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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/newsletters/", | |
| "title": "Newsletters", | |
| "text": "Brookings publishes a variety of newsletters to keep readers informed of the latest research, commentary, and events. If you need assistance or have questions, contact[email protected]\n\nOur flagship newsletter with research and analysis on today’s top issues.\n\nOur flagship newsletter with research and analysis on today’s top issues.\n\nFact-based analysis on climate change from across Brookings.\n\nFact-based analysis on climate change from across Brookings.\n\nA digest of upcoming events hosted by Brookings in Washington, D.C.\n\nA digest of upcoming events hosted by Brookings in Washington, D.C.\n\nAn update with the latest research on taxes, business, health, and social policy from the Economic Studies program at Brookings.\n\nAn update with the latest research on taxes, business, health, and social policy from the Economic Studies program at Brookings.\n\nNew research on fiscal and monetary policy, along with periodic updates from the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy.\n\nNew research on fiscal and monetary policy, along with periodic updates from the Hutchins Center on Fiscal and Monetary Policy.\n\nAn update on important regulatory actions taken by the U.S. federal government.\n\nAn update on important regulatory actions taken by the U.S. federal government.\n\nAn update from the Center on Health Policy at Brookings.\n\nAn update from the Center on Health Policy at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter that explores the most challenging U.S. social policy questions.\n\nA newsletter that explores the most challenging U.S. social policy questions.\n\nA roundup of the biggest global stories from the Foreign Policy program at Brookings.\n\nA roundup of the biggest global stories from the Foreign Policy program at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on Chinese affairs and the U.S.-China relationship from the John L. Thornton China Center at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on Chinese affairs and the U.S.-China relationship from the John L. Thornton China Center at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on the political, security, and economic issues facing Asia from the Center for Asia Policy Studies at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on the political, security, and economic issues facing Asia from the Center for Asia Policy Studies at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter with analysis on developments in Europe and global challenges that affect trans-Atlantic relations.\n\nA newsletter with analysis on developments in Europe and global challenges that affect trans-Atlantic relations.\n\nA newsletter on international macroeconomics, political economy, and international relations from the Global Economy and Development program at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on international macroeconomics, political economy, and international relations from the Global Economy and Development program at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter highlighting economic policy and development issues in Africa from the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter highlighting economic policy and development issues in Africa from the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter highlighting North American trade developments and work from the USMCA Initiative.\n\nA newsletter highlighting North American trade developments and work from the USMCA Initiative.\n\nA newsletter on global education policy issues from the Center for Universal Education at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on global education policy issues from the Center for Universal Education at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter highlighting research from the Center for Sustainable Development.\n\nA newsletter highlighting research from the Center for Sustainable Development.\n\nA newsletter focused on challenges and opportunities in politics, policy and government from the Governance Studies program at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter focused on challenges and opportunities in politics, policy and government from the Governance Studies program at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on issues in U.S. education policy from experts at the Brookings Brown Center on Education Policy.\n\nA newsletter on issues in U.S. education policy from experts at the Brookings Brown Center on Education Policy.\n\nA newsletter featuring policy solutions to upend structural racism and create a more equitable society for all.\n\nA newsletter featuring policy solutions to upend structural racism and create a more equitable society for all.\n\nA newsletter on technology’s role in law, the economy, society and government from the Center of Technology Innovation at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on technology’s role in law, the economy, society and government from the Center of Technology Innovation at Brookings.\n\nBrookings Metro’s flagship newsletter which provides the latest data and solutions for cities and metropolitan areas.\n\nBrookings Metro’s flagship newsletter which provides the latest data and solutions for cities and metropolitan areas.\n\nBrookings Metro’s newsletter with analysis of the most pressing infrastructure issues facing cities and metropolitan areas.\n\nBrookings Metro’s newsletter with analysis of the most pressing infrastructure issues facing cities and metropolitan areas.\n\nA newsletter that uplifts assets in communities and shares policies to increase economic security and well-being across racial and geographic lines.\n\nA newsletter that uplifts assets in communities and shares policies to increase economic security and well-being across racial and geographic lines.\n\nA newsletter on the rising interplay between quality space and innovation.\n\nA newsletter on the rising interplay between quality space and innovation.\n\nThis site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.\n\nSelecting or unselecting newsletters above will reset your current subscriptions.\n\nSelecting or unselecting newsletters above will reset your current subscriptions.\n\nBrookings equips decisionmakers with nonpartisan research and policy strategies to create a more prosperous and secure country and world.\n\nCopyright 2026 The Brookings Institution", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Newsletters", | |
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| "https://www.youtube.com/user/BrookingsInstitution", | |
| "https://www.instagram.com/brookingsinst/" | |
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| { | |
| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/programs/global-economy-and-development/", | |
| "title": "Global Economy and Development", | |
| "text": "The Global Economy and Development program at Brookings generates actionable insights and tools to address shared challenges and achieve a more equitable, sustainable, and prosperous world for all.\n\nThe global economy is on an unsustainable path characterized by widening economic and social inequities, environmental degradation, and increasing concentration of poverty and deprivation that threaten global peace and prosperity.\n\nThe Global Economy and Development program at Brookings generates actionable insights and tools that address shared economic and social challenges. We collaborate with local, national, and global policy actors and communities to achieve a more equitable, sustainable, and prosperous world for all.\n\nThursday, 2:00 pm - 3:00 pm EDT\n\nBrendan Kelly, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tJesus Cañas, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tLuis Torres\n\nA newsletter on international macroeconomics, political economy, and international relations from the Global Economy and Development program at Brookings.\n\nThis site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.\n\nAlready a subscriber?Manage your subscriptions\n\nThe Foresight Africa podcast provides unique insights and innovative solutions to Africa’s most complex development challenges, while highlighting the continent’s opportunities in order to advance impactful engagements between Africa, the United States, and the global community. Hosted by Landry Signé, senior fellow in the Global Economy and Development Program and the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings.\n\nTony Pipa visits rural towns across America, listening as local people tell the story of how they are enacting positive change in their communities and learning how public investment in rural people and places can lead to increased and equitable prosperity.\n\nThe podcast is proud to have won an APEX Award in2024and2025.\n\n17 Rooms podcast focused on actions, insights, and community for the Sustainable Development Goals and the people driving them. The show was co-hosted by John McArthur at Brookings and Zia Khan at The Rockefeller Foundation.\n\nFrom local ports and markets to international trade and diplomacy, Brookings Senior Fellow David Dollar and guests explained issues of our global trading system and its impact on our everyday lives.\n\nBrookings equips decisionmakers with nonpartisan research and policy strategies to create a more prosperous and secure country and world.\n\nCopyright 2026 The Brookings Institution", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Programs", | |
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| "https://pod.link/1605176438", | |
| "https://apexawards.com/winners-2024", | |
| "https://apexawards.com/winners-2025", | |
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| "https://pod.link/1442325838", | |
| "https://twitter.com/BrookingsInst", | |
| "https://www.facebook.com/brookings", | |
| "https://www.linkedin.com/company/the-brookings-institution", | |
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| }, | |
| { | |
| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/topics/global-inequality/", | |
| "title": "Global Economy & Development", | |
| "text": "Explore our research to gain a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics shaping the global economy and development landscape. Our experts unpack complex challenges and offer policy recommendations on issues such as global economic cooperation, trade, poverty reduction, climate change, and financial stability. By addressing both economic and social dimensions of development, we aim to promote strong, sustainable, and inclusive growth.\n\nBrendan Kelly, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tJesus Cañas, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tLuis Torres\n\nBrookings equips decisionmakers with nonpartisan research and policy strategies to create a more prosperous and secure country and world.\n\nCopyright 2026 The Brookings Institution", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Topics", | |
| "has_sources": true, | |
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| { | |
| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/assessing-president-trumps-second-term-staffing-record/", | |
| "title": "Assessing President Trump’s second-term staffing record", | |
| "text": "The most influential, unelected staff members in the U.S. government serve in the Executive Office of the President. Their proximity to the president affords them influence on myriad decisions. Understanding their roles, responsibilities, and how long they stay in their positions informs our understanding of how the modern presidency operates.\n\nIdentifying the subset of influential staff members surrounding the president—colloquially known as the “A-Team”—is difficult. For starters, there is little transparency about who occupies these senior positions, and government sources are often dated or inaccurate for other reasons.1Identifying the A-Team draws heavily from the work of the National Journal, which published “Decisionmakers,” a magazine-sized special edition that identified key staff members at the start of administrations beginning with Ronald Reagan in 1981 and ending with Barack Obama in 2009.2From there, we consult numerous online sources to supplement and update the A-Team for subsequent administrations: Trump (2017 and 2025) and Biden (2021). Often, reporters will write articles on new White House positions, presidential priorities, or whose office is closest to the “Oval,” and each of these pieces of information helps determine the set of staff members serving on the A-Team. For the purposes of this study, A-Team turnover refers to a personnel action that creates a vacancy through voluntary resignation, firing, or promotion.\n\nRecord-setting staffturnoverand borderline chaos characterized Trump’s first term. That experience might have helped to produce a seemingly more stable staff organization in the second term. As shown in Figure 1, a little over one-third of Trump’s A-Team departed during his first year in office, compared to just under 30% in the first year of his second term in office. Still, Figure 1 shows that turnover during both 2017 and 2025 far exceeded turnover in each president’s A-Team all the way back to Ronald Reagan in 1981.\n\nFirst, Trump empowered three external groups to play key planning roles: America First Policy Institute, the Center for Renewing America, and the Heritage Foundation (through “Project 2025”).3Each of these organizations devoted ampleresourcesto preparing for a possible second Trump administration between 2021 and 2024. Their combined efforts laid the groundwork for the current staff structure and composition.\n\nThese groups focused on hiring loyalists and included the return of several first-term Trump confidants: Stephen Miller, Dan Scavino, Kevin Hassett, Ross Worthington, Karoline Leavitt, Michael Kratsios, Peter Navarro, and others. The combination of prioritizing loyalty along with rehiring former Trump White House veterans may have contributed to assembling a staff less inclined toward infighting and more responsive to the president.\n\nThe emphasis onloyaltymay also have created a staff less likely to have ideological disagreements. This homogeneity among senior staff members might have contributed to the decline in A-Team turnover.\n\nIn addition, President Trump stopped the practice of publicly firing senior staff members—something that was commonplace in 2017. In fact, in one case, National Security Adviser Waltz committed a major error by including a member of the press in aSignalgroup chat, but President Trump was reluctant to fire him. Instead, he moved Waltz to a Senate-confirmed position as U.S. Representative to the United Nations. In 2017, senior staff members like Chief of StaffReince Priebuswere fired publicly for less overt errors of judgment.", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Articles", | |
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| "https://bsky.app/profile/kdunntenpas.bsky.social", | |
| "https://presidentialtransition.org/reports-publications/lessons-learned/", | |
| "https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/loyalty-tests-and-maga-checks-inside-the-trump-white-house-s-intense-screening-of-job-seekers/ar-AA1xR38y?apiversion=v2&domshim=1&noservercache=1&noservertelemetry=1&batchservertelemetry=1&renderwebcomponents=1&wcseo=1", | |
| "https://www.cnn.com/2025/03/31/politics/mike-waltz-donald-trump-signal-questions", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/28/us/politics/reince-priebus-white-house-trump.html", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/03/us/politics/trump-meeting-laura-loomer.html", | |
| "https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/national-security-council-staffers-fired-after-trump-met/story?id=120452752", | |
| "https://history.state.gov/departmenthistory/short-history/kissinger", | |
| "https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/venezuela-marco-rubio-9.7035747", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/21/us/politics/johnny-destefano-shahira-knight.html", | |
| "https://actumllc.com/people/mick-mulvaney/", | |
| "https://presidentialtransition.org/reports-publications/lessons-learned/", | |
| "https://presidentialtransition.org/trumps-early-personnel-moves/", | |
| "https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-chuck-schumer-democrats-stall-nominations-2108098", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/trump-loyalty-white-house-maga-vetting-jobs-768fa5cbcf175652655c86203222f47c", | |
| "https://ourpublicservice.org/blog/president-trumps-firing-of-inspectors-general-threatens-government-accountability-and-efficiency/", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/trump-inspectors-general-fired-congress-unlawful-4e8bc57e132c3f9a7f1c2a3754359993", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/21/us/politics/trump-inspectors-general.html", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/22/us/politics/trump-administration-ambassadors-posts.html", | |
| "https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2025/08/09/trump-administration-irs-data-dispute/", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/cdc-director-susan-monarez-50dfbec849b53b4593755d2e6e616687", | |
| "https://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/chris-christie-fall-grace-trump-231659", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/trump-loyalty-white-house-maga-vetting-jobs-768fa5cbcf175652655c86203222f47c", | |
| "https://www.reuters.com/world/us/trump-officials-prepare-potential-shakeup-after-one-year-mark-cnn-reports-2025-11-21/", | |
| "https://bsky.app/profile/kdunntenpas.bsky.social", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/trump-chopra-consumer-financial-protection-bureau-47b6b39d0eff05ea0c9bca4eacf55b79", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/29/us/politics/cfpb-supreme-court.html", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/trump-chopra-consumer-financial-protection-bureau-47b6b39d0eff05ea0c9bca4eacf55b79", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/29/us/politics/cfpb-supreme-court.html", | |
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| "https://www.facebook.com/brookings", | |
| "https://www.linkedin.com/company/the-brookings-institution", | |
| "https://www.youtube.com/user/BrookingsInstitution", | |
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| { | |
| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/after-the-strike-the-danger-of-war-in-iran/", | |
| "title": "After the strike: The danger of war in Iran", | |
