism, won the middle classes to their support, and gave their followers a faith and rule that saved them from disintegration when catastrophe came. After the Temple was destroyed (A.D. 70), the priesthood lost influence, the Sadducees disappeared, the synagogue replaced the temple, and the Pharisees, through the rabbis, became the teachers and shepherds of a scattered but undefeated people.\nThe most extreme of the Jewish sects was that of the Essenes. They de\u00ad rived their piety from the Chasidim, their name probably from the Chaldaic aschai (bather), their doctrine and practice from the stream of ascetic theory and regimen circulating through the world of the last century before Christ; possibly they were influenced by Brahmanic, Buddhist, Parsee, Pythagorean, and Cynic ideas that came to the crossroads of trade at Jerusalem. Number\u00ad ing some 4000 in Palestine, they organized themselves into a distinct order, obsenred both the written and the oral Law with passionate exactitude, and lived together as almost monastic celibates tilling the soil in the oasis of Engadi amid the desen west of the Dead Sea. They dwelt in homes owned by their community, had their meals in common and in silence, chose their leaders by a general vote, mingled their goods and earnings in a common treasury, and obeyed the Chasidic motto, \"Mine and thine belong to thee.\" 27 l\\fany of them, says Josephus, \"lived more than a hundred years because of their simple diet and regular life.\" 28 Each clothed himself in white linen, carried a little hoe to cover his droppings, washed himself like a Brahmin afterward, and considered it a sacrilege to evacuate on the Sabbath.29 A few of them married and lived in towns, but practiced the Tolstoian rule of co\u00ad habiting with their wives only to beget children. The members of the sect avoided all sensual pleasure and sought through meditation and prayer a mystic union with God. They hoped that by piety, abstinence, and con\u00ad templation they might acquire magic powers and foresee the future. Like most people of their time they believed in angels and demons, thought of diseases as possession by evil spirits, and tried to exorcise these by magical\n538\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nformulas; from their \"secret doctrine\" came some parts of the Cabala.30 They looked for the coming of a Messiah who would establish a ccmmunistic egalitarian Kingdom of Heaven (Malchuth Shamayim) on earth; into that Kingdom only those would enter who had led a spotless life.31 They were ardent pacifists and refused to make implements of war; but when the legions of Titus attacked Jerusalem and the Temple the Essenes joined other Jews in defending their city and its shrine and fought till nearly all of their order were dead. As Josephus describes their customs and their sufferings we enter into the atmosphere of Christianity:\nAlthough they were tortured and racked, burnt and tom to pieces, and went through every torment to force them either to blaspheme their legislator, or to eat what was forbidden them, yet could they not be made to do either of them; no, nor once to flatter their tormentors, or to shed a tear. But they smiled in their very pains, and laughed those to scorn who tortured them, and gave up their souls in great cheerfulness, as expecting to receive them again.32\nThese-Sadducees, Pharisees, Essenes-were the chief religious sects of Judea in the generation before Christ. The Scribes (Hakamin, learned) whom Jesus so often bracketed with the Pharisees were not a sect but a profession; they were scholars learned in the Law, who lectured on it in synagogues, taught it in schools, debated it in public and private, and ap\u00ad plied it in judgment on specific cases. A few of them were priests, some were Sadducees, most were Pharisees; they were in the two centuries before Hillel what the rabbis were after him. They were the iurisprudentes of Judea, whose legal opinions, selected by time and transmitted by word of mouth from teacher to pupil, became part of that oral tradition which the Pharisees honored along with the written Law. Under their influence the Code of l\\foses proliferated into thousands of detailed precepts designed to meet every circumstance.\nThe earliest definite figure among these lay teachers of the Law is that of Hillel, and even he is nearly lost in the web of legend that a fond posterity wove about his name. \\Ve are told that he was born in Babylon (75 B.c.?) of a distinguished but impoverished family. He came as a grown man to Jerusalem, where he supported his wife and children by manual labor. Half his daily wage he paid for admission to the school where two famous masters, Shemaya and Abtolim, expounded the Law. Lacking the fee one day, and denied entry, he climbed upon a window sill \"that he might hear the words of the living God.\" Frozen with the cold, story says, he fell into the snow and was found there half dead the next morning.33 He became in his rum a revered rabbi or teacher, renowned for his modesty, patience, and gentleness.\nCHAP. xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t539\nOne account tells how a man wagered he could anger Hillel, and lost.34 He laid down three principles for the guidance of life: love of man, of peace, and of the Law and the knowledge of it. When a would-be proselyte asked him to explain the Law in as little time as a man could stand on one foot, Hillel answered: \"What is hateful to thyself do not do to another\";35* it was a cautiously negative form of that Golden Rule which had long before been phrased positively in Leviticus. Again Hillel taught: \"Judge not thy neighbor until thou art in his place.\" 37 He sought to quiet the quarreling sects by laying down seven rules for interpreting the Law. His own inter\u00ad pretations were liberal; most notably, he facilitated the lending of money and the procurement of c!ivorce. He was a pacifier, not a reformer; \"sepa\u00ad rate not thyself from the congregation,\" he advised the young rebels of his day. He accepted Hercd as ::.n inescapable evil and was appointed by him president of the Sanhedrin (30 n.c.). Its Pharisean majority loved him so well that he remained head of the Great Council until his death (A.D. 10). Out of respect for his memory the office was made hereditary in his family for 400 years.\nThe Council gave its second place of honor to Hillel's rival, the conserva\u00ad tive rabbi Shammai. He taught a much stricter interpretation of the Law, rejected divorce, and demanded the literal application of the Torah,\nregardless of new conditions. This division of Jewish teachers into con\u00ad servative and liberal groups had existed for a century before Hillel, and con\u00ad tinued until the destruction of the Temple.\nTHE GREAT EXPECTATION\nThe Jewish literature that has come down to us from this period is almost entirely religious. Just as it seemed to the orthodox Hebrew a profanation to make images of the deity, or to adorn his temples with plastic art, so it seemed to him an error to write philosophy or literature for any other ulti\u00ad mate purpose than to praise God and glorify the Law. There were of course many exceptions, of which the pretty story of Susannah may serve as an instance. It tells of a fair Jewess falsely accused of unchastity by two unsatis\u00ad fied elders, and freed through the skillful cross-examination of witnesses by a youth named Daniel. Even this romance found its way into some editions of the Book of Daniel."]
[13.535593032836914, -12.57475471496582, "57\u00b0\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\npeal to the people, \"the whole throng of his disciples\" greeted him with the words, \"Blessed is the king who comes in the name of the Lord\"; and when some Pharisees asked him to reprove this salutation, he answered, \"I tell you, if they keep silence, the stones will cry out.\" 120 The Fourth Gospel reports that the crowd hailed him as \"King of Israel.\" 121 Apparently his followers still thought of him as a political Messiah, who would overthrow the Roman power and make Judea supreme. It was these acclamations that doomed Christ to a revolutionist's death.\nDEATH AND TRANSFIGURATION\nThe Feast of the Passover was at hand, and great numbers of Jews were gathering in Jerusalem to offer sacrifice in the Temple. The outer court of the shrine was noisy with vendors selling doves and other sacrificial animals, and with money-changers offering locally acceptable currency for the idolatrous coins of the Roman realm. Visiting the Temple on the day after his entry into the city, Jesus was shocked by the clamor and commercial\u00ad ism of the booths. In a burst of indignation he and his followers overthrew the tables of the money-changers and the dove merchants, scattered their coins on the ground, and with \"a scourge of rods\" drove the traders from the court. For several days thereafter he taught in the Temple, unhin\u00ad dered; 122 but at night he left Jerusalem and stayed on the Mount of Olives, fearing arrest or assassination.\nThe agents of the government-civil and ecclesiastical, Roman and Jew\u00ad ish-had kept watch on him probably from the time when he had taken up the mission of John the Baptist. His failure to secure a large following had inclined them to ignore him; but his enthusiastic reception in Jerusalem seems to have set the Jewish leaders wondering whether this excitement, working upon the emotional and patriotic Passo-ver throncrs, micrht flare up into an untimely and futile revolt against the Roman piwer, ;nd issue in the suppression of all self-government and religious freedom in Judea. The high priest called a eeting of the Sa hedrin, and expressed the opinion \"that one man should die for the people, mstead of the whole nation beino\u00ad destroyed.\" 123 The majority agreed with him, and the Council ordered th: arrest of Christ.\nSome news of this dec sion_see s to have reached Jesus, perhaps through members of the Sanhedrin mmonty. On the fourteenth day of the Jewish month of Nisan (our April third), probably in the year 30,* Jesus and his\n\" There is much dispute about the duration of Christ's mission, anJ rhe year of his death.\n\\Ve ha\\'e seen Luke dating Christ's baptism in the year 28-29. The chronology of Paul, as based\nCHAP. XXVI)\tJESUS\t571\napostles ate the Seder, or Passover supper, in the home of a friend in Jerusa\u00ad lem. They looked to the Master to free himself by his miraculous powers; he, on the contrary, accepted his fate, and perhaps hoped that his death would be received by God as a sacrificial atonement for the sins of his peo\u00ad ple.124 He had been informed that one of the Twelve was conspiring to betray him; and at this last supper he openly accused Judas Iscariot.* In accord with Jewish ritual Jesus blessed (in Greek, eucharistisae) the wine\nthat he gave the apostles to drink; and then they sang together the Jewish ritual song Hallel.121He told them, says John, that he would be with them\n\"only a little longer.... Igive you a new command: Love one another.\n. . . Let not your hearts be troubled. Believe in God and believe in me. In my Father's house are many mansions ...  I go to prepare a place for you.\" 128 It seems quite credible that in so solemn a moment he should ask them to repeat this supper periodically (as Jewish custom required), in commemoration of him; and not improbable that, with Oriental intensity of feeling and imagery, he asked them to think of the bread they ate as his body, and of the wine they drank as his blood.\nThat night, we are told, the little band hid in the Garden of Gethsemane, outside Jerusalem. There a detachment of Temple 129 police found them, and arrested Jesus. He was taken first to the house of Annas, a former high priest, then to that of Caiaphas; according to Mark the \"Council\"-prob\u00ad ably a committee of the Sanhedrin-had already gathered there. Various witnesses testified against him, especially recalling his threat to destroy the Temple. \u00bc\"hen Caiaphas asked him whether he was \"the Messiah, the Son of God,\" Jesus is reported to have answered \"I am he.\" 130 In the morning the Sanhedrin met, found him guilty of blasphemy (then a capital crime), and decided to bring him before the Roman procurator, who had come to Jerusalem to keep an eye on the Passover crowds.\nPontius Pilate was a hard man, who would later be summoned to Rome, accused of extortion and cruelty,131 and removed from office. Nevertheless, it did not seem to him that this mild-mannered preacher was a real danger to the state. Almost playfully he asked Jesus, \"Are you the King of the Jews?\" According to Matthew 132 Jesus answered, \"Yes.\" Such details, re\u00ad ported presumably from hearsay and long after the event, must be held suspect; if we accept the text we must conclude that Jesus had resolved to die, and that Paul's theory of atonement had some support in Christ. John\nupan his own statements in Galatians 1-n, the chronology of the procurators who tried him, and the tradition of his death in 64. apparently require the dating of Paul's conversion in 31. Cf. Chapter XXVII.\nMany arguments have been raised against the story of Judas,125 but they are uncon\u00ad\nYincing.1211\n572\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\nquotes Jesus as adding: \"For this I was born . . . to give testimony for the truth.\" \"What is truth?\" asked the procurator 133-a question perhaps due to the metaphysical propensities of the Fourth Gospel, but well re\u00ad vealing the chasm between the sophisticated and cynical culture of the Roman and the warm and trustful idealism of the Jew. In any case, after Oirist's confession, the law required conviction, and Pilate reluctantly is\u00ad sued the sentence of death.\nCrucifixion was a Roman, not a Jewish, form of punishment. It was usu\u00ad ally preceded by scourging, which, carried out thoroughly, left the body a mass of swollen and bloody flesh. The Roman soldiers crowned Christ with a wreath of thorns, mocking his royalty as \"King of the Jews,\" and placed upon his cross an inscription in Aramaic, Greek, and Latin: Jesus N azarathaeus Rex Ioudaeorunz. \\Vhether or not Christ was a revolutionist he was obviously condemned as one by Rome; Tacitus, too, understood the matter so.134 A small crowd, such as could gather in Pilate's courtyard, had called for Christ's execution; now, however, as he climbed the hill of Gol\u00ad gotha, \"he was followed by a great crowd of the people,\" says Luke,135 and of women who beat their breasts and mourned for him. Quite clearly the condemnation d d not have the approval of the Jewish people.\nAll who cared to witness the horrible spectacle were free to do so; the Romans, who thought it necessary to rule by terror, chose, for capital offenses by other than Roman citizens, what Cicero called \"the most cruel and hideous of 'tortures.\" 136 The offender's hands and feet were bound (seldom nailed) to the wood; a projecting block supported the backbone or the feet; unless mercifully killed, the victim would linger there for two or three days, suffering the agony of immobility, unable to brush away the insects that fed upon his naked flesh, and slowly losing strength until the heart failed and brought an end. Even the Romans sometimes pitied the vic\u00ad tim, and offered him a stupefying drink. The cross, we are told, was raised \"at the third hour\"-i.e., at nine in the morning. Mark reports th:it two robbers were crucified with Jesus, and \"reviled him\"; 137 Luke assures us that one of them prayed to him.133 Of all the apostles only John was present; with him were three Marys-Christ's mother, her sister 1\\1ary, and Mary Magdalene; \"there were also some women watching from a dis\u00ad tance.\" 139 Follo ng the Roman cu tom,140 the soldiers divided the gar\u00ad ments of the dymg men; and as Chnst had but one, they cast lots for it. Possibly we have here an interpolated remembrance of Psalm xxu, 18: \"They part my garments among them, and cast lots upon my vesture.\" The same Psalm begins with the words: \"My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?\"-and this is the desperately human utterance that Mark and Matthew attribute to the dying Christ. Can it be that in those bitter moments the\nCHAP, XXVI)\tJESUS\t573\ngreat faith that had sustained him before Pilate faded into black doubt? Luke, perhaps finding such words repugnant to the theology of Paul, substi\u00ad tutes for them: \"Father, into thy hands I commend my spirit\"-which in tum echoes Psalm xxx1, 5 with suspicious accuracy.\nA soldier, pitying Christ's thirst, held up to his mouth a sponge soaked in sour wine. Jesus drank, and said, \"It is consummated.\" At the ninth hour"]
[-1.2529879808425903, -13.57441520690918, "CHAP. I)\tETRUSCAN  PRELUDE\t15\nTaking a census of persons and property, he classified the citizens according to wealth rather than birth, so that while leaving the old aristocracy intact, he raised up as a balance to it a class of equites, literally, horsemen-men who could equip themselves with horse (equus) and armor to serve in the cav\u00ad alry.* The census reported some 80,000 persons capable of bearing arms; reckoning one woman and one child for each soldier, and a slave for every fourth family, we may estimate at 260,000 the population of Rome and its subject environs about 560 B.c. Servius divided the people into thirty-five new tribes, arranging them according to place of residence rather than kin\u2022 ship or rank; thereby, like Cleisthenes a generation later in Attica, he weak\u00ad ened the political cohesion and voting power of the aristocracy-the class that rated itself supreme by birth. When another T arquin, grandson of Tarquinius Priscus, charged Servius with ruling illegally, he submitted him\u00ad self to a plebiscite and received, says Livy, \"a unanimous vote.\" 42 Uncon\u00ad vinced, Tarquin had Servius assassinated, and announced himself king.t\nUnder Tarquinius Superbus (\"the Proud\") the monarchy became abso\u00ad\nlute, and Etruscan influence supreme. The patricians had thought of the rex as the executive of the Senate and chief priest of the national religion; they could not long consent to unlimited royal power. Therefore they had killed Tarquinius Priscus and had raised no hand to protect Servius. But this new Tarquin was worse than the first. He surrounded himself with a bodyguard, degraded freemen with months of forced labor, had citizens crucified in the Forum, put to death many leaders of the upper classes, and ruled with an insolent brutality that won him the hatred of all influential men.44 :j: Think\u00ad ing to gain popularity by successful wars, he attacked the Ruruli and the Volscians. While he was with the army the Senate assembled and deposed him (508 B.c.), in one of the great turning points of Roman history.\nTHE  BIRTH OF THE REPUBLIC\nHere the tradition becomes literature, and the prose of politics is fused into the poetry Qf love. One evening (says Livy), in the King's camp at\nAs originally applied to cavalrymen, the tenn could bear the traditional English mis\u00ad translation into knights; but equites soon lost this early sense, and came to mean the uppe,: middle, or business, class.\nt Few students are inclined to follow the extreme skepticism of Ettore Pais, who rejectS as legendary all Roman history before 443 B.c., and believes that the two Tarquins were one person, who never existed.43 A tentative and modified acceptance of the traditional story after Romulus appears to \"account for the phenomena\" better than any other hypothesis.\n:I: The  traditional account of the Tarquins is probably darkened by aristocratic and anti\u00ad\nEtrUScan propaganda. The history of early Rome was written chiefly by representatives or admirers of the patrician class, just as the history of the emperors was later written by sena\u00ad torial partisans like Tacitus.\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\nArdea, his son, Sextus T arquin, was debating with a relative, Lucius Tar\u00ad quinius Collatinus, the comparative virtue of their wives. Collatinus pro\u00ad posed that they should take horse to Rome and surprise their ladies in the late hours of the night. They found the wife of Sextus feasting with intimates, but Lucretia, wife of Collatinus, was spinning wool for her husband's cloth\u00ad ing. Sextus was inflamed with desire to try Lucretia's fidelity and enjoy her love. A few days later he returned secretly to the home of Lucretia and overcame her by wile and force. Lucretia sent for her father and her hus-\n: band, told them what had happened, and then stabbed herself to death. Thereupon Lucius Junius Brutus, a friend of Collatinus, called upon all good men to drive the Tarquins from Rome. He himself was a nephew of the King; but his father and his brother had been put to death by Tarquin, and he had gained his cognomen Brutus-i.e., idiot-by pretending lunacy so that he might be spared for his revenge. Now he rode with Collatinus to the capital, told Lucretia's story to the Senate, and persuaded it to banish all the royal family. The King had meanwhile left the army and hurried to Rome; Brutus, apprised of this, rode out to the army, told Lucretia's story again, and won the soldiers' support. Tarquin fled north, and appealed to Etruria to restore him to his throne.45 *\nAn assembly of the citizen-soldiers was now convened; and instead of a\nking chosen for life it elected two consuls,t with equal and rival powers, to rule for a year. These first consuls, says the tradition, were Brutus and Col\u00ad latinus; but Collatinus resigned, and was replaced by Publius Valerius, who won the name Publicola-\"friend of the people\"-by putting through the Assembly several laws that remained basic in Rome: that any man who should try to make himself king might be killed without trial; t:hat any at\u00ad tempt to take a public office without the people's consent should be punish\u00ad able with death; and that any citizen condemned by a magistrate to death or flogging should have the right of appeal to the Assembly. It was Valerius who inaugurated the custom whereby a consul, upon entering the Assembly, must part the axes from the rods and lower them as a sign of the people's sovereignty and sole right, in peace, to impose a sentence of death.\nThe revolution had two main results: it freed Rome from Etruscan as\u00ad cendancy and replaced the monarchy with an aristocracy that ruled Rome until Caesar. The political position of the poorer citizens was not improved; on the contrary, they were required to surrender the lands that Servius had given them, and they lost the modest measure of protection with which the\nMost students since Niebuhr consign Lucretia to legend and Shakespeare. We do not know where history retires and poetry enters. Some have thought even Brurus to be legend;46 but here, again, skepticism has probably gone too far.\nt Or, says another tradition, two praetors or generals.\n\u2022,'\tI\nr-.:,.\u00b7\u00b7/'\u00b0;'\n.,,'\nFie. 3-H ead of a lVoman\nFrom an Etruscan tomb at Corneto\nFrG. 4-Apo/fo of Veii\nVilla di Papa Giulio, Rome"]
[-4.037079334259033, -9.216825485229492, "12\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\nmiles to the northwest and founded the most famous of man's habitations. This hazardously hypothetical paragraph contains all that history dares say about the origin of Rome. Bur Roman tradition was not so parsimonious. When the Gauls burned the city in 390 B.C. most historical records were pre\u00ad\nsumably destroyed, and thereafter patriotic fancy could paint a free picture 1 of Rome's birth. What we should call April 22, 753 B.c., was given as the date, and events were reckoned A.U.C.-anno urbis conditae-\"in the year from the city's foundation.\" A hundred tales and a thousand poems told how Aeneas, offspring of Aphrodite-Venus, had fled from burning Troy, and how, after suffering many lands and men, he had brought to Italy the gods or 'sacred effigies of Priam's city. Aeneas had married Lavinia, daughter of the king of Latium; and eight generations later their descendant Numitor, said the story, held the throne of AlbaLonga, Latium's capital. A usurper, Amul\u00ad ius, expelled Numitor and, to end the line of Aeneas, killed Numitor's sons and forced his only daughter, Rhea Silvia, to become a priestess of Vesta, vowed to virginity. Bur Rhea lay down by the banks of a stream and \"opened\nher bosom to catch the breeze.\" 29 Too trustful of gods and men, she fell\nasleep; Mars, overcome with her beauty, left her rich with twins. Amulius ordered these to be drowned. They were placed on a raft, which kind waves carried to the land; they were suckled by a she-wolf (lupa) or-said a skep\u00ad tical variant-by a shepherd's wife, Acea Larcntia, nicknamed Lupa be\u00ad cause, like a wolf's, her love-making knew no law. When Romulus and Remus grew up they killed Amulius, restored Numitor, and went resolutely forth to build a kingdom for themselves on the hills of Rome.\nArcheology offers no confirmation to these stories of our youth; prob\u00ad ably they contain a core of truth. Perhaps the Latins sent a colony to develop Rome as a strategic moat against the expanding Etruscans. The site was twenty miles from the sea, and not well adapted to maritime commerce; but in those days of marauding pirates it was an advantage to be a bit inland. For internal trade Rome was well placed at the crossroads of traffic on the river and the land route between north and south. It was not a healthy location; rains, floods, and springs fed malarial marshes in the surrounding plain and even in the lower levels of the city; hence the popularity of the seven hills. The first of these to be settled, tradition said, was the Palatine, possibly because an island near its foot made easier there the fording and bridging of the Tiber. One by one the neighboring slopes were peopled, until the human overflow crossed the river and built upon the Vatican and Janiculum.* The three tribes-Latins, Sabines, and Etruscans-that dwelt on the hills joined in\nThere were more than seven of these modest elevations in Rome, and the \"seven\" varied from time to time. In Cicero's day they were the Palatine, Capitoline, Caelian, Esquiline, Aventine, Viminal, and Quirinal.\n'\nCHAP. I)\tETRUSCAN  PRELUDE\t13\na federation, the Septimontium, and slowly merged into the city of Rome. The ancient story goes on to tell how Romulus, to secure wives for his settlers, arranged some public games and invited the Sabines and other tribes to attend. During the races the Romans seized the Sabine women and drove off the Sabine men. Titus T atius, King of the Sabine Curites tribe, declared war and advanced upon Rome. Tarpeia, daughter of the Roman who had charge of a fortress on the Capitoline, opened a gate to the invaders. They crushed her with their shields in fair recompense; and later generations gave her name to that \"T arpeian Rock\" from which condemned men were hurled to death. As the troops of T atius neared the Palatine, the Sabine women, not insensitive to the compliment of capture, secured an armistice on the plea that they would lose their husbanqs if the Curites won, and their brothers or fathers if the Curites lost. Romulus persuaded T arius to share the kingdom with him and join his tribe vvith the Latins in a common citizenship; there\u00ad\n{lfter the freemen of Rome were called Curites or Quirites.30 There may again\nbe some elements of truth in this wholesale romance-or perhaps it patrioti\u00ad cally concealed a Sabine conquest of Rome.\nAfter a long reign Romulus was lifted up to heaven in a whirlwind, there\u00ad after to be worshiped as Quirinus, one of Rome's favorite gods. Tatius too having died, the heads of the more important families chose a Sabine, Numa Pompilius, as king. Probably the real power of government, between the foundation of the city and the Etruscan domination, was in the hands of these elders, or senatores, while the functions of the king, like those of the archon basileus in coeval Athens, were chiefly those of the highest priest.31 Tradition pictured Numa as a Sabine Marcus Aurelius, at once philosopher and saint. \"He strove,\" says Livy,\nto inculcate fear of the gods as the most powerful influence that could act upon ... a barbarous people. But as this effort would fail to impress them without some claim to supernatural wisdom, he pre\u00ad tended that he had nocturnal interviews with the divine nymph Egeria; and that it was on her advice that he was instituting the religious ritual most acceptable to Heaven, and was appointing special priests for each major deity.32\nBy establishing a uniform worship for the diverse tribes of Rome, Numa strengthened the unity and stability of the state;33 by interesting the bellicose\nRomans in religion, Cicero thought, Numa gave his people forty -years of Peace.34\nHis successor, Tullus Hostilius, restored to the Romans their normal life. \"Convinced that the vigor of the state was becoming enfeebled through in\u00ad action, he looked around for a pretext for war.\".% He chose Rome's mother\nCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. I\ncity, Alba Longa, as an enemy, attacked it, and completely destroyed it. When the Alban king broke a promise of alliance, T ullus had him tied to two chariots and tom to pieces by driving the chariots in opposite direc\u00ad tions.36 His successor, Ancus Martius, agreed with his martial philosophy; Ancus understood, according to Dio Cassius,\nthat it is not sufficient for men who wish to remain at peace to re\u00ad frain from wrongdoing . . . but the more one longs for peace the more vulnerable one becomes. He saw that a desire for quiet was not a power for protection unless accompanied by equipment for war; he perceived also that delight in freedom from foreign broils very quickly ruined men who were tinduly enthusiastic o er it.37\nTHE  ETRUSCA.  DOMINATION\nAbout 65 5 B.c., proceeds the tradition, Demaratus, a rich merchant ban\u00ad ished from Corinth, came to live in Tarquinii, and married an Etruscan woman.38 His son Lucius Tarquinius migrated to Rome, rose to high position there, and, on the death of Ancus, either seized the throne or, more probably, was chosen to it by a coalition of Etruscan families in the city. \"He was the first,\" says Livy, \"who canvassed for the crown, and delivered a set speech to secure the support of the plebs\" 39-i.e., those citizens who could not trace their ancestry to the founding fathers. Under this Tarquinius Priscus the monarchy increased its power over the aristocracy, and Etruscan influence grew in Roman politics, engineering, religion, and art. Tarquin fought suc\u00ad cessfully agf. nst the Sabines, and subjugated all Latium. He used the re\u00ad sources of Rome, we are told, to adorn T arquinii and other Etruscan cities, but also he brought Etmscan and Greek artists to his capital and beautified it with majestic temples.* Apparently he represented the growing power of business and finance against the landed aristocracy.\nAfter a reign of thirty-eight years the first Tarquin was assassinated by the patricians, who aimed to limit the kingship again to a religious role. But Tarquin's widow, Tanaquil, took charge of the situation and was able to transmit the throne to her son Servius Tullius. Servius, says Cicero, was the first \"to hold the royal power without being chosen by the people\" 41-i.e., by the leading families. He governed well, and built a protective moat and wall around Rome; but the great landowners resented his rule and plotted to unseat him. Consequently he allied himself with the richer members of the plebs, and reorganized the army and the voters to strengthen his position.\n4 Perhaps also he cleansed it with sewers. Roman historians ascribed to him the Cloaca\nMaxima, or Supreme Sewer; but some scholars reserve this honor for the second century B.c.40"]