| "text": "Trump has unleashed American airpower as part of a combined U.S.-Israeli operation, not only to further damage Iran’s nuclear program after last June’s successful attacks, but also with the aspiration of overthrowing the Iranian regime. That is an understandable goal—but a very high bar. Consider the recent track record of similar missions:\n\nIn Kosovo in 1999, NATO wasn’t seeking regime change; it wanted to protect the ethnic Albanian population of the Kosovo region of Serbia against the militias of Serb strongman Slobodan Milošević. It achieved that goal, but it had to bomb with roughly 10 times as many planes as initially forecast for roughly 10 times longer than expected.\n\nIn Afghanistan in 2001, where the United States overthrew the Taliban, U.S. airpower did not act alone, but in conjunction with American special forces and CIA operators, together with an Afghan resistance group, the Northern Alliance.\n\nIn Iraq in 2003, the United States and its allies tried to kill Saddam Hussein on the opening night of the war with a “shock and awe” attack, followed by a rapid ground invasion. These attempts at a quick victory did lead to Saddam’s overthrow, but created a chaotic environment that bogged down the United States for more than half a decade. Could the same kind of thing, heaven forbid, happen in Iran? The Trump administration says no—but George W. Bush was not looking for a multiyear ground presence in Iraq, either.\n\nIn Libya in 2011, NATO airpower supported resistance forces trying to protect civilians against Moammar Gadhafi’s depredations. NATO eventually succeeded, and within a few months, Gadhafi was dead at the hands of internal foes. But 14 years later, Libya remains anarchic. Moreover, our allies on the ground in Libya were much stronger than any Iranian internal opposition is today.\n\nFrom 2014 through 2019, the United States and allies used airpower and advisors to help local allies defeat ISIS in Iraq and Syria. But it took half a decade, and it required strong partners on the ground.\n\nTo defeat Hamas in Gaza, Israel bombed for more than two years and used lots of troops on the ground as well. Hamas is much weaker but still not dead.\n\nThe impulse to overthrow the Iranian regime is understandable. The historical track record suggests the path ahead will be very difficult and slow. And even if the U.S. achieves its stated objectives, peace and stability are far from guaranteed.", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Articles", | |
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| "https://twitter.com/VFelbabBrown", | |
| "https://www.linkedin.com/in/vanda-felbab-brown-a4405215", | |
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| "https://www.linkedin.com/in/dafna-hochman-rand-84752262", | |
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| "https://twitter.com/LynnKuok", | |
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| "https://twitter.com/samanthaenergy", | |
| "https://twitter.com/S_R_Anders", | |
| "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Shah_Is_Gone", | |
| "https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6igOaa723eU", | |
| "https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ukraine/return-total-war-karlin", | |
| "https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2026/02/28/trump-iran-war-regime-change-freedom/", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/us/politics/trump-iran-war-interview.html", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/us/politics/trump-iran-messaging-broadcasting.html", | |
| "https://www.nbcnews.com/world/iran/iran-trump-tariffs-crackdown-protests-regime-rcna253731", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/world/middleeast/iran-leadership-khamenei-shamkhani-pakpour-nasirzadeh.html", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/13/world/middleeast/iran-military-generals-killed-israel.html", | |
| "https://mei.edu/publication/irgcs-role-irans-economy-growing-its-engineering-arm-set-execute-40-mega-projects/", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/world/middleeast/ali-khamenei-iran-leader-succession.html", | |
| "https://www.clingendael.org/publication/kurdish-struggle-iran-power-dynamics-and-quest-autonomy", | |
| "https://www.reuters.com/world/china/pakistan-fears-militants-will-thrive-restive-border-if-iran-destabilised-2025-06-19/", | |
| "https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/just-over-540-political-prisoners-freed-venezuela-ngo-says-2026-02-24/", | |
| "https://www.google.com/search?q=Venezuela+oil+liberalization+Western+oil+companies+energy+secretary+trip&sca_esv=240bbb9e92e7f868&sxsrf=ANbL-n52w1JM_O7qDrp-hNpfvcrO-lJ-Ag%3A1772375843445&source=hp&ei=I0-kaaepGZqkiLMPjr6HkAk&iflsig=AFdpzrgAAAAAaaRdM8vicrQGfSmNSXU4obyoIW2kkpN0&ved=0ahUKEwjnxrjE9v6SAxUaEmIAHQ7fAZIQ4dUDCCE&uact=5&oq=Venezuela+oil+liberalization+Western+oil+companies+energy+secretary+trip&gs_lp=Egdnd3Mtd2l6IkhWZW5lenVlbGEgb2lsIGxpYmVyYWxpemF0aW9uIFdlc3Rlcm4gb2lsIGNvbXBhbmllcyBlbmVyZ3kgc2VjcmV0YXJ5IHRyaXBIAFAAWABwAHgAkAEAmAEAoAEAqgEAuAEDyAEAmAIAoAIAmAMAkgcAoAcAsgcAuAcAwgcAyAcAgAgA&sclient=gws-wiz", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/us/politics/trump-iran-war-interview.html", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/middleeast/iran-kuwait-us-attack-planes.html", | |
| "https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-03-02/trump-s-iran-war-widens-forcing-reluctant-allies-to-choose", | |
| "https://apnews.com/video/thousands-of-iranian-government-supporters-mourning-khamenei-chant-death-to-america-8c588271fa594ff89fc922ec88178cbf", | |
| "https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/president-erdogan-warns-middle-east-faces-ring-of-fire-after-joint-us-israeli-attacks-on-iran/3844087", | |
| "https://www.aa.com.tr/en/politics/turkiye-ready-to-mediate-between-iran-us-rejects-military-action-against-tehran-president-erdogan/3819980", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/can-zero-tariff-policy-rebalance-china-africa-trade/", | |
| "title": "Can zero-tariff policy rebalance China-Africa trade?", | |
| "text": "In the summer of 2025, China announced the expansion of its preferential access for African nations, extending its zero-tariff policy for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) to encompass all African countries, except for Eswatini (which still maintains diplomatic relations with Taiwan).1The policy eliminates all tariffs on Chinese imports originating from Africa, a measure that—in principle—could deepen economic ties between China and Africa by granting African exports greater access to the Chinese market. However, while the zero-tariff policy appears in favor of increasing African exports to China, the story is not as straightforward.\n\nFirst, contrary to the conventional belief that China is a primary consumer of African natural resources and should therefore be running a large trade deficit vis-à-vis Africa, China has consistently run a trade surplus with the continent since 2015.\n\nIn terms of trade composition, it is indeed true that raw materials and natural resources remain the dominant export from Africa to China. By 2023, China’s leading imports from the least developed countries in Africa were mineral resources—about 40% of the total bilateral trade.2These were closely followed by “non-edible materials” and “finished products categorized by raw materials,” which made up 29.2% and 29.7% of Chinese imports from Africa respectively. Despite China’s efforts to build Africa’s industrial capacity and to assist in the continent’s industrialization, Africa’s exports to the Chinese market remain concentrated in low-value, primary products.\n\nOn the continental front, Africa’s trade deficit with China is widening. While African exports to China have been increasing, its imports from China have grown even faster, to the extent that the continent collectively runs a $60 billion deficit vis-à-vis China.3", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/brookings-experts-on-the-supreme-courts-tariff-decision/", | |
| "title": "Brookings experts on the Supreme Court’s tariff decision", | |
| "text": "In its 6-3 decision, the Supreme Court struck down the centerpiece of President Trump’s economic agenda. Press coverage has focused on the ruling’s economic impact, but the Court’s decision and accompanying opinions will also matter for Congress and especially GOP lawmakers.\n\nFirst, the Court rebuked Trump’s unfettered exploitation of presidential power: Six justices upheld lower court decisions that he had stretched theInternational Emergency Economic Powers Act(IEEPA) far beyond its limits. In doing so, the Court did what Congress rarely does: It stood up for Congress’s Article I authority, especially its powers of the purse.\n\nAs Justice Neil Gorsuchput it, the framers designed Congress to reflect the “combined wisdom of the people’s elected representatives, not just that of one faction or man.” Power grabs by a president do not make the executive stronger if he lacks a legal basis for his actions (or at least one sufficient to convince a Court majority).\n\nSecond, Trump has already doubled down on his trade war—boastingthat other legal authorities will restore lost tariff revenue and leverage. But tariffs are unpopular.In one recent survey, over 60% of Americans disapproved of them, including nearly a quarter of Republicans and three-quarters of pivotal, swing vote independents. And even Republicans cite the economy as one the country’smost important problems. With midterms approaching, that could put GOP lawmakers in a tough spot.\n\nHouse Speaker Mike Johnson’s (R-LA) tried to squelch tariff-related votes for much of 2025, but slim bipartisan majorities in both chambers have supported curtailing some of the tariffs. Democrats are likely to force more such votes, putting Republicans on the spot: Stay loyal to Trump and share the blame for the economy or align with public discontent?\n\nWhat’s more, the Trump administration is eyeing“Section 122”tariffs, which last only 150 days and require a vote to extend (which Senate Democrats could filibuster) from Congress to extend them. Some Republicans may balk if Democrats portray these tariffs as a regressive tax on constituents. As political scientist David Mayhewargued decades ago, lawmakers are rewarded (or blamed) for the positions they take, not the policy outcomes that follow.\n\nThird, the conservative justices are not unified around the “major questions doctrine”—a Roberts’ Court-era doctrine requiring clear congressional statutory authority for executive actions of major political or economic significance. During the Biden administration, conservative justices leaned on the doctrine to wipe outseveralmajorpresidential priorities and push Congress to legislate more precisely.\n\nThis time, onlythree conservative justicespromoted the doctrine in striking down IEEPA tariffs (provoking disagreement from thethree liberal justices). Justice Kavanaughdissented, arguing that the doctrine doesn’t apply in emergencies or foreign affairs. Justice Thomas alsodissented, maintaining IEEPA tariffs were kosher and the doctrine irrelevant. Justice Barrettquestionedher colleagues’ reasoning.\n\nOn presidential power, even Trump appointees disagree about restraining an imperial president and nudging Congress to act.", | |
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| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Articles", | |
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| "https://manhattan.institute/person/jessica-riedl", | |
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| "https://www.gao.gov/blog/larger-federal-deficits-higher-interests-rates-point-need-urgent-action#:~:text=At%20$2.8%20trillion%2C%20the%20FY,(potentially%20higher)%20interest%20rate.", | |
| "https://am.jpmorgan.com/us/en/asset-management/liq/insights/market-insights/market-updates/notes-on-the-week-ahead/the-trouble-with-tariffs/", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-tariffs-trump-0485fcda30a7310501123e4931dba3f9", | |
| "https://cepr.org/voxeu/columns/ricardo-and-comparative-advantage-200", | |
| "https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/660841468162283031/pdf/775730JRN020080alization0and0Growth.pdf", | |
| "https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aeri.20180358", | |
| "https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aer.20120549", | |
| "https://www.cato.org/publications/how-trade-agreements-have-enhanced-freedom-prosperity-americans", | |
| "https://ustr.gov/issue-areas/economy-trade", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/21/world/europe/europe-boycott-american-products-trump.html", | |
| "https://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2026/02/who-is-paying-for-the-2025-u-s-tariffs/?ftag=MSFd61514f", | |
| "https://budgetlab.yale.edu/research/effect-tariffs-poverty", | |
| "https://www.nbcnews.com/business/markets/us-stocks-jump-scotus-strikes-trump-tariffs-rcna259907", | |
| "https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2026-02/61882-Outlook-2026.pdf#page=110", | |
| "https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/R/PDF/R48435/R48435.1.pdf", | |
| "https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/21/trump-tariff-supreme-court-00792288", | |
| "https://www.nationalreview.com/corner/trumps-section-122-tariffs-are-illegal/", | |
| "https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/R/PDF/R48435/R48435.1.pdf", | |
| "https://budgetlab.yale.edu/research/state-tariffs-february-21-2026", | |
| "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/trump-will-promote-big-investments-in-japan-and-south-korea-but-details-are-fuzzy", | |
| "https://thehill.com/policy/international/5737060-taiwan-us-tariff-reduction/", | |
| "https://www.politico.com/news/2025/10/26/trump-trade-deals-malaysia-cambodia-00623129", | |
| "https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2026/02/imposing-a-temporary-import-surcharge-to-address-fundamental-international-payments-problems/", | |
| "https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-642-77267-2_11", | |
| "https://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1406&context=mjil", | |
| "https://www.reuters.com/world/china/ustr-expects-new-section-301-probes-cover-most-major-trading-partners-2026-02-21/", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/programs/foreign-policy/", | |
| "title": "Foreign Policy", | |
| "text": "The Brookings Foreign Policy program is the leading center of policy-relevant scholarship exploring the major challenges to international peace and security.\n\nThe Brookings Foreign Policy program is the leading center of high-quality, policy-relevant scholarship advancing actionable solutions to the major challenges to international peace and security. Brookings Foreign Policy scholars engage in in-depth, nonpartisan research and analysis aimed at informing policymakers and the public debate and developing concrete ideas for addressing the world’s toughest problems.\n\nRichard C. Bush, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tRyan Hass\n\nJonathan A. Czin, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tMargaret M. Pearson, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tKyle Chan, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tChanghao Wei, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tJamie P. Horsley,Diana Fu,Ryan Hass+2 more\n\nSuzanne Maloney, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tItamar Rabinovich, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tMara Karlin, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tVanda Felbab-Brown, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tStephanie T. Williams,Sharan Grewal,Steven Heydemann,Dafna H. Rand,Aslı Aydıntaşbaş,Kemal Kirişci,Hady Amr,Constanze Stelzenmüller,Pavel K. Baev,Steven Pifer,Ryan Hass,Tanvi Madan,Lynn Kuok,Michael E. O’Hanlon,Caitlin Talmadge,Joshua Rovner,Samantha Gross,William A. Galston,Scott R. Anderson+18 more\n\nThis is potentially a seismic shift in Chinese politics under Xi, and how he governs – this really demonstrates nobody in that system is safe, truly… [The purge has] reached a crescendo...\"\n\nConstantino Xavier breaks down what the upcoming national election means for the future of Bangladesh on the BBC’s “The Inquiry.”\n\nSuzanne Maloney joined Moment Magazine for a conversation on Israel, Gaza, Iran, and the changing landscape of the Middle East.\n\nSuzanne Maloney was featured on NPR’s “Morning Edition” to discuss U.S. negotiations with Iran and military buildup in the region.\n\nIt is possible that the Indian trade agreement with the EU… incentivized Washington to get to yes.\n\nThe devil will be in the details of the [U.S.-India trade] deal, but it’s another demonstration that India is pragmatic rather than purist about autonomy. It is willing to make certain...\"\n\n[Takaichi is] betting on her high levels of public approval and fragmentation among the opposition parties to carry the day.\n\nNo one can assume Iran won’t respond and probably respond as they did on their own streets, and make it as ugly and violent as possible… [Trump] does not want to get into a protracted...\"\n\nAs far as the corruption problem goes, I think that Xi has concluded that he had no other option but to cull virtually the entire generational cohort at the top [of the People’s...\"\n\nZhang [Youxia]’s removal means that truly nobody in the leadership is safe now… I think corruption concerns are probably real, though those are typically more a pretext to remove...\"\n\nThe Brookings Institution, Washington DC\n\nThursday, 10:00 am - 12:00 pm EDT\n\nThe Brookings Institution, Washington DC\n\nThursday, 10:00 am - 12:00 pm EDT\n\nA roundup of the biggest global stories from the Foreign Policy program at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on U.S. policy in the Middle East from the Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter with analysis on developments in Europe and global challenges that affect trans-Atlantic relations.\n\nA newsletter on Chinese affairs and the U.S.-China relationship from the John L. Thornton China Center at Brookings.\n\nA newsletter on the political, security, and economic issues facing Asia from the Center for Asia Policy Studies at Brookings.\n\nThis site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.\n\nAlready a subscriber?Manage your subscriptions\n\nHow does India deal with its friends and rivals, and see its role in the world? On Global India, host Tanvi Madan and guests unpack India’s foreign policy and its international impact for experts and new learners alike.\n\nFrom local ports and markets to international trade and diplomacy, Brookings Senior Fellow David Dollar and guests explained issues of our global trading system and its impact on our everyday lives.\n\nClimate change is happening, but not everyone agrees on the causes or the solutions. On Climate Sense, host Samantha Gross talks with experts to bring sense to the climate debate, break down what’s happening, and explain what we can do about it.\n\nVying for Talent focused on the role human talent plays in the sprawling competition between the United States and China. Ryan Hass and Jude Blanchette hosted expert guests to explore how the United States can improve its competitive edge for the future.\n\nOver 100,000 Americans are dying of drug overdoses annually. On The Killing Drugs, host Vanda Felbab-Brown interviews leading experts on the devastating synthetic opioid crisis to find policies that can save lives in the United States and around the world.\n\nBrookings equips decisionmakers with nonpartisan research and policy strategies to create a more prosperous and secure country and world.\n\nCopyright 2026 The Brookings Institution", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/mexican-president-claudia-sheinbaum-is-cleaning-house-and-consolidating-power/", | |
| "title": "Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum is cleaning house and consolidating power", | |