[4.09669303894043, -11.017681121826172, "CAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP. XXVI\nChrist made a friend of Matthew, who continued to be an agent of the Roman power; he uttered no criticism of the civil government, took no known part in the Jewish movement for national liberation, and counseled a submissive gentleness hardly smacking of political revolution. He advised the Pharisees to \"render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's.\" 82 His story of the man who, before going on a journey, \"called on his slaves, and put his property in their hands,\" 83 contains no complaint against interest or slavery, but takes these institu\u00ad tions for granted. Christ apparently approves of the slave who invested the ten minas ($600) that the master had entrusted to him, and made ten more; he disapproves of the slave who, left with one\u00b7mina, held it in unproductive safekeeping against the master's return; and he puts into the master's mouth the hard saying that \"to him who has, more will be given, and from him who has nothing, even that which he has will be taken away\" 84-an ex\u00ad\ncellent summary of market operations, if not of world history. In another parable workers \"grumbled at their employer,\" who paid as much to one\nwho had labored an hour as to those who had toiled all day; Christ makes the employer answer: \"Is it not lawful for me to do what I will with my own?\" 85 Jesus does not seem to have thought of ending poverty; \"the poor ye have always with you.\" He takes for granted, like all ancients, that a slave's duty is to serve his master well; \"blessed is the slave whom his master, returning, finds performing his charge.\" 86 He is not concerned to attack existing economic or political institutions; on the contrary, he condemns those ardent souls who would \"take the Kingdom of Heaven by storm.\" 87 The revolution he sought was a far deeper one, without which reforms could only be superficial and transitory. If he could cleanse the human heart of selfish desire, cruelty, and lust, utopia would come of itself, and all those institutions that rise out of human greed and violence, and the consequent need for law, would disappear. Since this would be the profoundest of all , revolutions, beside which all others would be mere coups d'etat of class\u2022 ousting class and exploiting in its tum, Christ was in this spiritual sense the greatest revolutionist in history.\nHis achi veme t laY: not in ushering i a new state, but in outlining an ideal morality. His ethical code was predicated on the early comina of the Kingdom,88 and was designed to make men worthy of entering it Hence the Beatitudes, with their unprecedented exaltation of humility, poverty, gentleness, and peace; the counsel to tum the other cheek, and be as little children (no paragons of vinue!); the indi.ffe nce to economic provision, property, government; the preference of celibacy to marriage; the com\u00ad mand to abandon all family ties: these \u00b7were not rules for -0rdinary life, they\nCHAP.XXVI)\tJESUS\nwere a semi.monastic regimen fitting men and women for election by God into an imminent Kingdom in which there would be no law, no marriage, no sexual relations, no property, and no war. Jesus praised those who \"leave house, or parents, or brethren, or wife, or children,\" even those \"who make themselves eunuchs, for the Kingdom of Heaven's sake\"; 89 obviously this was intended for a devoted religious minority, not for a continuing society. It was an ethic limited in purpose but universal in its scope, for it applied the conception of brotherhood and the Golden Rule to foreigners and ene\u00ad mies as well as to neighbors and friends. It visioned a time when men would worship God not in temples but \"in spirit and truth,\" in every deed rather than in passing words.\nWere these moral ideas new? Nothing is new except arrangement. The central theme of Christ's preaching-the coming Judgment and Kingdom\n-was already a century old among the Jews. The Law had long since in\u00ad culcated brotherhood: \"Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,\" said Leviticus; even \"the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself.\" 90 Exodus had commanded the Jews to do good to their enemies.91 Jeremiah 92 and Isaiah 93 had counseled, \"Let him give his cheek to him that smiteth him.\" The prophets, too, had ranked a good life above all ritual; and Isaiah 94 and Hosea 95 had begun to change Yahveh from a Lord of Hosts into a God of Love. Hillel, like Confucius, had phrased the Golden Rule. We must not hold it against Jesus that he inherited and used the rich moral lore of his people.\nFor a long time Christ thought of himself purely as a Jew, sharing the ideas of the prophets, continuing their work, and preaching like them only to Jews. In dispatching his disciples to spread his gospel he sent them only to Jewish cities; \"go not into the way of the gentiles, nor into the city of the Samaritans\"; 96 hence the apostles, after his death, hesitated to bring the Good News to the \"heathen\" world.97 When he met the Samaritan woman at the well he told her, \"Salvation is of the Jews\" 98-though we must not judge him from words perhaps put into his mouth by one who was not present, and who wrote sixty years after the event. When a Ca\u00ad naanite woman asked him to heal her daughter, he at first refused, saying \"I was sent only to the lost sheep of Israel.\" 99 He told the leper whom he had cured to \"go to the priest and . . . offer the gift that Moses pre\u00ad scribed.\" 100 \"Do everything that the scribes and Pharisees tell you, and observe it all; but do not do as they do.\" 101 In suggesting modifications and mitigations of the Judaic Law Jesus, like Hillel, did not think that he was overthrowing it; \"I came not to destroy the Law of Moses but to fulfill\n568\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXVI\nit.\" 102 \"It is easier for heaven and earth to pass away than for one tittle \" of the Law to fail.\" 103 t\nNevertheless, he transformed everything by the fo!ce of his character and his feeling. He added to the Law the injunction to prepare for tl}e Kingdom by a life of justice, kindliness, and simplicity. He hardened the Law in matters of sex and divorce,10\" but softened it toward a readier for\u00ad giveness,106 and reminded the Pharisees that the Sabbath was made for man.107 He relaxed the code of diet and cleanliness, and omitted cenain fasts. He brought religion back from -ritual to righteousness, and condemned con\u00ad spicuous prayers, showy charities, and ornate funerals. He left the im\u00ad pression, at times, that the Judaic Law would be abrogated by the coming of the Kingdom.108\nJews of all sects except the Essenes opposed his innovations, and especially resented his assumption of authority to forgive sins and to speak in the name of God. They were shocked to see him associate with the hated employees of Rome, and with women of low repute. The priests of the Temple and the members of the Sanhedrin watched his activity with suspicion; like Herod with John, they saw in it the semblance or cover of a political revolu\u00ad tion; they feared lest the Roman procurator should accuse them of neg\u00ad lecting their responsibility for maintaining social order. They were a bit frightened by Christ's promise to destroy the Temple, and not quite sure that it was only a metaphor. For his pan Christ denounced them in sharp and bitter terms:\nThe scribes and Pharisees . . . put heavy loads of the Law upon men's shoulders, but they will not lift a finger to move them. They do everything they do to have men see it. They wear wide Scripture texts as charms, and large tassels, and they like the best places at din\u00ad ners and the front seats in the synagogues. . . . But alas for you hypocritical scribes and Pharisees . . . you blind guides . . . blind fools! ... You let the weightier matters of the Law go-justice, mercy, and integrity.... You clean the outside of the cup and the\ndish, but inside they are full of greed and self-indulgence\tyou\nhypocritical scribes and Pharisees are like whitewashed tombs! ... Outwardly you appear to men to be upright, but within you are full of hypocrisy and wickedness\tYou are descended from the mur\u00ad\nderers of the prophets. Go on and fill up the measure of your fore\u00ad fathers' guilt! You serpents! You brood of snakes! How can you\nA vowel point placed over a Heb ew consonant.\nt These passages may hav be_en mte lated by Judaic Christians anxious to discredit Paul; 104 but we may not arbnranly assume so.\nCHAP. XA'Vl)\tJESUS\nescape being sentenced to the pit? ...\tThe publicans and the harlots go into the Kingdom of God before you.109\nWas Jesus just to the Pharisees? Probably there were some among them who deserved this castigation, many who, like numberless Christians a few centuries later, substituted outward piety for inward grace. But there were also many Pharisees who agreed that the Law should be softened and hu\u00ad manized.110 Very likely a large number of the sect were sincere men, rea\u00ad sonably decent and honorable, who felt that the ceremonial laws neglected by Jesus should be judged not in themselves but as part of a code that served to hold the Jews together, in pride and decency, amid a hostile world. Some of the Pharisees sympathized with Jesus, and came to warn him that plots were being made to kill him.111 Nicodemus, one of the defenders of Jesus, was a rich Pharisee.\nThe final break came from Jesus' growing conviction and clear announce\u00ad ment that he was the Messiah. At first his followers had looked upon him as the successor to John the Baptist; gradually they came to believe that he was the long-awaited Redeemer who would raise Israel out of Roman bondage and establish the reign of God on earth. \"Lord,\" they asked him, \"will you at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?\" 112 He put them off by saying, \"It is not for you to know the times and seasons which the Father has set\"; and he gave an equally vague answer to emissaries of the Baptist who asked him, \"Art thou he that was to come?\" To turn his followers from their conception of him as a political Messiah, he repudiated all claim to Davidic descent.113 Gradually, however, the intense expectations of his followers, and his discovery of his unusual psychic powers, seem to have persuaded him that he had been sent by God, not to restore the sovereignty\nof Judea, but to prepare men for the reign of God on earth. He did not (in the synoptic Gospels) identify or equate himself with the Father. \"\\rVhy do you call me good?\" he asked; \"there is none good but one, that is God.\" 11-1 \"Not as I will,\" he prayed in Gethsemane, \"but as thou wilt.\" 115 He took the phrase \"Son of Man,\" which Daniel 116 had made a synonym for the Messiah, used it at first without clearly meaning himself, and ended by apply\u00ad ing it to himself in such statements as \"The Son of l\\'1an is master of the Sabbath\" 117-which seemed high blasphemy to the Pharisees. He called God \"Father\" at times in no exclusive sense; occasionally, however, he spoke of \"my Father,\" apparently signifying that he was the son of God in an especial manner or degree.m For a long time he forbade the disciples to call him the Messiah; but at Caesarea Philippi he approved Peter's recog\u00ad nition of him as \"the Christ, the Son of the living God.\" 119 \\Vhen, on the last l\\1onday before his death, he approached Jerusalem to make a final ap-"]
[-9.921404838562012, 4.522410869598389, "53\u00b0\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nOn the death of Vologases IV (A.D. 209) his sons Vologases V andArtabanus IV fought for.the throne. Artabanus won, and_ then defea ed the R?mans _at Nisibis. Three centuries of ,var between the empires ended m a modified victory for Parthia; on the Mesopotamian plains the Roman legions were at a disadvantage against the Parthian cavalry. Artabanus in  fell in civ!l war. is conque!or, Ardashir or Artaxerxes, feudal lord of Persia, made himself Kmg of Kings (A.D. 227) and established the Sassanid dynasty. The Zoroastrian religion was restored, and Persia entered upon a greater age.\nTHE  HASMONEANS\nIn 143 B.C. Simon Maccabee, taking advantage of the struggles among the Parthians, Seleucids, Egyptians, nd Romans, wrested the independence of Judea from the Seleucid king. A popular assembly named him general and high priest of the Second Jewish Commonwealth ( 142 B.C-A.D. 70), and made the latter office hereditary in his Hasmonean family. Judea became again a theocracy, under the Hasmonean dynasty of priest-kings. It has been a characteristic of Semitic societies that they closely associated the spiritual and temporal powers, in the family and in the state; they would have no sovereign but God.\nRecognizing the weakness of the little kingdom, the Hasmoneans spent two generations widening its borders by diplomacy and force. By 78 B.c. they had conquered and absorbed Samaria, Edom, Moab, Galilee, ldumea, Transjordania, Gadara, Pella, Gerasa, Raphia, and Gaza, and had made Pales\u00ad tine as extensive as under Solomon. The descendants of those brave Mac\u00ad cabees who had fought for religious freedom enforced Judaism and circum\u00ad cision upon their new subjects at the point of the sword.5 At the same time the Hasmoneans lost their religious zeal and, over the bitter protests of the Pharisees, yielded more and more to the Hellenizing elements in the popula\u00ad tion. Queen Salome Alexandra (78-69 B.c.) reversed this trend and made peace with the Pharisees, but even before her death her sons Hyrcanus II and Aristobulus II began a war of succession. Both parties submitted their claims to Pompey, who now (63 B.c.) stood with his victorious legions at Damascus. When Pompey decided for Hyrcanus, Aristobulus fortified him\u00ad self with his anny in Jerusalem. Pompey laid siege to the capital and gained its lower sections; but the followers of Aristobulus took refuge in the walled precincts of the Temple and held out for three months. Their piety, we are told, helped Pompey to overcome them; for perceiving that they would not fight on the Sabbath, he had his men prepare unhindered on each Sabbath the monnds and battering rams for the next day's assault. Meanwhile\nCHAP.xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t531\nthe priests offered the usual prayers and sacrifices in the Temple. vVhen the ramparts fell 12,000 Jews were slaughtered; few resisted, none surrendered, many leaped to death from the walls.6 Pompey ordered his men to leave the treasures of the Temple untouched, but he exacted an indemnity of 10,000 talents ($3,600,000) from the nation. The cities that the H::ismoneans had conquered _were transferred from the Judean to the Roman power; Hyrcanus II was made high priest and nominal ruler of Judea, but as the ward of Antipater the Idumean, who had helped Rome. The independent monarchy was ended, and Judea became part of the Roman province of Syria.\nIn 54 B.C. Crassus, on his way to play the part of Pentheus at Ctesiphon, robbed the Temple of the treasures that Pompey had spared, amounting to some 10,000 talents. vVhen news came that Crassus had been defeated and killed, the Jews took the opportunity to reclaim their freedom. Longinus, successor of Crassus as governor qf Syria, suppressed the revolt and sold 30,000 Jews into slavery (43 B.c.).7 In that same year Antipater died; the Parthians swept across the desert into Judea and set up, as their puppet king, Antigonus, the last of the Hasmoneans. Antony and Octavian countered by naming Herod-son of Antipater-king of Judea and financing his Jewish army with Roman funds. Herod drove out the Parthians, protected Jeru\u00ad salem from pillage, sent Antigonus to Antony for execution, slew all Jewish leaders who had supported the puppet, and so auspiciously entered upon one of the most colorful reigns in history ( 37-4 B.c.).\nHEROD THE  GREAT\nHis character was typical of an age that had produced so many men of intellect without morals, ability without scruple, and courage without honor. He was in his lesser way the Augustus of Judea: like Augustus he overlaid the chaos of freedom with dictatorial order, beautified his capital with Greek architecture and sculpture, enlarged his realm, made it prosper, achieved more by subtlety than by arms, married widely, was lJroken by the treachery of his offspring, and knew every good fortune but happiness. Josephus describes him as a man of great physical bravery and skill, a perfect marks\u00ad man with arrow and javelin, a mighty hunter who in one day caught forty wild beasts, and \"such a warrior as could not be withstood.\" 8 He must have added some charm of personality to these qualities, for he was always able to outtalk or outbribe the enemies who sought to discredit him with Antony, Cleopatra, or Octavian. From every crisis with the Triumvirs he emerged\n532\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(CHAP.XXV\nwith larger powers and territory than before, until Augustus judged him \"too great a soul for so small a dominion,\" restored the cities of Hasmonean Palestine, to his kingdom, and wished Herod might rule Syria and Egypt too.9 \";i'he Idumean\" was a generous as well as a ruthless man, and the bene\u00ad fits he conferred upon his subjects were equaled only by the injuries he did them.\t,\nHe was molded in part by the hatred of those whom he had defeated or\nwhose relatives he had slain, and by the scornful hostility of a people that resented his harsh autocracy and his alien descent. He had become king by the help and money of Rome, and remained to the end of his life a friend and vassal of the power from which the people night and day plotted to re\u00ad gain their liberty. The modest economy of the country bent and at last broke under the taxes imposed upon it by a luxurious court and a building program out of proportion to the national wealth. Herod sought in various ways to appease his subjects, but failed. He forgave taxes in poor years, per\u00ad suaded Rome to reduce the tribute it exacted, secured privileges for Jews abroad, relieved famine and oth r calamities promptly, maintained internal order and external security, and developed the natural resources of the land. Brigandage was ended, trade was stimulated, the markets and ports were noisy with life. At the same time the King alienated public sentiment by the looseness of his morals, the cruelty of his punishments, and the \"accidental\" drowning, in the bath, of Aristobulus, grandson of Hyrcanus II and there\u00ad fore the legitimate heir to the throne. The priests whose power he had ended, and whose leaders he appointed, conspired against him, and the Pharisees abominated his apparent resolution to make Judea a Hellenistic state.\nRuling many cities that were more Greek than Jewish in population and culture, and impressed with the .refinement and variety of Hellenic civiliza\u00ad tion, Herod, himself not by origin or conviction a Jew, naturally sought a cultural unity for his realm, and an imposing fas:ade for his rule, by encour\u00ad aging Greek ways, dress, ideas, literature, and art. He surrounded himself with Greek scholars, entrusted to them high affairs of state, and made Nicolas of Damascus, a Greek, his official counselor and historian. He raised at great expense a theater and n amphitheater in Jerusalem, adorned them with monuments to Augustus and other pagans, and introduced Greek athletic and musical contests and Roman gladiatorial combats.10 He beautified Jerusalem with other buildings in what seemed to the people a foreign archi\u00ad tectural style, and set up in public places Greek statuary whose nudity startled the Jews as much as the nakedness of the wrestlers in the games. He built himself a palace, doubtless on Greek models, filled it with gold and marble and costly furniture, and surrounded it with extensive gardens after\nCHAP. xxv)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t533\nthe manner of his Roman friends. He shocked the people by telling them that the Temple which Zerubbabel had set up five centuries before was too small, and proposing to tear it down and erect a larger one on its site. Despite their protests and their fears he realized his plan and reared the lordly Temple that Titus would destroy.\nOn Mt. Moriah an area was cleared 750 feet square. Along its boundaries cloisters were built roofed with cedar \"curiously graven,\" and supported by multiple rows of Corinthian columns, each a marble monolith so large that three men could barely join hands around it. In this main court were the booths of the money-changers, who for the convenience of pilgrims changed foreign coins into those acceptable to the Sanctuary; here, too, were the stalls where one might buy animals to offer in sacrifice, and the rooms or porticoes where teachers and pupils met to study Hebrew and the Law, and the noisy beggars inevitable in Oriental scenes. From this \"Outer Temple\" a broad flight of steps led up to an inner walled space which non\u00ad Jews were forbidden to enter; here was the \"Court of the \\Vomen,\" where \"such men as were pure came 'in with their wives.\" 11 From this second en\u00ad closure the worshiper passed up another flight of steps, and through gates plated with silver and gold, into the \"Court of the Priests,\" where stood, in the open air, the altar upon which burnt sacrifice was offered to Yahveh. Still other steps led through bronze doors seventy-five feet high and twenty-four wide, overhung with a famous golden vine, into the temple proper, open only to priests. It was built entirely of white marble, in set-back style, and its fa\u00ad ade was plated with gold. The interior was divided crosswise by a great em\u00ad broidered veil, blue and purple and scarlet. Before the veil were the golden seven-branched candlestick, the altar of incense, and the table bearing the unleavened \"shewbread\" that the priests laid before Yahveh. Behind the veil was the Holy of Holies, which in the earlier temple had contained a golden censer and the Ark of the Covenant, but in this temple, says Josephus, contained \"nothing whatever.\" Here human foot trod only once a year, on the Day of Atonement, when the high priest entered alone. The main struc\u00ad tures of this historic edifice were finished in eight years; the work of adorn\u00ad ment, however, continued for eighty years, and was just completed when Titus' legions came.12\nThe people were proud of the great shrine, which was ranked among the marvels of the Augustan world; for its splendor they almost forgave the Corinthian columns of the porticoes and the golden eagle that-defying the Jewish prohibition of graven images-symbolized at the very entrance to the Temple the power of Judea's enemy and master, Rome. Meanwhile Jews who traveled brought back news of the completely Greek buildings with which Herod was remaking the other cities of Palestine, and told how he was\n534\tCAESAR  AND  CHRIST\t(cHAP.XXV\nspending national funds, and (rumor said) the gold that had been hidden in David's tomb,13 in constructing a great harbor at Caesarea, and lavishing gifts upon such foreign cities as Damascus, Byblus, Berytus, Tyre, Sidon, Antioch, Rhodes, Pergamum, Sparta, and Athens. Herod, it became clear, wished to be the idol of the Hellenic world, not merely the King of the Jews. But the Jews lived by their religion, by their faith that Yahveh would someday rescue them from bondage and oppression; the triumph of the Hellenic over the Hebraic spirit in the person of their ruler foreboded to them a disaster as great as the persecutions of Antiochus. Plots were formed against Herod's life; he discovered them, arrested the conspirators, tortured and killed them, and in some cases put their entire families to death.14 He set spies among the people, disguised himself to eavesdrop on his subjects, and punished every hostile word.15\nHe foiled all his enemies except his wives and his children. Of wives he had ten, once nine at a time; of children, fourteen. His second wife, Mariamne, was the grandaughter of Hyrcanus II and the sister of Aristobulus, both of whom Herod had slain. She was, says Josephus, \"a ch:iste woman, but some\u00ad what rough by nature, and treated her husband imperiously because she saw he was so fond of her as to be her slave.    She would also expose his\nmother and sister openly, on account of the meanness of their birth, and would speak unkindly of them, insomuch that there was an unpardoning hatred among the women\" of the royal household. Herod's sister persuaded him that Mariamne was plotting to poison him. He accused his wife before the members of his court; they condemned her, and she was executed. Doubtful of her guilt, Herod was for a time mad with remorse; he called out her name repeatedly, sent his servants to_ summon her, gave up public affairs, went into the desert, \"afflicted himself bitterly,\" and was brought to his palace in a state of fever and insanity. i\\1ariamne's mother joined with others in an attempt to depose him; he suddenly recovered his powers of mind and throne, and put the plotters to death. Soon thereafter Antipater, his son by his first wif , laid proof before him of an attempted conspiracy by Alexander and Aristobulus, his sons by i\\Iariamne; he submitted the matter to a council of 1 50 men, who sentenced the youths to die (6 B.C.). Twoyears later Nicolas of Damascus convicted Antipater himself of schem\u00ad ing to replace his father. Herod had the youth brought before him and \"be\u00ad gan to weep, lamenting the misfortunes he had suffered from his children.\" 16 In a moment of mercy he ordered Antipater jailed.\nMeanwhile the old king was breaking down with disease and grief. He suffered from dropsy, ulcer, fever, convulsions, and loathsome breath. After frustrating so many attempts against his life he tried to kill himself, but was prevented. Hearing that Anripater had sought to bribe the guard to free\nCHAP. XXV)\tROME  AND  JUDEA\t535"]
[9.679462432861328, 7.028698444366455, "THE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XV\nengage in discussion any person who gave promise of a stimulating intelli\u00ad gence or an amusing stupidity. \"Is not the road to Athens made for con\u00ad versation?\" he asked.1'11 His method was simple: he called for the definition of a large idea; he examined the definition, usually to reveal its incomplete\u00ad ness, its contradictoriness, or its absurdity; he led on, by question after question, to a fuller and juster definition, which, however, he never gave. Sometimes he proceeded to a general conception, or exposed another, by investigating a long series of particular instances, thereby introducing a measure of induction into Greek logic; sometimes, with the famous So\u00ad cratic irony, he unveiled the ridiculous consequences of the definition or opinion he wished to destroy. He had a passion for orderly thinking, and liked to classify individual things according to their genus, species, and specific difference, thereby preparing for Aristotle's method of definition as well as for Plato's theory of Ideas. He liked to describe dialectic as the art of careful distinctions. And he salted the weary wastes of logic with a humor that died an early death in the history of philosophy.\nHis opponents objected that he tore down but never built, that he re\u00ad jected every answer but gave none of his own, and that the results de\u00ad moralized morals and paralyzed thought. In many cases he left the idea that he had set out to clarify more obscure than before. When a resolute fellow like Critias tried to question him he turned his reply into another question, and at once recaptured the advantage. In the Protagoras he offers to answer instead of asking, but his good resolution lasts but a moment; whereupon Protagoras, being an old hand at the game of logic, quietly with\u00ad draws from the argument.ue Hippias rages at Socrates' elusiveness: \"By Zeus!\" he cries, \"you shall not hear [ my answer] until you yourself declare what 'you think justice to be; for it is not enough that you laugh at others, questioning and confuting everybody, while you yourself are unwilling to give a reason to anybody, or to declare your opinion on any subject.\"\"\"' To such taunts Socrates replied that he was only a midwife like his mother. ''The reproach which is often made against me, that I ask questions of others and have not the wit to answer them myself, is very just. The reason is that the god compels me to be a midwife, but forbids me to bring forth\"211\n-a deus ex machina wonhy of his friend Euripides.\nIn many ways he resembled the Sophists, and the Athenians applied the name to him without hesitation, and usually without reproach.2'\"' Indeed, he was often a Sophist in the modem sense: he was rich in crafty dodges and argumentative tricks, slyly changed the scope or meaning of tenns, drowned the problem in loose analogies, quibbled like a schoolboy, and\nCHAP. XVI)  THE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t369\nbeat the wind bravely with words.