| "text": "On February 3, Mexican authoritiesarrestedthe mayor of Tequila, Jalisco, along with three other local officials, on charges of extorting beer and tequila companies and collaborating with the powerful Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG). This was just one move in the Claudia Sheinbaum administration’s efforts to dismantle the collusion networks of politicians, criminals, and businesses. That same week, Adán Augusto López, Mexico’s former interior secretary and coordinator of Morena’s Senate caucus,submitted his resignationdue to corruption scandals and mounting tensions with Sheinbaum.\n\nFor months, the Sheinbaum administration has faced intense pressure from the United States topursuepoliticians with ties to organized crime, although Sheinbaum hasrepeatedly deniedthe existence of such U.S. requests. Yet her government’s recent actions suggest she is acting on Washington’s demands, in part to prevent U.S. unilateralmilitary actions in Mexicoand to counterclaimsthat criminal groups “run” Mexico.\n\nSheinbaum’s strategy of prosecuting criminal-political networks at the local level and negotiating golden parachutes for politicians with too many reputational liabilities also allows her to consolidate her power over the Morena party and reduce the still-large influence of her predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. If Sheinbaum is successful, the payoff could define her legacy—reducing the power of the narcos to whomLópez Obrador gave just about free reinand crucially strengthening the rule of law. If it backfires, Sheinbaum could gravely weaken her currently powerful presidency, with Morena fracturing and the narcos doubling down on their efforts toinfluence elections in Mexico.\n\nThe arrest of Tequila’s mayor is part of a broader federalcrackdown on the crime-politics nexus at the municipal levelknown asOperation Swarm(Operación Enjambre). Launched in November 2024, well before the U.S. threats, it is part of theSheinbaum administration’s national security strategy, which identifies corruption and socioeconomic inequality as structural drivers of violence.\n\nIn November 2024, the first phase unfolded across 10 municipalities in the State of Mexico following joint investigative work by the state attorney general’s office and the federal security cabinet led by Mexican Security Secretary Omar García Harfúch. The arrested officials were accused of collaborating with criminal organizations in murders, kidnappings, and extortion, and facilitating criminal financing and governance. The operation was laterexpandedto Oaxaca, Puebla, Tlaxcala, and Chiapas.\n\nSince its launch, some60 individualsacrosssix stateshave been arrested, including sitting and former mayors and municipal security directors. Many of the detained are from Morena, showing Sheinbaum’s willingness to clean up her own party, something her predecessors, Presidents López Obrador and Enrique Peña Nieto were unwilling to do. López Obrador notoriouslydirected anti-corruption campaigns against his political rivals.\n\nImportantly, as of January 2026, some 30% of those arrested under Operation Swarm—18individuals—have been convicted. That’s crucial, and unusually high. Even for serious crimes, successful prosecution rates in Mexico rarely top7%. Prior prosecution efforts against politicians colluding with criminals, such as during the Felipe Calderón administration under Plan Michoacán between 2006 and 2012, oftendramatically collapsed in the courts. But the amount of cleanup still needed is massive.\n\nSheinbaum has also begun to remove senior political figures with significant reputational liabilities, including some of López Obrador’s closest allies. Rather than arresting them and sending them to courts, as the United States would prefer, Sheinbaum has negotiated their exits, often providing them with golden parachutes. Even those measures are a major break with the López Obrador era.\n\nThe departure of Adán Augusto López from his role as Morena’s senate caucus coordinator is one example. López Obrador’s former interior secretary, López received the senate coordination post as a consolation prize after failing to secure Morena’s presidential nomination in 2023. But growing controversies, including corruption allegations and increasingly visible clashes with Sheinbaum, finally drove him out. Pressure on López intensified particularly after the September 12, 2025,arrestof Hernán Bermúdez Requena, his former secretary of public security when López was the governor of Tabasco.\n\nBermúdez Requena waschargedwith leading a Tabasco cell of CJNG known as “La Barredora,” and had reportedly beenunder federal investigation for years. While no formal charges have been brought against López himself, the Bermúdez case raisedquestionsabout his complicity. Separately, the U.S. Court of the Southern District of Texasalso allegedly linkedLópez to Pemex corruption schemes. Revelations that he hadfailed to discloseto the Mexican Congress millions of pesos in income broke the camel’s back. And claims by Morena’s coalition partner, the Green Party, that he wasobstructingthe electoral reforms desired by Sheinbaum didn’t help him. The man whom Sheinbaum chose as López’s replacement, Ignacio Mier, Morena’s deputy coordinator in the senate, is much closer to her than to López Obrador, enabling her to tighten control over Morena’s top cadres.\n\nSheinbaum has pursued a similar strategy within the judicial branch. Several months ago, and still two years before the end of his constitutionally mandated term, Mexican Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero was finally pushed out by Sheinbaum. During his tenure, Gertz facedpersistent accusationsof politicizing and personalizing the justice system, pursuingpersonal vendettas, andselectively targetingLópez Obrador’s political opponents, includingscientistsandjournalists. Although López Obrador was pleased, the United States was also highly frustrated with his perfunctory investigation intoU.S. allegationsthat Mexico’s former secretary of defense, General Salvador Cienfuegos, was a drug cartel’s enabler.\n\nFrom the get-go, Gertz had atense relationshipwith Sheinbaum, with the two disagreeing over his handling of sensitive files and strategic leaks of information from high-profile cases.\n\nThe last straw for Sheinbaum was a revelation that Gertzcanceled an arrest warrantfor Raúl Rocha Cantú and instead authorized a legal cooperation agreement with him. The businessman had beenaccusedof leading a network involved in illegal fuel trafficking, arms dealing, and money laundering. But Rocha Cantú failed to comply with the legal deal,misleading prosecutorsand absconding.\n\nAlthough Sheinbaum finally gave Gertz the shove, she also handed him a golden parachute by appointing him ambassador to the United Kingdom. As her new attorney general, Sheinbaum appointedErnestina Godoy, her longtime ally.\n\nSimilarly, the López Obrador-installed head of the Financial Intelligence Unit (FIU), Pablo Gómez Álvarez, had long beenaccusedof politicizing the FIU’s work to target López Obrador’s political rivals and, much to thedismay of the United States, underperforming against criminal networks. He also resisted Sheinbaum’s efforts to remove him. To restore confidence in U.S.-Mexico bilateral anti-money-laundering cooperation, Sheinbaum finally kicked him upstairs to the Presidential Commission for Electoral Reform.\n\nTo the FIU, Sheinbaum appointedOmar Reyes Colmenares, a close ally of Security Secretary Omar García Harfúch.\n\nAt the municipal level, the problems are even more acute and challenging. The matter is not just one of succumbing to corruption, but also intimidation. Mexico’s criminal groupsroutinely threatento inflict torture and death not just on local government officials, but also on their families. These days, they don’t just wait for candidates to assume offices before they threaten them; they do soearly in the electoral campaigns. Simply prosecuting coopted officials will not be sufficient: the Mexican government will also need to become far better at protecting them.\n\nAt all levels of Mexico’s government, allegations of criminal collusion have swirled around officials. Such suspicions run from Tamaulipas to Sinaloa, from Quintana Roo and Chiapas to Guerrero and Michoacán. Reshuffling problematic officials around doesn’t necessarily end their problematic behavior; it can merely spread criminal corruption and collusion to other places. Effective judicial prosecution is very politically costly, but a far better deterrent and mechanism to strengthen the rule of law.\n\nHow far Sheinbaum’s clean-up efforts will go, and at what speed, will in part depend on whether Morena or López Obrador’s other cadres mount a pushback, such as by trying to revoke Sheinbaum’s presidential mandate by triggering the popular referendum on her tenure thatLópez Obrador institutedhalfway through a presidential term. They will also depend on pressure from Washington, and whether the United States undercuts its leverage by actuallymounting unilateral military strikesin Mexico and triggering a nationalist backlash.\n\nMoreover, even successful purges of corrupt officials and units and the dismantling of entire institutions because of their infiltration by criminal actors are not a one-time deal. During the Felipe Calderón administration, key institutions such as the office of the attorney general went through clean-up operations, literally calledlimpiezas,several times. Yet supposedly cleaned-up institutions later on again proved to have been infiltrated and corrupt. In fact, since the late 1980s, every Mexican administration dismantled and reformed corrupt police and judicial agencies, yet those that were created in their stead subsequently also proved to be corrupt and coopted by criminals again and again. Many a drug trafficker and government official have figured out that the best way to be a drug trafficker is to be the minister of counternarcotics or the top cop.\n\nMaintaining clean institutions requires persistent, widespread, and systematic vetting, not just of new recruits and appointees, but also of standing officials. They also need strong internal affairs units and strict, reliable punishment of officials who become corrupt.", | |
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| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/05/world/americas/mexico-tequila-mayor-arrested.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share", | |
| "https://elpais.com/mexico/2026-02-02/sheinbaum-se-deslinda-de-la-salida-de-adan-augusto-de-la-coordinacion-del-senado-fue-su-decision.html", | |
| "https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-pushes-mexico-prosecute-politicians-with-ties-drug-cartels-2025-06-11/", | |
| "https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/mexicos-president-denies-reuters-report-us-push-investigate-narco-politicians-2025-06-12/", | |
| "https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/jan/21/sheinbaum-mexican-cartel-trump", | |
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| "https://www.milenio.com/estados/operativo-enjambre-capturan-a-61-funcionarios-municipales-en-15-meses", | |
| "https://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/media/uploads/documents/Prospects%20and%20Possibilities%20-%20Vanda%20Felbab-Brown_0.pdf", | |
| "https://regeneracion.mx/operativo-enjambre-van-14-municipes-detenidos-en-6-entidades/", | |
| "https://www.milenio.com/estados/operativo-enjambre-capturan-a-61-funcionarios-municipales-en-15-meses", | |
| "https://regeneracion.mx/operativo-enjambre-van-14-municipes-detenidos-en-6-entidades/", | |
| "https://www.ft.com/content/de42240a-f46c-11e9-b018-3ef8794b17c6", | |
| "https://www.milenio.com/policia/acumula-enjambre-878-anos-18-condenas", | |
| "https://globalpressjournal.com/americas/mexico/impunity-mexico-93-crimes-go-unreported/", | |
| "https://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1870-05782015000200001", | |
| "https://apnews.com/article/mexico-bermudez-tabasco-gang-paraguay-3945eebb9fc122a0ab75a3c61aaddb52", | |
| "https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-07-27/commander-h-from-corrupt-police-chief-to-leader-of-la-barredora-gang-in-mexico.html", | |
| "https://www.infobae.com/mexico/2025/07/17/los-oscuros-documentos-del-ejercito-que-revelaron-nexos-de-hernan-bermudez-con-la-barredora-del-cjng-desde-2019/", | |
| "https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-10-10/morena-expulsa-a-hernan-bermudez-el-exjefe-policial-nombrado-por-adan-augusto-lopez-que-lideraba-un-grupo-criminal.html", | |
| "https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/opinion/carlos-loret-de-mola/adan-augusto-en-expediente-de-la-corte-de-houston/", | |
| "https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-10-21/desaparecen-30-millones-de-pesos-de-las-declaraciones-patrimoniales-de-adan-augusto-lopez.html", | |
| "https://www.reforma.com/el-tomo-la-decision-dice-csp-sobre-salida-de-adan/ar3145540", | |
| "https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion/polemicas-que-rodean-a-gertz-manero-como-titular-de-la-fgr-filtracion-de-audios-un-cheque-y-el-rancho-izaguirre/", | |
| "https://www.proceso.com.mx/nacional/2025/11/27/el-polemico-obscuro-alejandro-gertz-manero-entre-venganzas-personales-una-justicia-selectiva-363607.html", | |
| "https://politica.expansion.mx/mexico/2025/11/27/polemicas-de-gertz-manero-fgr", | |
| "https://www.infobae.com/america/mexico/2022/08/24/reves-a-gertz-manero-un-tribunal-federal-desestimo-que-cientificos-de-conacyt-cometieran-algun-delito/", | |
| "https://www.latimes.com/espanol/articulo/2022-08-08/j-jesus-lemus-denuncia-presunta-persecucion-de-la-fgr-a-raiz-de-la-publicacion-de-su-libro-el-fiscal-imperial", | |
| "https://www.eleconomista.com.mx/politica/polemicas-filtraciones-casos-resolver-legado-gertz-manero-fgr-20251201-789048.html", | |
| "https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-11-29/asi-funcionaba-la-red-de-trafico-de-combustible-del-dueno-de-miss-universo.html", | |
| "https://english.elpais.com/international/2025-12-29/raul-rocha-from-jet-setting-with-miss-universe-to-arms-trafficking-and-fuel-theft.html", | |
| "https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion/seis-veces-engano-rocha-cantu-a-gertz-ahora-esta-profugo/", | |
| "https://elpais.com/mexico/2025-12-03/el-senado-ratifica-a-ernestina-godoy-como-fiscal-general.html", | |
| "https://politico.mx/2025/08/04/por-que-salio-pablo-gomez-de-la-uif/", | |
| "https://www.eluniversal.com.mx/opinion/salvador-garcia-soto/una-salida-decorosa-para-pablo-gomez/", | |
| "https://politico.mx/2025/08/04/el-es-el-colaborador-cercano-a-harfuch-que-sera-nuevo-titular-de-uif/", | |
| "https://elpais.com/mexico/2022-04-11/lopez-obrador-logra-un-respaldo-aplastante-de-sus-seguidores-en-la-consulta-sobre-la-revocacion-de-mandato.html", | |
| "https://archivo.eluniversal.com.mx/nacion/164754.html", | |
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| "text": "Effective Date: August 14, 2024\n\nThe Brookings Institution (hereinafter referred to as “Brookings,” “we,” “our,” or “us”) provides this privacy policy, which describes our information practices when you visit the Brookings website located at brookings.edu and any of Brookings mobile properties that link to this privacy policy (collectively, the “Site”) or donate to Brookings.\n\nThe Brookings Institution values our visitors and donors. We understand and appreciate the need for security and trust when we process personal information.\n\nBrookings may work with selected third parties to provide certain features on the Site such as social sharing functions. This privacy policy does not govern any information you choose to provide directly to such third parties. 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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/ice-expansion-has-outpaced-accountability-what-are-the-remedies/", | |
| "title": "ICE expansion has outpaced accountability. What are the remedies?", | |
| "text": "ICE hasdeportedroughly 540,000 people since Trump took office for his second presidential term in January 2025.\n\nOn January 7, 2026, an ICE agent killed an American citizen. Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old mother living in Minneapolis, wasshot to death in her vehicleby ICE agent Jonathan Ross. Good’s death is now ruled ahomicideby the Hennepin County Medical Examiner. Since an ICE agent committed the killing, the U.S. Attorney’s Officeclaimedexclusive federal jurisdiction and blocked Minnesota state officials from obtaining evidence.\n\nOn January 24, 2026,another American citizenwas killed during an ICE operation.Alex Pretti,a 37-year-oldintensive carenursealso fromMinneapolis, was shot to death in the streetby a yet-unnamedagent.Federal authorities have described the shooting as an act of self-defense,butmultiple videos of the encounterappear to conflict with that account, showing Pretti unarmed and being subdued at the time he was shot. This analysis is being published in the aftermath of the incident, while much about it is under investigation and still unknown.\n\nSome people may call it ironic that the city where George Floyd was murdered is the same one where two white citizens were killed during protests against what others refer to as a hostile militarygovernment takeover. We call it, unfortunately, predictable. Many cities have seen ICE surges, including Washington, DC, Memphis, Nashville, Atlanta, Charlotte, New Orleans, Brownsville, TX, Las Vegas, Los Angeles, Philadelphia, Newark, Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Indianapolis, and Minneapolis.\n\nIn several of these places, there are reports of ICE using excessive force, such as in the case ofJulio Sosa-Celis, and of U.S. citizens being arrested or detained based on theiraccent or appearance, includingNative Americans. This is also unfortunately predictable, aswork from Brookings has identified how racial profiling by ICE would impact US citizenswho are perceived to be immigrants from particular countries. The arrests ofRamon MeneraandChong Ly Thaoare emblematic of this pattern.\n\nOn January 20, a5-year-oldwith a pending asylum case was apprehended by ICE as he arrived home from preschool. School officials say he wasused“as bait” toattemptto arrest other family members and members of his community.\n\nDespite the Trump administration claiming they are targeting criminals,one-thirdof people arrested do not have a criminal record. In over 50 cases, ICE has allegedlybusted out car windowsto justify arrests. Overall,32 people diedwhile in ICE custody in 2025.\n\nIn response to ICE operations, Minneapolis and other cities have seen tens of thousands of protesters descend into the streets.\n\nThe Trump administration has argued for “absolute immunity” for ICE officers, which would lead to lawsuits being dismissed without the investigative discovery phase. The public feels differently: 60% of Americans believeICE uses excessive force. Absolute immunity, compared to qualified immunity, protects agents regardless of whether they knowingly violate “clearly established” laws regarding excessive force or probable cause.\n\nSociologists and political scientists situate ICE’s actions as representing acrisis of legitimacy and a structural violence regimeinfiltrating the criminal justice system. What that means is that American streets have felt dystopian in ways that mirror less politically-stable countries. Police have taken a back seat in the headlines, though incidents of excessive force from law enforcement continue to occur (policekilled over 1,300 people in 2025, despite local reforms to counter police violence and bias—a number that is higher than any year over the past decade, except for 2024).