\u2122 The Athenians might be excused for giving him hemlock, since there is no pest like a conscious logician. In four points he differed from the Sophists: he despised rhetoric, he wished to strengthen morality, he did not profess to teach anything more than the art of examining ideas, and he refused to take pay for his instruction\u00ad though he appears to have accepted occasional help from his rich friends.\"\" With all his irritating faults his students loved him deeply. \"Perhaps,\" he says to one of them, \"I may be able to assist you in the pursuit of honor and virtue, from being mutually disposed to love; for whenever I conceive a liking for persons I devote myself with ardor, and with my whole mind, to love them, and be loved by them in return, regretting their absence and having mine regretted by them, and longing for their society while they long for mine.\"\"\"\nAristophanes' Clouds represents the pupils of Socrates as forming a school with a regular meeting place; and a passage in Xenophon lends some color to this conception.\"\"\" Usually he is pictured as teaching wherever he found a pupil or a listener. But no common doctrine united his followers; they differed so widely among themselves that they became the leaders of the most diverse philosophical schools and theories in Greece-Platonism, Cyni\u00ad cism, Stoicism, Epicureanism, Skepticism. There was the proud and humble Antisthenes, who took from his master the doctrine of simplicity in life and needs, and founded the Cynic school; perhaps he was present when Socrates said to Antiphon: \"You seem to think that happiness consists in luxury and extravagance; but I think that to want nothing is to resemble the gods, and that to want as little as possible is to make the nearest approach to the gods.\"'\" There was Aristippus, who derived from Socrates' placid acceptance of pleasure as a good the doctrine which he later developed at Cyrene, and which Epicurus would preach at Athens. There was Eucleides of Megara, who sharpened the Socratic dialectic into a skepticism that denied the possibility of any real knowledge. There was the young Phaedo, who had been reduced to slavery, and had been ransomed by Crito at the behest of Socrates; Socrates loved the lad, and \"made him a philosopher.\"'\"\" There was the restless Xenophon who, though he gave up philosophy for soldiering, testified that \"nothing was of greater benefit than to associate with Socrates, and to converse with him, on any occasion, on any subject whatever.\",.. There was Plato, upon whose vivid imagination the sage made so lasting an impression that the two minds are mingled forever in philo\u00ad sophical history. There was the rich Crito, who \"looked upon Socrates with the greatest affection, and took care that he should never be in want\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XVI\nof anything.\"'\"\" There was the dashing young Alcibiades, whose infidelities were to discredit and endanger his teacher, but who now loved Socrates with characteristic abandon, and said:\nWhen we hear any other speaker, even a very good one, his words produce absolutely no effect upon us in comparison, whereas the very fragments of your words, Socrates, even at second hand, and however imperfectly reported, amaze and possess the souls of every man, woman and child who comes within hearing of them  I am\nconscious that if I did not shut my ears against him and fly from the voice of the siren, he would detain me until I grew old sitting at his feet. . .. I have known in my soul, or in my heart   that\ngreatest of pangs, more violent in ingenuous youth than any ser\u00ad pent's tooth, the pang of philosophy.... And you, Phaedrus, you, Agathon, you, Eryximachus, you, Pausanias, you, Aristodemus, you, Aristophanes, all of you, and I need not say Socrates himself, have all had experience of the same madness and passion for philosophy.'\"'\nThere was the oligarchic leader Critias, who enjoyed Socrates' quips against democracy, and helped to incriminate him by writing a play in which he described the gods as the invention of clever statesmen who used them as night watchmen to frighten men into decency.'.. And there was the son of the democratic leader Anytus, a lad who preferred to hear Socrates discourse rather than to attend to his business, which was dealing in leather. Anytus complained that Socrates had unsettled the boy with skepticism, that the boy no longer respected his parents or the gods; more\u00ad over, Anytus resented Socrates' criticisms of democracy.\u2022- \"Socrates,\" says Anytus, \"I think you are too ready to speak evil of men; and if you will take my advice, I would recommend you to be careful. Perhaps there is no city in which it is not easier to do men harm than to do them good; and this is certainly the case at Athens.'\".. Anytus bided his time.\nThe Philosophy of Socrates\nBehind the method was a philosophy, elusive, tentative, unsystematic, but so real that in effect the man died for it. At first sight there is no Socratic philosophy; but this is largely because Socrates, accepting the relativism of Protagoras, refused to dogmatize, and was certain only of his ignorance.\nPossibly, as Plutarch and Athenaeus assure us, Anytus loved Alcibiades, who rejecte<t\nhim for Socrates.'\"'\nCHAP. XVI)\tTHE  CONFLICT OF PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION\t371\nThough condemned for irreligion, Socrates gave at least lip service to the gods of his city, participated in its religious ceremonies, and was never kno:wn to utter an impious word.180 He professed to follow, in all important negative decisions, an inner daimonion which he described as a sign from heaven. Perhaps this spirit was another play of the Socratic irony; if so, it was remarkably well sustained; and it is but one class of many appeals, in Socrates, to oracles and dreams as messages from the gods.- He argued that there were too many instances of amazing adaptation and apparent design to allow us to ascribe the world to chance or any unintelligent cause. On immortality he was not so definite; he pleads for it tenaciously in the Phaedo, but in the Apology he says, \"Were I to make any claim to be wiser than others, it would be because I do not think that I have any sufficient knowl\u00ad edge of the other world, when in fact I have none.\"108 In the Cratylus he applies the same agnosticism to the gods: \"Of the gods we know nothing.'\"111 He advised his tollowers not to dispute of such matters; like Confucius, he asked them did they know human affairs so well that they were ready to meddle with those of heaven? 170 The best thing to do, he felt, was to acknowledge our ignorance, and meanwhile to obey the oracle at Delphi, which, when asked how one should worship the gods, answered, \"Accord\u00ad ing to the law of your country.\"'11\nHe applied this skepticism even more rigorously to the physical sciences. One should study them only so far as to guide his life; beyond that they are an inscrutable maze; each mystery, when solved, reveals a deeper mystery.\"\" In his youth he had studied science with Archelaus; in his maturity he turned from it as a more or less plausible myth, and interested himself no longer in facts and origins but in values and ends. \"He dis\u00ad coursed,\" says Xenophon, \"always of human affairs.\"\"' The Sophists had also \"turned around\" from natural science to man, and had begun the study of sensation, perception, and knowledge; Socrates went further inward to study human character and purpose. \"Tell me, Euthydemus, have you ever gone to Delphi?\" \"Yes, twice.\" \"And did you observe what is written on the temple wall-Know thyself?\" \"I did.\" \"And did you take no thought of that inscription, or did you attend to it, and try to examine yourself, and ascertain what sort of character you are? mn\nPhilosophy, therefore, was for Socrates neither theology nor metaphysics nor physics, but ethics and politics, with logic as an introduction and a means. Coming at the close of the Sophistic period, he perceived that the Sophists had created one of the most critical situations in the history of any culture-the weakening of the supernatural basis of morals. Instead of a\n372\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XVI\nfrightened return to onhodoxy, he moved forward to the profoundest ques\u00ad tion that ethics can ask: is a natural ethic possible? Can morality survive without supernatural belief? Can philosophy, by molding an effective secu\u00ad lar moral code, save the civilization which its freedom of thought has threatened to destroy? When, in the Euthyphro, Socrates argues that the good is not good because the gods approve of it, but that the gods approve of it because it is good, he is proposing a philosophical revolution. His con\u00ad ception of good, so far from being theological, is earthly to the point of being utilitarian. Goodness, he thinks, is not general and abstract, but spe\u00ad cific and practical, \"good for something.\" Goodness and beauty are forms of usefulness and human advantage; even a dung basket is beautiful if it is well formed for its purpose.\"\" Since (Socrates thought) there is nothing else so useful as knowledge, knowledge is the highest virtue, and all vice is ignorance'.,.-though \"vinue\" (arete) here means excellence rather than sinlessness. Without proper knowledge right action is impossible; with proper knowledge right action is inevitable. Men never do that which they know to be wrong-i.e., unwise, injurious to themselves. The highest good is happiness, the highest means to it is knowledge or intelligence.\nIf knowledge is the highest excellence, Socrates argues, aristocracy is the"]
[-0.4817229211330414, 15.035595893859863, "The Attic or Athenian school added to the Peloponnesians and to Myron what woman gives to man-beauty, tenderness, delicacy, and grace; and because in doing this it still retained a masculine element of strength, it reached a height that sculpture may never attain again. Calamis was still a little archaic, and Nesiotes and Critius, in casting a second group of Tyran\u00ad nicides, did not free themselves from the rigid simplicity of the sixth cen\u00ad tury; Lucian warns orators not to behave like such lifeless figures. But when, about 42 3, Paeonius of Thracian Mende, after studying sculpture at Athens, made for the Messenians a Nike, or Victory, he touched heights of grace and loveliness that no Greek would reach again until Praxiteles; and not even Praxiteles would surpass the flow of this drapery, or the ecstasy of this motion.\u2022\nPheidias\nFrom 447 to 438 Pheidias and his aides were absorbed in carving the statues and reliefs of the Parthenon. As Plato was first a dramatist and then became a dramatic philosopher, so Pheidias was first a painter and then be\u00ad came a pictorial sculptor. He was the son of a painter, and studied for a while under Polygnotus; from him, presumably, he learned design and com\u00ad position, and the grouping of figures for a total effect; from him, it may be, he acquired that \"grand style\" which made him the greatest sculptor in Greece. But painting did not satisfy him; he needed more dimensions. He took up sculpture, and perhaps studied the bronze technique of Ageladas. Patiently he made himself master of every branch of his art.\nHe was already an old man when, about 438, he formed his Athene Parthenos, for he depicted himself on its shield as aged and bald, and not unacquainted with grief. No one expected him to carve with his own hands the hundreds of figures that filled the metopes, frieze, and pediments of the Parthenon; it was enough that he superintended all Periclean building, and designed the sculptural ornament; he left it to his pupils, above all to Alcamenes, to execute the plans. He himself, however, made three statues\nThe Nike was pieced together from fragments unearthed by the Germans at Olympia in 1890, and is now m the Olympia Musewn.-Almost as beautiful are the Nereids, or Sea Maidens, which were found headless among the ruins of a monument in Lycian Xanthus, and are now in the British Musewn. The Greek spirit had penetrated even into non-Greek Asia.\nCHAP.XIV)\tTHE   ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\t325\nof the city's goddess for the Acropolis. One was commissioned by Athenian colonists in Lemnos; it was of bronze, a little larger than life, and so deli\u00ad cately molded that Greek critics considered this Lemnian Athena the most beautiful of Pheidias' works.\u2022\"' Another was the Athene Promachos, a colossal bronze representation of the goddess as the warlike defender of her city; it stood between the Propylaea and the Erechtheum, rose with its pedestal to a height of seventy feet, and served as a beacon to mariners\nand a warning to enemies.t The most famous of the three, the Athene\nParthenos, stood thirty-eight feet high in the interior of the Parthenon, as the virgin goddess of wisdom and chastity. For this culminating figure Pheidias wished to use marble, but the people would having nothing less than ivory and gold. The artist used ivory for the visible body, and forty\u00ad four talents (2545 lbs.) of gold for the robe;\"\" furthermore, he adorned it with precious metals, and elaborate reliefs on the helmet, the sandals, and the shield. It was so placed that on Athena's feast day the sun would shine through the great doors of the temple directly upon the brilliant drapery and pallid face of the Virgin.t\nThe completion of the work brought no happiness to Pheidias, for some of the gold and ivory assigned to him for the statue disappeared from his studio and could not be accounted for. The foes of Pericles did not over\u00ad look this opportunity. They charged Pheidias with theft, and convicted\nhim.\u00a7 But the people of Olympia interceded for him, and paid his bail of forty (?) talents, on condition that he come to Olympia and make a chrys\u00ad elephantine statue for the temple of Zeus;\"' they were glad to trust him with more ivory and gold. A special workshop was built for him and his assistants near the temple precincts, and his brother Panaenus was commissioned to decorate the throne of the statue and the walls of the temple with paint\u00ad ings.:ia Pheidias was enamored of size, and made his seated Zeus sixty feet high, so that when it was placed within the temple critics complained that the god would break through the roof if he should take it into his head to stand up. On the \"dark brows\" and \"ambrosial locks\"88 of the Thunderer, Pheidias placed a crown of gold in the form of olive branches and leaves; in\nNo authentic copy remains.\nt It was carried off to Constantinople about A.D. 330, and appears to have been destroyed in\na riot there in 1203.n\n:j: If we may judge from the \"Lenonnant\" and \"Varvaka\" models of this statue that are preserved in the Athens Museum, we should not have cared much for the Athene Parthenos. The first has\u00b7 a stout frame and a swollen face, and the breast of the second is crawling with sacred snakes.\n\u00a7 Ca. 438. There is much uncertainty about the date, and about the sequence of events in the later years of Pheidias' life.81\nTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. XIV\nthe right hand he set a small statue of Victory, also in ivory and gold; in the left hand a scepter inlaid with precious stones; on the body a golden robe engraved with flowers; and on the feet sandals of solid gold. The throne was of gold, ebony, and ivory; at its base were smaller statues of Victory, Apollo, Artemis, Niobe, and Theban lads kidnaped by the Sphinx... The final result was so impressive that legend grew around it: when Pheidias had finished, we are told, he begged for a sign from heaven in approval; where\u00ad upon a bolt of lightning struck the pavement near the statue's base-a sign which, like most celestial messages, admitted of diverse interpretations.\u2022 The work was listed among the Seven Wonders of the World, and all who could afford it made a pilgrimage to see the incarnate god. Aemilius Paullus, the Roman who conquered Greece, was struck with awe on seeing the colossus; his expectations, he confessed, had been exceeded by the reality.\" Dio Chrysostom called it the most beautiful image on earth, and added, as Beethoven was to say of Beethoven's music: \"If one who is heavy\u00ad laden in mind, who has drained the cup of misfortune and sorrow in life, and whom sweet sleep visits no more, were to stand before this image, he would forget all the griefs and troubles that befall the life of man.\".. \"The beauty of the statue,\" said Quintilian, \"even made some addition to the received religion; the majesty of the work was equal to the god.\"'\u00b0\nOf Pheidias' last years there is no unchallenged account. One story pic\u00ad tures him as returning to Athens and dying in jail;\"' another lets him stay in Elis, only to have Elis put him to death in 432;\" there is not much to choose between these denouements. His pupils carried on his work, and attested his success as a teacher by almost equaling him. Agoracritus, his favorite, carved a famous Nemesis; Alcamenes made an Aphrodite of the Gardens which Lucian ranked with the highest masterpieces of statuary.t'\" The school of Pheidias came to an end with the fifth century, but it left Greek sculpture considerably further advanced than it had found it. Through Pheidias and his followers the art had neared perfection at the very moment when the Peloponnesian War began the ruin of Athens. Technique had been mastered, anatomy was understood, life and movement and grace had been poured into bronze and stone. But the characteristic achievement of Pheidias was the attainment and definitive expression of the classic style, the \"grand style\" of Winckelmann: strength reconciled with beauty, feeling with restraint, motion with repose, flesh and bone with mind and soul. Here, after five centuries of effort, the famed \"serenity\" so imaginatively\nNothing remains of this Zeus but fragments of the pedestal.\nt A Draped Venus in the Louvre may be a copy of this statue.\nCHAP. XIV)\tTHE   ART  OF  PERICLEAN  GREECE\nascribed to the Greeks was at least conceived; and the passionate and turbu\u00ad lent Athenians, contemplating the figures of Pheidias, might see how nearly, if only in creative sculptury, men for a moment had been like gods.\nIV.  THE BUILDERS\n1. The Progress of Architecture"]
[-8.777044296264648, 15.157748222351074, "I brought fair silence and a tranquil eye\nFor Hector's greeting, and watched well the way Of living, where to guide and where obey ...\nOne night-aye, men have said it-maketh tame A woman in a man's arms. 0 shame, shame!\nWhat woman's lips can.so forswear her dead, And give strange kisses in another's bed?\nWhy, not a dumb beast, not a colt will run\nIn the yoke untroubled, when her mate is gone ...\n0 my Hector! best beloved That, being mine, wast all in all to me,\nMy prince, my wise one, 0 my majesty\nOf valiance! No man's touch had ever come Near me, when thou from out my father's home\nDidst lead me and make me thine ... And thou art dead, And I war-flung to slavery and the bread\nOf shame in Hellas, over bitter seas!\nHecuba, dreaming of some distant revenge, bids Andromache accept her new master graciously, that he may allow her to rear Astyanax, and that Astyanax may some day restore the house of Priam and the splendor of Troy. But the Greeks have thought of this too; and Talthybius comes to announce that Astyanax must die: \" 'Tis their will thy son from this crested wall of Troy be dashed to death.\" He tears the child from its mother's arms, and Andromache, holding it for a last moment, bids it an hysterical farewell.\nGo, die, my best beloved, my cherished one, In fierce men's hands, leaving me here alone. Thy father was too valiant; that is why They slay thee....\nAnd none to pity thee!\tThou little thing\nThat curlest in my arms, what sweet scents cling All round thy neck! Beloved, can it be\nAll nothing, that this bosom cradled thee\nAnd fostered, all the weary nights wherethrough\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\nI watched upon thy sickness, till I grew\nWasted with watching? Kiss me. This one time; Not ever again. Put up thine arms, and climb About my neck; now kiss me, lips to lips ...\nOh, ye have found an anguish that outstrips All tortures of the East, ye gentle Greeks! . . .\nQuick, take him; drag him; cast him from the wall, If cast ye will! Tear him, ye beasts, be swift!\nGod hath undone me, and I cannot lift\nOne hand, one hand, to save my child from death.\n(CHAP,XVD"]
[4.069835662841797, 4.412532329559326, "eligibility is determined by rotation, every citizen, in the average of chance, becomes a juror every third year. He does not have to serve, but the payment of two-later three-obols per day obtains an attendance of two or three hundred jurors for each panel. Important cases, like that of Socrates, may be tried before vast dicasteries of twelve hundred men. To reduce corruption to a minimum, the panel before which a case is to be tried is determined by lot at the last minute; and as most trials last but a day we do not hear much of bribery in the courts; even the Athenians find it difficult to bribe in a moment three hundred men.\nDespite expedition, the courts of Athens, like courts the world over, are usu\u00ad ally behind their calendar, for the Athenians itch to litigate. To cool this fever public arbitrators are chosen by lot from the roster of citizens who have reached their sixtieth year; the parties to a dispute submit their complaint and defense to one of these, again chosen by lot at the last minute; and each party pays him a small fee. If he fails to reconcile them he gives his judgment, solemnized by an oath. Either party may then appeal to the courts, but these usually refuse to hear minor cases that have not been submitted to arbitration. When a case is accepted for trial the plea is entered or sworn to, the witnesses make their depositions and swear to them, and all these statements are presented to the court in written form. They are sealed in a special box, and at a later date they are opened and examined, and judgment is given, by a panel chosen by lot. There is no public prosecutor; the government relies upon private citi\u00ad zens to accuse before the courts anyone guilty of serious offenses against morals, religion, or the state. Hence arises a class of \"sycophants,\" who make such charges a regular practice, and develop their profession into an art of black\u00ad mail; in the fourth century they earn a good li ing by bringing-or, better, threatening to bring-actions against rich men, believing that a popular court will be loath to acquit those who can pay substantial fines.\u2022 The expenses of the courts are mostly covered by fines imposed upon convicted men. Plaintiffs who fail to substantiate their charges are also fined; and if they receive less than a fifth of the jurors' votes they are subject to a lashing, or to a penalty of a thousand drachmas ($rooo). Each party in a trial usually acts as his own lawyer, and has to make in person the first presentation of his case. But as the com\u00ad plexity of procedure rises, and litigants detect in the jurors a certain sensitivity to eloquence, the practice grows of engaging a rhetor or orator, versed in the law, to support the complaint or defense, or to prepare, in his client's name and\nCrito, rich friend of Socrates, complained that it was difficult for one who wished to mind his own business to live at Athens. \"For at this very time,\" he said, \"there are people bring\u00ad ing actions against me, not because they have suffered any wrongs from me, but because they think that I would rather pay them a sum of money than have the trouble of law proceed\u00ad ings.\"\"\nCHAP.XI)  PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   261\ncharacter, a speech that the client may read to the court. From these special rhetor-pleaders comes the lawyer. His antiquity in Greece appears from a remark in Diogenes Laertius that Bias, Wise Man of Priene, was an eloquent pleader of causes, who always reserved his talents for the just side. Some of these lawyers are attached to the courts as exegetai, or interpreters; for many of the jurors have no more legal knowledge than the parties to the case.\nEvidence is ordinarily presented in writing, but the witness must appear and swear to its accuracy when the grmmnateus, or clerk of the court, reads it to the jurors. There is no cross-examination. Perjury is so frequent that cases are sometimes decided in the face of explicit sworn evidence. The testimony of women and minors is accepted only in murder trials; that of slaves is admitted only when drawn from them by torture; it is taken for granted that without torture they will lie. It is a barbarous aspect of Greek law, destined to be out\u00ad done in Roman prisons and Inquisition chambers, and perhaps rivaled in the secret rooms of police courts in our time. Torture, in Pericles' day, is forbidden in the case of citizens. Many masters decline to let their slaves be used as wit\u00ad nesses, even when their case may depend upon such testimony; and any per\u00ad manent injvry done to a slave by torture must be made good by those who inflicted it.'\"\nPenalties take the form of flogging, fines, disfranchisement, branding, con, fiscation, exile, and death; imprisonment is seldom used as a punishment. It is a principle of Greek law that a slave should be punished in his body, but a free\u00ad man in his property. A vase painting shows a slave hung up by his arms and legs, and mercilessly lashed.\" Fines are the usual penalty for citizens, and are assessed on a scale that opens the democracy to the charge of fattening its purse through unjust condemnations. On the other hand a convicted person and his accuser are in many cases allowed to name the fine or punishment that they think just; and the court then chooses between the suggested penalties. Mur\u00ad der, sacrilege, treason, and some offenses that seem minor to us are punished with both confiscation and death; but a prospective death penalty may usually be avoided before trial by voluntary exile and the abandonment of property. If the accused disdains flight, and is a citizen, death is inflicted as painlessly as possible by administering hemlock, which gradually benumbs the body from the feet upward, killing when it reaches the heart. In the case of slaves the death penalty may be effected by a brutal cudgeling.'\" Sometimes the con\u00ad demned, before or after death, may be hurled over a cliff into a pit called the barathron. When a sentence of death is laid upon a murderer it is carried out by the public executioner in the presence of the relatives of the victim, as a concession to the old custom and spirit of revenge.\nThe Athenian code is not as enlightened as we might expect, and advances only moderately upon Hammurabi's. Its basic defect is the limitation of legal\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI\nrights to freemen constituting hardly a seventh of the population. Even free women and children are excluded from the proud isonomia of the citizens; metics, foreigners, and slaves can bring suit only through a patron citizen. Sycophantic blackmail, frequent torture of slaves, capital punishment for minor offenses, personal abuse in forensic debate, the diffusion and weakening of judicial responsibility, the susceptibility of jurors to oratorical displays, their in\u00ad ability to temper present passions with a knowledge of the past or a wise calcula\u00ad tion of the future-these are black marks against a system of law envied throughout Greece for its comparative mildness and integrity, and sufficiently dependable and practical to give to Athenian life and property that orderly pro\u00ad tection which is so necessary for economic activity and moral growth. One test of Athenian law is the reverence that nearly every citizen feels for it: the law is for him the very soul of his city, the essence of its beneficence and strength. The best judgment of the Athenian code is the readiness with which other Greek states adopt a large part of it. \"Everyone would admit,\" says Isocrates, \"that our laws have been the source of very many and very great benefits to the life of humanity.\"'\" Here for the first time in history is a government of laws and not of men.\nAthenian law prevails throughout the Athenian Empire of two million souls while that Empire endures; but for the rest Greece never achieves a common system of jurisprudence. International law makes as sorry a picture in fifth\u00ad century Athens as in the world today. Nevertheless external trade requires some legal code, and commercial treaties (symbola) are described by Demos\u00ad thenes as so numerous in his time that the laws governing commercial disputes \"are everywhere identical.\"\"\u00b0 These treatises establish consular representation, guarantee the execution of contracts, and make the judgments given in one signatory nation valid in the others.\"' This, however, does not put an end to piracy, which breaks out whenever the dominant fleet is weakened, or relaxes its watchfulness. Eternal vigilance is the price of order as well as of liberty; and lawlessness stalks like a wolf about every settled realm, seeking some point of weakness which may give it entry. The right of a city to lead foraging expeditions upon the persons and property of other cities is accepted by some Greek states so long as no treaty specifically forbids it... Religion succeeds in making temples inviolable unless used as military bases; it protects heralds and pilgrims to Panhellenic festivals; it requires a formal declaration of war before hostilities, and the granting of a truce, when asked, for the return and burial of the dead in battle. Poisoned weapons are avoided by general custom, and prisoners are usually exchanged or ransomed at the recognized tariff of two minas-later one mina ($100)-each;'\" otherwise war is nearly as brutal among the Greeks as in modem Christendom. Treaties are numerous, and are solemn\u00ad ized with pious oaths; but they are almost always broken. Alliances are fre-\nCHAP.XI)  PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT   263\nquent, and sometimes generate lasting leagues, like the Delphic Amphictyony in the sixth century and the Achaean and Aetolian Leagues in the third. Occa\u00ad sionally two cities exchange the courtesy of isopoliteia, by which each gives to the other's freemen the rights of citizenship. International arbitration may be arranged, but the decisions arrived at in such cases are as often as not rejected or ignored. Towards foreigners the Greek feels no moral obligation, and no legal one except by treaty; they are barbaroi\u2022-not quite \"barbarians,\" but out\u00ad siders-aliens speaking outlandish tongues. Only in the Stoic philosophers of the cosmopolitan Hellenistic era will Greece rise to the conception of a moral code embracing all mankind.