\n\nWe are also seeing Trump “federalize” the National Guard to support federal law enforcement operations as logistical support. This approach has been critiqued by some who view the Trump administration as being in violation of thePosse Comitatus Act of 1878, which prohibits the use of the military as domestic law enforcement. In December 2025, the Supreme Court ruled that the federal government cannot use the National Guard for normal enforcement. Violence against National Guard members involved in domestic operations has also occurred, as in the case ofSarah Beckstrom, a member of the West Virginia National Guard, who was killed the day before Thanksgiving by Rahmanullah Lakanwal, an Afghan national who also shotStaff Sergeant Andrew Wolfein the head. Sgt. Wolfe recently started breathing on his own and standing with assistance.\n\nCollectively, today’s images of law enforcement interactions with people living in the U.S. are reminiscent of an unstable Civil Rights movement period. But at that time, the National Guard and local police were doing the enforcement, not ICE. This is an important distinction that makes the current phase feel much different than prior eras of civil unrest. Sanchez, an author of this piece who has studied immigration and politics for decades, argues that the actions of ICE officers and statements from the Trump administration have radically shifted societal norms in ways that will have lasting consequences.\n\nICE was formed in 2003 as part of a reorganization following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. ICE is housed in the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). Different from local police, who report to mayors and county executives (or governors, in the case of state agencies), and the National Guard, who mostly report to governors as a military force, ICE is part of a federal agency where the president has more influence. While previous presidents have primarily deployed Border Patrol to enforce immigration violations at the border and used Homeland Security to investigate more severe criminal cases related to drug and human trafficking, President Trump has been much more likely to deploy theEnforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) Divisionwithin ICE to actively seek out people whom agents suspect of being illegal.\n\nWhat makes this wave of ICE action different is how agents are being recruited and trained. With about $170 billion going to immigration enforcement and border security from Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” ICE has significantlyexpanded hiring.The agency is giving $50,000 signing bonuses and providing student loan forgiveness with the goal of doubling its workforce and meeting the president’s benchmark of deporting one million people annually. In doing so, ICE hasloweredthe age limit of its recruits from 21 to 18 and waived the 37-year-old hiring cap; these age boundaries apply to most federal law enforcement agencies to ensure the agents’ physical fitness. Since Trump retook office, ICE hashiredover 12,000 new agents and expanded its headcount to over 22,000. However, there are reports of a decrease in rigor for selection: Investigative journalistLaura Jadeedreported attending an ICE career expo and being hired after six minutes without completing any background paperwork.\n\nIn her forthcoming bookCutting the Government: The Right Way and the Wrong Way, Brookings Senior Fellow Elaine Kamarck argues that ICE’s hiring and personnel protocols are further complicated by its heavy reliance on other agencies to carry out immigration enforcement. She notes aCato Institutestudy finding that ICE receives assistance from nearly 17,000 non-ERO personnel (including roughly 14,500 federal criminal-law-enforcement officers), highlighting how immigration enforcement is diffused across multiple agencies. FBI agents are moved to assist ICE, which means that other functions, such as counterterrorism, have to be carried out with fewer people and resources. Agents in the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) have also been transferred to assist with deportations. The Trump administration has also shifted roughly 600 Department of Defense lawyers (with only two weeks of training) to address the massive immigration backlog fromDHS.\n\nIn addition to questionable hiring practices and leaving potential gaps in the nation’s other law enforcement needs, shortened training is problematic. The ICE Academy has been reduced from 22 weeks to 8 weeks or47 days(a number supposedly chosen because Trump is the 47thpresident). The previously required 5 weeks of Spanish language training were removed, and agents are being told to rely on mobile apps for translation. Instead of a focus on understanding the Immigration and Nationality Act, trainees are engaging in more tactical and operational drills. Instead of a 4-week in-person training, police officers being deputized to work with ICE are now only required to do a 40-hour online course.\n\nThis watering down of hiring and training standards is concerning. Ray, the co-author of this article, has served on Peace Officers Standards and Training (POST) commissions to help psychologists better evaluate police applicants for bias. One common trend over the past few years was that short-staffed police departments increasingly accepted applicants who would have been rejected in years prior. These hiring challenges raise, then, an urgent question: who are the new ICE recruits, and are their qualifications sufficient if they are receiving less training than before and yet being quickly deployed into U.S. communities? Ray has researched law enforcement for over 15 years, trained police officers, helped develop a virtual reality training program for law enforcement, and testified before Congress on policing. Simply put, trainingcannotbe rushed and often should be increased.\n\nThe lack of training leads to mistakes. In law enforcement, mistakes get people killed.\n\nAccordingly, there are a series of measures that can be implemented immediately to reduce the use of force and improve decision-making.\n\nFirst, hiring standards should be improved. ICE agents’ files should be cross-checked with state-level misconduct files. This aligns with Texas’sWandering Officer Lawto prevent people who were fired or resigned due to misconduct from working in law enforcement.\n\nSecond, training should be enhanced. De-escalation training, such asJigsaw’s virtual reality training, can improve communication and decision-making in high-stakes situations. This training is mobile and can be easily deployed in various settings.\n\nThird, Duty to Intervene should be mandated. Law enforcement agents, regardless of agency, should prevent a fellow officer or agent from using excessive force. This recommendation aligns with the Minneapolis Police Department’s cross-agency intervention policy.\n\nFourth, transparency must improve. Agents should use body-worn cameras and official vehicles with insignia, and masks that cover the faces of agents should not be allowed. This recommendation aligns with laws requiring that agents “unmask” or “de-mask,” with the assumption that more transparency will lead to reduced use of force.\n\nFifth, absolute immunity should be removed, and investigations into instances of wrongdoing by federal agents should be pursued.\n\nThere are other proposals and decisions of note that are aiming to address actions by ICE:\n\nAltogether, as ICE continues to face allegations over its methods, fostering a system built on fairness and respect for human rights becomes paramount. By addressing these concerns, the U.S. can strive toward a more just approach to immigration enforcement.\n\nUltimately, the goal should be to safeguard two things at the same time: national security, and the dignity and rights of every individual within our borders.", | |
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| "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/minnesota-officials-say-they-cant-access-evidence-after-fatal-ice-shooting-and-fbi-wont-work-jointly-on-investigation#:~:text=Woman%20killed%20by%20ICE%20agent%20was%20mother,By%20Michael%20Biesecker%2C%20Jim%20Mustian%2C%20Associated%20Press.", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/24/us/minneapolis-shooting-federal-agents-video.html", | |
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| "https://today.yougov.com/politics/articles/53892-after-the-shooting-in-minneapolis-majorities-of-americans-view-ice-unfavorably-and-support-major-changes-to-the-agency", | |
| "https://resolve.cambridge.org/core/journals/law-and-social-inquiry/article/agency-entrenchment-sociological-legitimacy-in-a-politically-contested-occupation/6D611AF4806A7ADD82549271FF5AD9C5?utm_source=chatgpt.com", | |
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| "https://www.wv.ng.mil/News/Article/4362911/update-on-national-guard-staff-sgt-andrew-wolfe/", | |
| "https://www.ice.gov/about-ice/ero", | |
| "https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/1/text", | |
| "https://komonews.com/news/nation-world/fact-check-team-trump-admin-ramps-up-ice-recruitment-50000-bonuses-retirees-customs-border-republicans", | |
| "https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/homeland-security-removes-age-limits-160052994.html?guccounter=1&guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAADZ-AxJy7821GgCDqilDNgDPEhyGXOWMlUn1m_QGPOY3FdyaaAjOqqzWEALNKwFF2SJHKD2WbxRfMJZ-26_GDtJ0rlbo87KauACs0ufMA2s_UBn86db3U0kwz27um0OUujQ01Mqxmp4ZEfHTPU9g2yY_Oy58R-PTO6ZjKYsi_ZRc", | |
| "https://www.dhs.gov/news/2026/01/03/ice-announces-historic-120-manpower-increase-thanks-recruitment-campaign-brought", | |
| "https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2026/01/ice-recruitment-minneapolis-shooting.html", | |
| "https://www.cato.org/blog/ice-has-diverted-over-25000-officers-their-jobs", | |
| "https://www.npr.org/2025/09/02/g-s1-86691/military-lawyers-immigration-judges-jag", | |
| "https://people.com/ice-academy-training-shortened-47-days-under-trump-report-11881592", | |
| "https://www.khou.com/article/news/investigations/wandering-officers-texas-investigation/285-83e3d3bb-b099-4d88-9707-32967749efa0", | |
| "https://www.alistairrobertson.com/home/project-one-589g2", | |
| "https://wtop.com/montgomery-county/2026/01/we-have-to-stand-with-the-community-moco-bills-on-ice-being-proposed/", | |
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| "https://www.booker.senate.gov/news/press/booker-announces-new-legislation-to-strengthen-federal-law-enforcement-standards-and-transparency-after-fatal-shooting-of-minneapolis-woman", | |
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| "https://www.politico.com/news/2026/01/20/congress-clinches-funding-deal-for-dhs-pentagon-domestic-agencies-00735698?utm_campaign=dfn-ebb&utm_medium=email&utm_source=sailthru", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/what-will-2026-bring-for-us-migration-policy/", | |
| "title": "What will 2026 bring for US migration policy?", | |
| "text": "Across the country, the consequences of a deterrence-only approach to immigration are mounting. Mass deportationsseparate familiesandsweep up workers.New visa policiesand the hostile political climate make it harder for American universities to attractforeign students. Employers face growingbarriersto hiring the engineers and nurses they cannot find domestically. Raids empty factories and farms, leaving owners with orders they cannot fill and crops they cannot harvest. For the first timesince the 1930snet migrationturned negative in 2025, reducing consumer spending by about $50 billion and reducing GDP growth. This is not what success looks like.\n\nNor is it inevitable. The policies we see today are the result, in part, of a decades-long failure to modernize the country’s immigration system. But they also reflect a false narrative: That ever more draconian policies are the unavoidable price of securing the border. The last few months have shown where that logic leads. It is ugly, expensive, and—according to polls—deeply unpopular.\n\nWe know from recent experience it does not have to be this way.\n\nDuring the Biden administration, the United States confronted thelargest displacementshock in the Western Hemisphere’s history. The administration made real missteps—waiting too long to surge support to cities struggling with record migrant arrivals and adopting a purely defensive communications posture. But crisis was also a catalyst for innovation—enforcement measures were paired with new lawful pathway initiatives to bring irregular migration to manageable levels. Parole programs—imperfect, temporary, but necessary—gave migrants alternatives to irregular entry and boosted the U.S. economy. Regional diplomacy helped stabilize populations abroad, with countries such as Colombia, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru regularizing more than 4.5 million Venezuelans. By the end of 2024,this balanced approach reduced border encounters by over 80%.\n\nThis policy mix worked because it changed incentives. When migrants had a viable path to apply legally, they were less likely to pay smugglers or attempt repeated crossings. Those who crossed irregularly encountered consequences. The result was a rare thing in immigration policy: A feedback loop that reduced pressure on the system instead of overwhelming it.\n\nThose lessons learned can help prevent future surges and more importantly, help build an immigration system that serves the country’s many interests. Temporary visas can meet seasonal labor needs. Longer-term resident visas can retain high skilled talent that fuels innovation and job creation. Refugee pathways can protect people with no safe alternative. Family visas can reduce wait times that now stretch decades. The size of these visa programs can expand or contract based on economic need or by communities’ willingness to absorb newcomers. But what we see today—closing every legal door—only creates pent up demand for migration that will eventually fuel the next crisis.\n\nLawful pathways must be paired with enforcement that is swift and credible. Our asylum system must be reformed so that it can protect those with legitimate claims while discouraging abuse. The Safe Mobility Initiative and other upstream processing models showed that it is possible to redirect asylum claims away from the border itself. An efficient, well-resourced processing capacity and border infrastructure can ensure swift action on immigration cases.\n\nFinally, the experience of recent years underscores the importance of a regional approach to stabilize and integrate migrants. When migration is viewed as a shared responsibility, it is not only manageable but can be leveraged to benefit regional economies.\n\nIn Congress, meanwhile, we see some signs that the status quo is wearing thin. Bills like the bipartisanKeep STEM Talent Actwould ensure high-skilled international students can stay and work in the U.S. after graduating. And the bipartisanDIGNITY Act, which would create a pathway to legal status for many undocumented immigrants, now has 31 co-sponsors. Lawmakers understand that their constituents are dissatisfied with how immigration has been handled across multiple administrations—and recognize the economic and human costs of an enforcement-only approach.\n\nThe stakes are too high to give up hope that we can chart a better path forward on immigration. As we enter 2026, the choice is not between compassion and control. It is between policies that repeatedly manufacture crises and those that manage migration in an orderly, lawful, and sustainable way. To that end, ourreportlooks back at what policies have worked, which have clearly failed, and what lessons we can learn for how to build a more orderly, lawful, and sustainable system going forward.", | |
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| "https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/as-ice-boosts-recruitment-critics-concerned-over-changes-to-hiring-and-training-standards", | |
| "https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-authorizes-ice-target-schools-churches/story?id=117954409", | |
| "https://www.npr.org/2025/02/18/nx-s1-5292288/trump-deportation-families-children-maryland", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/12/04/us/ice-arrests-criminal-records-data.html", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/12/04/us/ice-arrests-criminal-records-data.html", | |
| "https://www.presidentsalliance.org/guidance-to-submit-comments-on-dhss-proposed-rule-to-end-duration-of-status/", | |
| "https://edsource.org/2025/trump-policies-impact-international-students/745207", | |
| "https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2025/09/26/h1b-visa-fee-immigration-american-workers/", | |
| "https://www.nationalacademies.org/read/23550/chapter/5#47", | |
| "https://news.gallup.com/poll/692522/surge-concern-immigration-abated.aspx", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/11/19/opinion/immigration-global.html", | |
| "https://www.durbin.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/04/01/2025/durbin-rounds-introduce-bipartisan-legislation-to-retain-international-graduates-with-advanced-stem-degrees", | |
| "https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/4393", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/even-in-business-friendly-states-federal-policy-shocks-are-hurting-latino-owned-firms/", | |
| "title": "Even in ‘business-friendly’ states, federal policy shocks are hurting Latino-owned firms", | |
| "text": "As enforcement capacity expands under this model, its economic effects surface first in labor-dependent, place-based sectors. Florida illustrates how enforcement surges can reverberate rapidly through local economies. In May 2025, the state conductedOperation Tidal Wave, a six-day joint operation involving state and federal agencies that resulted in more than 1,100 arrests—the largest single-state, one-week immigration action in Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) history,accordingto the agency. The sweep followed Florida’s statewideexpansionof 287(g) agreements, effectively extending federal immigration enforcement authority across all counties. During and after this operation, agricultural nursery owners and farmworker advocates in Homestead and Redlandsreportedwidespread absenteeism, delayed deliveries, and partially idle operations; some small farms suspended activity all together. In Central Florida, restaurant ownersdescribedsimilar effects. Local advocates and the Mexican Consulate in Orlando estimated revenue declines of roughly 40% at some establishments, as workers and customers stayed home.\n\nTexas shows what happens when those pressures accumulate alongside trade and investment shocks. Survey evidenceindicatesthat about 1 in 5 Texas businesses anticipate negative effects on their ability to hire and retain foreign-born workers this year due to immigration policy changes, even as a smaller but meaningful share of firms already report experiencing direct impacts. These pressures are already visible on the ground. Construction leaders in the Rio Grande Valleydescribeda chilling effect from worksite immigration enforcement, with workers staying home and projects slowing amid rising arrests. Regional data from the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallasshowconstruction employment in the Rio Grande Valley fell by roughly 5% in the third quarter of 2025—the steepest decline in jobs in the region.\n\nThese labor disruptions are occurring alongside heightened trade volatility. As the nation’s leading trading state (accounting for roughly 16% of total U.S. trade), Texas is highlysensitiveto tariff swings. By spring 2025, business uncertainty had surged to near pandemic-era levels, with roughly half of surveyed firms citing tariffs as a top concern and reporting higher costs, weaker demand, and delayed investment. By mid-summer, those pressures hadtranslatedinto contraction: Texas job growth turned negative in June, construction activity declined across all categories, and executives described the business environment as “impossible to plan” for. As inventories tightened and tariff costs flowed through supply chains, construction contract values fell sharply from early 2025 levels.\n\nAs labor, trade, and cost pressures accumulate in Texas, the ability to absorb disruptions increasingly depends on access to stabilizing institutions—making public contracting and procurement pathways especially consequential for smaller, place-based firms.\n\nHowever, in Texas, recentchangesto public contracting policy have narrowed these stable pathways precisely as volatility is rising. In October 2025, the state comptroller’s office issuedguidancesuspending new certifications under the state’s Historically Underutilized Business (HUB) program—effectively pausing a statutorily mandated system that has governed state contracting since 1995. While framed as a compliance measure, the suspension halted certification for minority-, women-, and veteran-owned firms, including many Latino-owned businesses that rely on public procurement as a source of predictable demand. The economic stakes are materially high: In Fiscal Year 2024, certified HUB firms received $4.1 billion in state contracts (over 11% of total procurement), which supported employment across construction and professional services. Legislative budget analysis shows that every $1 million in HUB contracting supported more than 10 jobs and roughly $580,000 in household income. In an environment already shaped by labor disruption, tariff uncertainty, and enforcement shocks, narrowing access to public contracting raises the effective cost of survival for smaller, minority-owned firms.\n\nFlorida shows a parallel contraction through a different pathway. In 2025, several local governments—includingOrlando,Orange County,Tampa County,Hillsborough County, andPalm Beach County—suspended core elements of long-standing minority- and women-owned business enterprise (MWBE) programs in response to new federal grant conditions tied to anti-diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI)executive orders. In each case, local officials emphasized that the decisions were driven by the risk of losing federal funding, ranging from tens of millions to hundreds of millions of dollars supporting disaster recovery, infrastructure, housing, education, and public health. The result was a rapid narrowing of access to public contracting for minority- and Latino-owned firms precisely as other sources of volatility were intensifying.\n\nThese state-level shifts mirror a broader federalretrenchmentin the institutions that shape access to contracting, credit, and technical assistance for small firms. Alongside changes at the state and local level in Texas and Florida, recent administrative actions have narrowed access to federal contracting itself, including by canceling federal contracts for minority- and women-owned firms at adisproportionaterate. At the same time, programs that support navigation of federal procurement—such as theSmall Business Administration’s 8(a)andEmpower to Growinitiatives—and financing mechanisms such as the State Small Business Credit Initiative face heightened uncertainty amid staffing reductions and budget constraints.Disruptionsto the Treasury Department’s Community Development Financial Institutions Fund have further constrained access to affordable capital for firms that already face barriers in conventional credit markets.\n\nAs tariffs and enforcement volatility raise operating risks, these policy shifts remove the mechanisms that help smaller firms remain competitive amid uncertainty. The result is not simply fewer supports, but a narrowing of competition itself—reshaping who can survive, who can grow, and who can compete in economies that continue to describe themselves as “business friendly.”", | |
| "author": "Unknown", | |
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| "https://www.linkedin.com/in/tonantzincarmona", | |
| "https://bsky.app/profile/tonantzin-lc.bsky.social", | |
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| "https://latino.ucla.edu/research/latino-immigrant-labor-red-blue-states/", | |
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| "https://www.tampabay.com/news/florida-politics/2025/11/15/tampa-hillsborough-suspend-dei-business-programs-citing-trump-orders/", | |
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| "https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/03/04/upshot/doge-musk-contracts-cuts.html?smid=nytcore-android-share", | |
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| "https://www.wsj.com/business/the-economic-divide-between-big-and-small-companies-is-growing-f3bcf222?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=AWEtsqfrYL8_Qx3WP9z-yCqaQIs-7wXRvEja4tl6FP0Gjx5L5qYmBMILFxyWSN98GRM%3D&gaa_ts=69529461&gaa_sig=5-Rj5yKgGIz0ITrMYBJJjXqcNi3ydvWGPDzFnmqb-sxAVuYyLYeOP6LXRxVLocYVN2DcjFfuoficx_xausR_Jw%3D%3D", | |
| "https://www.npr.org/2025/12/22/nx-s1-5639916/trump-crony-capitalism-free-market?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email", | |
| "https://www.theguardian.com/business/2025/nov/29/small-businesses-trump-tariffs-holiday-season", | |
| "https://www.wsj.com/business/the-economic-divide-between-big-and-small-companies-is-growing-f3bcf222?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=AWEtsqfrYL8_Qx3WP9z-yCqaQIs-7wXRvEja4tl6FP0Gjx5L5qYmBMILFxyWSN98GRM%3D&gaa_ts=69529461&gaa_sig=5-Rj5yKgGIz0ITrMYBJJjXqcNi3ydvWGPDzFnmqb-sxAVuYyLYeOP6LXRxVLocYVN2DcjFfuoficx_xausR_Jw%3D%3D", | |
| "https://adpemploymentreport.com/", | |
| "https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/19/business/k-shaped-economy.html", | |
| "https://www.wsj.com/business/the-economic-divide-between-big-and-small-companies-is-growing-f3bcf222?gaa_at=eafs&gaa_n=AWEtsqfrYL8_Qx3WP9z-yCqaQIs-7wXRvEja4tl6FP0Gjx5L5qYmBMILFxyWSN98GRM%3D&gaa_ts=69529461&gaa_sig=5-Rj5yKgGIz0ITrMYBJJjXqcNi3ydvWGPDzFnmqb-sxAVuYyLYeOP6LXRxVLocYVN2DcjFfuoficx_xausR_Jw%3D%3D", | |
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| { | |
| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/topics/national-security/", | |
| "title": "Defense & Security", | |
| "text": "Suzanne Maloney, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tItamar Rabinovich, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tMara Karlin, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tVanda Felbab-Brown, \t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\t\tStephanie T. Williams,Sharan Grewal,Steven Heydemann,Dafna H. Rand,Aslı Aydıntaşbaş,Kemal Kirişci,Hady Amr,Constanze Stelzenmüller,Pavel K. Baev,Steven Pifer,Ryan Hass,Tanvi Madan,Lynn Kuok,Michael E. O’Hanlon,Caitlin Talmadge,Joshua Rovner,Samantha Gross,William A. Galston,Scott R. Anderson+18 more\n\nThe Brookings Institution, Washington DC\n\nThursday, 10:00 am - 12:00 pm EDT\n\nBrookings equips decisionmakers with nonpartisan research and policy strategies to create a more prosperous and secure country and world.\n\nCopyright 2026 The Brookings Institution", | |
| "author": "Sharan Grewal,", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/americans-are-not-as-divided-by-race-as-it-seems/", | |
| "title": "Americans are not as divided by race as it seems", | |
| "text": "KENDI:I do suspect that this study reveals a tremendous amount of truths that we haven’t been talking enough about. And simultaneously there’s been all sorts of studies that have documented how conflict is absolutely pivotal to, you know, the profit motive of of social media companies and even to the electoral prospects of particular political parties.\n\nPERRY:Welcome listeners toThe Currenton the Brookings Podcast Network. I’m Andre Perry, senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. And I’m joined by two wonderful guests, Cleve Wootson of theWashington Post, and Ibram X. Kendi of Howard University, author and noted historian.\n\nAnd we’re here to talk about a new report with a long title: “We asked Americans how they felt about their interracial interactions. The answer may surprise you.” And so we’re going to have a conversation that Cleve Wootson is going to moderate. So take it away, Cleve.\n\nWOOTSON:Thanks Andre. I’m going to hop right in with Dr. Kendi. You’ve written extensively about the history of racist ideas in America, and when you look at some of the findings in this study, particularly the fact that a majority of Americans have interracial friendships and that approval of interracial marriage has increased significantly, how do you situate all of that historically?\n\nKENDI:I would first and foremost state that there has been demographic change in the United States over the last few decades. And you had some intellectuals and even some elected officials who who’ve painted those demographic changes as dire and harmful for the country. But this study actually speaks to a potential other outcome of of demographic change, which ultimately is increased proximity to people of other racial groups has led to an openness, and even a recognition of the value of befriending and even forming relationships with other people of other racial groups.\n\nAnd so to me, when I think of this historically, I’m thinking about these larger demographic trends, and this is potentially a study that demonstrates that unlike some in our political orbit that make the case that those changes are harmful, this study potentially shows that it’s actually been quite helpful to many Americans.\n\nWOOTSON:I want to follow up on that with either of you because it it’s it’s almost one of those, like, what what should I believe? Should I believe what the study is is is telling us about racial cooperation? Or the things I see on on Twitter? Or , you know, on social media or even some of the things that we recently saw in the State of the Union? You know, we’re inundated with things that show us kind of just the opposite. And I wonder what you guys think of that.\n\nPERRY:Well, I think from this study, the data show that when people think about their day-to-day interactions, when they go to school, when they go to work, when they’re befriending people, when they’re finding a lover, they can cross racial lines quite easily.\n\nIt’s when we’re talking about policies around the distribution of of goods when it becomes a sticking point. But people hold values that are multiracial. Their actions on the day-to-day are really disconnected from what has been used as a political tool to garner votes, to garner power, to deceive folks in in many cases of the reality that they’re living.\n\nAnd so for me, there is a disconnect between what you see on social media platforms, which in many ways are paid to create discord and to have these kind of high-flying headlines. But when people are asked questions about their day-to-day reality, it’s a different story.\n\nWOOTSON:Dr. Kendi, I wonder if you had thoughts on that. I’m I’m I’m an old newspaper guy, and one adage was if it if it bleeds, it leads. Basically that conflict, you know, is what generates and drives clicks and all of that stuff. Is is that what we’re seeing or, you know, are are we seeing people revealing aspects of their interactions in the study that that are at odds with, you know, how they live their lives?\n\nKENDI:I do suspect that this study reveals a tremendous amount of of truths that we haven’t been talking enough about. And simultaneously there’s been all sorts of studies that have documented how conflict is absolutely pivotal to the, you know, the profit motive of of social media companies and even to the electoral prospects of particular political parties. So there’s a tremendous amount of benefit to generating conflict on social media. And and it’s important for us to to remember that social media isn’t necessarily reflective of what people are actually thinking and doing on a on a day-to-day basis.\n\nAt the same time, I do think that there are certain Americans who, you know, may tell a pollster, you know, one thing but obviously may potentially do something else in their in their private life. And I also think that if you have thrived on racial conflict and you can sense, or even surveys like this one are showing that that racial conflict could be ebbing, you’re going to then go about seeking to regenerate that for your own political benefit.\n\nAnd so it’s really hard to know precisely, and I suspect as a scholar I’m I’m always leaning to probably all of the above.\n\nPERRY:You know, MLK in an interview once talked about there’s three groups in America. There’s the integrationists moving in the right direction. There’s segregationists moving in the wrong direction. And then you have a middle who’s adherent to status quo, but they’re pliable. And I think this study kind of resonates with that. There are going to be people working to convince people something different than their lived realities, because there’s a benefit politically speaking.\n\nAnd there’s some of us, and I I would consider myself someone who’s working in the right direction, working to show people, Hey, look at what you’re doing. Look at how you’re living. Look at when you’re going to work. Look at when you’re going to school. It’s not harming you. In fact, it’s benefiting you. Why deny yourself?\n\nFor me, it is it it is clear that there’s people who are intentionally using race and racism to compel an audience who don’t see it every day in their lives.\n\nWOOTSON:Yeah. While we’re speaking of intention, there’s some data that shows that Hispanic and Black workers have less workplace diversity than the demographics would show in the study. And I’ll I’ll put this to either of you, actually. I wonder what historical policies, things like redlining or educational segregation or employment discrimination, continue to shape these historical patterns or these these patterns contemporarily, you know, despite the progress that we’re seeing.\n\nPERRY:Well, for me, what the study also showed is that you would have more integration if people literally lived in integrated neighborhoods. The difference between the expected level of diversity and what is actual, half of it can be accounted for by the residential segregation that exists in this country, or the residential patterns that exist, which are not by coincidence.\n\nRedlining, transportation policy, economic policy in general really helped determine who lives where. And and so for me, when you remove these barriers — and sometimes they’re physical barriers, there’s railroad tracks, there’s roads, there’s other policies that keep people from interacting — but when you remove those things, you’ll actually see more interaction and more favorability around it.\n\nKENDI:Yeah, and I’ll just add as it relates to education, of course there’s all sorts of studies that demonstrate all sorts of racial disparities in terms of educational attainment, particularly collegiate and and and to a certain extent, you know, graduate study. And so if you have a number of higher paying jobs that require, let’s say, a college degree where there’s no real need for a college degree, then that then that potential sort of qualification ultimately is going to disproportionately harm the group that is less likely to be college degreed.\n\nAnd and so in the ‘60s, when particular companies or organizations could no longer bar people via race, they created proxies. And and those proxies still persist, particularly because in our in our discourse on what is a racist policy, we we’re really focused on intent and whether there’s a a, whether there’s the terminology of race in a particular policy as opposed to the actual inequitable outcome, you know, of a particular policy.\n\nAnd so I think the more we focus on inequitable outcomes of educational and housing and economic policies, the more we could actually see what is actually barring people, as Dr. Perry spoke about, which then is barring people from living fuller and more integrated lives.\n\nPERRY:Yeah, absolutely. And I, and we don’t punch this enough in the report, but that occupational segregation is underpinning then education. If you receive underfunded education because of the way you’re zoned, it’s going to show up in the job market in different ways. That’s why this report also shows that businesses are hubs of diversity. People are interacting across racial lines in places of business. But there is a barrier when you’re talking about getting into management. There’s less exposure to diversity in management positions.\n\nBut Dr. Kendi is absolutely right. Some of this is baked in by the educational experiences of folks overall when eventually that thing works its way through the snake. If you are getting less educational opportunities, you’re going to get less opportunities to interact a across racial lines in the job market.\n\nWOOTSON:Yeah. Well, you know, as a, I’ve been a political reporter now for what, a decade, and one of the things I found very fascinating just in talking to people across the country is how it is possible for them to have competing ideas in their head at the same time. You know, views about the division of resources and who gets what in America at the same time that, you know, they may feel a specific sense of racial comity towards their neighbor or towards the people in their lives or even be in interracial families.\n\nAnd so, that can seem somewhat conflicting or voting against your own interest. And I’ve kind of had to learn to just, you know, accept that people can be a series of walking contradictions, especially when it comes to, you know, the most the complexities of race.\n\nKENDI:Well, let me just say, I I I think this is why in my work I’ve I’ve tried to move us away from understanding the term, like a term like “racist” as as a fixed category, as a as a category that describes who a person essentially is. And for us to more understand, let’s say the term “racist” as a descriptive term that describes what a person is being in any given moment based on what let’s say they’re doing or not doing.\n\nAnd so if they’re expressing a racist idea in that particular moment, they’re being racist. But in the very next moment, to your point, they could express an anti-racist idea. And and because of human complexity, and frankly because of human contradictions, it’s to me more scientifically appropriate to not, sort of, understand racist or even its opposite, anti-racist, as these fixed categories, as we primarily have been have been taught. And I think that’s a more accurate way of actually mapping all these complexities that we all carry.\n\nPERRY:You know, in in the study we did a a small experiment, hiring experiment. You could hire a laborer or a software developer, and we had people randomly selected in terms of different qualifications. What was clear: people who had exposure to Black people were more likely to choose a Black contractor either in the the labor position or the software developer. So that exposure, just getting exposed to difference, reduces the level of racist behavior in the workplace.