\nAdministration\nAs early as 487, perhaps earlier, the method of election in the choice of archons is replaced by lot; some way must be found to keep the rich from buying, or the knaves from smiling, their way into office. To render the selection less than wholly accidental, all those upon whom the lot falls are subjected, before taking up their duties, to a rigorous dokimasia, or character examination, conducted by the Council or the courts. The can\u00ad didate must show Athenian parentage on both sides, freedom from physi\u00ad cal defect and scandal, the pious honoring of his ancestors, the perform\u00ad ance of his military assignments, and the full payment of his taxes; his whole life is on this occasion exposed to challenge by any citizen, and the pros\u00ad pect of such a scrutiny presumably frightens the most worthless.from the sortition. If he passes this test the archon swears an oath that he will. prop\u00ad erly perform the obligations of his office, and will dedicate to the gods a golden statue of life-size if he should accept presents or bribes.\"' The fact that chance is allowed to play so large a part in the naming of the nine archons suggests the diminution which the office has suffered since Solon's day; its functions are now in the nature of administrative routine. The archon basileus, whose name preserves the empty title of king, has become merely the chief religious official of the city. Nine times yearly the archon is required to obtain a vote of confidence from the Assembly; his actions and judgments may be appealed to the boule or the heliaea; and any citizen may indict him for malfeasance. At the end of his term all his official acts, accounts, and documents are reviewed by a board of logistai responsible to\nThe word is cousin to the Sanskrit barbara and the Latin balbus, both of which mean stammering; cf. our babble. The Greeks implied by barbaros rather strangeness of speech than lack of civilization, and used barbarismos precisely as we, following them, use barb1ZTism\n-to  mean an alien or quasi-alien distortion of a nation's idiom.\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. XI\nthe Council; and severe penalties, even death, may avenge serious miscon\u00ad duct. ff the archon escapes these democratic dragons he becomes, at the end of his year of office, a member of the Areopagus; but this, in the fifth century, is a well-nigh empty honor, since that body has lost nearly all its powers.\nThe archons are but one of many committees which, under the direction and scrutiny of the Assembly, the Council, and the courts, administer the affairs of the city. Aristotle names twenty-five such groups, and estimates the number of municipal officials at seven hundred. Nearly all of these are chosen annually by lot; and since no man may be a member of the same committee twice, every citizen may expect to be a city dignitary for at least one year of his life. Athens does not believe in government by ex\u00ad perts.\nMore importance is attached to military than to civil office. The ten strategoi, or commanders, though they too are appointed for a year only, and are at all times subject to examination and recall, are chosen not by lot but by open election in the Assembly. Here ability, not popularity, is the road to preferment; and the ekklesia of the fourth century shows its good sense by choosing Phocion general forty-five times, despite the fact that he is_the most unpopular man in Athens and makes no secret of his scorn for the crowd. The functions of the strategoi expand with the growth of international relations, so that in the later fifth century they not only manage the army and the navy, but conduct negotiations with foreign states, and control the revenues and expenditures of the city. The com\u00ad mander in chief, or strategos autokrator, is therefore the most powerful man in the government; and since he may be re-elected year after year, he can give to the state a continuity of purpose which its constitution might other\u00ad wise render impossible. Through this office Pericles makes Athens for a generation a democratic monarchy, so that Thucydides can say of the Athenian polity that though it is a democracy in name it is really govern\u00ad ment by the greatest of the citizens.\nThe army is identical with the electorate; every citizen must serve, and\nis subject, until the age of sixty, to conscription in any war. But Athenian life is not militarized; after a period of youthful training there is little of martial drill, no strutting of uniforms, no interference of soldiery with the civilian population. In active service the army consists of light-armed in\u00ad fantry, chiefly the poorer' citizens, carrying slings or spears; the heavy\u00ad armed infantry, or hoplites, those prosperous citizens who can afford armor, shield, and javelin; and the cavalry of rich men, clad in armor and helmet,\nCHAP.XI) PERICLES AND THE DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENT  265\nand equipped with lance and sword. The Greeks excel the Asiatics in mili\u00ad tary discipline, and perhaps owe their achievements to a striking combina\u00ad tion of loyal obedience on the battlefield with vigorous independence in civil affairs. Nevenheless there is no science of war among them, no definite principles of tactics on strategy, before Epaminondas and Philip. Cities are usually walled, and defense is-among the Greeks as among ourselves\u00ad more effective than offense; otherwise man might have no civilization to record. Siege armies bring up great beams suspended by chains, and, draw\u00ad ing the beams back, drive them forward against the wall; this is as far as siege machinery develops before Archimedes. As for the navy, it is kept up by choosing, each year, four hundred trierarchs, rich men whose privi\u00ad lege it is to recruit a crew, equip a trireme with materials supplied by the state, pay for its building and launching, and keep it in repair; in this way Athens supports in peacetime a fleet of some sixty ships.\"\""]
[0.6256492733955383, 18.765613555908203, "t Cf. Greek alpha, Phoenician aleph (bull); beta, beth (tent); gamma, gimel  (camel);\ndelta, daleth (door); e-psilon, he (window); zeta, zain Oance); beta, kheth (paling); iota. yod (hand), etc.\nio6\tTHE  LIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP.IX\ntions, stone, bronze, or lead; for ordinary writing, clay tablets as in Mesopo\u00ad tamia;\u2022 then wooden tablets covered with wax, which were \u2022popular, in retro\u00ad spect, with schoolboys;' for more permanent purposes papyrus, which the Phoenicians brought from Egypt, and (in the Hellenistic and Roman periods) parchment, made from the skins or membranes of goats or sheep. A metal stylus was used on wax tablets; on papyrus or parchment a reed dipped in ink. Wax writing was erased with the flat butt of the stylus, ink with a sponge; so the poet Martial sent a sponge with his poems to his friend, so that they might be wiped out with a stroke.\u2022 Many a critic will mourn the passing of this courtesy.\nIn no field have the old words so regularly come down to us as in that of writing. Paper, of course, is papyrus, and once again, in the cycle of fashion, the substance is a compressed plant. A line of writing was a stichos or row; the Latins called it a versus or verse-i.e., a turning back. The text was written in columns upon a strip of papyrus or parchment from twenty to thirty feet long, wound about a stick. Such a roll was called a biblos, from the Phoenician city, so named, whence papyrus came to Greece. A smaller roll was called\nbiblion; our Bible was originally ta biblia, the rolls.t When a roll formed part\nof a larger work it was called a tomos, or cutting. The first sheet of a roll was called the protokollon-i.e., the first sheet glued to the stick. The edgesl of the roll were smo?thed with pumice and sometimes colored; if the author could affqrd-the expense, or the roll contained important matter, it might be wrapped in a diphthera (membrane), or, as the Latins called it, a vellum. Since a large roll would be inconvenient for handling or reference, literary works were usually divided into several rolls, and the word biblos, or book, was applied not to each work as a whole, but to each roll or part. These divisions were seldom made by the author; later editors divided the Histories of Herodotus into nine books, the Peloponnesian War of Thucydides into eight, Plato's Re\u00ad public into ten, the Iliad and the Odyssey into twenty-four. Since papyrus was costly, and each copy had to be written by hand, books were very limited in the classic world; it was easier than now to be educated, though as hard as now to be intelligent. Reading was not a universal accomplishment; most know!.. edge was handed down by oral tradition from one generation or craftsman to the next; most literature was read aloud by trained reciters to persons who learned through the ear.\u00a7 There was no reading public in Greece before the seventh century; there were no Greek libraries till those collected by Polycrates\n\u2022araphein, which we translate to 'Write, originally meant to engrll'IJe.\nt The Latins called a roll volumen-wound up\n:j: Latin frontes, whence our frontispiece.\n\u00a7 Though we have been eye-minded since the development of printing, and writing is seldom read aloud, style and punctuation are still formed with a.view to easy breathing in the reader, and a rhythmic souod in the words. Probably our dev.endants will be ear\u00ad minded again.\nCHAP. IX)  THE  COMMON CULTURE OF EARLY GREECE    207\nand Peisistratus in the sixth.' In the fifth century we hear of the private libraries of Euripides and the archon Eucleides; in the fourth, of Aristotle's. We know of no public library before Alexandria's, none in Athens till Hadrian.\"' Perhaps the Greeks of Pericles' day were so great because they did not have to read many books, or any long one.\nm. LITERATURE\nLiterature, like religion, divided and united Greece. The poets sang in their local dialects, and often of their native scenes; but all Bellas listened to the more eloquent voices, and stirred them now and then to broader themes. Time and prejudice have destroyed too much of this early poetry to let us feel its wealth and scope, its reputed vigor of utterance and finish of form; but as we move thr_ough the isles or cities of sixth-century Greece our wonder rises at the abundance and excellence of Greek literature be\u00ad fore the Periclean age. The lyric poetry reflected an aristocratic society in which feeling, thought, and morals were free so long as they observed the amenities of breeding; this style of urbane and polished verse tended to disappear under the democracy. It had a rich variety of structure and meter, but seldom shackled itself with rhyme; poetry meant to the Greeks, feeling imaginatively and rhythmically expressed.*\nWhile the lyric singers tuned their lyres to love and war, the wander\u00ad ing bards, in great men's halls, recited in epic measures the heroic deeds of the race. Guilds of \"rhapsodes\"t built up through generations a cycle of lays centering around the sieges of Thebes and Troy and the homing of the warriors. Song was socialized among these minstrels; each stitched his story together from earlier fragments, and none pretended to have com\u00ad posed a whole sequence of these tales. In Chios a clan of such rhapsodes called themselves Homeridae, and claimed descent from a poet Homer who, they said, was the author of the epics that they recited throughout eastern Greece.11 Perhaps this blind bard was but an eponym, the imag\u00ad inary ancestor of a tribe or group, like Hellen, Dorus, or lon.111 The Greeks of the sixth century attributed to Homer not only the Iliad and the Odyssey but all the other epics then existing. The Homeric poems are the oldest epics known to us; but their very excellence, as well as their many refer\u00ad ences to earlier bards, suggest that the surviving epics stand at the end of a long line of development from simple lays to lengthy \"stitched\" songs. In\nRhyme was mostly confined to oracles and religious prophecies.\nt From raptein, to stitch together, and oide, a song.\n208\tTHE\tLIFE  OF  GREECE\t(CHAP. IX\nsixth-century Athens-possibly under Solon,14 probably under Peisistratus\u00ad a governmental commission selected or collated the Iliad and the Odyssey from the epic literature of the preceding centuries, assigned them to Homer, and edited-perhaps wove-them into substantially their present shape.u\nIt is one of the miracles of literature that poems so complex in origin achieved in the end so artistic a result. It is quite true that both in language and in structure the Iliad falls considerably this side of perfection: that Aeolian and Ionic forms are mingled as if by some polyglot Smyrnan, and that the meter requires now one dialect and now the other; that the plot is marred by inconsistencies, changes of plan and emphasis, and contradic\u00ad tions of character; that the same heroes are killed two or three times over in the course of the tale; that the original theme-the wrath of Achilles and its results-is interrupted and obscured by a hundred episodes apparently taken from other lays and sewn into the epic at every seam. Nevertheless, in its larger aspects the story is one, the language is powerful and vivid, the poem is all in all \"the greatest that ever sounded on the lips of men.\"u Such an epic could have been begun only in the active and exuberant youth of the Greeks, and could have been completed only in their artistic maturity. Its characters are nearly all warriors or their women; even the philosophers,\nlike Nestor, put up an enviably good fight. These individuals are intimately and sympathetically conceived; and perhaps the finest thing in all Greek literature is the unbiased manner in which we are made to feel now with Hector and now with Achilles. In his tent Achilles is a thoroughly unheroic and unlikable figure, complaining to his mother that his luck does not befit his semidivinity, and that Agamemnon has stolen his plum, the unhappy Briseis; letting the Greeks die by the thousands while he eats and pouts and sleeps in his ship or his tent; sending Patroclus unaided to death, and then rending the air with unmanly lamentations. When finally he goes into battle he is not stirred by patriotism but mad with grief over the loss of his friend. In his rage he loses all decency, and sinks to savage cruelty with both Lycaon and Hector. In truth he is an undeveloped mind, un\u00ad settled and uncontrolled, and overshadowed with prophecies of death. \"Nay, friend,\" he says to the fallen Lycaon, who sues for mercy, \"die like another! What wouldst thou vainly weeping? Patroclus died, who was far better than thou. Look upon me! Am I not beautiful and tall, and sprung of a good father, and a goddess the mother that bare me? Yet, lo, Death is over me, and the mighty hand of Doom. There cometh a dawn of day, a noon or an evening, and a hand that I know not shall lay me dead.',. So he stabs the unresisting Lycaon through the neck, flings the body into\nCHAP. IX)  T H E CO MM  ON  CULT UR E OF E ARLY GREECE    209\nthe river, and makes one of those grandiose speeches that adorn the slaugh\u00ad ter in the Iliad, and laid the foundation for oratory among the Greeks. Half of Hellas worshiped Achilles for centuries as a god;\" we accept him, and forgive him, as a child. At the worst he is one of the supreme creations of the poetic mind.\nWhat carries us along through the Iliad when we do not have to study or translate it is not merely these characterizations, so numerous and diverse, nor merely the flow and turmoil of the tale, but the rushing splendor of the verse. It must be admitted that Homer repeats as well as nods; it is part of his plan to recall as in refrain certain epithet's and lines; so he sings with fond repetition, of Emos d'erigeneia phane rhododactylos Eos-\"when ap\u00ad peared the morning's daughter, rosy-fingered Dawn.\"18 But if these are flaws they are lost in the brilliance of the language, and the wealth of similes that now and then, amid the shock of war, calm us with the quiet beauty of peaceful fields. \"As when flies in swarming myriads haunt the herds\u00ad man's stalls in spring time, when new milk has filled the pails-in such vast multitudes mustered the long-haired Greeks upon the plain.\"18 Or \u2022"]