\n\nSo it’s an incredible finding, but that’s it’s supported by social contact theory, which suggests that the more exposure you have, the less fears and and prejudices you’ll carry.\n\nWOOTSON:I think that some people might look at these findings and say, the work is done. Like, we had this moment after Obama was elected, right? We’re in a we’re in a post-racist America, and all of the sins of the past have been wiped away. And that the status quo, you know, whatever it is, is is fine. I wonder what you would say to that argument.\n\nPERRY:What I would say there is discrimination and there are outcome differences, as Ibram Kendi stated, you still have to focus on these outcomes because past discrimination does show up in housing markets, job markets, and education. And this is the challenge because people who generally feel they’re equal, they don’t see how a reparative policy may help them in the long run. And, and there’s, so there’s a difference between holding values of equality and and and believing a multi racial society and and enacting policies that repair the damage of the past.\n\nBut what is also clear about this study is that those racist policies of the past, the redlining, the housing segregation, all those different things, and the policies to combat them are actually working. And and remember, those policies were in place to keep people apart. And so as people get more exposed and more comfortable with one another, the more that you have this kind of outcome in terms of interracial interaction.\n\nBut there are still gaps that we must close. We still must improve the outcomes. But we’re not going to do it if people don’t feel comfortable working with each other. So that’s why I’m encouraged by these findings.\n\nWOOTSON:Dr. Kendi, do you think people feel comfortable working with each other? I think a lot about the pendulum that happened after George Floyd was killed, when, that’s when I read your book for the first time. And a lot of people were interested in anti-racism and in in in interracial cooperation, all of that stuff. But then that pendulum has sort of swung in the other direction. And now we see, you know, some of the loudest voices in America are are, you know, declared, even in the State of the Union recently that, you know, DEI has been eliminated.\n\nAnd I I just wonder what we’re to make of of where that pendulum is in the present day.\n\nKENDI:Well, again, to reiterate Dr. Perry’s point, if if it a reparative anti-racist policy is working, and working — which is to say that it’s causing people to recognize that racial, multiracial solidarity is best for their own particular racial group, that equitable policy is best for them, that racist policy in certain ways harms us all — if more and more people are recognizing that, then a political party that actually has long been primarily promoting those policies are going to try every which way to convince people that those policies are actually harmful to them. But, you know, more so to your to your point, they’re also going to try to remove those anti-racist reparative policies that are working.\n\nAnd so to me, it’s not a coincidence that there has been this all-out effort to remove policies that are actually trying to to create more more equity and justice, that are actually bringing people together. And you then have to justify that.\n\nAnd and and I think that’s one of the reasons why even in my my upcoming book,Chain of Ideas, I I write about the relationship between this perspective that immigrants, particularly immigrants of color, are invading the nation and stealing jobs from people and harming people. The connection to that narrative and the idea that DEI is anti-white, that diversity, equity, and inclusion isn’t creating equal opportunity, that it’s actually taking jobs from white people.\n\nAnd and once you can convince people that these equitable policies are are harming them, then you can convince them to do away with them. Then you can project yourself as their protector, even as your policies that you’re replacing those with are actually harming them and the rest of us. And so that’s the sort of political dynamic that we’re facing in this moment.\n\nPERRY:And it’s also just becoming harder to say, who is us and who is them? You know, one of the startling findings of this, more than a quarter, 26% of Americans, are in an interracial romantic relationship. And then also 23% of Americans live with children of a different race. Compare that to just 11% who report having a parent of a different race.\n\nSo your just seeing the diversification of the population overall, that it’s becoming harder to say you’re hurting white people when those white people are in families that are multiracial. We are moving towards a direction in our day-to-day and in our racial composition in this society. And that’s saying something important about what we truly believe in. Certainly there’ll be politicos who will try to convince us otherwise, but our reality is being lived out every single day in this country.\n\nWOOTSON:Dr. Kendi, I wonder if you have thoughts on how America’s increasing multiracial identification is having an impact on policy? Does it does it get harder to pit people against each other in in 2026 than it does in 1966?\n\nKENDI:So, I do think it it it it does become harder, because I think you you you know, if someone has a a Black spouse, or if a white person has a Black spouse or a Black girlfriend or a Black, a biracial child, and you directly state that Black people are harming the country, right? you know, some people will some white people will take that personally.\n\nSo what happens now? I think there there’s more so an effort to specify the type of Black people that apparently, let’s say, are harming the country or harming families or harming communities. Which then gives people, let’s say, an out to claim it’s not the Black people close to me, right? It’s those other Black people.\n\nAnd and frankly, that was even the message that was told to certain Black people historically, right? You know, like, say, members of the Black middle class were told that the people keeping the race down were low-income Black people. So it allowed certain elements of the Black middle class to reinforce the status quo thinking that the actual cause of that status quo wasn’t racist policy or racist power, but but low-income Black people.\n\nSo those types of messages, I think, are being more likely to be targeted to these multiracial families. But there’s an old history of those messages. It’s just being recast for new groups.\n\nPERRY:You know, and also we’re seeing similar solidarity around the immigration issue. You know, there are plenty of members of society who happen to be immigrant, non-citizens, undocumented maybe. And now you see Black people, women, realizing, Oh, throughout history I’ve been a member of society and I didn’t get the full-fledged privileges of citizenship. I’m similar to those immigrant groups. And so similarly, it’s just becoming harder for people to get away with, Oh, you don’t belong here. You don’t belong. Because if they don’t belong here, I don’t belong here. They’re doing everything that I’m doing. They’re going to school, they’re working, they’re reciprocating, they’re exchanging goods and services, they’re in our churches. And we’re doing just fine.\n\nWOOTSON:So historically, policies have helped increase those fissures. I wonder what policy recommendations, what can be done from a policy perspective to help increase coordination? To make it more than about just I I know people of different races, but to make it more about coordination and all of that stuff?\n\nPERRY:In general, policies follow a framework of of creating opportunities of engagement, literally removing the barriers that prevent people from interacting.\n\nWith that stated, oh, this train has left the track. We are moving in this direction, in my opinion. And there’s going to be certainly bumps in the road. It’s going to be difficult traveling, but some of these policies to eliminate segregation, they’re actually working. So that’s where I am on that.\n\nWOOTSON:Dr. Kendi, do you see any openings or places where policy can be used to sort of speed us along the track that Andre was talking about?\n\nKENDI:Well, actually, let me let me mention a particular set of policies that I I I think speaks to what Dr. Perry was was talking about in terms of opportunities for engagement that I do think a large majority of Americans would support. And so, there’s all sorts of studies that show that when you create public infrastructure that brings people together, it it organically allows people to to interact with people, let’s say, they wouldn’t normally interact with.\n\nSo let let me give an example. So, you know, in a particular city in which people primarily drive single to work, you know, creating an infrastructure of public transportation that then would take many people out of their cars and into buses and into trains where they can interact with with other groups, you know, could be beneficial for engagement. Deepening investments in in public libraries. Again, that’s a a place where where more and more people can can come together. Deepening investments in public parks, right? I mean, all these types of forms and infrastructure, are critically important to creating organic connections between people.\n\nAnd, and I, And this isn’t to me just about, let’s say, people of different racialized group, but even people of different ethnicities, people of different classes, people of different genders and sexualities. And and so the more we can create these public spaces where people see it as in their benefit to come to those places, and they feel that it that it’s a place where they can, where they can gain from, you know, I think the better for society.\n\nWOOTSON:Okay, so the findings suggests that Americans are more connected across race than many narratives suggest, and that connection exists, but that equity and power sharing kind of lag far behind. I wonder how people who are engaged in racial justice work should interpret this data. Like what what should it challenge, what should it affirm?\n\nPERRY:For those who are working on improving conditions in the United States, particularly for underserved, under-resourced Americans, they should take stock in these findings and really put a lot of emphasis on how we live. There is a disconnect between our values and our policies. But one thing’s for sure, you’re not going to get the kind of policies that will address racial inequities if you don’t have people sharing values that will uplift people.\n\nSo I think right now, if I’m a cheerleader, I’m saying, Hey, rah, rah, people are engaging, people are connecting, people are loving each other, literally raising families, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. They’re doing that in a multiracial way. Now let’s figure out how to convert those values into actual policy. And that’s work to be done. But we do know that we are moving in the right direction as MLK stated.\n\nWOOTSON:Dr. Kendi, the last question I’m going to actually direct towards you. And it’s kind of in that devil’s advocate sphere. I wonder what questions in this survey that you wish had been asked but weren’t. Or you know, what what would you want to know about the state of racial cooperation that the research doesn’t really get into? What’s the work left to be done?\n\nKENDI:Well, I think one of the things that happens with certain people, who, you know, let’s say for instance, you you take a person who had not necessarily worked with, let’s say a Black person, and they begin working with with with a Black person. And that Black person performs really well in the job. And so then they open up, let’s say, to hiring, you know, another Black person, certain people could view that Black coworker as extraordinary, and then look for somebody else who’s also extraordinary. So they have a belief that there are certain Black people who are extraordinary, but they may not necessarily normalize that person’s behavior.\n\nAnd so, you know, I think that that that’s certainly something I would’ve I would’ve loved to see more of. But you know, as a as a scholar, I know how incredibly difficult it would be to actually find that out. Right? And so that’s why it’s it’s somewhat of an impractical ask. But it is, you know, something that always gives me pause. Like, are they really recognizing that Black people are equal or are they positioning that particular Black person as extraordinary, and which is to say not like those ordinary, inferior Black people.\n\nWOOTSON:Yeah. It’s certainly an an aspirational thing to examine in the future.\n\nWell, I want to thank you both for your thoughts and and conversation. To learn more about the data found in this report, visit Brookings dot edu. And for now, thanks for listening toThe Current.", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-surreal-experience-of-meeting-khamenei/", | |
| "title": "The surreal experience of meeting Khamenei", | |
| "text": "At one point, Ban interrupted the supreme leader, noting the May 2009 letter from then-U.S. President Barack Obama to Khamenei and Obama’s 2010 Cairo speech. He explained that conversations with U.S. officials convinced him that the U.S. administration was sincere in wanting a less antagonistic relationship. (Unknown to Ban at the time, Obama had also sent a second letter in 2009.) Khamenei was dismissive; Ban was naïve. One should never trust the Americans, he said, with their uncompromising hostility toward the Islamic Republic and unrelenting commitment to overturn the Islamic revolution. In his view, Obama’s letter was a ruse, and Iran was wise enough not to fall for it.\n\nKhamenei could have talked about economic development, the Non-Aligned Summit opening the following day, or any number of noncontroversial issues related to the U.N. He might have tried to persuade Ban that Iran’s controversial nuclear program was peaceful. Instead, he used the entirety of a rare meeting with the top U.N. official to indict the United States. This did not seem to be for my benefit. In addition to his only cursory acknowledgement of my presence, I believe Khamenei learned only later that Ban picked, of all the U.N. officials in the introductory meeting, the infamous, onetime Hezbollah-bashing U.S. ambassador to Lebanon to accompany him to the restricted meeting. Two days later, my past official life had sunk in: Rent-a-crowd protesters showed up at Ban’s meeting with university students to demand my departure.\n\nAs I jotted down Khamenei’s catalogue of American sins, bewildered to be experiencing Khamenei’s diatribe in person, I found three aspects particularly noteworthy. First, Khamenei’s failure to condemn or even mention Israel, which in his mind must have been an insignificant sideshow compared to this opportunity to highlight the nefarious role of the “Great Satan,” as official Iranian rhetoric describes the United States.\n\nSecond, his utter lack of charisma, the contrast between harsh rhetoric and flat delivery. Accustomed to my time in Lebanon, with Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah’s gravitational force and versatile use of humor in front of televised, spellbound audiences, I found Khamenei’s delivery curiously lifeless, accentuated by his utterly still, straight-back posture while speaking at length, without notes.\n\nThe third aspect almost prompted me to nod: while undoubtedly Washington officials had gaps in their understanding of Khamenei, the Americans in those meetings I once attended in Washington grasped precisely what was essential. I realized from listening to Khamenei that we got it right: his paranoia; his singular, hostile focus on the United States; how he was consumed with, and identified by, enmity toward Washington. By contrast, I thought, Khamenei gets us wrong. If he truly wanted to understand us, Khamenei could have queried Iranians who had studied in the United States or who had served at the Iranian mission to the U.N. But his obsession with U.S. enmity and decline led him to board flights of his preferred fancy: an imploding country of race riots, collapse of faith in democratic institutions, predatory economic mayhem, and falsified elections, all of which he outlined as if true. (What seemed preposterous in 2012 may now sound to many almost prescient, although prompted by Khamenei’s loathing rather than an informed read of America’s future.)\n\nHis monologue concluded, Khamenei stood, precluding further debate. In what was and wasn’t a handshake, he lifted his left arm (with the right arm immobilized by a 1981 bomb) for us to touch hands. In comparison to Khamenei’s bizarre rantings, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, in a subsequent meeting, came across as surprisingly lucid and rational compared to his offensive public theatrics. His “Death to Israel, death to America” was apparently for public consumption, not something to raise with the U.N. secretary-general.\n\nThe meeting I’m describing occurred over 13 years ago. Nothing that has happened since then has shaken my belief that Khamenei, with his hatred of the United States, directed a system that violently brutalized Iranians, murdered Americans and others, and threatened the region. Likewise, U.S. policies in the intervening years may well have reinforced Khamenei’s unshakeable conviction that the United States was a malevolent, untrustworthy force: U.S. President Donald Trump’s 2018 withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, the 2020 assassination of Qassem Soleimani, and U.S. participation in the June 2025 war despite ongoing negotiations. It’s safe to assume, given his wariness, that Khamenei authorized Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi’s participation in the most recent nuclear talks primarily in order to buy time. Khamenei’s own time ran out before he could document the latest in what he would see as proof of America’s enmity and perfidy.", | |
| "author": "Michael E. O’Hanlon,", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
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| "url": "https://www.brookings.edu/articles/making-america-great-again-evaluating-trumps-china-strategy-at-the-one-year-mark/", | |
| "title": "Making America great again? Evaluating Trump’s China strategy at the one-year mark", | |
| "text": "While many international researchers continue to remain in the United States despite these challenges, the direction of travel is concerning. As Matt Sheehan, an expert on global technology issues, has observed, “The U.S. A.I. industry is thebiggest beneficiary of Chinese talent… It gets so many top-tier researchers from China who come to work in the U.S., study in the U.S. and, as this study shows, stay in the U.S., despite all the tensions and obstacles that have been thrown at them in recent years.” Sustained erosion of this inflow would materially constrain the United States’ long-term AI capacity. Absent a coherent strategy to stabilize immigration pathways and protect the research ecosystem, the United States risks weakening the very foundation that has historically underpinned its AI leadership.\n\nIn contrast, China has intensified its efforts to build a self-sustaining domestic AI talent and research ecosystem. The government hasmobilized billions in fundingacross state-owned enterprises, private firms, and state and local governments to support “hard tech” sectors such as semiconductors and AI. China has also expanded its educational pipeline at scale.More than 600 collegesin China now offer AI degree programs, up from just 35 in 2019. Importantly, an increasing share of Chinese AI researchers are no longer passing through the United States for education or early-career training.Studiesindicate that more than half of the researchers behind recent Chinese AI breakthroughs—such as DeepSeek—completed their education and careers entirely within China.\n\nAdditionally, while U.S. universities have historically held the lead in AI research, and continue to do so, producing40 top AI modelsin 2024 compared to China’s 15, the gap is narrowing. Tsinghua University alone reportedly generated more than 900 AI and machine learning patents last year, and consistently filesmore patents each year than MIT, Stanford, Princeton, and Harvard combined. While patent counts do not directly equate to breakthrough capability, they reflect the growing momentum of China’s research ecosystem.\n\nThese trends suggest that while the United States has a meaningful edge in elite AI talent and research quality, that advantage is increasingly fragile. Policies that introduce uncertainty into immigration, reduce federal research funding, or politicize scientific institutions risk accelerating talent attrition at precisely the moment when China is consolidating its domestic talent base.\n\nBeyond domestic capability, a decisive dimension of the AI race lies in international diffusion: whether other countries adopt U.S.-aligned or China-aligned AI systems, infrastructure, and standards. Recognizing the strategic importance of adoption, the Trump administration has made international diffusion a central pillar of its AI strategy. In describing U.S. objectives, White House Office of Science and Technology Policy Director Michael Kratsiosarguedthat “adoption” is key to “winning the AI race.”\n\nTo that end, in July 2025, the administration issued anexecutive orderaimed at accelerating exports of what it terms “American AI tech stacks.” These stacks bundle U.S.-designed chips, AI models, cloud services, software applications, and technical standards into integrated offerings intended to anchor partner countries within U.S.-aligned technology ecosystems rather than Chinese ones. Export packages prioritized through the Department of Commerce will be eligible for federal resources such as loans, loan guarantees, equity investments, and technical assistance.\n\nDespite strong American intent, international adoption of U.S. systems is constrained by several factors. First, frequent shifts in U.S. trade, technology, and alliance policy—combined with a more transactional diplomatic posture—have encouraged both advanced economies and emerging markets to pursue diversification strategies. As analysts point out, major markets such as India and the European Union increasingly seek tolimit dependenceon both Washington and Beijing, complicating efforts to build a cohesive U.S.-led AI bloc.\n\nSecond, many U.S. allies—particularly in Europe—have sharply diverged from the Trump administration’s deregulatory approach by adopting AI governance frameworks that emphasize risk classification, data protection, and safety requirements. The administration has framed minimal regulation as central to U.S. AI leadership.Vice President JD Vancereinforced this stance at the February AI Action Summit in Paris, and it was codified in a January executive orderrolling back prior AI policiesviewed as barriers to innovation, as well as in the AI Action Plan’s focus on removing “red tape.” As U.S. AI governance moves toward emphasizing deregulation, growing divergence with allied regulatory regimes may reduce regulatory interoperability and undermine confidence in adopting U.S. AI systems.\n\nThird, cost and financing terms shape adoption decisions, particularly in emerging markets. Chinafrequently bundlesAI systems with concessional financing, infrastructure construction, and long repayment timelines, lowering barriers to entry for cash-constrained governments. U.S. offerings, by contrast, are oftenpriced at commercial ratesandrely more heavily on private financing, limiting competitiveness in markets where upfront cost and financing flexibility outweigh frontier performance. While the July 2025 executive order states that the United States will align “technical, financial, and diplomatic resources” to promote the export of AI tech stacks, the administration has yet to deploy concrete financing programs or indicate a focus on emerging markets.\n\nMeanwhile, China hasprioritizedrapid AI deployment, particularly in the Global South. In addition to the development of large frontier models, China’s AI strategy also prioritizes a “small yet smart” style of deployment across public-sector applications, industrial automation, smart-city systems, and surveillance platforms, often bundled with state-backed financing associated with theDigital Silk Road. This approachleveragesseveral comparative strengths: the deep integration of AI into industrial and logistics systems, government procurement that creates large and stable domestic markets for Chinese firms, and export packages that combine hardware, software, cloud services, and financing. Once deployed, these systems tend to create sticky, long-termtechnological dependencies, reinforcing China’s influence even without leading at the frontier of model development.\n\nOn the software side,China still lags behindthe United States in establishing mature, globally adopted AI software ecosystems. However, the release of DeepSeek’s R1 model marked anotable shift. Following the release of DeepSeek R1, many Chinese AI labs have pursued an open-source approach to AI development. By offering powerful AI models at little to no cost, Chinese firms have beengaining sharein global adoption, from Asia and Africa to Silicon Valley. While this does not immediately translate into state-level alignment or infrastructure dependence, it strengthens China’s position within open-source ecosystems and may influence longer-term patterns of integration and experimentation.\n\nIn conclusion, the evidence indicates that while the Trump administration has correctly identified AI as a central arena of strategic competition with China, its approach produces an uneven balance of strengths and vulnerabilities. The United States retains meaningful advantages in frontier compute, elite research capacity, and core AI platforms, but these advantages are increasingly constrained by infrastructure bottlenecks, talent attrition risks, and policy uncertainty. Efforts to translate technical leadership into geopolitical influence through export promotion and “AI tech stack” diffusion remain at an early stage and face structural headwinds, including regulatory divergence among allies and cost and financing disadvantages in emerging markets. In short, there’s a real risk that the United States could maintain leadership at the technological frontier but still watch other countries conclude that China’s models are cheaper, sufficiently capable, and better suited to the practical AI applications they plan to deploy in the coming years.\n\nChina’s imposition of rare-earth export licensing requirements inApril 2025, followed by a broader expansion of controls inOctober, sent a shock through U.S. industry and policy circles. The restrictions significantly disrupted shipments of critical materials and exposed the degree to which key segments of the U.S. economy remain reliant on Chinese-controlled supply chains. The export controls also crystallized a broader reality: rare earths are only one of several areas in which the United States remainsstrategically dependenton China, alongside pharmaceuticals, lithium-ion batteries, and mature chips. Rare earths have nonetheless received disproportionate attention precisely because China’s actions in April and October demonstrated its willingness—and ability—to weaponize dominance in a sector critical for both economic competitiveness and national security. Jamieson Greer, the U.S. trade representative,describedBeijing’s action as a “global exercise in economic coercion” while Treasury Secretary Scott Bessentframedit as a wake-up call, arguing that the United States “must be self-sufficient, or be sufficient with our allies, within two years.”\n\nIn response, the Trump administration articulated an ambitiousagendaaimed at rapidly reducing reliance on China, stating the U.S. government would take equity stakes in private companies in strategic industries, while introducing price floors and strategic stockpiles, among other measures. The administration has also claimed that the United States would secure alternative supplies of rare earthswithin two years.\n\nThis section evaluates whether these initiatives place the United States on a credible path toward reducing strategic dependence on China with a focus on rare earths.\n\nChinadominatescritical mineral supply chains, controlling roughly 70% of rare-earth mining, over 90% of rare-earth processing, and more than 80% of battery manufacturing capacity. For lithium-ion batteries—essential to automotive and green energy sectors—China produces over60%of key inputs (cathodes, anodes, lithium, cobalt) and 98% of refined graphite.\n\nEven in sectors where the United States and its allies lead, dependencies persist. While advanced semiconductors remain largely outside China’s control, Beijing commands aroundone-third of mature-node chip capacity—critical for automobiles, industrial machinery, and defense systems—and dominates key semiconductor inputs, accounting forover 99% of global productionof gallium and maintaining a leading position in germanium production.\n\nIn pharmaceuticals, U.S. dependence is similarly acute. Chinasuppliessubstantial shares of acetaminophen, ibuprofen, and active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) for antibiotics. Even generic drugs imported from India often rely on Chinese APIs. The U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission haswarnedthat disrupted API exports could severely impact U.S. public health.\n\nEfforts to reduce dependence on rare earths form part of a longer-term Department of Defense (DOD) initiative launched in 2023, aimed at establishing resilient “mine-to-magnet” supply chains by 2027. Since 2020, the DOD has awarded more than $439 million to U.S. firms to support rare-earth mining, separation, and early-stage manufacturing.\n\nDespite these efforts, current U.S. capacity remains limited. Onlytwo firms—MP Materials and Energy Fuels—operate at a commercial scale. While the United States is the world’ssecond-largest rare-earth producer, largely due to the Mountain Pass mine in California, it remains far behind China. U.S. production isconcentratedin light rare earth elements, while China maintains its strongest leverage over heavy rare earths. Although the United States hasbegun to developdomestic separation capacity, downstream stages—particularly magnet manufacturing—remainoverwhelmingly concentratedin China.\n\nThis downstream concentration is decisive. Permanent magnets represent the point at which rare earths become economically and militarily indispensable,poweringelectric vehicles (EVs), wind turbines, consumer electronics, and modern weapons systems. Even substantial progress in mining and separation does not eliminate strategic vulnerability if magnet-grade materials and finished magnets must still besourcedfrom China.\n\nThese challenges are compounded by rising global demand. In 2019, China accounted for62.9%of global rare earth output, compared with 12.4% for the United States. Since then, China’s dominance has deepened: between 2020 and 2024, it accounted for roughly96%of the net increase in global refined rare earth production, far outpacing all other producers, as demand surged with the expansion of EVs, wind power, and other magnet-intensive technologies.\n\nBeyond capacity constraints, market economics pose a persistent obstacle to diversification. China’s dominance is reinforced by its ability tosustain low prices through state support, allowing Chinese producers to undercut competitors during downturns and drive non-Chinese firms out of the market. This pricing power has historicallydiscouraged private investmentin alternative supply chains, even when resources are available. While the Trump administration has discussed countermeasures such as price floors, long-term offtake agreements, and public equity stakes, these tools have not yet been deployed at a scale sufficient to neutralize China’s market leverage.\n\nThe administration’s stated two-year timeline further highlights a mismatch between political ambition and industrial reality. Developing new mines, processing facilities, and magnet-manufacturing capacity typically requiresaround 15 years, even under favorable regulatory and financing conditions. As Tim Puko, director of commodities at the Eurasia Group, hasobserved, “Promises of a year or two are either naivety or spin.”\n\nRecognizing that domestic production alone will be insufficient, the Trump administration has pursued public-private partnerships and allied supply-chain initiatives. In July 2025, MP Materials entered into amajor agreementwith the Department of Defense involving long-term procurement commitments and billions of dollars in federal investment intended to scale output over the next decade. The U.S. Export-Import Bank also issued a letter of interest forup to $120 millionto support the Tanbreez rare-earth project in Greenland, marking the administration’s first overseas mining-related investment.\n\nBeyond these anchor efforts, the administration has pursued a broad set of bilateral arrangements aimed at expanding non-Chinese supply. These initiatives vary widely in credibility and immediacy. Some, particularly agreements with Australia and Japan, includedefined timelines,funding commitments, andofftake provisionsthat could materially support allied production if implemented. Others are more aspirational. The MOU between MP Materials and Saudi Arabia’s Maaden todevelopa rare-earth refinery signals intent but remainsseveral yearsfrom production.\n\nDeals with Malaysia and Thailand similarly aim to secure stronger joint critical mineral supply chains, though theyremain broadand lack binding funding obligations. Malaysia has committed torefraining from banning or imposing quotason critical mineral exports to the United States, while prioritizing U.S. investment in its critical minerals sector and integrating its resources into U.S.-aligned supply chains. Thailand’s deal gives the United States the “first opportunity to invest” in critical minerals from Thai suppliers, though Thai officialsdisputethis as a nonbinding gesture of goodwill rather than a legal obligation. While these agreements emphasize cooperation and investment prioritization, they leave substantial discretion with host governments.\n\nAt the same time, domestic policy choices complicate the commercial viability of U.S.-based and/or non-Chinese supply chains. Thephaseoutof the Advanced Manufacturing Production Credit under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act weakens the commercial case for scaling high-cost U.S. production. Analystswarnthis shortens the investment runway and “weakens the commercial case for expanding domestic rare earth capacity.”\n\nRegulatory challenges further constrain progress. For example, Lynas Rare Earths’ Texas-based processing facility—developed with DOD support—has faced permitting delays related towastewater disposal, casting doubt on its projected 2026 production timeline. Environmental risks, not just at home but also abroad, pose challenges for projects. In Malaysia, rare-earth operations weresuspendedin late 2025 following reports of river contamination and radiation levels significantly exceeding safety thresholds.\n\nRare earths have become the most visible test case of U.S. efforts to reduce strategic dependence on China, sharpened by Beijing’s export controls in April and October 2025 and the exposure of long-standing supply-chain vulnerabilities. While the Trump administration has taken meaningful steps to mitigate this dependence through targeted investment, public-private partnerships, and allied coordination, progress remains uneven and structurally constrained. More broadly, rare earths represent only one dimension of a wider set of strategic dependencies that continue to shape U.S. economic and national security risk. Absent sustained, coordinated action across these domains, efforts to reduce vulnerability in one sector may be offset by persistent exposure elsewhere.\n\nA central claim underlying Trump’s worldview is that the United States had lost global respect and had been systematically taken advantage of by foreign powers, including China. A large part of his promise to “Make America Great Again” rests on the assertion that restoring U.S. prestige—and ensuring the country is no longer exploited or disrespected—is essential to reestablishing American strength on the world stage. This logic has remained consistent from Trump’s earliest political messaging through his return to office. For example, in hissecond inaugural address, Trump declared:“From this day forward, our country will flourish and be respected again all over the world. We will be the envy of every nation, and we will not allow ourselves to be taken advantage of any longer.”The administration’s 2025National Security Strategyechoesthis theme, asserting that“America is strong and respected again—and because of that, we are making peace all over the world”while highlighting America’s “unmatched ‘soft power’ and cultural influence” as the foundation of its global leadership.\n\nThis section evaluates these claims. Drawing on recent global and domestic polling, it assesses whether perceptions of U.S. power, leadership, and influence have in fact improved during the first year of Trump’s second term—and how the United States is now viewed abroad relative to China as an economic and geopolitical leader.\n\nEvaluating the validity of these claims requires moving beyond official statements to observable indicators of global sentiment. A useful place to begin is with polling on which country the world views as the leading economic power. Recent polling reflects a shift in global sentiment, with confidence in U.S. leadership declining sharply, including among key allies in Asia.", | |
| "author": "Patricia M. Kim", | |
| "date": "Unknown", | |
| "category": "Articles", | |
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| "title": "From the halls of the Munich Security Conference", | |