[-2.786252021789551, 10.71798324584961, ".in 431 the island had 30,000 freemen, 100,000 slaves..., Chios became a clearing\u00ad house for slaves; slave dealers bought the families of insolvent debtors from their creditors, and purchased boys to make eunuchs of them for the palaces of Lydia and Persia.ea In the sixth century Drimachus led his fellow slaves in revolt, defeated all armies sent against him, established himself in a mountain fastness, levied toll upon the richer citizens by discriminating robbery, offered them \"protection\" for a consideration after our own fashion, terrified them into dealing more justly with their slaves, gave his voluntarily severed head to his friends so that they might claim the reward that had been promised for it, and was worshiped for centuries afterward as the patron deity of slaves:99 here\u00b7 is an excellent epic for some Spartacus of the pen. Art and literature flourished amid the wealth and bondage of Chios; here the Homeridae, a guild and succes\u00ad sion of bards, had their seat; here Ion the dramatist and Theopompus the his\u00ad torian would be born; here Glaucus (tradition said) discovered, about 560, the technique of welding iron; here Archermus and his sons, Bupalus and Athenis, made the finest statuary in sixth-century Greece.\nReturning to the mainland, the traveler passes by the sites of Erythrae and Oazomenae-birthplace of Pericles' teacher and friend, Anaxagoras. Farther east, on a well-sheltered inlet, is Smyrna. Settled by Aeolians as far back as J015'\u00b0 it was changed by immigration and conquest into an Ionian city. Already famous in the days of Achilles, sacked by Alyattes of Lydia about 600 B.c., destroyed again and again, and recently by the Greeks in A.D. 1924, Smyrna, rivaling Damascus in age, has known all the vicissitudes of history.\u2022 The re\u00ad mains of the ancient town suggest its rich and varied life; a gymnasium, an\n\u2022acropolis, a stadium, and a theater have been dug out of the earth. The avenues were broad and well paved; temples and palaces adorned them; the main street, called Golden, was famous throughout Greece.\nThe northernmost of lonia's cities was Phocaea, still functioning as Fokia. The river Hermus connected it almost with Sardis itself, and gave it a lucrative advantage in the commerce of the Greeks with Lydia. Phocaean merchants undertook distant voyages in the search for markets; it was they who brought Greek culture to Corsica, and founded Marseilles.\nToday, under the DlU]le of Ismir (this and Smyrna are probably connected with the ancient trade in myrrh), it is the second city of Turkey in population, and the largest in Asia Minot,\nCHAP. VI)\tTHE  GREAT MIGRATION\t151\nSuch were the Twelve Cities of Ionia, seen superficially as if in an hour's flight through space and time. Though they were too competitive and jealous to form a union for mutual defense, their citizens acknowledged some solidarity of background and interest, and met periodically on the promontory of Mycale near Priene, in the great festival of the Panionium. Thales begged them to form a sympolity in which every adult male would be a citizen both of his city and of a Panionian union; but commercial rivalries were too strong, and led rather to internecine wars than to politi\u00ad cal unity. Hence, when the Persian attack came (546-5), the alliance im\u00ad provised for defense proved rootlessly weak, and the Ionian cities came under the power of the Great King. Nevenheless this spirit of independ\u00ad ence and rivalry gave to the Ionian communities the stimulus of competi\u00ad tion and the zest of libeny. It was under these conditions that.Ionia devel\u00ad oped science, philosophy, history, and the Ionic capital, while at the same time it produced so many poets that the sixth century in Hellas seems almost as fertile as the fifth. When Ionia fell her cities bequeathed their culture to the Athens that had fought to save them, and transmitted to it the intellectual leadership of Greece.\nSAPPHO OF LESBOS\nAbove the Ionian Dodecapolis lay the twelve cities of mainland Aeolis, settled by Aeolians and Achaeans from northern Greece soon after the fall of Troy had opened Asia Minor to Greek immigration. Most of these cities were small, and played a modest role in history; but the Aeolian isle of Lesbos rivaled th\"e Ionian centers in wealth, refinement, and literary genius. Its volcanic soil made the island a very garden of orchards and vines. Of its five cities Mytilene was the greatest, almost as rich, through its commerce, as Miletus, Samos, and Ephesus. Towards the end of the seventh century a coalition of the mercantile classes with the poorer citizens ovenhrew the landed aristocracy, and made the brave, rough Pit\u00ad tacus dictator for ten years, with powers like those of his friend and fellow Wise Man, Solon. The aristocracy conspired to recapture power, but Pittacus foiled them and exiled their leaders, including Alcaeus and Sappho, first from Mytilene and then from Lesbos itself.\nAlcaeus was a roistering firebrand who mingled politics with poetry and made every other lyric raise the tocsin of revolt. Of aristocratic birth, he attacked Pittacus with a lusty scurrility that merited the crown of ban\u00ad ishment. He molded his own poetic forms, to which posterity gave the\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t(CHAP. VI\nname \"alcaics\"; and every stanza, we are told, had melody and charm. For a while he sang of war, and described his home as hung with martial tro\u00ad phies and accouterments;\" however, when his own chance for heroism came he threw away his shield, fled like Archilochus, and complimented himself lyrically on the valor of his discretion. Occasionally he sang of love, but dearest to his pen was the wine for which Lesbos was as famous as for its poetry. Nwn. chre methusthen, he advises us: nunc bibamus, let us drink deeply; in summer to cool our thirst, in autumn to put a bright color upon death, in winter to warm our blood, in spring to celebrate nature's resurrection.\nThe rain of Zeus descends, and from high heaven\nA storm is driven,\nAnd on the running water-brooks the cold Lays icy hold.\nThen up! beat down the winter, make the fire Blaze higher and higher;\nMix wine as sweet as honey of the bee Abundantly;\nThen drink, with comfortable wool around\nYour temples bound.\nWe must not yield our hearts to woe, or wear With wasting care;\nFor grief will profit us no whit, my friend, Nor nothing mend;\nBut this is our best medicine, with wine fraught To cast out thought.\"'\nIt was his misfortune-though he bore it with lighthearted unconscious\u00ad ness-to have among his contemporaries the most famous of Greek women. Even in her lifetime all Greece honored Sappho. \"One evening over the wine,\" says Stobaeus, \"Execestides, the nephew of Solon, sang a song of Sappho's which his uncle liked so much that he bade the boy teach it to him; and when one of the company asked, 'What for?' he answered, 'I want to learn it and die!'\"\"\" Socrates, perhaps hoping for similar lenience, called her \"The Beautiful,\" and Plato wrote about her an ecstatic epigram:\nSome say there are Nine Muses. How careless they are! Behold, Sappho of Lesbos is the Tenth!\"\n\"Sappho was a marvelous woman,\" said Strabo; \"for in all the time of which we have record I do not know of any woman who could rival her even"]
[1.8696293830871582, 3.3717517852783203, "He plots with Cymus another counterrevolution; he argues that even if\none has taken a vow of loyalty to the new government it is permissible to assassinate a tyrant; and he pledges himself to work with his friends until they have taken full vengeance upon their foes.. Nevertheless, after many years of exile and loneliness, he bribes an official to let him return to Megara.w He is revolted at his own duplicity, and writes lines of despair that hundreds of Greeks would quote:\nNot to be born, never to see the sun\u00ad No worldly blessing is a greater one! And the next best is speedily to die, And lapt beneath a load of earth to lie.SDI\nIn the end we find him back in Megara, old and broken, and promising, for safety's sake, never again to write of politics. He consoles himself with\nCHAP.IV)\tSPARTA\t95\nwine and a loyal wife,100 and does his best to learn at last the lesson that\neverything natural is forgivable.\nLearn, Cyrnus, learn to bear an easy mind; Accommodate your humor to mankind And human nature; take it as you find.\nA mixture of ingredients good and bad\u00ad Such are we all, the best that can be had. The best are found defective, and the rest, For common use, are equal to the best.\nSuppose it had been otherwise decreed,\nHow could the business of the world proceed?:uo\nAEGINA AND EPIDAURUS\nAcross the bay from Megara and Corinth earthquake had raised, or left, one of their earliest rivals in industry and trade-the island of Aegina. There, in Mycenaean times, a prosperous city developed, whose graves gave up much gold.lll The conquering Dorians found the land too barren for tillage, but admirably placed for commerce. When the Persians came the island knew only an aristocracy of tradesmen, eager to sell the excellent vases and bronzes produced in their shops for the slaves whom they imported in great number to work in their factories, or for sale to the cities of Greece. Aristotle, about 350, calculated that Aegina had a population of half a million, of whom 470,000 were slaves.lD Here the first Greek coins were made, and the Aeginetan weights and measures remained standard in Greece till its conquest by Rome.\nThat such a commercial community could graduate from wealth to art was revealed when, in 18 1 1, a traveler discovered in a heap of rubbish the vigorous and finely carved figures that once adorned the pediment of the temple of Aphaea. Of the temple itself twenty-two Doric columns stand, still bearing their architrave. Probably the Aeginetans built it shortly before the Persian War; for though its architecture is classic, its statuary shows many traces of the archaic, semi-Oriental style. Possibly, however, it wiis raised after Salamis; for the statuary, which represents Aeginetans overcoming Trojans, may sym\u00ad bolize the perennial conflict between Greece and the Orient, and the recent victory won by the Greek fleet under the very brows of Aegina at Salamis. To that fleet the little island contributed thirty ships; and one of these, after\nthe victory, was awarded by the Greeks the first prize for bravery.\nA pleasant boat ride takes the traveler from Aegina to Epidaurus, now a village of five hundred souls, but once among the most famous cities of\nTHE\tLIFE  OF GREECE\t\nGreece. For here-or rather ten miles out in a narrow gorge among the loftiest mountains of the Argolic peninsula-was the chief home of Ascle\u00ad pius, the hero-god of healing. \"O Asclepius!\" Apollo himself had said through his oracle at Delphi, \"thou who art born a great joy to all mortals, whom lovely Coronis bare to me, the child of love, at rocky Epidaurus.',ua Asclepius cured so many people-even raising a man from the dead-that Pluto, god of Hades, complained to Zeus that hardly anyone was dying any more; and Zeus, who would hardly know what to do with the human race if it were not for death, destroyed Asclepius with a thunderbolt.u. But the people, first in Thessaly, then in Greece, worshiped him as a savior god. At Epidaurus they raised to him the greatest of his temples, and there the physician-priests who from him were called Asclepiads established a\nsanitarium known throughout Hellas for its success in treating disease. Epi\u00ad daurus became a Greek Lourdes; pilgrims flocked to it from every part of the Mediterranean world, seeking what to the Greeks seemed the great\u00ad est boon of all-health. \u00b7They slept in the temple, submitted hopefully to the regimen prescribed, and recorded their cures, which they believed to be miraculous, on stone tablets that still lie here and there among the ruins of the sacred grove. It was out of the fees and gifts of these patients that Epi\u00ad daurus built its theater, and the stadium whose seats and .goals still lie in the lap of the neighboring hills, and the lovely tholos-a circular, colon\u00ad naded building whose surviving fragments, preserved in the little museum, are among the most exquisitely carved marbles in Greece. Today such patients go to Tenos in the Cyclades, where the priests of the Greek Church heal them111 as those of Asclepius healed their forerunners two thousand five hundred years ago. And the gloomy peak where once the people of Epidaurus sacrificed to Zeus and Hera is now the sacred mount of St. Elias. The gods are mortal, but piety is everlasting.\nWhat the student looks for most eagerly at Epidaurus is not the leveled ruins of the Asclepium. The land is well wooded here, and he does not see the perfect theater that he is seeking until a tum in the road spreads it out against the mountainside in a gigantic fan of stone. Polycleitus the Younger built it in the fourth century before our era, but even to this day it is almost completely preserved. As the traveler stands in the center of the orchestra, or dancing place-a spacious circle paved with stone-and sees before him fourteen thousand seats in rising tiers, so admirably designed that every seat directly faces him; as his glance follows the radiating aisles that rise in swift straight lines from the stage to the trees of the mountain slope above; as he speaks quietly to his friends on the farthest, highest seats, two hun-\nCHAP. IV)\tSPARTA\t97\ndred feet away, and perceives that his every word is understood: then he visions Epidaurus in the days of its prosperity, sees in his mind's eye the crowds coming out in gay freedom from shrine and city to hear Euripides, and feels, more than he can ever express, the vibrant, plein-air Iife of ancient Greece.\nCHAPTER  V\nAthens\nI, HESIOD'S BOEOTIA"]