| "text": "STELZENMÜLLER:It was surprisingly energetic. Many of the Munich Security Conferences that I’ve attended in the past, especially after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, have been very glum and depressed. And this one was full of bustle and energy; even warmth. People were talking to each other about what needed to be done. And that very much included Europeans and Americans.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Hello everyone. Welcome toThe Current.My name is Aslı Aydintaşbaş. I’m a fellow at the Center on United States and Europe at Brookings Institution. And I’m here today with Constanze Stelzenmüller, the director of our Center on United States and Europe.\n\nWelcome to the show, Constanze.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Thank you Aslı. Always happy to talk to the citizen of a nation that respects the umlaut.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:We both have difficult last names.\n\nYou’ve just come back from Munich Security Conference. And we are here to talk about that. I’ve only been there maybe twice, when I was younger and working as a journalist and it, and it felt like, oh my God, this is a bunch of middle aged white man talking about NATO all the time.\n\nAnd at the time it didn’t seem all that interesting. But since then, I know Munich has changed and so has the world. So tell us what you saw last week.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Yes, I have indeed been going to Munich for quite a while. And I’ve been there for some memorable blowups, right, about 9/11, of the Afghanistan intervention, the Iraq war, the Putin speech.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Putin speech in 2007.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:In 2007, exactly. This was different. For one, we all remembered the JD Vance speech last year, right, where he lambasted Europeans, and accused them of mistreating, as it were, or restricting the the freedom of speech of the hard right parties in Europe.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:He said the threat is not Russia. It comes from within Europe.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:And and that came as a shock to the system, of course. And you were in, you were there last year too.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:I was there, but I was in the overflow of the overflow, which is what is par for the course these days because there’s so many people there.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Explain what it is.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:So maybe for those people who who have a hard time imagining what this is like. This is an old and venerable Bavarian hotel in the middle of town. At this point, the organizers have commandeered about five or six venues adjacent to it. Now imagine police not just from Germany, but from the Netherlands and Switzerland as well around it, and snipers on the rooftop.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:And inside you have a ten-ring circus crossed with an Oriental bazaar. And and there is political theater taking place on the main stage that is mostly completely choreographed. And then around that is people trying to talk to each other and figure out what’s happening and what they need to do, and maybe also doing business.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:It it sounds a little bit fun for someone who works in foreign policy and defense.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Actually, yes. It has a feeling of summer school, except that it’s, you know, in winter and it’s cold outside.\n\nBut, there are about a thousand people. And at peak time between Friday noon and Sunday noon that means it almost impossible to get into the main stage rooms and difficult to get through the corridors. So, but that does mean you run into a lot of people serendipitously, which makes it fun again, as you say.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:So, let’s talk about secretary of state and his speech. As you said, JD Vance last year, you know, it it really came as a shock to the whole system, to Europeans, and the threat from within is actually what you have become as Europe was his message. But this year, Secretary Rubio’s trip was meant as a reassurance to Europe. That’s what the press corps traveling with him wrote even before he arrived in Munich.\n\nSo, what was your take? Tell us what he said, first, and then maybe how Europeans reacted. Were they reassured?\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:So again, I wasn’t in the room. I was somewhere outside.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:you were in the hallways or\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:I was in the hallways yes …\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:which is far more valuable than sitting there because you were able to get the reactions.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Here’s the thing: you can immediately see a video and soon after that get a transcript of the political theater that is scripted. And so you are much better off trying to see the people that you otherwise wouldn’t see, talk to them in the corridors, and so on. But since I was asked to comment on this for German National Radio, I did watch the video immediately.\n\nI think, you know, it … in defense of the people in the room who stood up and clapped, I think when you, when you are in the room, you get caught up in the moment. There was a big American delegation at the front that participated in the standing ovation. And yes, some European ministers did so as well, including German.\n\nBut I think as soon as the message of the content of the the Rubio speech sort of trickled into people’s brains, people realized what they had been served, which was, as some one writer put it, JD Vance with maple syrup. There’s different ways of describing it, but that one is memorable.\n\nBut my point being this: that Marco Rubio framed the alliance as a West that is a white, Christian, ethnonationalist project based on interests rather than values. And you know what? That leaves an awful lot of people out in Europe. Not just people of the Jewish and Muslim faith of whom there are many among our citizenry; it’s, this is not just migrants. It is pretty surprising to the non-Western guests at the Munich Security Conference to hear that the American administration thinks colonialism, you know, was a great Western achievement. There are some allies that I think that the Trump administration wants to keep on its right side. That didn’t work that way.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Well, it was really a strange speech in the sense that, I mean, first of all, seeing a standing ovation was weird. But also he called everything that’s great about Europe, basically foolish ideas — that’s the expression he used — including including open borders, globalization and\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:rule of law, he called\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:and yep, diversity\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:and it’s dedication to diversity. These are some of the things that make Europe and living in European cities great today. So people were not exactly reassured outside, but in the room there was this, as you said, political theater with standing ovation.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:No. He did not talk about Ukraine except in the Q&A. He didn’t really mention China. And so, as one of our colleagues, Tom Wright, pointed out in a piece atThe Atlanticthis week, he really missed out on the the genuine challenge and threat to the alliance, which is the increasing cooperation of authoritarian great powers with each other — Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea. That was shocking to many.\n\nThere’s also one more thing that I must mention as a German, which is a very loud dog whistle to the German hard right when he said, we don’t want you to be shackled by guilt and shame. That is a very explicit illusion to the notion ofSchuldkult, the “cult of guilt” that the leaders of the hard right like to intone.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:When you say the leaders of the hard right, I assume you’re referring to AfD\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:The far right party,\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:yes, yes, correct\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:that JD Vance made a point of meeting in person last year. And then Rubio went on to Hungary after Germany, right?\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:And to Slovakia, yes.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:And Slovakia, meeting similarly sort of far right leaders. In one case Viktor Orbán. I know you’re working a lot on the rise of far right in Germany and elsewhere in Europe. So the message, it was quite clear: demand for a political change of sorts in in Europe, “MAGA-fication” of of the continent.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Well, it certainly looked as though Rubio was saying, these are our real allies. He said that working with Hungary, which has extremely close ties to both Russia and China, is an essential U.S. interest. How that computes for American interests, I think, is not for me to to explain. It mystifies me.\n\nBut it does feel as though both Vance and Rubio this year are saying the “real West” in Europe is the hard right. Those are the people that we share values and interests with. And that’s very shocking to European viewers. And not just to them.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Well, let’s turn to a little bit of gossip to lighten this conversation. Munich also felt like a parade of Democratic hopefuls. I I saw that Gavin Newsom was there. Gretchen Whitmer. AOC of course. I think I may have seen Chris Murphy in one of the videos.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:So did you get a chance to listen to any of them? Was was there a buzz about Democratic hopefuls? Why were they, and what did Europeans hear?\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:So, I think Politico counted a total of six Democratic presidential hopefuls for 2028.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Oh my gosh. We must be missing one or two.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:It was supposedly the biggest congressional delegation in a very long time. And there were Republicans there, and Democrats, and with a lot of staffers. And I, let me say the following. Again, I avoided going to see Newsom or AOC. I thought, you know, it’s a bit early to be ringing in the presidential campaign, and this is not what I’m in Munich for. I did hear Senator Slotkin on on a panel in the main stage who was focused and and firm as ever. She, I think, just is a very, very good debater and it shows.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:She gave an excellent speech at Brookings a couple of months ago as well.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Indeed, indeed. Remarkable. And I went to a lunch with a member of Congress, Jason Crow, which of course was off the record.\n\nBut I think what I can say is that I had the sense that Americans and Europeans, and this included conservatives, this included members of Congress, but also staffers, were really trying to actually reach out to each other, talk openly and sincerely with each other, and were very much aware that this is a moment of great risk for the international order.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Now I want to turn to President Volodymyr Zelenskyyy of Ukraine, who also made an appearance at Munich. He was also there last few years, I think. What did you hear from him? What was the buzz about Ukraine? Given that a few days afterwards, President Trump’s envoys were in Geneva meeting the Russian delegation for negotiations to end the war in Ukraine.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Let me phrase this phrase this a little differently. I wasn’t in the room when Zelenskyy spoke because the room was so full that I decided to watch it on video afterwards. Again. But what I gather is that he told his viewers that Ukraine needed specific kinds of weapons, something we all know. He received a warm reception, he received applause.\n\nThe the point about Ukrainian attendance in Munich, I think is a different one, and you can only sense that when you were there. They had their own dedicated space with a ton of events going on that the Ukrainians put on either on their own or with German and other European partners. There was a an overall sense, right, and that’s very distinct from what it has been in the years before the Russian full invasion, or even 10 years ago in 2014 when I joined Brookings at the height of what was then the Ukraine crisis.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:The Crimea, of course. The invasion of Crimea.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Yes, exactly. The invasion of Crimea by by by by Russia.\n\nAnd the sense is now that Ukraine is very much part of the European family. That when Europeans talk to Ukraine about Russia’s attacks on Ukraine, we are discussing a shared security threat, but also a shared European destiny. That is really quite remarkable.\n\nThere, there is just a sense of commonality that can no longer be ignored. And and I’m not saying that in a, to make a sort of, you know, a values point. It is also due to the fact that the Russians are committing so many overt acts of sabotage across Europe. That’s also why it’s shared.\n\nThe other thing that that was notable there was the presence of the Belarusian opposition. All right? Also Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya was there, but also Maria Kalesnikava recently released from prison. And there, too, my sense is that they’re received as part of the family.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Yet, Europe is not really at the negotiating table.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:in talks with Russians.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Very true. And there is, I think, a pervasive sense among Europeans that what is happening between the U.S. and Russia is not in Ukraine’s interest and is not in Europe’s interest. And so we need to figure out things for ourselves.\n\nEuropean leaders were generally careful not to, sort of, you know, as we say in German, “tear up the tablecloth” in the transatlantic\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:trying not antagonize\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:the American delegation or dignitaries.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:No. Chancellor Merz in his framing speech on the first day of the conference did say, you know, we have to improve our own defense and security in Germany and in Europe in either way, whether we become more alienated from America or where, whether we find a basis for working together again.\n\nAnd he explicitly said, we cannot follow you in your MAGA culture war.\n\nYou know, Rubio gave that speech the following day all the same, which suggests a maybe a little bit of tone deafness.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Let’s turn to Germany and talk about where things are withZeitenwende, a reality check, because you did talk about Chancellor Merz’s speech. He’s obviously been very forthright on European defense since he came to power not too long ago. Where do you think his government is in terms of European defense and Germany’s defense? And give it a mark.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Sure. So what I always say is that we seem increasingly across Europe to be able to agree on the necessary policies among among experts and policymakers. We know we need to do more for our own deterrence and defense. We know that we are still very much reliant on our ability to to purchase weapons from the U.S. for Ukraine, and on Americans strategic enablers and the nuclear extended deterrence.\n\nBut there is increasingly a feeling of of queasy insecurity with regard to the trustworthiness of our American allies, as several people there put it bluntly and in public. And so there is a sense that the challenge may be broader than we think. And that, and that with the timeline may have shortened massively.\n\nI had the general feeling at this enormous conference, there were about a thousand people there, that so many people were busy getting things done. It was really quite extraordinary. Very often, the MSC, the Munich Security Conference, has seemed purely like theater, with people sitting back there and passively consuming. Now I had the feeling that they were paying attention to the theater and to the messaging, but at the same time having conversations about what needed to be done. That was remarkable.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:So there’s a lot more happening behind the headlines outside of the … theater?\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Yes, and a tremendous sense of energy and and action. That is not to say that there’s not always something more that we could do. And certainly there are two risks, I think: that our efforts at gearing up our European defense and deterrence sort of, you know, are met with forces of inertia like bureaucracy, balkanization, fragmentation of defense industry; and and that we ultimately aren’t able to agree about the politics of the policy. Right?\n\nI, and and there is where I think Merz’s speech really fell short and where Europe really needs to deliver, and that is embedding this re-armament of Europe into a much larger project of competitiveness and growth. Only that will prevent the European hard right from painting this as a guns versus butter debate and saying here again are technocratic elites not paying attention to what the electorate really wants.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:So Constanze, is there one word to describe the few days you’ve spent in Munich?\n\n[16:43]STELZENMÜLLER:Well, it was surprisingly energetic. Many of the Munich Security Conferences that I’ve attended in the past, especially after Russian, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, have been very glum and depressed. And this one was full of bustle and energy. And as I just wrote in the in the introduction of our Center newsletter today, even warmth. People were talking to each other about what needed to be done. And that very much included Europeans and Americans.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:So before we wrap up, Constanze, any more gossip?\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:Well, you know, one of the charms, if I dare call it that, of the Munich Security Conference is is that again, you have all these serendipitous encounters and you run into events that you didn’t think would be interesting, and suddenly they are.\n\nSTELZENMÜLLER:And into people that you know, and new people. And so I I had a lot of that.\n\nI think in general, I would say there was a lot of new topics raised by President Trump’s grab for Greenland. Right? I In previous years, there would never have been a side event on the security of the North Atlantic with a Danish admiral and a German admiral.\n\nThere would not have been event that many events on a on Arctic and Nordic security. Also, I have never seen so many Icelanders at this conference.\n\nAnd there are always something that may may surprise viewers, there are always a lot of civil society and even religious dignitaries at this conference.\n\nAnd perhaps I’ll end on on this note. There was a Catholic prelate who was praising the Enlightenment and hoping that his Church would be a focal point for integration and inclusion in Europe. And I think that was a highly deliberate message as a counterweight to some of the things that had been said on the main stage.\n\nAYDINTAŞBAŞ:Well, that seems like a really good place to end. Thank you for this wonderful and colorful conversation. And thanks to our listeners for tuning in. You can learn about all of this on our website, Brookings dot edu.\n\nAnd my name is Aslı Aydintaşbaş. This isThe Current.", | |
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