index,file_name,file_type,page_number,chunks,concise_summary 0,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,0,"Blackfoot Grammar CHAPTER 1 The Blackfoot Alphabet The Blackfoot alphabet is designed to be read by native speakers of the language. Therefore, each letter represents a distinctive sound of the language, and predictable variations are not indicated because these are automatic for a native speaker of Blackfoot. For example, vowels are shorter before long (double) consonants than they are before single consonants, but because this vowel shortening is predictable (and automatic for native speakers) we still write the vowel as if it weren’t shortened. Thus the first vowel of nínna ‘my father’ is shorter and more lax (see Appendix C) than the first vowel of nínaa ‘man,’ though they are written the same: the presence of the double nn in nínna is enough to predict the shortening. While this is the ideal kind of writing system for native speakers of the language, it requires non-native speakers to learn consciously what is known subconsciously by those who learned the language as children. This brief description will try to acquaint the reader with the approximate sound each letter represents, and give a few details of how sounds are affected by neighboring sounds.1 The reader who wishes to learn to pronounce Blackfoot correctly must, of course, hear and mimic the language as spoken by a native speaker. THE VOWELS There are three: a has approximately the quality of a in English father, except before double Page 1","{ ""Blackfoot Grammar CHAPTER 1 The Blackfoot Alphabet The Blackfoot alphabet is designed to be read by native speakers of the language. Therefore, each letter represents a distinctive sound of the language, and predictable variations are not indicated because these are automatic for a native speaker of Blackfoot. For example, vowels are shorter before long (double) consonants than they are before single consonants, but because this vowel shortening is predictable (and automatic for native speakers) we still write the vowel as if it weren’t shortened. Thus the first vowel of nínna ‘my father’ is shorter and more lax (see Appendix C" 1,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,1,"consonants, where it has a quality more like the vowel of English cut. i has a quality which varies from that of the i of English kiss to that of the i of machine; it always has the latter quality when long (written double— see below). ísska ‘pail’ mííni ‘berry’ o has a quality much like the o of English so, except before double consonants, in which case it has a quality more like the o of woman. VOWEL LENGTH (duration) is indicated by writing vowels double when long. It must be emphasized that by ‘long vowels’ we mean long in quantity (not quality, as in English phonics). Thus oo represents approximately the same sound as does o in Blackfoot; the difference is in the amount of time they are sustained. Compare: áakokaawa ‘he will rope’ áakookaawa ‘she will sponsor a Sundance’ DIPHTHONGS ai varies among speakers and from dialect to dialect. Before double consonants (see below) it is about like the ai of English said: sa‘no’ánnia‘that’s it/okay now’ámo‘this’máttso’kaawa‘he slept again’ oma‘that one’ónni‘his father’óki‘hello/okay now’sokóttaat‘spit!’ Page 2","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""consonants, where it has a quality more like the vowel of English cut. i has a quality which varies from that of the i of English kiss to that of the i of machine; it always has the latter quality when long (written double— see below). ísska ‘pail’ mííni ‘berry’ o has a quality much like the o of English so, except before double consonants, in which case it has a quality more like the o of woman."" }, { """ 2,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,2,"áínnisiwa ‘he descends/falls’ áíkkiwa ‘he blows a whistle’ Before a glottal stop (written ’ ; see below) or another vowel i it is similar to the ai of English paid (though on the Siksika Reserve it may sound like the i of English bite): áí’poyiwa ‘he speaks’ náíipisstsiwa ‘it is cloth’ In other positions of a word, this diphthong will sound like the ai of English plaid on the Blood Reserve, but like the ai of English paid on the Siksika Reserve: áípiimma ‘he enters’ áípottaawa ‘airplane’ ao is like the aw of dawn (for those English speakers who pronounce the latter differently than they do Don); to approximate it, pronounce the a of English father with rounded lips. áókska’siwa ‘he’s running’ áóttakiwa ‘bartender’ ponokáómitaawa ‘horse’ Before a glottal stop it may sound more like the ou of English out. ákao’toowa ‘he has arrived’ Page 3","{ ""áínnisiwa"": ""he descends/falls"", ""áíkkiwa"": ""he blows a whistle"", ""Before a glottal stop (written ’ ; see below) or another vowel i it is similar to the ai of English paid (though on the Siksika Reserve it may sound like the i of English bite):"": ""áí’poyiwa ‘he speaks’ náíipisstsiwa ‘it is cloth’"", ""In other positions of a word, this diphthong will sound like the ai of English plaid on the Blood Reserve, but" 3,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,3,"oi is nearly identical to the oi of coin: nohkóíksi ‘my sons’ otahkóínattsi ‘yellow’ Before a long consonant, it may sound like the Blackfoot vowel i (see above) pronounced with rounded lips. nitáakotoissikópii ‘I will go rest’ PITCH ACCENT, or prominence of a vowel or diphthong, is indicated here by use of an acute accent over the vowel or diphthong. (An alternative way to indicate Blackfoot pitch accent is by underlining accented vowels.) The ‘prominence’ mentioned in the preceding sentence consists primarily of a relatively higher pitch than that of contiguous syllables. Compare the following word pairs: Because there is a gradual drop in pitch throughout an utterance, an accented syllable toward the end of a word of several syllables may actually be of lower pitch than an unaccented syllable earlier in the word; the accented syllable will still be relatively higher in pitch as compared with the syllable which follows it, however, as is kó in the following word: máátaissikópiiwa ‘he’s not resting’ There are a few words in which the pitch falls noticeably during the ápssiwa‘it’s an arrow’apssíwa‘it’s a fig’aohkííwa‘it’s water’áóhkiwa‘he’s barking’ákaohkiimiwa‘he’s married’akáóhkiimiwa‘he has many wives’ Page 4","{ ""oi is nearly identical to the oi of coin: nohkóíksi ‘my sons’ otahkóínattsi ‘yellow’ Before a long consonant, it may sound like the Blackfoot vowel i (see above) pronounced with rounded lips. nitáakotoissikópii ‘I will go rest’"", ""PITCH ACCENT, or prominence of a vowel or diphthong, is indicated here by use of an acute accent over the vowel or diphthong. (An alternative way to indicate Blackfoot pitch accent is by underlining accented vowels.) The ‘prominence’ mentioned in the" 4,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,4,"pronunciation of a long vowel; in these cases only the first of the two letters which represent a long vowel is accented; e.g., áaksoyiwa ‘he will eat.’2 There are also sequences of a long vowel or diphthong (see below) followed by an accented vowel; these have a pitch which falls and then rises; e.g., maaáhsi ‘her elder relation’; maoóyi ‘mouth.’ Pitch also falls during an accented vowel or diphthong which is immediately followed by a glottal stop (see below re glottal stops). í’ksisakoyi ‘meat’ áí’poyiwa ‘he speaks’ SEMIVOWELS w and y are glides with much the same quality as English w and y when the latter occur between vowels, as in aware and yo-yo. áwaaniiwa ‘he says’ áyo’kaawa ‘he’s sleeping’ (Note that a + y together sound like English eye.) CONSONANTS m and n represent sounds virtually the same as the m and n of English: mamííwa ‘fish’ nínaawa ‘man’ s is similar to the English sound usually represented by the same letter, except that the Blackfoot s is usually made with the tongue tip up, rather than behind the lower teeth as English s usually is. (The s of English purser is very much like the average Blackfoot s). Page 5","{ ""pronunciation of a long vowel; in these cases only the first of the two letters which represent a long vowel is accented; e.g., áaksoyiwa ‘he will eat.’2 There are also sequences of a long vowel or diphthong (see below) followed by an accented vowel; these have a pitch which falls and then rises; e.g., maaáhsi ‘her elder relation’; maoóyi ‘mouth.’ Pitch also falls during an accented vowel or diphthong which is immediately followed by a glottal stop (see below re glott" 5,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,5,"sa ‘no’ kiistówa ‘you’ póósiks ‘cats’ p, t, and k of Blackfoot are like their English counterparts except that they do not have the aspiration (puff of air) which usually follows p, t, and k in English; because of this non-aspiration, they often sound like b, d, and g to English speakers. English p, t, and k preceded by s in words such as spin, sting, and skin are much like the Blackfoot sounds. poos ‘cat’ takáa ‘who?’ kitsími ‘door’ ts and ks, though written as sequences and thus not requiring additional letters in the alphabet, are single sound units in the language called affricates. To produce these sounds, one begins with the tongue position of the sound usually written with the first letter (t or k), but before it is released the front part of the tongue assumes the position it normally has for the sound s, so that the t or k is released into the s. h is a palatal fricative or ‘guttural,’ much like the German sound written as ch. Like the German sound, it is greatly affected by the preceding vowel so that after i it is made at the highest point on the roof of the mouth, while after o or a it is made nearer the back of the roof of the mouth.3 ihkitsíka ‘seven’ óhkotoki ‘stone’ ksááhkoi ‘dirt’ ’ is an ‘interruption’ made by momentarily closing the glottis (vocal chords) tightly, as English speakers do between the oh’s of the expression ‘oh-oh!’ It is known as a glottal stop. tsimá‘where?’nítsoyi‘I ate’ksisóyi‘teakettle’níkso’kowaiksi‘my relatives’ Page 6","{ ""sa"": ""no"", ""kiistówa"": ""you"", ""póósiks"": ""cats"", ""p, t, and k of Blackfoot are like their English counterparts except that they do not have the aspiration (puff of air) which usually follows p, t, and k in English; because of this non-aspiration, they often sound like b, d, and g to English speakers. English p, t, and k preceded by s in words such as spin, sting, and skin are much like the Blackfoot sounds."": ""p" 6,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,6,"CONSONANT LENGTH (duration) is indicated by writing consonants double; this simply means that the articulation of such consonants is held a bit longer than it is for those consonants when written singly.4 All consonants except h and ’ occur distinctively long: Phonetic Details and Some Spelling Conventions Given the alphabetic system outlined above, there is a non-arbitrary spelling for almost every word of Blackfoot. However, in some cases, knowledge of the makeup of words can influence spelling of otherwise ambiguous sounds and sound sequences. A relatively simple case is that of vowels at the end of a word. Since vowels in this position are generally voiceless, there can be no contrast between short and long vowels at the end of a word. However, we still write vowels as short or long in this position based on their length when a suffix is added. For example, one cannot tell by listening to the word nitáópii ‘I’m staying/sitting’ that the final vowel is long. We write it as long because its length is observable in forms such as áópiiwa ‘(s)he is staying/sitting’ and apíít ‘sit!’ Here is another case: V owel length is difficult, if not impossible, to sa’áíwa‘duck’ní’sa‘my older brother’apí’siwa‘coyote’no’tsísi‘my hand’ kiipíppo‘one hundred’ísska‘pail’áípottaawa‘he’s flying’iyímmit‘laugh!’nitákkaawa‘my friend’nínna‘my father’iksíssiwa‘he is tough’soká’pssiwa‘he is good’ Page 7","{ ""CONSONANT LENGTH (duration) is indicated by writing consonants double; this simply means that the articulation of such consonants is held a bit longer than it is for those consonants when written singly.4 All consonants except h and ’ occur distinctively long: "", ""Phonetic Details and Some Spelling Conventions Given the alphabetic system outlined above, there is a non-arbitrary spelling for almost every word of Blackfoot. However, in some cases, knowledge of the makeup of words can influence spelling of otherwise ambiguous sounds and sound sequences. A relatively simple case is that of vowels at the" 7,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,7,"discern before a glottal stop. However, if knowledge of the makeup of the word leads one to expect a long vowel in this position, we write it as such. For example, when the ‘associated instrument or tool’ suffix -a’tsis is added to a stem ending in a or aa, we spell the resulting sequence with a long aa. So isttókimaa’tsis ‘drum’ is so spelled because we know the verb stem isttokimaa ‘drum’ from which it is formed ends in the vowel a. A non-arbitrary decision regarding vowel length before h can be made based on a regular phonetic rule of Blackfoot. If a vowel is voiced before h, it is interpreted as a long vowel, because only long vowels remain voiced in this position. So we write nitsíípiihpinnaan ‘we sat/stayed’ with a long ii because the vowel remains voiced before the h, even though the [i] sound before the h is not noticeably long. To this we can compare nitsíípihpinnaan ‘we have archery equipment,’ in which the ih is a completely voiceless syllable (see pronunciation notes at the end of chapter 3). It was stated near the beginning of this chapter that vowels and diphthongs have a slightly different quality when they are immediately followed by long consonants. In such a position, Blackfoot a, i, and o sound like the vowels of English cut, kiss, and bush, respectively. Though not stated earlier, this effect on vowel and diphthong quality before long consonants is present even if an s separates the vowel and long consonant. So, for example, the ai of áísttsiiwa ‘it hurts’ sounds like the ai of English said even though the diphthong is not immediately before the tt. However, the situation is even more complicated than this: long aa, ii, and oo retain their usual qualities even before long consonants, though in such a position their duration is reduced. So, for example, if one hears a vowel like the a of father and it is followed by a long consonant, then that sound should be spelled aa. Supplemental Material A more complex case is the phonetic sequence [oi’ss], which can represent not only oi’ss, but o’yss and oyss as well. It can represent o’yss because anticipation of the y tongue position during the glottal stop produces a phonetic diphthong. It can represent oyss because a predictable glottal stop is heard whenever a semivowel (w or y) or nasal (m or n) is immediately followed by s. In cases such as this, one must either make an arbitrary choice or be guided by grammatical analysis of the word involved, if the grammatical makeup of the word is known. In this particular case, if the sequence [oi’ss] is part of the sequence [ooi’ssini] ‘eating,’ it is analyzable as ooyi, the vai stem ‘eat,’ plus the suffix hsin, which makes nouns from intransitive verbs. Given the fact that ihs is generally realized as ss, we spell the word as ooyssini. We do not need to include the predictable glottal stop, though to do so would not in any sense produce an incorrect spelling. Page 8","{ ""sentence"": ""However, if knowledge of the makeup of the word leads one to expect a long vowel in this position, we write it as such."", ""sentence"": ""For example, when the ‘associated instrument or tool’ suffix -a’tsis is added to a stem ending in a or aa, we spell the resulting sequence with a long aa."", ""sentence"": ""So isttókimaa’tsis ‘drum’ is so spelled because we know the verb stem isttokimaa ‘drum’ from which it is formed ends in the vowel a."", " 8,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,8,"CHAPTER 2 Some Basics of Blackfoot Noun Inflection A.SINGULAR VS. PLURAL Consider the following singular and plural pairs of Blackfoot nouns: Comparing these singular and plural Blackfoot forms, we note that the singulars all end with yi and the plurals end with istsi. The remainder of each word we can call the stem. The stem carries the core meaning which is expressed in the English column; e.g., í’ksisako carries the meaning ‘meat,’ but is not a word by itself. To be a word, it requires either the suffix yi, which indicates ‘singular’ or the suffix istsi, which indicates ‘plural.’ (Notice that this differs from the situation in English, where the stem alone can be used as a word.) A Useful Term: Morpheme SingularEnglishPluralí’ksisakoyimeatí’ksisakoistsiápssiyiarrowápssiistsiómahksíkimiyilakeómahksíkimiistsini’tómmoyihillni’tómmoistsiómahksíkskoyiforestómahksíkskoistsi Page 9","{ ""CHAPTER 2 Some Basics of Blackfoot Noun Inflection A.SINGULAR VS. PLURAL Consider the following singular and plural pairs of Blackfoot nouns: "", ""Comparing these singular and plural Blackfoot forms, we note that the singulars all end with yi and the plurals end with istsi. The remainder of each word we can call the stem. The stem carries the core meaning which is expressed in the English column; e.g., í’ksisako carries the meaning ‘meat,’ but is not a word by itself. To be a word," 9,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,9,"Words are usually made up of indivisible parts to which a meaning or grammatical function can be assigned; the technical term for such word parts is morpheme. Thus each of the suffixes identified above is a morpheme, as are the stems to which they are attached, such as ápssi ‘arrow,’ soyópok ‘leaf,’ and so on. We will find this term useful in later chapters. Now compare the following nouns: Removing the plural suffix to leave the stem in each case, we see that the singular appears to be marked by a suffix i rather than by yi. We further note that these last four stems all end in consonants, whereas the first group of nouns stems all end in vowels. We could say that the singular suffix has two shapes, yi and i, used after vowels and consonants, respectively. But an alternative hypothesis is that y is lost after consonants. If this hypothesis is never falsified, i.e., we never find y after a consonant, then rather than say there are two shapes for the singular suffix, we can say it has the one basic shape yi; the y is then deleted by a phonological rule which deletes any /y/ that occurs after a consonant. This latter solution is greatly to be preferred, as it does not make reference to ‘singular’ or to just one suffix, but states a true generalization about what sound sequences are permitted in Blackfoot. Notice the accents of the following examples: SingularEnglishPluralpaatáákipotatopaatáákistsimo’tokáániheadmo’tokáánistsimííniberrymíínistsiiitáómio’piwoodpileiitáómio’pistsisoyópokileafsoyópokistsi Page 10", 10,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,10,"Based on the singular, these stems have an accent on the last vowel, and when the plural suffix is added, the first vowel of the suffix is also accented. This can be accounted for by another phonological rule: The first vowel of a suffix will be accented if an immediately preceding vowel is accented. We will call this Accent Spread. Consider now noun stems which, based on their singular form, end in long vowels: Notice that in each case the long vowel is apparently shortened in the plural. We can account for this by positing a third phonological rule: A long vowel is shortened before a suffix which starts with a vowel, a process we will call Vowel Shortening. Now notice that if the long vowel which is shortened carries an accent, as we see in the stem for ‘water,’ it will be carried over to the vowel of the plural suffix. This is accounted for nicely if Accent Spread applies after V owel Shortening. For example, aohkíí + istsi → aohkí + istsi → aohkíístsi The suffixes we have seen for singular and plural are used on only one of two subclasses of Blackfoot nouns. Here are examples from the other noun subclass: SingularEnglishPluralmatsiníyitonguematsiníístsipootsitsíyisoft ashpootsitsíístsiaatakóyiprevious eveningaatakóístsi niiítahtaayiriverniiítahtaistsisísstsiksiiyishort branchsísstsiksiistsipáyooyiscarpáyoistsiaohkííyiwateraohkíístsi Page 11","{ ""Based on the singular, these stems have an accent on the last vowel, and when the plural suffix is added, the first vowel of the suffix is also accented. This can be accounted for by another phonological rule: The first vowel of a suffix will be accented if an immediately preceding vowel is accented. We will call this Accent Spread. Consider now noun stems which, based on their singular form, end in long vowels: "", ""Notice that in each case the long vowel is apparently shortened in the plural. We can account for this by positing a third phonological rule: A long vowel" 11,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,11,"póósa cat póósiksi The suffixes here are wa1 and iksi. A close look at these examples will make it clear that the rules of V owel Shortening and Accent Spread apply here as with the previous class of nouns, as they should, because phonological rules are supposed to apply across the board. And since the /w/ of the singular sufffix is gone after consonants, we can generalize the rule which deleted /y/ and now make it a rule which deletes any semivowel after a consonant; we will now call it Semivowel Loss. B.GRAMMATICAL GENDER In popular usage, the term ‘gender’ is associated almost exclusively with sex categories. This usage corresponds to the fact that English nouns are classified as masculine, feminine, or neuter, and this classification is reflected in the choice of singular pronouns he, she, or it. But technically the term ‘gender’ can be applied to any at least partially arbitrary classification of nouns in the grammatical system of a language. To make it clear that we are using the term in the technical sense, we will refer to such noun classification as grammatical gender. SingularEnglishPluralnatáyowalynxnatáyoiksinaató’siwaholy one/sunnaató’siiksiponokáwaelkponokáíksinínaawamannínaiksikakkóówapigeonkakkóíksimamííwafishmamííksiatapíímadollatapíímiksi Page 12","{ ""póósa"": ""cat"", ""póósiksi"": ""The suffixes here are wa1 and iksi. A close look at these examples will make it clear that the rules of V owel Shortening and Accent Spread apply here as with the previous class of nouns, as they should, because phonological rules are supposed to apply across the board. And since the /w/ of the singular sufffix is gone after consonants, we can generalize the rule which deleted /y/ and now make it a rule which deletes any semivowel after a consonant; we will now call it Semivowel" 12,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,12,"Blackfoot, like other Algonquian languages (such as Cree, Ojibwa, Micmac, Cheyenne, etc.), classifies noun stems into two groups which are often labeled animate and inanimate. (In the Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots, and Affixes2 [henceforth, ‘the Dictionary’], animate gender noun stems are labeled nan and inanimate gender noun stems are labeled nin.) All Blackfoot noun stems belong to one of these two grammatical gender classes, and this classification is evident throughout Blackfoot grammar. The two ways of marking singular and plural that we saw above are the result of this classification. Notice that up to this point, most of the nouns that take suffixes wa and iksi designate living beings such as animals, people, and spirits. None of the nouns that take singular and plural suffixes yi and istsi designate animals, persons, or spirits. But many nouns that do not designate living beings also belong to the animate gender class, so other than being able to predict that a noun designating an animal, person, or spirit will belong to the animate gender class, one must learn the gender class of any noun by hearing it used in grammatical context, or looking it up in the Dictionary. It is important to realize that grammatical gender classification says very little about how people view the world. (E.g., in French the noun la table ‘table’ belongs to the so-called feminine gender class, but surely the native speaker of French doesn’t think there is anything feminine about a table.) So the fact that Blackfoot noun stems such as pokón ‘ball,’ íssk ‘pail,’ and isttoán ‘knife’ are classed with noun stems such as aakíí ‘woman,’ pookáá ‘child,’ and imitáá ‘dog’ as being of animate gender should not be construed as an indication that the Blackfoot speaker thinks of balls, pails, and knives as somehow ‘alive.’ Grammatical gender is a classification of the noun stems themselves, not of the entities to which they refer. Nevertheless, as stated above, a person learning Blackfoot can be sure the words for animals, people, or spirits will be of animate gender. But the gender of other nouns simply must be memorized (though there are some other natural groupings which are helpful to recognize; e.g., stems for most metal tools are of animate gender). Here are a few more noun stems which are unpredictably animate in gender: Page 13","{ ""Blackfoot, like other Algonquian languages (such as Cree, Ojibwa, Micmac, Cheyenne, etc.), classifies noun stems into two groups which are often labeled animate and inanimate."": ""Blackfoot, like other Algonquian languages (such as Cree, Ojibwa, Micmac, Cheyenne, etc.), classifies noun stems into two groups which are often labeled animate and inanimate."", ""(In the Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots, and Affixes2 [henceforth, ‘the Dictionary’], animate gender noun stems are labeled nan and inanimate" 13,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,13,"Non-permanent Consonants There is a large number of noun stems which have an n or s that is present only before certain suffixes; a few stems have an m which is present only before the same suffixes. When listing such stems we will indicate these non-permanent consonants by the symbols M, N, and S, respectively.3 M, N, and S are lost (i.e., do not show up as m, n, and s) before the pluralizers: Stem Gloss Singular Plural C.PARTICULAR VS. NON-REFERRING Sometimes when using a noun, we don’t have in mind a particular item (or moápssp‘eye’po’táá’tsis‘stove’miistsís‘tree’katoyís‘blood clot!’ksisíís‘thorn’mookítsis‘finger’kippiaapi‘crocus’má’s‘Indian turnip’sopókssi‘dollar’náíipisstsi‘cloth’ to’ahsiM‘sock’áto’ahsimaáto’ahsiiksimáíipssiM‘belt’máíipssimimáíipssiistsiasóka’siM‘dress’asóka’simiasóka’siistsipokóN‘ball’pokónapokóíksiisttoáN‘knife’isttoánaisttoáíksiáwanááN‘rattle’áwanáánaáwaanáíksiatsikíN‘shoe’atsikíniatsikíístsimoksíS‘awl’moksísamoksííksiPage 14","{ ""Non-permanent Consonants"": ""There is a large number of noun stems which have an n or s that is present only before certain suffixes; a few stems have an m which is present only before the same suffixes. When listing such stems we will indicate these non-permanent consonants by the symbols M, N, and S, respectively.3 M, N, and S are lost (i.e., do not show up as m, n, and s) before the pluralizers: Stem Gloss Singular Plural"", ""C.PARTICULAR VS. NON-REFER" 14,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,14,"group of items) from the class of things that we name by that noun; just any one (or bunch) will do. For example, you might send a son or daughter to the store with the following instructions: ‘Get a loaf of bread, some milk, and a dozen apples.’ You don’t have any particular loaf of bread, carton(s) of milk, or dozen apples in mind, so the nouns bread, milk, and apples do not refer to any particular items. Or you may use a noun in such a way that it cannot refer to an actual entity. This would be true in sentences such as ‘I don’t have any milk,’ or ‘I wish you had some apples.’ In either case we say that the words bread, milk, and apples are non-referring. At other times we may wish to refer to a particular item or group of items, as in these sentences: ‘Give me that loaf of bread.’ ‘Your milk is turning sour.’ ‘I bought a dozen apples and my family ate them in one day.’ Here, because the speaker has a particular loaf of bread, some particular portion of milk, and a particular dozen apples in mind, we say that these nouns do refer because they are particular in reference. The endings on Blackfoot nouns are determined partly by whether or not the nouns refer. If they are not particular in reference (i.e., non-referring), a suffix -i is added, and it does not matter whether the speaker is talking about one or more than one item. So if you say kókkit owai ‘Give me egg(s),’ in which ‘eggs’ has the non-particular suffix, you may get one or more eggs. Here are other examples of nouns with the non-particular suffix -i; notice that both animate and inanimate gender nouns take this suffix: pookáí ‘child(ren)’ í’ksisakoi ‘meat(s)’ ómahksikimii ‘lake(s)’ So far as I am able to determine, nouns which are modified by a demonstrative (chapter 13) or marked for possessor (chapter 14) are always particular; i.e., they always refer. Also, I have never seen a noun Page 15","{ ""sentence"": ""Get a loaf of bread, some milk, and a dozen apples."" }, { ""sentence"": ""I don’t have any milk."" }, { ""sentence"": ""I wish you had some apples."" }, { ""sentence"": ""Give me that loaf of bread."" }, { ""sentence"": ""Your milk is turning sour."" }, { ""sentence"": ""I bought a dozen apples and my family ate them in one day."" }, " 15,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,15,"marked as non-particular as subject of a sentence. Noun stems which end in non-permanent consonants M, N, or S (see section B above) do not retain them before the non-particular suffix i: The non-particular and singular particular forms of many inanimate gender nouns are identical. As seen in section B, inanimate gender nouns which are particular in reference add a suffix -yi when singular, as in the following examples: owááyi ‘egg’ nookóówayi ‘my home’ As we have also seen, y is lost after consonants, and what remains of the suffix -yi is identical in shape to the non-particular suffix -i just discussed. Consequently, all inanimate gender stems which end in permanent consonants have singular and non-particular forms which are not distinguishable; e.g. óóhkotoki ‘stone (particular singular or non-particular)’ mo’tokááni ‘head (particular singular or non-particular)’ But stems which end in M, N, and S have singular forms which do differ from their non-particular forms because M, N, and S are retained before the singular suffix (the y of the singular suffix is lost as after other consonants): StemEnglishNon-particular FormmáíipssiM‘belt’máíipssiiisttoáN‘knife’isttoáímo’tsíS‘hand/arm’mo’tsíí StemEnglishSingularNon-particular Formasóka’siM‘jacket’asóka’simiasóka’siiPage 16","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""marked as non-particular as subject of a sentence. Noun stems which end in non-permanent consonants M, N, or S (see section B above) do not retain them before the non-particular suffix i: "" }, { ""text"": ""The non-particular and singular particular forms of many inanimate gender nouns are identical. As seen in section B, inanimate gender nouns which are particular in reference add a suffix -yi when singular, as in the following examples: owááyi" 16,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,16,"In summary, if a speaker has no particular referent in mind for a noun, a suffix -i is added; M, N, and S are not retained before this suffix. Non- particular nouns are unmarked for number, and never occur as subject of a sentence. D.MAJOR THIRD PERSON VS. MINOR THIRD PERSON Have you ever been troubled by the ambiguity in English sentences such as this: Clyde told his son that he could help him? When we hear such a sentence we don’t know whether the speaker means for the pronoun he to refer to ‘Clyde’ or to ‘his son.’ But in Blackfoot, the equivalent sentence would not have this ambiguity, because Blackfoot would classify ‘Clyde’ and ‘his son’ as grammatically different. This difference would be reflected in the form of the Blackfoot equivalent of that he could help him, so we would be able to tell which of these persons is subject of ‘help.’ Here, roughly, is how it works: when two or more nouns of animate gender occur in the same sentence, only one of them can be what we will call major third person;4 the others, if particular in reference (see section C above), must be demoted to minor third person.5 So if you say e.g., ‘The man killed the deer’ in Blackfoot, either ‘the man’ or ‘the deer’ must be minor third person. When the speaker has a choice, as in this example, the noun he chooses to make major third person is thereby made more prominent in that portion of the discourse. Minor third person singular is indicated on nouns by another suffix -yi (y is lost after consonants by Semivowel Loss). Here are four examples. (Subscripted numerals are used to indicate major third person3 and minor third person4.) atsikíN‘shoe’atsikíniatsikíímo’tsíS‘hand/arm’mo’tsísimo’tsíí Page 17","{ ""In summary, if a speaker has no particular referent in mind for a noun, a suffix -i is added; M, N, and S are not retained before this suffix. Non- particular nouns are unmarked for number, and never occur as subject of a sentence. D.MAJOR THIRD PERSON VS. MINOR THIRD PERSON Have you ever been troubled by the ambiguity in English sentences such as this: Clyde told his son that he could help him? When we hear such a sentence we don’t know whether the speaker means for the pronoun he to refer to ‘Clyde’ or to ‘his son.’" 17,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,17,"An important generalization to remember is that any animate gender noun possessed by third person is automatically minor third person; i.e., if an animate gender noun has a third person (grammatical) possessor,6 there is no choice as to which noun is demoted; it must be the possessed noun. So each of the following is minor third person: The animate singular suffix -wa discussed in section A is actually the major third person singular suffix. Here are more examples: We have seen that M, N, and S are retained (as m, n, and s) before -wa; the same is true before -yi. But remember that the y and w of these suffixes are lost because they cannot remain after consonants: imitááyi‘dog4’póósi‘cat4’aakííyi‘woman4’ísski‘pail4’ ónni‘his3 father4’oksísstsi‘his3otómitaami‘his3 dog4’óóhkimother4’ ‘his3 pail4’imitááwa‘dog3’nínna‘myaakííwa‘woman3’ísskafather3’ ‘pail3’niksíssta‘my mother3’ Page 18","{ ""An important generalization to remember is that any animate gender noun possessed by third person is automatically minor third person; i.e., if an animate gender noun has a third person (grammatical) possessor,6 there is no choice as to which noun is demoted; it must be the possessed noun. So each of the following is minor third person: "", ""The animate singular suffix -wa discussed in section A is actually the major third person singular suffix. Here are more examples: "", ""We have seen that M, N, and S are retained (as m, n," 18,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,18,"The pluralizer -iksi, seen in section B of this chapter, is used for both major third and minor third person plural. It will be glossed as ‘an.p’ from this point on. E.Summary of suffixes on nouns Note: No noun will have more than one of these suffixes at a time. EXERCISES 1.Fill in the blanks: pokóN-‘ball’pokóna‘ball3’pokóni‘ball4’moksíS-‘awl’moksísa‘awl3’moksísi‘awl4’ SINGULARPLURALNON-PARTICULAR‘sage’ka’ksimóyi ‘berry’ míínistsimííni‘tipi’niitóyisiniitóyiistsi ‘song’nínihkssini nínihkssii‘dove’kakkóówa ‘turnip’ má’siksi Page 19","{ ""The pluralizer -iksi, seen in section B of this chapter, is used for both major third and minor third person plural. It will be glossed as ‘an.p’ from this point on. E.Summary of suffixes on nouns Note: No noun will have more than one of these suffixes at a time. EXERCISES 1.Fill in the blanks: pokóN-‘ball’pokóna‘ball3’pokóni‘ball4’moksíS-‘awl’moksísa‘awl3’moksísi‘awl4’ SINGULAR" 19,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,19,"2.Which of the following underlined nouns would necessarily be minor third person in the equivalent Blackfoot sentence? (Note that ‘dog’ is major third person in c.) a. That’s my son; he is chasing his dog. b. I told your son to bring his friend. c. That dog3 bit my son on his left leg (inanimate gender). 3.Change the following nouns from major third person singular to minor third person singular: 4.The following is a list of all the morphemes seen in the forms given as a– d of the preceding exercise; notice that in a list of morphemes, both a form (shape) and gloss (meaning or function) are provided for each one, and no morpheme is listed more than once: What additional morpheme (form and meaning) appears in your answers to exercise 3? 5.List the morphemes you see in the following words: (Note: List each morpheme (form and meaning) only once, as was demonstrated in exercise 4.) a. nínaawa‘man’c. nitána‘my daughter’b. póósa‘cat’d. isttoána‘knife’nínaa póós‘man’ ‘cat’isttoáN itán‘knife’ ‘daughter’n-‘my’-wa‘major third person singular (3s)’ póósiksi‘cats’nínaiksi‘men’Page 20","{ ""2"": ""Which of the following underlined nouns would necessarily be minor third person in the equivalent Blackfoot sentence? (Note that ‘dog’ is major third person in c.) a. That’s my son; he is chasing his dog. b. I told your son to bring his friend. c. That dog3 bit my son on his left leg (inanimate gender)."", ""3"": ""Change the following nouns from major third person singular to minor third person singular:"", ""4"": ""The following is a list of all the morphemes seen in the forms given as a– d" 20,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,20,"kitána‘your daughter’nitániksi‘my daughters’ Page 21","kitána‘your daughter’ nitániksi‘my daughters’ Page 21" 21,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,21,"CHAPTER 3 Intransitive Verbs Verbs which occur with a subject but no object are called intransitive verbs. For example, in English, run, die, and yawn are intransitive; we say that someone (their subject) does the action described by the verb, but not that (s)he does it to anyone or anything (an object). On the other hand, hit, kill, love are transitive verbs because they take objects; i.e., we must hit, kill, or love someone or something. (We begin to discuss transitive verbs in chapter 7.) A.PERSON MARKERS Study these Blackfoot intransitive verb forms carefully: nitáakahkayi ‘I’m going home.’ kitáakahkayi ‘You’re going home.’ áakahkayiwa ‘He’s going home.’ What portion of the first one indicates that the speaker (‘I’) is the subject? What portion of the second indicates addressee (‘you’)? And what marks major third person (‘he’) in the last example? Blackfoot verbs are marked to indicate the person (i.e., speaker, addressee, or other) of their subjects. (Each of the examples above is a single word; the portions nit- and kit- are prefixes, while -wa is a suffix.)1 The remainder of each verb (the portion common to all three of the verb forms) is the stem. B.THE CASE OF THE UNEXPECTED S Page 22","{ ""CHAPTER 3 Intransitive Verbs Verbs which occur with a subject but no object are called intransitive verbs. For example, in English, run, die, and yawn are intransitive; we say that someone (their subject) does the action described by the verb, but not that (s)he does it to anyone or anything (an object). On the other hand, hit, kill, love are transitive verbs because they take objects; i.e., we must hit, kill, or love someone or something. (We begin to discuss transitive verbs in chapter 7.) A" 22,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,22,"Look at these examples: nitsíítsiniki ‘I related (a story).’ kitsíítsiniki ‘You related.’ iitsiníkiwa ‘He related.’ Can we maintain our idea that nit- and kit- mark ‘speaker’ and ‘addressee’? If so, we are left with an extra s in these new examples. Perhaps certain verbs take nits- and kits-, while others take nit- and kit-? But compare the same verb seen above when it has an intervening prefix á, meaning ‘not an instantaneous event’ (later glossed ‘durative’): nitáítsiniki ‘I relate/am relating (a story).’ kitáítsiniki ‘You relate/are relating.’ áítsinikiwa ‘He relates/is relating.’ These examples suggest that there is some other reason for the s after nit- and kit-. Let’s look at just a bit more evidence and then the answer to our problem of the extra s will be forthcoming: máátáakahkayiwa(atsiksi)2 ‘He’s not going home.’ Comparing this word to those seen in section A, what part of this word makes it a negative statement? Now consider the negative of ‘relate’: máátsitsinikiwa(atsiksi) ‘He didn’t relate [a story].’ There is the ubiquitous s again, this time after the negative prefix maat. Do you have a suggestion now as to its source? If you suggested that an s intervenes whenever t is immediately followed by i, your suggestion is correct. The sequence ti never occurs in Blackfoot; whenever we would expect ti, we find instead tsi. Thus we have a hard and fast rule of Blackfoot: t + i becomes tsi.3 C.‘WE’ (BUT NOT YOU) Have you ever been put in an awkward position because the person to whom you were speaking thought you were including him/her when you said we, while in actuality you were using we in reference only to yourself Page 23","{ ""Look at these examples: nitsíítsiniki 'I related (a story).' kitsíítsiniki 'You related.' iitsiníkiwa 'He related.' Can we maintain our idea that nit- and kit- mark 'speaker' and 'addressee'? If so, we are left with an extra s in these new examples. Perhaps certain verbs take nits- and kits-, while others take nit- and kit-? But compare the same verb seen above when it has an intervening prefix á, meaning 'not an instantaneous event'" 23,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,23,"and someone else? For example, you might have said to an acquaintance, ‘We are invited to the Joneses tonight,’ meaning only yourself and your spouse. But the one to whom you are speaking can interpret the we as including him. Such a misunderstanding could not arise if you were speaking Blackfoot. Blackfoot grammar requires a speaker to indicate whether or not the person to whom one is speaking (the addressee) is included in the ‘action.’ So if you want to say, ‘We are going to their house’ in Blackfoot, there are two options, and you must choose between them. Notice the different form of the first word in each example: 1. Nitáakitapoohpinnaan ookóówaawayi. ‘We (not you) will go to their house.’ 2. Áakitapaoo’pa ookóówaawayi. ‘We (including you) will go to their house.’ These two types of reference, which English includes in the pronoun we but which Blackfoot distinguishes, are traditionally termed ‘exclusive we’(speaker and at least one other, but not the addressee(s)) and ‘inclusive we’ (speaker, addressee, and perhaps others). D.YOUsg vs. YOUpl : A USEFUL DISTINCTION Up until shortly after the time of Shakespeare, English distinguished singular and plural in its terms for addressees. Thus, in the nominative case, thou was used for reference to a single addressee, and ye for reference to more than one addressee or to an addressee and other(s). Some modern American English dialects make this distinction even now, using the contraction y’all for a plural. This same distinction is an inescapable part of Blackfoot grammar. Any reference to the addressee requires a choice between singular and plural. Here are some examples showing the contrast: ‘yousg’ kiistówa ‘youpl’ kiistówaawa ‘(you) eat!’ooyítooyíkPage 24","{ ""sentences"": [ ""and someone else? For example, you might have said to an acquaintance, ‘We are invited to the Joneses tonight,’ meaning only yourself and your spouse. But the one to whom you are speaking can interpret the we as including him. Such a misunderstanding could not arise if you were speaking Blackfoot. Blackfoot grammar requires a speaker to indicate whether or not the person to whom one is speaking (the addressee) is included in the ‘action.’ So if you want to say, ‘We are going to their house’ in Blackfoot, there are" 24,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,24,"E.VERBS WITH PLURAL SUBJECTS Plurality of verb subjects is always marked by suffixes. Compare these singular and plural forms of the verb meaning ‘eat.’ (The suffixes will be identified in the next chapter.) nitáóoyi ‘I’m eating.’ nitáóoyihpinnaana ‘We (exclusive) are eating.’ áóoyo’pa ‘We (inclusive) are eating.’ kitáóoyi ‘You (singular) are eating.’ kitáóoyihpoaawa ‘You (plural) are eating.’ áóoyiwa ‘He is eating.’4 áóoyiyaawa ‘They are eating.’ Pronunciation Notes 1.Blackfoot vowels at the end of words are usually voiceless (softly whispered). 2.A short (single) vowel is voiceless before the palatal fricative h; in fact, the vowel and the h are pronounced simultaneously.5 3.Before ss and before voiceless vowels (produced by the ‘rules’ in pronunciation notes 1 and 2), y and w are pronounced with a (predictable) glottal stop; i.e., the vocal chords briefly interrupt the air flow during any y or w which is followed by a voiceless vowel.6 EXERCISES ‘I know you’kítssksinookítssksinoohpoaawa‘your mother’kiksísstakiksísstoaawa Page 25","{ ""E.VERBS WITH PLURAL SUBJECTS"": ""Plurality of verb subjects is always marked by suffixes. Compare these singular and plural forms of the verb meaning ‘eat.’ (The suffixes will be identified in the next chapter.) nitáóoyi ‘I’m eating.’ nitáóoyihpinnaana ‘We (exclusive) are eating.’ áóoyo’pa ‘We (inclusive) are eating.’ kitáóoyi ‘You (singular) are eating.’ kitáóoyihpoaawa ‘You (plural) are eating.’" 25,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,25,"1.Add the missing prefixes; remember the rule for ‘unexpected s’: áyo’kaa ‘Yousg are sleeping’ á’po’taki ‘I worked.’ ipásskaa ‘I danced.’ ínihki ‘Yousg sang.’ 2.For the following sentences and phrases, indicate whether the English we, us, or our is inclusive (includes addressee) or exclusive: a. Let’s go to town. b.Hey, sis, (our) mom is calling. c.Give that to us! d.Dear, our daughter is still not home (husband to wife). e.‘Our Father …, hallowed be thy name’ (the Lord’s prayer). 3.For the following sentences, indicate whether the you in a and b, and the addressee in c and d, is more likely kiistówa (singular) or kiistówaawa (plural): a. Did you know that our (inclusive) son just left? b.I saw you embracing (each other). c.‘Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel’ (Matthew 28:19). d.Please marry me! 4.Translate the following into English. (For verb endings, see section E of this chapter. For verb stems, see section B and exercise 1.) Note: Translate verbs that do not have the durative prefix á- as past tense in this exercise. a.nitáyo’kaahpinnaana b.kitá’po’takihpoaawa c.kitsipásskaahpoaawa d.nitsínihkihpinnaana e.áyo’kaayaawa f.iitsiníkio’pa Page 26","[ { ""id"": 1, ""text"": ""1.Add the missing prefixes; remember the rule for ‘unexpected s’: áyo’kaa ‘Yousg are sleeping’ á’po’taki ‘I worked.’ ipásskaa ‘I danced.’ ínihki ‘Yousg sang.’"" }, { ""id"": 2, ""text"": ""2.For the following sentences and phrases, indicate whether the English we, us, or our" 26,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,26,"CHAPTER 4 More on Intransitive Verbs A.AGREEMENT What’s wrong with these English sentences?1 (a)*The horses runs fast. (b)*My son play piano. (c)*We prefers ice cream. In the present tense, an English verb with a third person singular subject must have the suffix -s. If it is missing when there is a third person singular subject as in (b), a native speaker of English rejects the sentence as ungrammatical (incorrect). And if the -s is added to a verb when the subject is not third person singular, as in (a) and (c), the resultant sentence is equally bad. Requirements of this kind are termed agreement. Blackfoot has extensive agreement requirements. The person affixes seen on verbs in the previous chapter must, of course, agree with whatever noun is subject. For example, consider (d), shown with a morpheme-by-morpheme analysis:2 (d) Ííksspitaawa nohkówa. ‘My son is tall.’ iik-sspitaa-wa n-ohkó-wa very-tall-sg my-son-3s Here the verb has third person singular suffix -wa, in agreement with the major third person singular noun as subject. If the subject were plural, requiring a different suffix on the noun, a plural suffix would be required on the verb also, as in (e): Page 27","{ ""CHAPTER 4 More on Intransitive Verbs A.AGREEMENT What’s wrong with these English sentences?1 (a)*The horses runs fast. (b)*My son play piano. (c)*We prefers ice cream. In the present tense, an English verb with a third person singular subject must have the suffix -s. If it is missing when there is a third person singular subject as in (b), a native speaker of English rejects the sentence as ungrammatical (incorrect). And if the -s is added to a verb when the subject is not third person singular, as in (" 27,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,27,"(e) Ííksspitaayi nohkóíksi. ‘My sons are tall.’ iik-sspitaa-yi n-ohkó-iksi very-tall-pl my-son-an.p Similarly, if the subject is minor third person (4), still other suffixes are required on the verb: (f) Ííksspitaayini ohkóyi. ‘His son is tall.’ iik-sspitaa-yini ohkó-yI very-tall-4s his:son-4s (g) Ííksspitaayi ohkóíksi. ‘His sons are tall.’ iik-sspitaa-yi ohkó-iksi very-tall-pl his:son-an.p When ‘speaker’ or ‘addressee’ is the subject there is usually no separate word to indicate that fact. However, it is convenient to think of there being speaker or addressee entities present as subject at a more abstract level; this permits us to explain the corresponding person affixes on the verb as agreement. For example, in this sentence, (h) Nitáakahkayi. ‘I’m going home.’ nit-áak-ahkayi I-will-go^home in which the verb has person prefix nit-, we can say that nit- agrees with the subject ‘speaker,’ even though there is no actual separate word as subject. If a speaker’s or addressee’s involvement is to be emphasized, then independent pronouns may be used, as in the next two examples: (i) Kiistówa, kitsíítsiniki. ‘You related (a story).’ (j)Niistówa, nitáakahkayi. ‘I am going home.’ In such cases we can simply say that emphasis of this type is expressed by using an actual word to refer to the abstract speaker or addressee as subject. Page 28","(e) Ííksspitaayi nohkóíksi. ‘My sons are tall.’ iik-sspitaa-yi n-ohkó-iksi very-tall-pl my-son-an.p Similarly, if the subject is minor third person (4), still other suffixes are required on the verb: (f) Ííksspitaayini ohkóyi. ‘His son is tall.’ iik-sspitaa-yini ohkó-yI very-tall-4s his:son-4s (g) Í" 28,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,28,"(The full set of such independent pronouns will be presented in section G of chapter 14.) The required agreement between the pronoun and the verb is already taken care of by our general statements for other nouns as subject. There are no verb agreement affixes for non-particular (non-referring) nouns, so a noun must be grammatically particular in order to be the subject of a Blackfoot verb.3 In cases where the subject does not refer, and hence where one might expect a non-particular noun, one finds instead a singular or plural noun, as in the next two examples: (k)Aakííwa áwaasai’niwa. ‘(Some) woman was crying.’ (l)Saahkómaapiiksi áwaawahkaayaawa.4 ‘(Some) boys are playing’ B.SUMMARY OF VERB AFFIXES5 Here is a chart of intransitive verb agreement affixes, all of which have been exemplified above. The following abbreviations are used from this point on: 1 = first person (speaker); 2 = second person (addressee); 3 = major third person; 4 = minor third person; 21 = inclusive ‘we.’ C.PREDICATE ADJECTIVE = VERB The Blackfoot equivalent of what is usually called a ‘predicate adjective’ in English is simply an intransitive verb. A few examples should clarify what is meant here: Page 29","{ ""sentences"": [ ""(The full set of such independent pronouns will be presented in section G of chapter 14.) The required agreement between the pronoun and the verb is already taken care of by our general statements for other nouns as subject. There are no verb agreement affixes for non-particular (non-referring) nouns, so a noun must be grammatically particular in order to be the subject of a Blackfoot verb.3 In cases where the subject does not refer, and hence where one might expect a non-particular noun, one finds instead a singular or plural noun, as in" 29,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,29,"nitsspítaa ‘I’m tall.’ sspitááwa ‘He is tall.’ kitssoká’pssi ‘You are nice.’ soká’pssiwa ‘He is good/nice.’ soká’piiwa ‘It is good.’ siksinááttsiwa ‘It [inanimate] is black.’ siksináámma ‘It [animate] is black.’ síkimiwa ‘He [animal] is black.’ Notice that for most of these verbs there are different stem shapes depending on whether the subject is of animate gender or inanimate gender; e.g., soká’pii ‘good’ is a stem used with inanimate gender subjects, while soká’pssi ‘good’ is used only with animate gender subjects. (See chapter 7.) There are also stems which are used exclusively with certain semantic classes; e.g., sikimi ‘black’ is used only of animals [excluding people]. There are many other such restrictions on stems of this type which any fluent speaker of Blackfoot will have to know. (The Dictionary will usually provide such information.) D.PREDICATE NOMINATIVE = VERB As we shall see in section F of chapter 18, intransitive verbs derived from nouns by addition of the suffix -yi are the functional equivalent of so-called ‘predicate nominatives’ in English. Note the following verbs, the stems of which are derived from the noun stems beside them: noun stemverb formglossaakíínítaakiiyihpinnaan‘We are women.’(n)ínaakitáaksinayi‘You will be chief.’Page 30","{ ""sentences"": [ ""nitsspítaa 'I'm tall.'"", ""sspitááwa 'He is tall.'"", ""kitssoká'pssi 'You are nice.'"", ""soká'pssiwa 'He is good/nice.'"", ""soká'piiwa 'It is good.'"", ""siksínááttsiwa 'It [inanimate] is black.'"", ""siksíná" 30,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,30,"If the subject of such verbs is third person, the derivational suffix yi is not used in independent clauses (though it is used in the other paradigms, presented in chapter 19). That the noun stems are here functioning as verb stems is evident in that the usual verb affixes are used: E.METEOROLOGICAL VERBS Blackfoot sentences describing weather conditions make use of verbs also. While semantically such verbs really have no subject, they occur with the third person singular suffix -wa. Here are several examples: Ksiistoyííwa. ‘It’s hot.’ Áísootaawa. ‘It’s raining.’ Áakohpotaawa. ‘It’s going to snow.’ Ííksstoyiiwa. ‘It’s very cold.’ Áísopowa. ‘It’s windy.’ Iiyíkssopowa. ‘It’s very windy.’ EXERCISES 1.Add the correct verb affixes (recall that subscript4 indicates minor third person): a.Niistówa, áakitsiniki. ‘I will tell a story.’ noun stemverb formgloss(n)ínaaáaksinaawa‘He will be chief.’aakííaakííyaawa‘They are women.’atsikíNatsikíniaawa‘They are shoes.’ Page 31","{ ""If the subject of such verbs is third person, the derivational suffix yi is not used in independent clauses (though it is used in the other paradigms, presented in chapter 19). That the noun stems are here functioning as verb stems is evident in that the usual verb affixes are used: "", ""E.METEOROLOGICAL VERBS Blackfoot sentences describing weather conditions make use of verbs also. While semantically such verbs really have no subject, they occur with the third person singular suffix -wa. Here are several examples: Ksiistoyííwa. ‘It’s hot." 31,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,31,"b.Kiistówa, áóoyi. ‘You are eating.’ c.Áóoyi nohkóíksi. ‘My sons are eating.’ d.Kiistónnoona, áakahkay . ‘We (inclusive) will go home.’ e.Áakahkayi ónni. ‘His3s father4s will go home.’ 2.Given the (a) sentences in Blackfoot, translate the (b) sentences into English. a.Áyo’kaawa. ‘She is sleeping.’ b. Nitáyo’kaa. ‘ .’ a.Nitáókska’si. ‘I run.’ b. Kitáókska’si. ‘ .’ a.Áínihkiwa. ‘She is singing’ b. Áínihkio’pa. ‘ .’ a. Kitáíssikópii. ‘You are resting’ b.Nitáíssikópiihpinnaan. ‘ ’ 3.Given the (a) sentences, translate the (b) sentences into Blackfoot. (Pay close attention to the subscripts.) a.Nitáísínaaki. ‘I write.’ b. . ‘You2p write.’ a.Áókstakiwa nohkówa. ‘My son is reading.’ b. . ‘My sons are reading.’ a.Á’pistotakiyi nínaiksi. ‘(The) men built.’ b. . ‘We1p built.’ CHAPTER 5 Page 32","b.Kiistówa, áóoyi. ‘You are eating.’ c.Áóoyi nohkóíksi. ‘My sons are eating.’ d.Kiistónnoona, áakahkay . ‘We (inclusive) will go home.’ e.Áakahkayi ónni. ‘His3s father4s will go home.’ 2.Given the (a) sentences in Blackfoot, translate the (b) sentences into English. a.Áyo’kaawa. ‘She is sleeping.’ " 32,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,32,"Some Phonological Rules In chapter 3, section B, we discovered that whenever Blackfoot t precedes an i, the result is tsi. Such regular and predictable results of combining morphemes into words can be described by phonological rules. We will need several such rules in what follows. Each rule will be given a descriptive name and stated in an explicit form called a rewrite rule. Each rewrite rule conforms to the following format: A → B / X_Y This is to be read as: ‘A is realized as B in the environment of a preceding X and a following Y .’ In any given rule, the X or Y (or both) may be unspecified; i.e., the preceding or following environment may be irrelevant and consequently not mentioned in the rule. Let’s now see how the rule regarding the ‘unexpected s’ would be stated: t.Affrication t → ts / _i In this rule, the i after the blank corresponds to the Y in the rule format. The preceding environment is irrelevant to the rule, so there is nothing corresponding to X of the format. We have already observed the effect of the next two rules. In chapter 2, section B, we learned that long vowels are shortened before any suffix which starts with a vowel; e.g., nínaa + iksi → nínaiksi ‘men.’ This is expressed by the following rule: Vowel Shortening Vi: → Vi / _ + V Here V indicates any vowel, the colon (:) is used to indicate vowel length, Page 33","{ ""Some Phonological Rules In chapter 3, section B, we discovered that whenever Blackfoot t precedes an i, the result is tsi. Such regular and predictable results of combining morphemes into words can be described by phonological rules. We will need several such rules in what follows. Each rule will be given a descriptive name and stated in an explicit form called a rewrite rule. Each rewrite rule conforms to the following format: A → B / X_Y This is to be read as: ‘A is realized as B in the environment of a preceding X and a following Y .’ In any" 33,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,33,"and the plus (+) indicates a morpheme boundary.1 The subscripts on the two V’s indicate that these two V’s are of the same quality; i.e., only the length of the vowel is affected by this rule.2 Also in chapter 2, we observed that y and w are lost after consonants; e.g., óóhkotok + yi → óóhkotoki ‘rock’ and póós + wa → póósa ‘cat.’ The following formulates this rule: Semivowel Loss G → Ø / C_, where C ≠ ’ In this rule ‘G’ (for ‘glide’) represents semivowels, and ‘Ø’ is the null or ‘zero’ symbol; ‘C’ = consonant. The statement after the rule limits the preceding environment to consonants other than the glottal stop; i.e., semivowels are not lost after ’ (as the following examples show: Áwa’yiwa ‘She’s pointing.’; Káta’yimmíwaatsiksi? ‘Did she laugh?’). The need for the next two rules will be seen when we form plurals of verb stems ending in si. Observe the following: (a)nitáókska’si ‘I run.’ (b)nitáókska’sspinnaan ‘We1p run.’ (c)áókska’so’pa ‘We21 run.’ Based on what we have seen in earlier chapters (see chart in section B of chapter 4), we would have expected the latter two forms to be made up of the following parts: (b´) nit + á + okska’si + hpinnaan (c´) á + okska’si + o’pa But in (b), the sequence si + h is realized as ss, according to the following rule: Postsibilation ih → s / s_, where i is short Page 34","{ ""sentences"": [ ""and the plus (+) indicates a morpheme boundary.1 The subscripts on the two V’s indicate that these two V’s are of the same quality; i.e., only the length of the vowel is affected by this rule.2"", ""Also in chapter 2, we observed that y and w are lost after consonants; e.g., óóhkotok + yi → óóhkotoki ‘rock’ and póós + wa → póósa ‘cat.’ The following formulates this rule" 34,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,34,"And in (c), the sequence si + o is realized as so, according to the next rule: i-Absorption i → Ø / s_V , where i is short and unaccented, and V ≠ i or I Note that according to the condition on the rule the i is not ‘absorbed’ if the following vowel is i or I.3 The effects of the next phonological rule to be introduced are seen by comparing the following forms: (d)nitáakahkayi ‘I’m going home.’ (e)áakahkayo’pa ‘We21 are going home.’ Given (d), we would expect (e) to have the form áak+ahkayi+o’pa. The loss of the vowel i is due to the following rule:4 i-Loss i → Ø / V1y_V2, where i is short and unaccented, and V2 ≠ i or I In chapter 2 the singular and plural of ponoká ‘elk’ were given as ponokáwa and ponokáíksi, respectively. The stem has an inherent accent on its third vowel, as seen in the singular. We observed that in the plural, the third syllable is accented throughout; i.e., the accent of the á spreads to the i of the suffix. We called this Accent Spread. We saw that it applies not only for the vowel combinations a + i and a + o, which are generally pronounced as single sounds (see the section on diphthongs in chapter 1), but also of o + i, i + i, a + a, and o + o. For example, the inherent accent of kakkóó ‘dove’ spreads to the vowel of the plural suffix in kakkóíksi. Similarly, the plural of mo’tsíS ‘hand’ is mo’tsíístsi. The same phenomenon is observed in the combination of the durative prefix á with any verb stem which begins with a vowel. For example, see (a)–(c) above; notice that the accent of the á has spread to the o of the stem. Here is a formulation of the rule: Page 35","{ ""And in (c), the sequence si + o is realized as so, according to the next rule: i-Absorption i → Ø / s_V , where i is short and unaccented, and V ≠ i or I Note that according to the condition on the rule the i is not ‘absorbed’ if the following vowel is i or I.3 The effects of the next phonological rule to be introduced are seen by comparing the following forms: (d)nitáakahkayi ‘I’m going home.’ (e)áakahkayo’pa ‘We21" 35,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,35,"Accent Spread That is, a vowel at the start of a morpheme is accented if the preceding vowel is accented. RULE INTERACTION Before closing this chapter, it is important to point out that there can be interaction between rules, such that the required environment for one rule can exist as the result of another rule; this is known as a feeding relation between rules. For example, the s which results from t-Affrication (t-A) can serve as the environment for Postsibilation (P-s): So t-Affrication feeds Postsibilation. In general, we assume that rules interact such that there is maximal feeding; exceptions must be stated explicitly. Example (g) shows the interaction of three rules: Semivowel Loss, t-Affrication, and i-Absorption: When the application of one rule prevents another rule from applying, this is referred to as a bleeding relation between rules. In general, we assume that rules interact such that there is minimal bleeding, and exceptions must be stated. (In chapter 14 (section B, fn. 5) we will see examples in which the very nature of pairs of rules precludes the application of both rules; consequently, which rule bleeds the other must be stated.) Supplemental Material Page 36","{ ""Accent Spread"": ""That is, a vowel at the start of a morpheme is accented if the preceding vowel is accented."", ""RULE INTERACTION"": ""Before closing this chapter, it is important to point out that there can be interaction between rules, such that the required environment for one rule can exist as the result of another rule; this is known as a feeding relation between rules. For example, the s which results from t-Affrication (t-A) can serve as the environment for Postsibilation (P-s): So t-Affrication" 36,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,36,"The reader may have noted that i-Absorption and i-Loss are very similar. Yet as they stand they cannot be combined into a single rule, for i-Loss requires a preceding vowel and i-Absorption does not. However, the major purpose of the requirement that the y in i-Loss be preceded by a vowel is to assure that when the sequence yiV follows a consonant, as in miin + yi + aawa ‘they are berries,’ the y is lost by Semivowel Loss, and the i remains. If the applicational precedence of Semivowel Loss were otherwise assured (by a statement that Semivowel Loss bleeds i-Loss), then i-Loss could be stated without requiring the presence of a vowel before the y. This would allow collapsing of i-Loss and i-Absorption into one rule, call it i-Drop: i → Ø / {y,s}_V , where V ≠ i or I. However, this course of action is not attractive, because y and s do not form a natural class, and the two rules, i-Absorption and i-Loss, seem to describe separate phenomena. The latter is evident in the case of speakers for whom i-Loss, but not i-Absorption, is accompanied by lengthening of a preceding i; see footnote 4. So i-Absorption and i-Loss are kept as separate rules in this work. EXERCISES 1.The stem for ‘sleep’ is yo’kaa. (See exercise 2 of chapter 4.) When the prefix á (to be discussed in chapter 6) is added, the result is the ‘durative’ stem, which usually translates as ‘be sleeping.’ How would ‘we21 are sleeping’ (durative) be written? What phonological rule applies? 2.The stem for ‘count/read’ is okstaki; ‘she is counting’ is áókstakiwa, and includes the durative prefix. What phonological rule has applied in this word? 3.Given: nitáókska’si ‘I run/I’m running,’ and nitókska’si ‘I ran.’ Observe that here, as with many Blackfoot verbs, removal of the durative prefix á results in a past tense translation into English. We saw in exercise 2 of chapter 4 that ‘she is singing’ is áínihkiwa. How would you write ‘I sang’ in Blackfoot? What phonological rule applies? 4.Given: áó’tsisiiwa ‘she smokes (tobacco).’ How would ‘we21 are smoking’ be written? Besides Accent Spread, two phonological rules apply, and in a certain order. What are they? (Remember that double vowels represent long vowels.) Page 37","{ ""The reader may have noted that i-Absorption and i-Loss are very similar. Yet as they stand they cannot be combined into a single rule, for i-Loss requires a preceding vowel and i-Absorption does not. However, the major purpose of the requirement that the y in i-Loss be preceded by a vowel is to assure that when the sequence yiV follows a consonant, as in miin + yi + aawa ‘they are berries,’ the y is lost by Semivowel Loss, and the i remains. If the applicational precedence of Semivowel Loss were otherwise assured (by a" 37,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,37,"CHAPTER 6 Tense and Aspect A.PRELUDE: TENSE VS. ASPECT To begin this chapter, we will discuss the definitions of the terms ‘tense’ and ‘aspect,’ using examples from English even though tense and aspect categories of Blackfoot do not find an exact match in English. Tense can be described roughly as an indication of the time of an event or process relative to the time of the utterance of the sentence in which tense is indicated. For example, in the sentence Bill ran to the store, the past tense of the verb run indicates that Bill’s running took place prior to the time at which the speaker is uttering the sentence. Similarly, in Bill will run to the store, the use of the auxiliary verb will indicates that the speaker expects the event to take place subsequent to the time at which the sentence is uttered, i.e., in the future. Aspect, on the other hand, involves indication of the degree of completion of an event or process at the time of the utterance or relative to some specified reference point in time.1 Aspect in English is indicated in combination with tense. For example, in Bill is running, the use of the auxiliary verb be plus the suffix ing on run indicates that Bill’s running is going on (uncompleted) at the time of the utterance. The fact that this continuous aspect is relative to the time of the utterance is signaled by the use of a present tense form (is) of the verb be. This becomes evident when we compare the following sentence with a past tense form of the verb be: Bill was running when I saw him yesterday; notice that here the continuous aspect is described relative to the point in time when the event was observed. In Blackfoot, tense and aspect are indicated by prefixes which are part of Page 38","{ ""CHAPTER 6 Tense and Aspect A.PRELUDE: TENSE VS. ASPECT To begin this chapter, we will discuss the definitions of the terms ‘tense’ and ‘aspect,’ using examples from English even though tense and aspect categories of Blackfoot do not find an exact match in English. Tense can be described roughly as an indication of the time of an event or process relative to the time of the utterance of the sentence in which tense is indicated. For example, in the sentence Bill ran to the store, the past tense of the verb run indicates that Bill’s running took place prior" 38,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,38,"verb stems. That is, they combine with simpler stems to form complex stems. Consequently, tense or aspect prefixes never precede person agreement prefixes. B.FUTURE TENSE Future tense in Blackfoot is marked by prefix yáak-,2 as seen in the following examples:3 (a) Oma saahkómaapiwa áaka’po’takiwa. ‘The boy will work.’ om-wa saahkómaapi-wa yáak-a’po’taki-wa that-3s boy-3s fut-work-3s (b) Nitáakitsiniki. ‘I will tell a story.’ nit-yáak-itsiniki 1-fut-relate (c) Kitáaksipii. ‘You will enter.’ kit-yáak-Ipii 2-fut-enter The s following the future prefix in (c) requires some discussion. The initial vowel of stem ipii ‘enter,’ unlike the initial vowel of itsiniki ‘tell a story,’ always causes a preceding k to be replaced by the affricate ks.4 We will speak of this phenomenon as breaking of k, and of the i which is involved as a breaking i. For any morpheme which begins with i we need to know whether that i is a breaking i or not; if it is a breaking i, then if it immediately follows a morpheme ending in k we know that the k will be replaced by ks.5 To distinguish between a breaking i and a non-breaking i in this book, we will represent the former with a capital I and the latter with i. In a listing of the stems for ‘enter’ and ‘tell a story,’ the former would begin with I as it does in the morpheme-by-morpheme representation in (c) above. And to the phonological rules presented thus far we add the following: Page 39","{ ""sentences"": [ ""verb stems. That is, they combine with simpler stems to form complex stems. Consequently, tense or aspect prefixes never precede person agreement prefixes."", ""B.FUTURE TENSE Future tense in Blackfoot is marked by prefix yáak-,2 as seen in the following examples:3"", ""(a) Oma saahkómaapiwa áaka’po’takiwa. ‘The boy will work.’ om-wa saahkómaapi-wa yáak-a’po’taki-" 39,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,39,"Breaking k → ks / _I The representation which involves I versus i is more abstract than the usual spelling system for Blackfoot; in the latter, both I and i are represented by i because they are realized (pronounced) as the same sound. In addition to the rule of Breaking, we need a rule which indicates that the difference between these two vowels is neutralized at the level of pronunciation: Neutralization I → i In addition to future prefix yáak, there is a related prefix áyaak ‘imminent future’ (im.fut):6 (d) Nitáyaakihpiyi. ‘I’m about todance.’ nit-áyaak-ihpiyi 1-im.fut-dance (e)Anná pookááwa áyaakasai’niwa. ‘That child is about to cry.’ an- wa pookáá- wa áyaak-wa:sai’ni- wa7 that-3s child-3s im.fut-cry-3s C.DURATIVE ASPECT The description of an event or process can include indication that it is viewed, whenever it occurred, as ongoing or continuous by use of prefix á ‘durative.’8 Page 40","{ ""Breaking k → ks / _I"": ""Breaking k → ks / _I"", ""The representation which involves I versus i is more abstract than the usual spelling system for Blackfoot; in the latter, both I and i are represented by i because they are realized (pronounced) as the same sound. In addition to the rule of Breaking, we need a rule which indicates that the difference between these two vowels is neutralized at the level of pronunciation: Neutralization I → i"": ""The representation which involves I versus i is more abstract than the usual spelling system for Blackfoot;" 40,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,40,"(f)Nóko’siksi áyimmiyaawa. ‘My kids laugh/are laughing.’ n-oko’s-iksi á-yImmi-yi-aawa 1-offspring-an.p dur-laugh-pl-PRO9 (g)Omiksi pookáíksi áwaawahkaayaawa. ‘Those children are playing.’ om-iksi-pookáá-iksi á-wa:wahkaa-yi- aawa that- an.p child-an.p dur-play-pl-PRO Prefixes which end in a form diphthongs10 with a following i or o, and the inherent accent of the durative prefix is realized on the diphthong; but since the diphthongs are spelled as a sequence of two vowels, the accent is indicated on both, as seen in (h) and (i). The rule of Accent Spread (chapter 5) accounts for this. (h) Omá síípisttoowa áípottaawa. ‘The owl is flying.’ om-wa síípisttoo-wa á-Ipottaa-wa that-3s owl-3s dur-fly-3s (i) Nitáókska’si. ‘I run./I’m running.’ nit-á-okska’si 1-dur-run For verb stems which begin with the prefix a’p ‘around, about,’ the durative prefix is placed after the a’p.11 (j) Nitá’pao’taki. ‘I work.’ nit-a’p-a-o’taki 1-PREF-dur-work Durative aspect may be used with future tense, as seen in (k): Page 41","(f)Nóko’siksi áyimmiyaawa. ‘My kids laugh/are laughing.’ n-oko’s-iksi á-yImmi-yi-aawa 1-offspring-an.p dur-laugh-pl-PRO 9 (g)Omiksi pookáíksi áwaawahkaayaawa. ‘Those children are playing.’ om-iksi-pookáá-iksi á-wa:wahkaa-yi- aawa that- an.p child-an.p dur-play-pl-PRO" 41,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,41,"(k)Apinákosi áakaokska’so’pa. ‘Tomorrow we21 will be running.’ Apinákosi yáak-a-okska’si-o’pa tomorrow fut-dur-run-21 Supplemental Material Though it is not transcribed as such in this book, the vowel of the durative is probably long when in the first syllable of a word, when preceded only by a person agreement prefix, or preceded by the vowel i; see the discussion of ‘variable length’ vowels in chapter 15. The apparent inherent accent of this morpheme in the same positions might then be the result of its underlying length, because accent assignment rules, though poorly understood, are clearly sensitive to syllable structure, including length of vowels. Also, this morpheme apparently begins with y when preceded by a morpheme which ends in a glottal stop; see example (j) of chapter 21, section A. D.PERFECTIVE ASPECT Indication that an event is completed, or that a process has terminated before the present or other specified reference point in time,12 is indicated by means of prefix ákaa, as seen in the following: (l)Anníksi aakííkoaiksi ákaayo’kaayaawa. ‘Those girls have slept.’ ann-iksi aakííkoaN- iksi ákaa-yo’kaa-yi- aawa that- an.p girl-an.p perf-sleep-pl-PRO (m)Amo nínaawa ákaa’paistotakiwa. náápioyii.13 amo nínaa-wa ákaa-a’p-a-istotaki-wa náápioyiS-i This man-3s perf-PREF-dur-make(AI) house-nonpartic Page 42","(k)Apinákosi áakaokska’so’pa. ‘Tomorrow we21 will be running.’ Apinákosi yáak-a-okska’si-o’pa tomorrow fut-dur-run-21 Supplemental Material Though it is not transcribed as such in this book, the vowel of the durative is probably long when in the first syllable of a word, when preceded only by a person agreement prefix, or preceded by the vowel i; see the discussion of ‘variable length’ vowels in chapter 15. The apparent inherent accent of this morpheme in the" 42,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,42,"‘This man has built a house.’ The perfective prefix has the form shown above only when at the beginning of a word. If preceded by another prefix, it has the variant form Ikáá-, as seen in (n)–(p); (n)Anná saahkómaapiiwa máátsikáíhpiyiwa. ‘The boy hasn’t danced.’ ann- wa saahkómaapii- wa máát-Ikáá-ihpiyi- wa that-3s boy-3s neg-perf-dance-3s (o) Nikáó’toohpinnaan. ‘We have arrived.’ n-Ikáá-o’too-hpinnaan 1-perf-arrive-1p (p) Kikááyimmi. ‘You have laughed.’ k-Ikáá-yImmi 2-perf-laugh The last two examples require discussion. Based on what has been presented thus far, the reader should be wondering why (o) and (p) do not begin with nit and kit. Simply stated, certain morphemes select a short form of preceding person agreement prefixes nit-, kit-, and ot-;14 the corresponding short variants are n-, k-, and w-. One must learn which morphemes, like Ikáá, select the short forms of these agreement prefixes. Also, since the non-initial form of the perfective prefix is shown to start with breaking I, we need to account for the fact that the second person prefix k is not ‘broken’ in (p). It turns out that the k of the second person prefix is always impervious to Breaking. The perfective prefix may be used with the future tense prefix, as seen in (q)and (r); note that the relative order of these prefixes is significant: (q)Apinákosi. áaksikáóka’pihtsiiyiwa. ‘Tomorrow it will have Page 43","{ ""sentences"": [ ""‘This man has built a house.’"", ""The perfective prefix has the form shown above only when at the beginning of a word. If preceded by another prefix, it has the variant form Ikáá-, as seen in (n)–(p);"", ""(n)Anná saahkómaapiiwa máátsikáíhpiyiwa. ‘The boy hasn’t danced.’"", ""ann- wa saahkómaapii- wa máát-Ikáá-ih" 43,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,43,"spoiled.’ apinákosi yáak-Ikáá-oka’pihtsiiyi- wa tomorrow fut-perf-spoil(II)-sg (r)Ákaayáakaniiwa. ‘He will be saying that.’/ ákaa-yáak-wa:nii-wa perf-fut-say-3s ‘He’s ready to say that.’ (s)Nikáakahkayi. ‘I’m going home (right now)’/ n-Ikaa-áak-ahkayi 1-perf-fut-go^home ‘I fully intend to go home.’ The use of the perfective in examples (r) and (s) indicate that the combination of perf + fut can reflect certainty of the speaker. E.SENTENCES WHICH TRANSLATE AS PAST TENSE IN ENGLISH It is not clear that the phenomenon discussed here should be labeled a tense, let alone ‘past’ tense. As will be seen, in some cases it is actually the absence of any aspect morpheme. However, I will speak about this phenomenon as ‘past tense,’ because it generally is observed in sentences which translate as past tense in English.15 This is the most complicated part of discussion of tense and aspect because it involves the area of greatest irregularity in Blackfoot: morpheme-initial variation. Consequently, the presentation here will be incomplete and somewhat oversimplified. (Morpheme-initial variation will be discussed more fully in chapter 15.) Past tense is realized in several variant forms, depending upon the following factors: the presence vs absence of an agreement prefix, properties of the first morpheme of the stem, and, when competing forms exist, preference or dialect of the speaker. Page 44","{ ""sentence"": ""apinákosi yáak-Ikáá-oka’pihtsiiyi- wa tomorrow fut-perf-spoil(II)-sg"", ""translation"": ""spoiled."" }, { ""sentence"": ""Ákaayáakaniiwa."", ""translation"": ""He will be saying that."" }, { ""sentence"": ""/ ákaa-yáak-wa:nii-wa perf-fut-say-3s"", ""translation"": ""He’s ready to" 44,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,44,"Past tense may be realized as any of the following (examples will follow as (t)–(z´)): 1. Simple absence of both the durative aspect and future prefixes, often with placement of accent on a syllable that otherwise would not be accented;16 2. Replacement of a stem-initial vowel by ii, or, if the stem begins in a consonant, addition of an ii, usually long, before that consonant;17 3. For a small subset of stems beginning with sV or ICV (where C and V stand for any consonant and vowel), replacement of this initial sequence by sayV or CayV, respectively; this is possible only in word- initial position, i.e., when no prefix precedes the stem. We will refer to this process as initial change. (Initial change is also found in some imperative forms and a few nominalized verbs.)18 4. In the Siksika Reserve dialect only, there is a fourth way of marking past tense on stems, but only in word-initial position (and hence cannot be used if there is a person prefix): Add prefix ná.19 This seems to function as a variant of (1) in cases where no person prefix is called for.20 For most verbs, more than one of these ‘past tense’ realizations is acceptable on some forms from the agreement paradigm. Here are examples of various past tense forms, identified in square brackets as to whether they illustrate type 1, 2, 3, or 4. Notice that for many verbs there are two or three acceptable forms which translate as past tense: (t)Nitókska’si [1]/Nitsííkska’si [2]. ‘I ran.’ (u)Nohkówa ííkska’siwa [2]/náókska’siwa [4]. ‘My son ran.’ (v)Oma píítaawa ipóttaawa [1]/payóttaawa [3] náípottaawa [4]. ‘The eagle flew.’ Page 45","{ ""sentences"": [ ""Past tense may be realized as any of the following (examples will follow as (t)–(z´)): 1. Simple absence of both the durative aspect and future prefixes, often with placement of accent on a syllable that otherwise would not be accented;16 2. Replacement of a stem-initial vowel by ii, or, if the stem begins in a consonant, addition of an ii, usually long, before that consonant;17 3. For a small subset of stems beginning with sV or ICV (where C" 45,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,45,"(w)Kitána aasáí’niwa [1]. ‘Your daughter cried.’ (x)Amo aakííwa iihpómmaawa [2] ónnikii. ‘This woman bought milk.’ (y)Nítsspiyihpinnaan [1]. ‘We danced.’ The past tense morpheme is usually realized on the first syllable of the verb after the agreement prefix, if any. If it appears with perfective aspect, the perfective prefix is affected: (z) Oma imitááwa ííkáóoyiwa [2]. ‘That dog had eaten.’ Notice also that the non-initial variant of the perfective prefix is used, suggesting that at least with regard to variant selection, the past tense morpheme is a prefix. This can also account for the fact that although the perfective prefix otherwise selects the short form of the person agreement prefixes, the past tense does not; hence ‘past’ plus ‘perfective’ selects the long form: (z´) Kitsííkaokstoohpoaawáyi [2]. ‘You (pl) had read it.’ EXERCISES Note: All verb stems and noun phrases needed for the following exercises can be found in the current chapter. 1.Translate the following into Blackfoot, using the future tense morphemes: (a) Your daughter is about to run. (b)(The) owls will fly. (c)I will build a house. [Note: Prefix a’p ‘around, about’ is part of the stem for ‘build/make.’ See example (m) above.] 2.Translate the following, using the durative aspect morpheme: (a) This woman is laughing. (b)My kids are sleeping. Page 46","(w)Kitána aasáí’niwa [1]. ‘Your daughter cried.’ (x)Amo aakííwa iihpómmaawa [2] ónnikii. ‘This woman bought milk.’ (y)Nítsspiyihpinnaan [1]. ‘We danced.’ The past tense morpheme is usually realized on the first syllable of the verb after the agreement prefix, if any. If it appears with perfective aspect, the perfective prefix is affected: (z) Oma imitááwa ííkáóoyiwa" 46,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,46,"(c)I am telling a story. 3.Translate the following, using the perfective aspect morpheme: (a) We1p have run. (b)This man has told a story. (c)You2s have flown. Page 47","(c)I am telling a story. 3.Translate the following, using the perfective aspect morpheme: (a) We1p have run. (b)This man has told a story. (c)You2s have flown. Page 47" 47,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,47,"(d)CHAPTER 7 Four Verb Stem Types A.SYNTAX Constraints on the way words combine into larger constructions such as phrases, clauses, and sentences, are referred to as syntactic constraints or rules of syntax. Such rules describe requirements which must be met when words are combined, such as their grammatical class, morphological makeup, and their relative order. We have already seen in chapter 4 that verbs must agree with their subjects; this is an example of a morphosyntactic constraint, for it restricts what the morphological makeup of the verb can be, based on the nominal (noun or noun phrase) as its subject. Although there will be no chapter specifically devoted to syntax in this book, and the word syntax will not appear often, rules of syntax will be met in just about every chapter. The remainder of this chapter deals with three syntactic topics. B.VERB STEM TYPES and STEM AGREEMENT In chapter 4, section C, we saw that Blackfoot intransitive verb stems which take animate gender subjects usually have different shapes than stems which take inanimate gender subjects. The examples are repeated here: soká’pssiwa ‘He is good/nice.’ soká’piiwa ‘It[inanimate] is good.’ siksinámma ‘It[animate] is black.’ Page 48","{ ""(d)CHAPTER 7 Four Verb Stem Types A.SYNTAX Constraints on the way words combine into larger constructions such as phrases, clauses, and sentences, are referred to as syntactic constraints or rules of syntax. Such rules describe requirements which must be met when words are combined, such as their grammatical class, morphological makeup, and their relative order. We have already seen in chapter 4 that verbs must agree with their subjects; this is an example of a morphosyntactic constraint, for it restricts what the morphological makeup of the verb can be, based on the nominal (noun or noun phrase) as" 48,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,48,"siksináttsiwa ‘It[inanimate] is black.’ We describe this situation by saying that the verb subcategory ‘Intransitive Verb’ is further subcategorized according to the grammatical gender of the subject. Following traditional Algonquianist terminology, we will refer to the two subcategories of intransitive verb stems as Animate Intransitive (AI) and Inanimate Intransitive (II). There are also two subcategories of transitive verbs. (Recall that transitive verbs take objects.) The two subcategories of transitive verbs are distinguished according to whether their objects are animate or inanimate gender, and are referred to as Transitive Animate (TA) and Transitive Inanimate (TI).1 The selection of verb stem type according to gender of the subject or object is often referred to as stem agreement. From this point on, we will use this term when referring to choice of verb stem. (The phrase verb agreement will then refer to inflectional agreement, as elaborated in the following section.) In summary, the two parameters of verb subcategorization, namely transitivity and gender, combine to produce four stem types: In the Dictionary, the four types of verb stems are labeled as vai, vii, vta, and vti. For example, compare the four stems which translate ‘burst’: ipakksskaa vai; ipákksi vii; ipakkssk vta; ipakksski vti C.INFLECTIONAL AGREEMENT We have seen in previous chapters (especially chapter 4) that intransitive verbs take affixes which must agree with the subjects of the verbs to which they are attached. The agreement affixes which occur on intransitive verbs of independent clauses were summarized in section B of chapter 4. The set of affixes presented there is for AI verbs. The affixes found on II verbs are AnimateInanimateIntransitiveAIIITransitiveTATI Page 49","{ ""siksináttsiwa 'It[inanimate] is black.' We describe this situation by saying that the verb subcategory 'Intransitive Verb' is further subcategorized according to the grammatical gender of the subject. Following traditional Algonquianist terminology, we will refer to the two subcategories of intransitive verb stems as Animate Intransitive (AI) and Inanimate Intransitive (II). There are also two subcategories of transitive verbs. (Recall that transitive verbs take objects.) The two subcategories of transitive verbs are distinguished according to whether their objects are animate or inanimate" 49,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,49,"a subset of the AI affixes, limited to two by the fact that the only inanimate gender categories are singular and plural; i.e., the set of II agreement affixes has only singular and plural forms, and these are identical to the 3s and 3p suffixes for AI verbs given in section B of chapter 4. Blackfoot transitive verbs take affixes which agree with their subjects and their objects. Notice that the following four sentences all have different verb forms as a consequence of the fact that no two have the same combination of subject and object: (a) Niistówa, nitohpómmatoohpa amoyi náápioyisi. ‘I bought this house.’ (b)Kiistówa, kitohpómmatoohpa amoyi náápioyisi. ‘You bought this house.’ (c)Niistówa, nitohpómmatoohpi amo(i)stsi náápioyiistsi. ‘I bought these houses.’ (d)Kiistówa, kitohpómmatoohpi amo(i)stsi náápioyiistsi. ‘You bought these houses.’ The verbs in these examples are transitive inanimate (TI). The full set of agreement forms for TI verbs in independent clauses will be given in the next chapter. The agreement forms for transitive animate (TA) verbs in independent clauses will be presented in chapters 10, 11, and 12. D.OBJECTS THAT DON’T COUNT If an object is either unspecified as in (e) and (f), or non-particular in reference (see chapter 2, section C) as in (g) and (h), it does not qualify as a primary syntactic object, and the verb of which it is the logical object will be inflectionally intransitive. Consequently, the verbs of (e)–(h) are AI rather than TI; compare the verb of (e) and (g) to the TI form in (a) above: (e)Nítohpommaa. ‘I purchased (something unspecified).’ (f)Áwaaniiwa. ‘He’s saying (something).’ Page 50","{ ""sentences"": [ ""a subset of the AI affixes, limited to two by the fact that the only inanimate gender categories are singular and plural; i.e., the set of II agreement affixes has only singular and plural forms, and these are identical to the 3s and 3p suffixes for AI verbs given in section B of chapter 4."", ""Blackfoot transitive verbs take affixes which agree with their subjects and their objects. Notice that the following four sentences all have different verb forms as a consequence of the fact that no two have the same combination" 50,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,50,"(g)Nítohpommaa náápioyii. ‘I made a house-purchase.’ (h)Áóoyiyaawa owáí. ‘They are eating egg(s).’ Objects with which verbs do not agree will be referred to as secondary objects. Supplemental Material We have seen that there are two criteria for determining the transitivity of verbs in Blackfoot: syntactic and morphological. Syntactic transitivity is the ability to occur with an object, while morphological transitivity is the ability to show inflectional agreement with an object. Where these two criteria conflict, we will use the prefix para- to modify the syntactic category of the verb. AI verbs which may occur with a non-particular object will be referred to as paratransitive, because they may occur with objects but do not agree with those objects. There are also two types of TA verbs. Some TA verbs may occur with two syntactic objects, but the verb will show inflectional agreement with only one of them, which we will call the primary object Such verbs can then be referred to as paraditransitive verbs, because although they are syntactically ditransitive (take two objects), they are inflectionally (mono)transitive, since they show inflectional agreement with only the primary object. The other object, which we will call the secondary object, may be either particular or non-particular in reference. We will have reason to make use of these new terms, paratransitive and paraditransitive, in chapter 20. EXERCISE If one were translating the following sentences into Blackfoot, would the Blackfoot verb stem required be II, AI, TI, or TA? (If you are uncertain about the grammatical gender of the nouns involved, see chapter 2.) 1. I’m working. 2.The tipi is old. 3.He’s eating the meat. 4.I found the pail. Page 51","(g)Nítohpommaa náápioyii. ‘I made a house-purchase.’ (h)Áóoyiyaawa owáí. ‘They are eating egg(s).’ Objects with which verbs do not agree will be referred to as secondary objects. Supplemental Material We have seen that there are two criteria for determining the transitivity of verbs in Blackfoot: syntactic and morphological. Syntactic transitivity is the ability to occur with an object, while morphological transitivity is the ability to show inflectional agreement with an object. Where these two criteria conflict, we will use the" 51,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,51,"5.We bought fish (non-particular). 6.The horse is eating. Page 52","5. We bought fish (non-particular). 6. The horse is eating. Page 52" 52,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,52,"7.CHAPTER 8 Transitive Inanimate Verbs To this point, we have illustrated primarily intransitive verbs. Here are some examples of a transitive verb, specifically one which occurs with inanimate gender primary objects: (a) Ikóónima nohkówa ómi niitóyisi. ‘My son took down that tipi.’ (b)Ikóónimi kohkóíksi ánni nitsiksíkkokóówayi. ‘Your sons took my tent down.’ The first word in each of these sentences is a transitive inanimate (TI) verb. Notice that the verb of (a) ends in a, which is from wa, with the w removed by the (by now familiar) rule Semivowel Loss. The verb of (b) ends in i, from yi. The two suffixes agree with the person and number of the subjects: ‘3s’ in (a), and ‘3p’ in (b). A complete set of agreement forms for a verb is called a paradigm. Observe the following paradigm for the TI verb stem ikooni ‘take down (gently).’ It is divided here into two portions; the first is used with a singular object and the second with a plural object. Singular Object Forms Subjectnumber →singularpluralperson ↓Page 53","{ ""7.CHAPTER 8 Transitive Inanimate Verbs To this point, we have illustrated primarily intransitive verbs. Here are some examples of a transitive verb, specifically one which occurs with inanimate gender primary objects: (a) Ikóónima nohkówa ómi niitóyisi. ‘My son took down that tipi.’ (b)Ikóónimi kohkóíksi ánni nitsiksíkkokóówayi. ‘Your sons took my tent down.’ The first word in each of these sentences is a transitive inanimate (TI) verb. Notice that the" 53,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,53,"2 kitsííkooniihpa kitsííkooniihpoaawa 21 — ikóónii’pa Plural Object Forms Subject There are several noteworthy aspects of this paradigm. First, as will be even more obvious when the affixes of this paradigm are listed separately below, there is a great deal of similarity between this paradigm and the AI paradigm given in section B of chapter 4. Second, comparing the singular object forms with the plural object forms, we see that if the subject is 3 or 4 the two sets of forms are the same (i.e., number of the object is not indicated in the verb) whereas forms with other subjects end in a (from -wa) if the object is singular and with i (from -yi) if the object is plural. Third, the forms with 3 or 4 as subject form a subset in another regard, as 1nitsííkooniihpanitsííkooniihpinnaana3ikóónimaikóónimi4ikóóniminiikóóniminumber →singularpluralperson ↓1nitsííkooniihpinitsííkooniihpinnaani2 21kitsííkooniihpi —kitsííkooniihpoaayi ikóónii’pi3ikóónimaikóónimi4ikóóniminiikóónimi Page 54","{ ""2"": ""kitsííkooniihpa kitsííkooniihpoaawa 21 — ikóónii’pa"", ""Plural Object Forms Subject"": ""There are several noteworthy aspects of this paradigm. First, as will be even more obvious when the affixes of this paradigm are listed separately below, there is a great deal of similarity between this paradigm and the AI paradigm given in section B of chapter 4. Second, comparing the singular object forms with the plural object forms, we see that if the subject is 3 or 4 the two sets of forms are the same (i" 54,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,54,"well; they have im where the others have iihp. This is true for all TI verbs, though many have oom and oohp in place of im and iihp.1 Because all TI verbs show this hp ~ m2 variation in the independent paradigm, we will refer to this portion as a TI theme suffix. All speakers find ’p in place of hp to be perfectly acceptable in this paradigm. Here are more sentences utilizing forms from the above paradigm: (c)Ikóónii’pi ómistsi ksíkkokóówaistsi. ‘We21 took those tents down.’ /‘Those tents were taken down.’ (d)Áaksikoonii’pa oyísi. ‘We21 will take down his lodge.’ (e)Nikáíkooniihpinnaani noyíístsi. ‘We1p have taken down our lodges.’ THE TI THEME SUFFIXES AND AGREEMENT AFFIXES Subject number → singular plural person ↓ 1.nit-...-hp nit-...-hpinnaan 2.kit-...-hp kit-...-hpoaa 21/unspec3 — -’p The following points require explanation or bear repeating: 1. Theme suffix hp in this paradigm may be replaced by ’p. 3-mwa-myi4-myini-myiPage 55","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""well; they have im where the others have iihp. This is true for all TI verbs, though many have oom and oohp in place of im and iihp.1 Because all TI verbs show this hp ~ m2 variation in the independent paradigm, we will refer to this portion as a TI theme suffix. All speakers find ’p in place of hp to be perfectly acceptable in this paradigm. Here are more sentences utilizing forms from the above paradigm: (c)Ikóónii’pi ómist" 55,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,55,"2.Theme suffixes hp and ’p in this paradigm lengthen a preceding short vowel. 3.Theme suffix m in the 3 and 4 portions of this paradigm shortens a preceding long ii.4 4.Semivowel Loss eliminates the w and y of the 3 and 4 forms;5 see chapter 5. 5.To these affixes are added -wa if the object is singular or -yi if the object is plural, unless the subject is 3 or 4; in the latter cases number of the object is not indicated in the verb due to the following general constraints of Blackfoot: Verbs can show agreement with only one third person nominal, and animate gender takes precedence over inanimate gender when there is a choice. TI WITH NON-VOLITIONAL LOGICAL SUBJECT In general, the subject of a transitive verb in Blackfoot is presupposed to be capable of exercising will. Unless the speaker wishes to convey that presupposition, he or she must use an alternate strategy. So, for example, even though isttoáN ‘knife’ is of animate gender, it cannot normally serve as subject of a transitive verb, and the following sentence is unacceptable:6 (f)*Oma isttoána ikahksínima annistsi ikkstsíksiistsi. ‘That knife cut off those branches.’ Instead of translating such sentences literally, Blackfoot makes use of the unspecified subject form of the verb (the same as the 21 subject form); the (unwillful) involvement of the logical subject is expressed by use of the linking prefix iiht ‘means’ (see section 4 of chapter 16), as seen in the following example: (g)Oma isttoána iihtsíkahksinii’pi. annistsi ikkstsíksiistsi. that knife-3s means-cut(TI)-pl those branch-in.p ‘The knife cut off those branches.’ Page 56","{ ""2.Theme suffixes hp and ’p in this paradigm lengthen a preceding short vowel."": ""2.Theme suffixes hp and ’p in this paradigm lengthen a preceding short vowel."", ""3.Theme suffix m in the 3 and 4 portions of this paradigm shortens a preceding long ii.4"": ""3.Theme suffix m in the 3 and 4 portions of this paradigm shortens a preceding long ii.4"", ""4.Semivowel Loss eliminates the w and y of the 3 and 4 forms;5 see chapter 5" 56,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,56,"A more literal translation of (g) is ‘By means of the knife, the branches were cut off.’ EXERCISES 1.Comparing the chart of TI affixes above with that in section B of chapter 4, list the ways in which the TI paradigm differs from the AI paradigm. 2.Add the correct TI affixes to the verbs in the following sentences. (The verb stem is in first position in each sentence given, except for (j), where it is in second position.) a. áakohpommatoo amo nínaawa omi napayíni. ‘The man will buy that bread.’ a.áakohpommatoo omistsi ápssiistsi. ‘I will buy those arrows.’ b.áakohpommatoo amoyi sóópa’tsisi. ‘We21 will buy this chair.’ c.áóowatoo omistsi ókonokistsi. ‘You2p are eating those saskatoons.’ d.áyoohtsi anniksi aakííksi omi nínihkssini. ‘Those women hear the song.’ e.áókstoo nóko’siksi omistsi náápioyiistsi. ‘My kids are counting those houses.’ f.áápiksii oma pookááwa omistsi óóhkotokistsi. ‘That kid threw those rocks.’ g.máátakohkottsipikkstsi ohkóyi amoyi í’ksisakoyi. ‘His son can’t chew this meat.’ Page 57","A more literal translation of (g) is ‘By means of the knife, the branches were cut off.’ EXERCISES 1.Comparing the chart of TI affixes above with that in section B of chapter 4, list the ways in which the TI paradigm differs from the AI paradigm. 2.Add the correct TI affixes to the verbs in the following sentences. (The verb stem is in first position in each sentence given, except for (j), where it is in second position.) a. áakohpommatoo amo nínaawa omi napayíni. ‘The man will" 57,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,57,"h.iini kookóówayi. ‘We1p saw your house.’ i.omi ápssiyi áwa’yihkihtsi nookóówayi. ‘That arrow is pointing at my house.’ [Hint: See discussion of examples (f) and (g) above.] Page 58","{ ""h.iini"": ""We1p saw your house."", ""i.omi"": ""That arrow is pointing at my house."", ""áwa'yihkihtsi"": ""pointing at"", ""nookóówayi"": ""my house."" }" 58,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,58,"CHAPTER 9 Attached Pronouns Certain third person suffixes appear to have a longer form than those listed in the charts given so far. For example, the charts list -yi as ‘3p,’ yet at the end of section A of chapter 4 the following example was given; note the highlighted portion: (a) Saahkómaapiiksi áwaawahkaayaawa. ‘(Some) boys are playing.’ But if the subject saahkómaapiiksi is placed after the verb rather than before it, we see the suffix –yi on the verb: (b) Áwaawahkaayi saahkómaapiiksi. ‘(Some) boys are playing.’ Only the form with yaawa is acceptable if there is no overt noun or noun phrase as subject in the clause: (c) Áwaawahkaayaawa. ‘They are playing.’ It seems that the ‘long’ form is required if a noun with which it agrees does not follow the verb. This suggests an analysis in which the longer form of the 3p ending involves a third person pronoun aawa which attaches to the end of the verb,1 immediately after the suffix -yi. (The i of -yi is lost in (a) and (c) according to the rule called i-Loss; see chapter 5.) The above example involved a pronoun as subject of an AI verb; here is an example of the pronoun aawa as object of a TI verb: (d) Nitohpómmatoo’piaawa. ‘I bought them.’ nit-ohpommatoo-’p-yi-aawa 1-buy(TI)-theme-pl-PRO Page 59","{ ""sentences"": [ ""CHAPTER 9 Attached Pronouns"", ""Certain third person suffixes appear to have a longer form than those listed in the charts given so far."", ""For example, the charts list -yi as ‘3p,’ yet at the end of section A of chapter 4 the following example was given; note the highlighted portion:"", ""(a) Saahkómaapiiksi áwaawahkaayaawa. ‘(Some) boys are playing.’"", ""But if the subject" 59,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,59,"Note that because the plural (pl) suffix -yi in (d) follows a consonant, i-Loss does not apply; Semivowel Loss applies and the i of -yi shows up. There is also an attached pronoun for third person singular, but it is used only when there is another third person in the immediate context, though not necessarily in the same sentence. We will refer to this pronoun as the Distinct Third Person (DTP) pronoun. Here are some examples: (e)Nohkówa áakohpommatoomáyi. n-ohkó-wa yáak-ohpommatoo-m-wa-áyi 1-son-3s fut-buy(TI)-theme-3s-PRO ‘My son will buy it.’ (f) Ánna aakííwa óomi á’pao’takiyináyi. ann-wa aakííwa w-óom-yI a’pao’taki-yini-áyi that-3s woman-3s 3-husband-4s work(dur)-4s-PRO ‘That woman’s husband is working.’ (g) Otsáápioyisi, ksikksinááttsiwáyi. ot-IáápioyiS-yi ksikksinááttsi-wa-áyi 3-house-in.s2 white-sg-PRO ‘His house is white.’ The pronoun in these examples is evidently áyi, and if the segment preceding this pronoun is a vowel, that vowel is deleted. There are plural DTP pronouns as well; one for animate gender nominals and the other for inanimate gender nominals; these are aiksi and aistsi, respectively. These require deletion of a preceding a (as in (h) and (l)), and also require deletion of a preceding i if it in turn is preceded by m or n (as in (k)). Here are several examples: (h)Nohkówa áakohpommatoomaistsi. n-ohkó-wa yáak-ohpommatoo-m-wa-Page 60","{ ""Note that because the plural (pl) suffix -yi in (d) follows a consonant, i-Loss does not apply; Semivowel Loss applies and the i of -yi shows up. There is also an attached pronoun for third person singular, but it is used only when there is another third person in the immediate context, though not necessarily in the same sentence. We will refer to this pronoun as the Distinct Third Person (DTP) pronoun. Here are some examples: (e)Nohkówa áakohpommatoomáyi. n-ohkó-wa yáak-oh" 60,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,60,"aistsi 1-son-3s fut-buy(TI)-theme-3s-PRO ‘My son will buy them.’ (i) Otsáápioyiistsi ksikksináttsiyaistsi. ot-IáápioyiS-istsi ksikksinattsi-yi-aistsi 3-house-ip white-pl-PRO ‘His houses are white.’ (j)Óko’siksi áyo’kaayaiksi. w-óko’s-iksi á-Io’kaa-yi-aiksi 3-offspring-an.p dur-sleep-pl-PRO ‘His kids are sleeping.’ ‘Her husband made them.’ (l) Anna pookááwa iinoyííwaiksi. ann-wa pookáá-wa iino-yii-wa-aiksi that-3s child-3s past:see-dir-3s-PRO ‘That child saw them (anim).’ Attached pronouns can bear grammatical relations other than subject or object. Here are examples as destinational Goal, Instrument, and Location:3 (k) Anni ann-yIóomi w-óom-yIá’pistotsiminaistsi. á’pistotsi-m-yini-aistsithat-4s3-husband-4smake(TI)-theme-4s-PRO Page 61","(a) 1-son-3s fut-buy(TI)-theme-3s-PRO ‘My son will buy them.’ (b) Otsáápioyiistsi ksikksináttsiyaistsi. ot-IáápioyiS-istsi ksikksinattsi-yi-aistsi 3-house-ip white-pl-PRO ‘His houses are white.’ (c) Óko’siksi áyo’kaayaiksi. w-óko’s-iksi á-Io’kaa-yi-" 61,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,61,"(m) Nitákkawa itápsskonakiwaiksi. n-itákka-wa itap-sskonaki-wa-aiksi 1-friend-3s toward-shoot-3s-PRO ‘My friend shot at them (anim).’ (n)Kitána iihtáóoyiwáyi. k-itán-wa iiht-á-ooyi-wa-áyi 2-daughter-3s instr-dur-eat(AI)-3s-PRO ‘Your daughter is eating with it.’ (o) Oma aakííkoana itohkítopiiwaistsi. om-wa akííkoaN-wa it-ohkit-opii-wa-aistsi that-3s girl-3s there-upon-sit-3s-PRO ‘That girl sat on them (inan).’ Two pronouns may be attached to a verb, but the two must be different. The constraints involved in such cases are fairly complex,4 but the following rules cover most circumstances: 1. At least one of the two pronouns must reference the subject or primary object. 2.If one of two pronouns is subject or primary object and the other is not subject or primary object, the pronoun as subject or primary object is closest to the stem. 3.If one pronoun is major third person (3) and the other is minor third person (4), the 3 pronoun precedes the 4 pronoun (no matter which is subject). 4.The two pronouns must not be identical. In cases where two identical pronouns are called for, only one will be present. Here are examples with two pronouns: (p)Nohkóíksi áakohpommatoomiaawaistsi. Page 62","(m) Nitákkawa itápsskonakiwaiksi. (n)Kitána iihtáóoyiwáyi. (o) Oma aakííkoana itohkítopiiwaistsi. Two pronouns may be attached to a verb, but the two must be different. The constraints involved in such cases are fairly complex,4 but the following rules cover most circumstances: 1. At least one of the two pronouns must reference the subject or primary object. 2.If one of two pronouns is subject or primary object and the other is not subject or primary object" 62,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,62,"n-ohkó-iksi yáak-ohpommatoo-m-yi-aawa-aistsi 1-son-an.p fut-buy(TI)-theme-pl-PRO-PRO ‘My sons will buy them.’ (q) Anni otáni, itohkítopiiyináyaiksi. ann-yI w-itan-yI it-ohkit-opii-yini-áyi-aiksi that-4s 3-da.-4s there-on-sit-4s-PRO-PRO ‘His daughter, she sat on them (anim).’ SUMMARY If a nominal bearing a grammatical relation in a clause does not follow the verb of that clause, and that nominal is not major third person singular, then a pronoun must take its place after the verb and be attached to the verb.5 There are two kinds of third person pronouns which are necessarily attached to verbs: the non-DTP plural pronoun aawa and the three DTP pronouns listed below. The DTP pronouns require deletion of a preceding vowel in certain cases. Distinct Third Person Pronouns Supplemental Material There are what could be called non-affirmative pronouns as well. These will be discussed briefly in chapter 21. For now, we simply list them as atsiksi ‘3s/in.s,’ aiksaawa ‘3p/4p,’ and aistsaawa ‘ip.’ sganim.pl,inan.pl-áyi-aiksi-aistsi Page 63","{ ""n-ohkó-iksi yáak-ohpommatoo-m-yi-aawa-aistsi"": ""1-son-an.p fut-buy(TI)-theme-pl-PRO-PRO 'My sons will buy them.'"", ""(q) Anni otáni, itohkítopiiyináyaiksi"": ""ann-yI w-itan-yI it-ohkit-opii-yini-áyi-aiksi that-4s 3-da.-4s there-" 63,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,63,"CHAPTER 10 Transitive Animate Part 1: Direct A.INTRODUCTION As explained in chapter 7, a TA verb agrees with its subject and with its animate gender primary object. The large number of person and number combinations of subject and primary object results in an extensive paradigm of forms, but most of these include affixes which we have already encountered above. In this chapter we look at a relatively straightforward portion of the TA paradigm; later we will build upon this in chapters 11 and 12. The entire TA paradigm is presented in chart form in Appendix A. B.1s/2s SUBJECT WITH 3/4 OBJECT Consider the following sentences: (a)Nitsikákomimmawa nitána. ‘I love my daughter.’ (b)Nitsikákomimmayi nitániksi. ‘I love my daughters.’ (c)Kitsikákomimmawa nitána. ‘You2s love my daughter.’ (d)Kitsikákomimmayi nitániksi. ‘You love my daughters.’ (e)Nitsikákomimmayini otáni. ‘I love his daughter.’ (f)Nitsikákomimmayi otániksi. ‘I love his daughters.’ Comparing (a)–(f) and noting the highlighted affixes, it seems there is nothing new to learn in this portion of the TA paradigm, for these same Page 64","{ ""CHAPTER 10 Transitive Animate Part 1: Direct A.INTRODUCTION As explained in chapter 7, a TA verb agrees with its subject and with its animate gender primary object. The large number of person and number combinations of subject and primary object results in an extensive paradigm of forms, but most of these include affixes which we have already encountered above. In this chapter we look at a relatively straightforward portion of the TA paradigm; later we will build upon this in chapters 11 and 12. The entire TA paradigm is presented in chart form in Appendix A. B.1s" 64,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,64,"affixes are used in the AI and TI paradigms. But when these forms are compared to the remainder of the paradigm, especially in chapters 11 and 12, we will see that more is involved here than simply adding prefixes which agree with the subject and suffixes which agree with the primary object. In particular, we will see in section E that the stem for ‘love’ in these examples is ikakomimm,1 and the a which precedes the highlighted suffixes in (a)–(f) is a morpheme (‘direct’ theme suffix). C.1 AND 2 PLURAL AFFIXES Consider (g) and (h): (g)Nitsikákomimmannaani kitániksi. ‘We1p love your daughters.’ (h)Kitsikákomimmawaayi nitániksi. ‘You2p love my daughters.’ These sentences show that the TA verb uses suffixes to mark first and second person plural which are nearly identical to affixes seen earlier (see section B of chapter 4). They differ in that the pluralizers here lack the hp, which appears on the 1p and 2p suffixes whenever they are used on a verb which does not also have a third person as subject or primary object. Other predictable variation in the verb pluralizer shape is as follows: The 1p suffix is innaan after a consonant, but usually just nnaan after a vowel. If nothing other than a clitic pronoun is attached, the 2p suffix is oaawa (see e.g., (b) of chapter 12), but is usually oaa otherwise (as in (h));2 furthermore, when the 2p suffix is preceded by a vowel, the o is replaced by w according to a regular phonological rule, which also accounts for i and y alternations:3 Desyllabification {i → y, o → w} / V_V , where the i and o do not carry accent. As was also seen in the TI paradigm of chapter 8, the pluralizers for first Page 65","{ ""sentences"": [ ""affixes are used in the AI and TI paradigms. But when these forms are compared to the remainder of the paradigm, especially in chapters 11 and 12, we will see that more is involved here than simply adding prefixes which agree with the subject and suffixes which agree with the primary object. In particular, we will see in section E that the stem for ‘love’ in these examples is ikakomimm,1 and the a which precedes the highlighted suffixes in (a)–(f) is a morpheme (‘direct’ theme suffix)."", " 65,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,65,"and second person precede suffixes for third person. D.21 AND UNSPECIFIED SUBJECT The agreement affixes for 21 as subject do double duty in that they are also used when the speaker does not wish to specify a subject. Observe the following: (i)Ikákomimmawa kitána ‘We21 love your daughter.’/ ‘Your daughter is loved.’ (j)Ikákomimmayi kitániksi. ‘We21 love your daughters.’/ ‘Your daughters are loved.’ (k)Ikákomimmayini otáni. ‘We21 love her daughter.’/ ‘Her daughter is loved.’ Notice that these 21/unspecified subject forms with third person object differ from the 1s and 2s subject forms (a)–(e) in lacking person prefixes. E.3 SUBJECT WITH 4 PRIMARY OBJECT Recall that only one animate gender third person may be major third person (3); any others must be demoted to 4. (See section D of chapter 2.) So if both the subject and an object of a TA verb are third persons, one must be demoted. Here we will deal with the case in which a primary object is demoted; i.e., 3 subject with a 4 object. (4 subject with a 3 primary object will be dealt with in the next chapter.) This requires a new suffix in place of the a which follows the stem in (a)–(k).4 It has two forms: -yii and -ii. -yii is used with stems which end in a vowel other than a, and -ii is used elsewhere. Examples: (l)Ikákomimmiiwa nohkówa kitáni. ‘My son loves your daughter.’ (m)Isspómmoyiiwa aakííkoana póósi. ‘The girl helped the cat.’ (n)Iisínaiiwa nínaawa pookááyi. ‘The man took a picture of the Page 66","{ ""sentences"": [ ""and second person precede suffixes for third person."", ""D.21 AND UNSPECIFIED SUBJECT"", ""The agreement affixes for 21 as subject do double duty in that they are also used when the speaker does not wish to specify a subject."", ""Observe the following:"", ""(i)Ikákomimmawa kitána ‘We21 love your daughter.’/ ‘Your daughter is loved.’"", ""(j)Ikákomimmayi kitániksi" 66,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,66,"child.’ Such TA forms, i.e., forms for which both subject and primary object are third person, show number agreement with their subjects but not with their objects. Compare (o) and (p) with (l). Notice that pluralizing the subject ‘son’ affects the verb inflection, but pluralizing the object ‘daughter’ does not: (o)Ikákomimmiiyi nohkóíksi kitáni. ‘My sons love your daughter.’ (p)Ikákomimmiiwa nohkówa kitániksi. ‘My son loves your daughters.’ The same suffix -yii ~ ii is used when a minor third person is subject and another minor third person5 is primary object. In such cases as well, the verbs show number agreement with their subjects but not with their primary objects. Compare (q) with (r) and (s): (q) Iisínaiiyini anna nínaawa ohkóyi pookááyi. iisína-ii-yini ann-wa nínaa-wa w-ohkó-yI pookáá-yi picture(TA)-dir-4s that-3s man-3s 3-son-4s child-4s ‘The man’s son took a picture of the child.’ (r) Iisínaiiyi anna nínaawa ohkóíksi pookááyi. iisína-ii-yi ann-wa nínaa-wa w-ohkó-iksi pookáá-yi picture(TA)-dir-pl that-3s man-3s 3-son-4p child-4s ‘The man’s sons took a picture of the child.’ (s) Iisínaiiyini anna nínaawa ohkóyi pookáíksi. iisína-ii-yini ann-wa nínaa-wa w-ohkó-yI pookáá-iksi past:picture(TA)-dir-4s that-3s man-3s 3-son-4s child-an.p ‘The man’s son took a picture of the children.’ Page 67","{ ""child.’ Such TA forms, i.e., forms for which both subject and primary object are third person, show number agreement with their subjects but not with their objects. Compare (o) and (p) with (l). Notice that pluralizing the subject ‘son’ affects the verb inflection, but pluralizing the object ‘daughter’ does not: (o)Ikákomimmiiyi nohkóíksi kitáni. ‘My sons love your daughter.’ (p)Ikákomimmiiwa nohkówa kitániksi. ‘My son loves your daughters.’ The same" 67,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,67,"EXERCISE Add the correct TA agreement affixes to the verbs of the following sentences. (The verb is the first word in each example.) Be sure to add a theme suffix (either a or ii ~ yii), as seen in (a)–(p), to the stems given below before adding the agreement affixes. Alternatively, consult paradigm 3 of Appendix A for the correct theme suffix and agreement affixes. 1.áísspommo nohkóíksi. ‘You2s help my sons.’ 2.yiimat anna aakííkoana ónni. ‘We1p imitated the girl’s father.’ 3.itsit saahkómaapiwa. ‘I caught up to the boy.’ 4.ohpopaat i’naksípokaiksi. ‘You2p held the babies on your laps.’ 5.inakat pokóna. ‘We21 rolled the ball./The ball was rolled.’ 6.áakohtookisat aakííkoana ohsíssi. ‘The girl will ask her younger sibling to translate (for her).’ 7.innissko pookáíksi imitáíksi. ‘The kids chased off the dogs. Page 68","{ ""EXERCISE"": ""Add the correct TA agreement affixes to the verbs of the following sentences. (The verb is the first word in each example.) Be sure to add a theme suffix (either a or ii ~ yii), as seen in (a)–(p), to the stems given below before adding the agreement affixes. Alternatively, consult paradigm 3 of Appendix A for the correct theme suffix and agreement affixes. 1.áísspommo nohkóíksi. ‘You2s help my sons.’ 2.yiimat anna aakííkoana" 68,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,68,"CHAPTER 11 Transitive Animate Part 2: Inverse A.DIRECT VS. INVERSE THEME In the previous chapter we saw examples such as (a) and (b): (a)Nitsikákomimmawa nitána. ‘I love my daughter.’ (b)Nitsikákomimmayi nitániksi. ‘I love my daughters.’ Now compare the following examples; note the highlighted portion: (c)Nitsikákomimmoka nitána. ‘My daughter loves me.’ (d)Nitsikákomimmoki nitániksi. ‘My daughters love me.’ Given that the verbs of (c) and (d) end in suffixes wa and yi (with the semivowels lost after a consonant), these sentences differ from their (a) and (b) counterparts only in that the verb stems of (c) and (d) end in ok, while the verb stems of (a) and (b) end in a. The portion of verb stems under discussion is referred to as the theme suffix. The suffix a of (a) and (b) is known as the direct theme suffix (dir), and the suffix ok of (c) and (d) as the inverse theme suffix (inv). Verbs with first or second person subject and third person object are direct, while those with third person subject and first or second person object are inverse. The ii ~ yii suffix added to stems with 3 as subject and 4 as object (seen in the preceding chapter) can also be considered a direct theme suffix. Here are some more sentences containing inverse forms; note that they utilize the same affixes (highlighted) for person and number that we saw on Page 69","{ ""CHAPTER 11 Transitive Animate Part 2: Inverse A.DIRECT VS. INVERSE THEME In the previous chapter we saw examples such as (a) and (b): (a)Nitsikákomimmawa nitána. ‘I love my daughter.’ (b)Nitsikákomimmayi nitániksi. ‘I love my daughters.’ Now compare the following examples; note the highlighted portion: (c)Nitsikákomimmoka nitána. ‘My daughter loves me.’ (d)Nitsikákomimmoki nitániksi. ‘My daughters" 69,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,69,"the direct verb forms in the previous chapter: (e)Kitsikákomimmoka nitána. ‘My daughter loves you2s.’ (f)Kitsikákomimmoki nitániksi. ‘My daughters love you2s.’ (g)Nitsikákomimmokini otáni. ‘His daughter loves me.’ (h)Nitsikákomimmoki otániksi. ‘His daughters love me.’ (i)Nitsikákomimmokinnaani kitániksi. ‘Your daughters love us1p.’ (j)Kitsikákomimmokoaayi kitániksi. ‘Your daughters love you2p.’ B.4 SUBJECT WITH 3 OBJECT Verbs with minor third person subject and major third person object are inverse as well: (k)Otsikákomimmoka nohkówa otáni. ‘Her daughter loves my son.’ (l)Otsikákomimmokoaayi nohkóíksi otáni. ‘Her daughter loves my sons.’ (m)Otsikákomimmoka nohkówa otániksi. ‘Her daughters love my son.’ There are two important things to notice about verbs with this combination of subject and object. First, these are the only verb forms in any Independent paradigm which have a prefix that indicates third person, and in which oaa(wa)yi rather than just yi marks ‘3p.’ Second, although the prefix ot and the inverse theme suffix are found together only with the 4:3 person combination,1 these forms have no affixes which agree with the minor third person. They agree only with the major third person; note that number of ‘daughter’ is not reflected in the verbs of (k)–(m). C.SUMMARY OF TA AFFIX POSITIONS Page 70","{ ""sentences"": [ ""the direct verb forms in the previous chapter: (e)Kitsikákomimmoka nitána. ‘My daughter loves you2s.’ (f)Kitsikákomimmoki nitániksi. ‘My daughters love you2s.’ (g)Nitsikákomimmokini otáni. ‘His daughter loves me.’ (h)Nitsikákomimmoki otániksi. ‘His daughters love me.’ (i)Nitsikákomimmokinnaani kitániksi. ‘Your daughters love us1p.’" 70,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,70,"In addition to the theme suffix just discussed, and which we will consider to be part of the stem of TA verbs, there are three agreement affix positions, which we will refer to as AGR1, AGR2, and AGR3. AGR1 is a prefix and the other two are suffixes, with AGR2 preceding AGR3 if both are present. These facts can be summarized in the following ‘formula’ for the TA verb (TA V): TA V = AGR1 + STEM + AGR2 + AGR3 Here are lists of the AGR affixes arranged in columns under their respective positions of occurrence:2 No one of the AGR positions must be filled in all TA verbs, but no TA independent verbs occur without at least one of them containing an affix. Also, only one of the affixes in a column may occur in any given verb. As we shall see, there are precedence relations within each set, in the sense that if agreement generalizations call for more than one affix from a given set, the actually occurring affix is determined by rule. In the chart above, the affixes in each set are arranged so that an affix has priority over those below it in the same set. D.VA R I A N T SHAPES OF THE INVERSE SUFFIX In all of the examples above, the inverse theme suffix has the shape ok. However it also takes two other forms in verbs of independent clauses, depending upon the preceding segment. If the preceding segment is a t, then this t plus the inverse suffix are together realized as a long kk,3 as illustrated in (n). Compare the direct form (o): (n) Nitsínakakka. ‘He rolled me.’ AGR1AGR2AGR3-kit- ‘2’-(i)nnaan ‘1p’-wa ‘3s’nit- ‘1’-oaa(wa) ‘2p’-yi ‘3p/4p’ot- ‘3’-oaa(wa) ‘3p’-yini ‘4s’ Page 71","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""In addition to the theme suffix just discussed, and which we will consider to be part of the stem of TA verbs, there are three agreement affix positions, which we will refer to as AGR1, AGR2, and AGR3. AGR1 is a prefix and the other two are suffixes, with AGR2 preceding AGR3 if both are present. These facts can be summarized in the following ‘formula’ for the TA verb (TA V): TA V = AGR1 + STEM + AGR2 + AGR3 Here are lists of the AGR affixe" 71,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,71,"(o) Nitsínakatawa. ‘I rolled him.’ If the preceding segment is an i, the inverse suffix is ook, as seen in (p): (p) Nitáwayákiooka. ‘He hit me.’ This latter form of the inverse suffix is called for even if the preceding i is deleted by i-Absorption, as it is in (q), or by i-Loss, as it is in (r):4 (q) Nitókskoihtsooka. ‘He covered me (with a blanket).’ nit-okskoihtsi-ook-wa 1-cover(TA)-inv-3s (r) Nitsíípohkisstoyooka. ‘He shaved me.’ nit-IIpohkisstoyi-ook-wa 1.pst:shave(TA)-inv-3s Elsewhere the inverse suffix has the form ok.5 EXERCISE Add the correct TA agreement affixes to the verbs of the following sentences. (The verb is the first word in each example.) First, be sure to add the correct theme suffix (direct or inverse) to the verb stems provided. Alternatively, consult paradigm 3 of Appendix A for the correct theme suffix and agreement affixes. 1.áísspommo nohkóíksi. ‘My sons help you2s.’ 2.yiimat anna aakííkoana ónni. ‘The girl’s father imitated me.’ 3.itsit saahkómaapiwa. ‘The boy caught up to me.’ 4.aawayáki nisskána omiksi saahkómaapiiksi. ‘Those boys hit my younger sibling3s.’ (Notice that nisskána ‘my younger sibling’ has the major third person Page 72","(o) Nitsínakatawa. ‘I rolled him.’ If the preceding segment is an i, the inverse suffix is ook, as seen in (p): (p) Nitáwayákiooka. ‘He hit me.’ This latter form of the inverse suffix is called for even if the preceding i is deleted by i-Absorption, as it is in (q), or by i-Loss, as it is in (r): (q) Nitókskoihtsooka. ‘He covered me (with a blanket).’ nit-okskoihtsi-ook-wa " 72,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,72,"singular suffix.) 5. iipohkisstoyi nitákkaiksi. ‘My friends shaved me.’ 6. áakohtookisat aakííkoana ohsíssi. ‘Her younger sibling4s will ask the girl3s to translate (for her).’ Page 73","5. iipohkisstoyi nitákkaiksi. 6. áakohtookisat aakííkoana ohsíssi." 73,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,73,"CHAPTER 12 Transitive Animate Part 3: Local Forms A.FIRST PERSON SUBJECT WITH SECOND PERSON OBJECT So far, all of the TA forms we have discussed involved third person as either subject or object. In this chapter we look at TA forms which do not involve an overt third person as either subject or object. (a)Kitsikákomimmo. ‘I love you2s.’ (b)Kitsikákomimmohpoaawa. ‘I love you2p.’ In chapters 10 and 11 we saw that if first or second person is subject or object, the verb prefix reflects that fact. But the verbs we are considering in this and the next sections have both first and second person involved, one as subject and the other as object. At the end of chapter 11 we listed three agreement affix positions for TA verbs and said that only one affix could be in each position at a time. So if rules call for more than one, there must be a precedence rule that determines which has priority. We see in (a) and (b) that second person ‘wins out’ over first person in that the AGR11 prefix is kit, which we have seen to agree with second person. Following the stem ikakomimm in (a) is a theme suffix o which serves the dual purpose of indicating that first person is involved and that first person is subject; the latter function of the suffix will be more evident when further forms are presented in the next section. Comparing (b) we see that the same second person pluralizer seen in AI verbs is in the AGR2 position. Next we pluralize first person to get (c):2 Page 74","{ ""CHAPTER 12 Transitive Animate Part 3: Local Forms A.FIRST PERSON SUBJECT WITH SECOND PERSON OBJECT"": ""So far, all of the TA forms we have discussed involved third person as either subject or object. In this chapter we look at TA forms which do not involve an overt third person as either subject or object. (a)Kitsikákomimmo. ‘I love you2s.’ (b)Kitsikákomimmohpoaawa. ‘I love you2p.’ In chapters 10 and 11 we saw that if first or second person" 74,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,74,"(c)Kitsikákomimmohpinnaana. ‘We1p love you2s/2p.’ As the reader might have expected, the same 1p suffix seen in AI verbs is in the AGR2 position. But notice that the English translation indicates that this form will also be used if both first and second person are plural. This shows us that 1p has priority over 2p where the AGR2 position is concerned; the presence of the 1p suffix makes it impossible to indicate 2p. That is, the obligatory absence of a 2p suffix in (c) precludes any indication of the number of second person. The o of the 1 subject with 2 object (1:2) forms is long after stems which end in i; so it too is one of the variable-length vowels to be discussed in chapter 15. In the charts of Appendix A this vowel is represented by o:. B.SECOND PERSON SUBJECT WITH FIRST PERSON OBJECT (d)Kitsikákomimmoki. ‘You2s love me.’ (e)Kitsikákomimmokihpoaawa. ‘You2p love me.’ (f)Kitsikákomimmokihpinnaana. ‘You2s/2p love us1p.’ Comparing these forms to those in section A, we observe that these have - oki where (a)-(c) have -o. The ok portion is evidently the inverse theme suffix introduced in chapter 11;3 the remaining i serves to indicate that the other person involved is first person. The presence of the inverse theme suffix in (d)–(f) can be accounted for by concluding that in the Blackfoot direct vs inverse system, first person outranks second person. The -o of the 1:2 forms in (a)–(c) must then be seen to simultaneously serve as a direct theme suffix and as indicator of first person involvement, as stated in section A. Discussion of the plural suffixes of (a)–(c) applies without change to (d)–(f). C.UNSPECIFIED SUBJECT WITH FIRST OR SECOND PERSON OBJECT Page 75","{ ""(c)Kitsikákomimmohpinnaana. 'We1p love you2s/2p.'"": ""(c)Kitsikákomimmohpinnaana. 'We1p love you2s/2p.'"", ""As the reader might have expected, the same 1p suffix seen in AI verbs is in the AGR2 position. But notice that the English translation indicates that this form will also be used if both first and second person are plural. This shows us that 1p has priority over 2p where the AGR2 position is" 75,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,75,"(g)Kitsikákomimmokoo(wa). ‘You2s are loved.’ (h)Nitsikákomimmokoo(wa). ‘I am loved.’ Sentences (g) and (h) have TA forms which are used when the subject (the ‘lover’ in this case) is unspecified (but assumed to be sentient). They involve the inverse theme suffix plus an additional oo. As problematic as this oo is for analysis, the situation is even more complex, as we see when we add the plural forms in (i)–(k): (i) Kitsikákomimmotsspoaawa. ‘You2p are loved.’ kit-ikakomimm-oti-hpoaawa (j) Nitsikákomimmotsspinnaan(a). ‘We1p are loved.’ nit-ikakomimm-oti-hpinnaan (k) Ikákomimmotsspa. ‘We21 are loved.’ ikakomimm-oti-hpa In (i) and (j) we see the 1p and 2p suffixes hpinnaan and hpoaawa, as we might expect, but in place of the inverse theme suffix ok and the suffix oo, we find -ot + i. (Postsibilation accounts for the ss; see chapter 5.) And the marking of 21 by -hpa in (k) is unique in the TA independent paradigm. Like the o of the inverse suffix -ok, the o of -ot is null after stems which end in t, as in (l); otherwise it is realized as o:. Compare (i) and (m). (l) Áyiimattsspa. ‘We21 are being imitated.’ á-yiimat-tsi-hpa dur-imitate(TA)-inverse-21 (m) Kitáakai’stamattsootsspoaawa. ‘You2p will be instructed.’ kit-yáak-wai’stamattsi-o:tsi-hpoaawa 2.fut-instruct(TA)-inverse-2p D.TA WITH NON-VOLITIONAL LOGICAL SUBJECT As explained in section C of chapter 8, Blackfoot transitive verbs normally Page 76","(g)Kitsikákomimmokoo(wa). ‘You2s are loved.’ (h)Nitsikákomimmokoo(wa). ‘I am loved.’ Sentences (g) and (h) have TA forms which are used when the subject (the ‘lover’ in this case) is unspecified (but assumed to be sentient). They involve the inverse theme suffix plus an additional oo. As problematic as this oo is for analysis, the situation is even more complex, as we see when we add the plural forms in (i)–(k): (i)" 76,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,76,"have subjects which are capable of exercising a will.4 So if the logical subject of a TA verb does not meet that requirement, the following strategy is followed: an unspecified subject form of the TA verb is used (see preceding section and section D of chapter 10), and the involvement of the logical subject is indicated by use of the prefix iiht ~ oht ~ omoht ‘means’ (see section 4 of chapter 16). This has the consequence that such sentences are ambiguous, for they are then open to an interpretation in which an unspecified animate subject is involved and the intended non-volitional logical subject is simply a means or instrument and not the logical subject at all. Note the two meanings given for the following example: (n)Amo isttoána nomohtsipohkisstoyookoo(wa). amo isttoáN-wa n-omoht-Ipohkisstoyi-ook-oo-wa this knife-3s 1-means-shave(TA)-inv-unspec-sg ‘This knife shaved me.’/‘I was shaved with this knife.’ If the object of such a verb is third person, the unspecified subject form (section D of chapter 10) is the same as the TA form with 21 as subject, so the resultant sentence is multiply ambiguous: (o) Anni miistsísi iihtawayákiaawa imitááwa. ann-yi miistsíS-y iiht-wa:wayáki-a:-wa imitáá-wa that-in.s knife-3s means-hit(TA)-dir-3s dog-3s That stick hit the dog.’/‘The dog was hit with that stick.’/ ‘We21 hit the dog with that stick.’ EXERCISE Translate the following into Blackfoot: (Note: All necessary verb stems may be found in chapters 10, 11, and 12.) 1. I have helped you2p. 2.I will shave you2s. 3.You2s are imitating me. Page 77","{ ""have subjects which are capable of exercising a will.4 So if the logical subject of a TA verb does not meet that requirement, the following strategy is followed: an unspecified subject form of the TA verb is used (see preceding section and section D of chapter 10), and the involvement of the logical subject is indicated by use of the prefix iiht ~ oht ~ omoht ‘means’ (see section 4 of chapter 16). This has the consequence that such sentences are ambiguous, for they are then open to an interpretation in which an unspecified animate subject is involved and the intended non-volit" 77,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,77,"4.We1p were photographed (verb stem is sina). 5.We21 will be instructed. 6.I was covered (with a blanket). 7.That knife shaved you2p. Page 78","``` 4. We1p were photographed (verb stem is sina). 5. We21 will be instructed. 6. I was covered (with a blanket). 7. That knife shaved you2p. Page 78 ```" 78,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,78,"8.CHAPTER 13 Demonstratives There are five demonstrative stems to which numerous suffixes may be added. In this chapter we will deal primarily with the basic stems and their inflectional forms. A.THE BASIC STEMS Each demonstrative stem carries information regarding proximity of its referent(s) to the speaker, as well as proximity or presumed familiarity of its referent(s) to the addressee. Here are the basic stems and an indication of the proximity information they carry: amo proximity to speaker but not to addressee om proximity to neither speaker nor addressee anno proximity to the speaker and proximity or familiarity to the addressee ann proximity or familiarity to the addressee but no proximity to the speaker am proximity and familiarity to the speaker Corresponding to each of the five stems given above are what Taylor (1978) calls ‘diminutives’; these are, respectively, amssto, omsst, annssto, annsst, and amsst.1 They are used for referents which the speaker views with pathos or affection: generally old persons and children. B.USES Page 79","{ ""8.CHAPTER 13 Demonstratives There are five demonstrative stems to which numerous suffixes may be added. In this chapter we will deal primarily with the basic stems and their inflectional forms. A.THE BASIC STEMS Each demonstrative stem carries information regarding proximity of its referent(s) to the speaker, as well as proximity or presumed familiarity of its referent(s) to the addressee. Here are the basic stems and an indication of the proximity information they carry: amo proximity to speaker but not to addressee om proximity to neither speaker nor addressee anno proximity to the speaker and proximity or familiarity" 79,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,79,"Demonstratives may be used alone as free pronouns as in (a)–(d), or as modifiers of nouns as in (e)–(j). In either case they take the same inflectional suffixes (highlighted in (a)–(d)) seen on nouns in earlier chapters, except that after amo and anno there are two irregularities: the animate singular suffix is null (as in (g)), and the initial i of suffixes such as -iksi and -istsi is lost (as in (b)), though occasionally the initial i of -istsi may be heard after these stems, as in (e) and (j). (a) Amoyi nítohpommatoo’pa. amo-yi nit-ohpommatoo-’p-wa this-in.s 1-buy(TI)-theme-sg ‘I bought this (inan).’ (b) Áaksowatayi ámoksi. yáak-Iowat-a:-yi amo-ksi fut-eat(TA)-dir-pl this-an.p ‘We21 will eat these (anim).’ (c) Nohkówa nítohkokka anni. n-ohkó-wa nit-ohkot-k-wa ann-yI 1-son-3s 1-give(TA)-inv-3s that-in.s/4s ‘My son gave me that (inan or 4).’ (d)Omistsi ííkssoka’piiyaawa. om-istsi iik-soka’pii-yi-aawa that-ip very-good(II)-pl-PRO ‘Those (inan) are good.’ Of course when demonstratives modify nouns their inflectional suffixes Page 80","{ ""sentences"": [ ""Demonstratives may be used alone as free pronouns as in (a)–(d), or as modifiers of nouns as in (e)–(j)."", ""In either case they take the same inflectional suffixes (highlighted in (a)–(d)) seen on nouns in earlier chapters, except that after amo and anno there are two irregularities: the animate singular suffix is null (as in (g)), and the initial i of suffixes such as -iksi and -istsi is lost (as in (b)), though occasionally the initial i of -" 80,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,80,"must agree with those of the modified noun, as in (e)–(j). For example, in (e)both the demonstrative glossed ‘this’ and the noun for ‘berry’ have the inanimate plural (‘ip’) suffix istsi: (e) Amo(i)stsi míínistsi iikááhsiiyaawa. amo-istsi míín-istsi iik-aahsii-yi-aawa this-ip berry-ip very-good-pl-PRO ‘These berries are good.’ ‘I baked those crackers.’ ‘My brother loves your little sister.’ (h) Anni otánoaawayi áóoyo’siyináyi. ann-yI w-itán-oaawa-yI á-ooyo’si-yini-áyi that-4s 3-daughter-3p-4s dur-cook-4s-PRO ‘Their daughter cooks.’ (i) Annááhka Sámahka áako’toowa. (f) Nítsskiitatoo’piannistsimí’kskapayinistsi.nit-ihkiitatoo-’p-yiann-istsimí’ksk-apayin-istsi1-bake(TI)-theme-plthat-iphard-bread-ip(g) Amoní’saikákomimmiiwaannikissísi.amon-i’s-waikakomimm-ii-waann-yIk-iihsís-yIthis1-ol.bro-3slove-dir-3sthat-4s2-yo.sibl-4s Page 81","must agree with those of the modified noun, as in (e)–(j). For example, in (e)both the demonstrative glossed ‘this’ and the noun for ‘berry’ have the inanimate plural (‘ip’) suffix istsi: (e) Amo(i)stsi míínistsi iikááhsiiyaawa. amo-istsi míín-istsi iik-aahsii-yi-aawa this-ip berry-ip very-good-pl-PRO ‘These berries are good.’ ‘I baked those" 81,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,81,"ann-wa-hka Sam-wa-hka yáak-o’too-wa that-3s-invs Sam-3s-invs fut-arrive-3s ‘Sam will arrive.’ (j)Annó(í)stsi miistákistsi, nitsítokooyi. anno-istsi miistak-istsi nit-it-okooyi this-ip mountain-ip 1-there-dwell ‘Here in these mountains, I live.’ As can be observed in (g)–(i), Blackfoot, unlike English, often uses demonstratives to modify kin terms and proper nouns.2 C.ACCENT ON DEMONSTRATIVES Either syllable of a demonstrative may be accented, depending upon factors which are not as yet fully understood by this investigator. However, these factors do seem to include the following: 1. Whether or not the demonstrative is being used in the first mention of its referent in the current discourse. 2. With amo, om, ann, and am, accent on the first syllable may emphasize the proximity features which distinguish these basic stems. E.g., a speaker may accent the first syllable of omiksi in order to emphasize the lack of proximity to the speaker and addressee of its referents (Taylor 1978). D.ACCENT AND LENGTH Although accent and length are independent features of vowels elsewhere in the language, in the demonstrative stems the accented vowel is always lengthened, except before the long consonant of ann and anno. However, because this length is automatic in demonstratives, it has not always been indicated in their spelling here. Page 82","{ ""ann-wa-hka Sam-wa-hka yáak-o’too-wa"": ""that-3s-invs Sam-3s-invs fut-arrive-3s 'Sam will arrive.'"", ""(j)Annó(í)stsi miistákistsi, nitsítokooyi"": ""anno-istsi miistak-istsi nit-it-okooyi this-ip mountain-ip 1-there-dwell 'Here in these mountains, I live.'""," 82,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,82,"E.SOME POST-INFLECTIONAL SUFFIXES There are at least four suffixes which may be attached to inflected demonstratives (and accompanying nouns). The four are listed here with their central meanings (and abbreviations for later glosses):3 -ma ‘stationary’ (stat) -ya ‘moving, but not toward speaker’ (movg)4 -hka ‘not visible to the speaker’5 (invs)6 -ka ‘proximity information in the demonstrative is relative to location of the speaker or addressee at a time other than the time of the speech act’ (o.t.) Examples follow: ‘He will sit on this tree.’ (l)Amoya áyo’kaawa iipánna’poowa. amo-ya á-yo’kaa-wa iipann-a’p-oo-wa this-movg dur-sleep-sg overnight-about-go-3s ‘This sleeping one was going about all night.’ (m) Annáá annááhka kínnahka? ann-wa ann-wa-hka k-ínn-wa-hka where-3s that-3s-invs 2-father-3s invs ‘Where is your father?’ (n) Áó’tahkayiiniki, amííka nookóówayika, a’-o’tahkayi-iniki am-yi-ka n-ookóówa-yi-ka (k) Amomamiistsísaáakitohkitopiiyináyi.amo-mamiistsíS-wayáak-it-ohkit-opii-yini-áyithis-stattree-3sfut-there-upon-sit-4s-PRO Page 83","{ ""E.SOME POST-INFLECTIONAL SUFFIXES"": ""There are at least four suffixes which may be attached to inflected demonstratives (and accompanying nouns). The four are listed here with their central meanings (and abbreviations for later glosses):3 -ma ‘stationary’ (stat) -ya ‘moving, but not toward speaker’ (movg)4 -hka ‘not visible to the speaker’5 (invs)6 -ka ‘proximity information in the demonstrative is relative to location of the speaker or addressee at a time other than the time of the speech act’ (" 83,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,83,"incho-arrv.hm- 1s(subj)7 this-in.s- o.t. 1-home-in.s-o.t. nitáaka’páísoksistotsii’pa. nit-yáak-a’p-á-sok-Istotsi-’p-wa 1-fut-PREF-dur-well-build(TI)-theme-3s ‘When I get home, I’ll fix my house up.’ (o)Aámoksika isttsííksinai’kokaiksika. amo-ksi-ka isttsííksina-i’kokaa-iksi-ka this-an.p-o.t. snake-paint^lodge-3p-o.t.8 ‘The ones who (used) snake-painted lodges here’ In certain cases demonstratives with these suffixes have a specialized use or meaning. In particular, note the following: annóóma ‘around here’ annohka ‘now’ annama ‘the late (i.e., deceased) ...’ annííhka ‘before’ F.POSITION OF DEMONSTRATIVES AS MODIFIERS Demonstratives always precede the nouns which they modify (their Heads), as seen above in (e)–(j). With rare exceptions,9 the only thing which can separate a demonstrative from its Head is a nominalized verb10 which also modifies the same Head. Examples are (p) and (q): (p) oma áyo’kaawa nínaawa ‘that sleeping man’/ ‘that man who is sleeping’ (q)omiksi áínihkiiksi aakííkoaksi ‘those singing girls’ Page 84","{ ""sentences"": [ ""incho-arrv.hm- 1s(subj)7 this-in.s- o.t. 1-home-in.s-o.t. nitáaka’páísoksistotsii’pa. nit-yáak-a’p-á-sok-Istotsi-’p-wa 1-fut-PREF-dur-well-build(TI)-theme-3s ‘When I get home, I’ll fix my house up.’"", ""(" 84,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,84,"G.VERBALIZED DEMONSTRATIVES There are what Uhlenbeck (1938.78) calls ‘verbalized demonstratives’ which are used in equative and existential clauses without a verb. These are marked by suffixes (a)yi and (a)o’k(a), which are added after inflectional and post-inflectional suffixes (if present, as in (t), (x), and (y)). While these two suffixes lead to English translations containing the verb ‘be,’ they do not usually take verbal suffixes, though exceptions are found in Uhlenbeck 1938 (see (y) and (z) below). (r)áámao’ka ama nitohkíímaan ‘That one is my wife.’ (s)niistówao’ka ‘I’m the one.’ (t)niistówakao’ka ‘I’m the one.’ (u)áánnayao’ka náápi ‘That one is Naapi.’ (v)áánniksayi nitáakohpommayaawa ‘Those are the ones I’ll help.’ (w)ki áánnohkayi kitáakanistoohpoaawa, … ‘and now it is that I will say to you…’ (x)ki ánnimayi nitáakitsoyi ‘That’s where/when I will eat.’ (y)ki áámoksimao’kiaawa [Uh. 81] ‘…and here they were.’ (z)amsstoyao’kinayi [Uh. 82] ‘This one was near.’ EXERCISES 1.Given: amo ponokáómitaawa ‘this horse’ (near speaker) Translate: ‘those horses’ (near addressee). 2.Given: omistsi míínistsi ‘those berries’ (not near addressee) Translate: ‘this berry’ (near speaker). 3.Given: example (a) of section B above Page 85","{ ""G.VERBALIZED DEMONSTRATIVES"": ""There are what Uhlenbeck (1938.78) calls ‘verbalized demonstratives’ which are used in equative and existential clauses without a verb. These are marked by suffixes (a)yi and (a)o’k(a), which are added after inflectional and post-inflectional suffixes (if present, as in (t), (x), and (y)). While these two suffixes lead to English translations containing the verb ‘be,’ they do not usually take verbal suffixes, though exceptions are found in Uh" 85,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,85,"Translate: ‘I bought those’ (near addressee). 4.Given: example (c) of section B above Translate: ‘My sons gave me these’ (near speaker and addressee). 5.Given: examples (g) and (h) of section B above Translate: ‘Those (near addressee) my brothers are cooking.’ Page 86","Translate: ‘I bought those’ (near addressee). 4.Given: example (c) of section B above Translate: ‘My sons gave me these’ (near speaker and addressee). 5.Given: examples (g) and (h) of section B above Translate: ‘Those (near addressee) my brothers are cooking.’ Page 86" 86,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,86,"CHAPTER 14 Possessives Possessed nouns are marked for person and number of their possessors, by affixes which we will call possessive affixes. In addition, and following any possessive suffixes, are the usual inflectional suffixes expected on nouns and summarized in section E of chapter 2. Below are some examples, with the possessive affixes highlighted; observe that they are much like the agreement affixes seen on verbs in earlier chapters; the major differences are that ‘inclusive our’ (21) is marked by a combination of the second person prefix (kit ~ k) and a new suffix (i)nnoon,1 a third person possessor calls for a new prefix ot ~ w, and the third person plural possessive suffix is oaawa. (The full paradigm of possessive affixes will be presented in section E.) (a) niksíssta ‘my mother’ (b)niksísstsinnaana ‘our1p mother’ (c)kiksísstsinnooniksi ‘our21 mothers’ (d)kitákkaannoona ‘our21 friend’ (e)anna nínaawa otohkáksaakini ‘the man’s axe’ (f)nitómitaamiksi ‘my dogs’ There are various properties of nouns with regard to possession which can be seen to subclassify them, including whether possessive inflection is obligatory (i.e., whether the noun never occurs without possessive inflection), whether the noun requires a suffix (i)m before possessive affixes may be added, and in the case of simplex noun stems, whether it selects the short or long person prefixes.2 We will divide nouns into three classes with regard to optionality/necessity of possessive inflection. These are presented in sections A–C. Page 87","{ ""CHAPTER 14 Possessives Possessed nouns are marked for person and number of their possessors, by affixes which we will call possessive affixes. In addition, and following any possessive suffixes, are the usual inflectional suffixes expected on nouns and summarized in section E of chapter 2. Below are some examples, with the possessive affixes highlighted; observe that they are much like the agreement affixes seen on verbs in earlier chapters; the major differences are that ‘inclusive our’ (21) is marked by a combination of the second person prefix (kit ~ k) and a new suffix (i)" 87,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,87,"A.OPTIONALLY POSSESSED STEMS Here is the set of possessive forms of ohkáksaakin3 ‘axe,’ arranged by person and number of the possessor (the possessive affixes are highlighted); note that these all involve the ‘long’ prefixes nit-, kit-, or ot-: 1s nitohkáksaakina ‘my axe’ 1p nitohkáksaakininnaana ‘our axe’ 21 kitohkáksaakininnoona ‘our axe’ 2s kitohkáksaakina ‘your axe’ 2p kitohkáksaakinoaawawa ‘your axe’ 3s otohkáksaakini ‘his axe’ 3p otohkáksaakinoaawayi ‘their axe’ Nouns marked by the possessive affixes alone are not complete words. Like other nouns, they must be followed by one of the nominal suffixes described in chapter 2. All of these forms just listed end in a ‘3s’ or i because ohkáksaakin is an animate4 gender noun and so the singular has suffix –wa ‘3s’ or –yi ‘4s.’ Were these referring to more than one axe, they would of course have suffix –iksi ‘an.p’ instead. As usual, the first morpheme of a stem determines whether the short or long person prefixes are used; ohkáksaakin ‘axe’ selects the long prefixes and (as seen in (a)) iksísst ‘mother’ (obligatorily possessed, see below) selects the short prefixes. Here are additional examples of optionally possessed nouns which select the long prefixes: (g) otsístotoohsiists ‘her clothes’ (h) nitsísttokimaa’tsisi ‘my drum’ B.OBLIGATORILY POSSESSED STEMS (a)–(d) above are examples with obligatorily possessed stems; these are nouns which never occur without the possessive affixes.5 In the Dictionary they are designated as nar and nir. They are inherently relational in that Page 88","{ ""A.OPTIONALLY POSSESSED STEMS"": ""Here is the set of possessive forms of ohkáksaakin3 ‘axe,’ arranged by person and number of the possessor (the possessive affixes are highlighted); note that these all involve the ‘long’ prefixes nit-, kit-, or ot-: 1s nitohkáksaakina ‘my axe’ 1p nitohkáksaakininnaana ‘our axe’ 21 kitohkáksaakininnoona ‘our axe’ 2s kitohkáksaakina ‘your axe’ 2p kitohkáksaa" 88,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,88,"they necessarily reference two parties: one is the primary referent of the noun stem itself, and the other, which we will call the relatee, is the party or parties to which the primary referent bears the expressed relation. For example, the stem inn ‘father’ expresses a relation between two parties; consequently, it requires reference to the one who is father as primary referent, and to the one or more relatee(s) (i.e., his offspring) to whom the primary referent is father. Here are some other relational stems, with indication of primary referent and relatee: For such relational nouns, the possessive affixes reference the relatee. Most such stems use the short form of the person agreement prefixes (unless some other morpheme which calls for the long form is first prefixed to the stem). Here are examples used in sentences; the possessive affixes are highlighted in the morpheme glosses: (i) Kiksísstsinnooniksi áyo’kaayaawa. k-iksisst-innoon-iksi á-Io’kaa-yi-aawa 2-mother-21-an.p dur-sleep-pl-PRO ‘Our21 mothers are sleeping.’ rel. stemglossprimary referentrelateeiksisstmotherone who is motheroffspringohkosonone who is sonparentitandaughterone who is daughterparenti’solder brotherone who is older bro.siblingookoowahomedwellingdwellerota’smounthorserider/owner Page 89","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""they necessarily reference two parties: one is the primary referent of the noun stem itself, and the other, which we will call the relatee, is the party or parties to which the primary referent bears the expressed relation. For example, the stem inn ‘father’ expresses a relation between two parties; consequently, it requires reference to the one who is father as primary referent, and to the one or more relatee(s) (i.e., his offspring) to whom the primary referent is father. Here are some other relational" 89,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,89,"(j)Amo aakííkoana oksísstsi áyo’kaayináyi. amo aakiikoaN-wa w-iksisst-yi á-Io’kaa-yini-áyi this girl-3s 3-mother-4s dur-sleep-4s-PRO ‘This girl’s mother is sleeping.’ (k) Nomohtó’too anná nínaawa ookóówayi. n-omoht-o’too ann-wa ninaa-wa w-ookoowa-yi 1-source-arrive that-3s man-3s 3-home-in.s ‘I came from the man’s house.’ In (j) we see that a prefix w plus the initial vowel i of the stem are realized as o. This is the result of the following phonological rule: Coalescence w + i(:) → o The i in the rule may be either long or short, as the notation i(:) is intended to indicate. In (k), the prefix w is not realized in the pronounced form, because a glide cannot remain at the beginning of words in Blackfoot. This is accounted for by generalizing Semivowel Loss so that it applies in word- initial position as well as after consonants: Semivowel Loss (revised) G → Ø / {#,C}_, where ‘#’ indicates a word boundary6 C.DERIVED RELATIONAL STEMS Example (f) is an obligatorily possessed stem derived from a noun stem which otherwise cannot take the possessive affixes. Such relational nouns Page 90","(j)Amo aakííkoana oksísstsi áyo’kaayináyi. amo aakiikoaN-wa w-iksisst-yi á-Io’kaa-yini-áyi this girl-3s 3-mother-4s dur-sleep-4s-PRO ‘This girl’s mother is sleeping.’ (k) Nomohtó’too anná nínaawa ookóówayi. n-omoht-o’too an" 90,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,90,"are formed by addition of -(i)m (glossed ‘poss’ in examples below). This suffix has slightly different realizations with different stems, and the actual form it takes does not seem to be completely predictable. It generally has the form -im if the stem to which the suffix is added ends in a consonant: nitóóhkotokimi ‘my rock’; but with at least one consonant final stem, the i is inexplicably long: nitohpóósiima ‘my cat.’7 When added to a stem which ends in a short vowel, the suffix either has the form -im, as seen in nitsisttsiksípokoimi8 ‘my salt,’ or the stem-final vowel is lengthened and the suffix is -m, as in nitápotskinaama ‘my cow.’ When added to a stem which ends in a long vowel, the suffix is simply -m.9 These stems utilize the possessive affixes, which agree with the relatee as in section B above, but in general they use the long form of the person agreement prefixes (unless some other morpheme which calls for the short form is first prefixed to the stem). Here are more examples:10 (l)Nitómitaama áóhkiwa. ‘My dog is barking.’ nit-omitaa-m-wa á-ohki-wa 1-dog-poss-3s dur-bark-3s (m)Kitápotskinaamoaawaiksi áóhkomiiyaawa. kit-ápotskina-:m-oaawa-iksi á-ohkomii-yi-aawa 2-cow-poss-2p-an.p dur-call-pl-PRO ‘Your2p cows are mooing.’ D.INITIAL NASAL LOSS AND BODY PART NOUNS As will be seen in chapter 15, one of the most common variations in the shape of Blackfoot morphemes is the loss of an initial nasal when preceded by another morpheme in the same word; in fact, there are very few morphemes in Blackfoot which retain an initial nasal when not in word- initial position. So when most stems which begin with nasal-initial morphemes take possessive prefixes, the nasal is dropped: compare niistsíípisskaani ‘fence’ and kitsistsíípisskaani ‘your fence.’ In the first form there is an initial n which is part of the stem, but in the second form Page 91","{ ""sentences"": [ ""are formed by addition of -(i)m (glossed ‘poss’ in examples below)."", ""This suffix has slightly different realizations with different stems, and the actual form it takes does not seem to be completely predictable."", ""It generally has the form -im if the stem to which the suffix is added ends in a consonant: nitóóhkotokimi ‘my rock’; but with at least one consonant final stem, the i is inexplicably long: nitohpóósiima ‘my cat.’"", " 91,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,91,"with possessive prefix kit, the stem lacks this n. (The first vowel of the stem of ‘fence’ is long only when it is in the first syllable of a word; see chapter 15 for a brief discussion of such vowel length variation.) Here is an example with initial m: mí’sohpsskiiwa ‘muskrat,’ nitsí’sohpsskiima ‘my muskrat.’ The majority of Blackfoot stems for body parts have an initial m. As just described, that m will be present only if no prefix precedes these stems. This gives rise to paradigms such as the following:11 Such paradigms give the initial m the appearance of a prefix, which has led most analysts to consider it a marker of unspecified possessor (often called ‘indefinite’ possessor)13 However, any prefix, not just a person prefix, eliminates the initial m, as seen in (p) and (q). This, plus the fact that several nouns which are not obligatorily possessed have an initial m only if no prefix precedes the stem (see the stem for ‘muskrat’ in the preceding paragraph for an example), favors the analysis presented here. (p)i’náko’tsisi ‘small hand’ (q)kitsi’náko’tsisi ‘your small hand’ E.THE POSSESSIVE AFFIX PARADIGM person of number of ‘possessor’ (n) móókoani‘stomach’(o)mo’tsísi‘hand’nóókoani‘my stomach’no’tsísi‘my hand’kóókoani‘your stomach’ko’tsísi‘your hand’óókoani‘his stomach’o’tsísi‘his hand’12 Page 92","{ ""with possessive prefix kit, the stem lacks this n. (The first vowel of the stem of ‘fence’ is long only when it is in the first syllable of a word; see chapter 15 for a brief discussion of such vowel length variation.) Here is an example with initial m: mí’sohpsskiiwa ‘muskrat,’ nitsí’sohpsskiima ‘my muskrat.’ The majority of Blackfoot stems for body parts have an initial m. As just described, that m will be present only if no prefix precedes these stems. This gives rise" 92,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,92,"The third person prefix w- is replaced by m- before stems beginning in a, as illustrated in (r): (r) Anni maaáhsi ákao’tooyináyi. ann-yI m-aaáhs-yI ákaa-o’too-yini-áyi that-4s 3-eld.relat-4s perf-arrive-4s-PRO ‘His elder relation has arrived’ (s) Matsííksi. ‘His trousers’ m-atsí-iksi 3-trouser-an.p As stated earlier, in addition to the possessive affixes, the possessed noun will carry the appropriate suffixes for its own gender, person (3 or 4), and number. (Remember that any animate gender noun possessed by 3 or 4 is necessarily 4.) Here are possessive paradigms for itán ‘daughter’ and ookóówa ‘dwelling’: ‘possessor’ ↓sgpl1n-/nit-...n-/nit-...-(i)nnaan1421—k-/kit-...-(i)nnoon2k-/kit-...k-/kit-...-oaawa3w-/ot-...w-/ot-...-oaawa4w-/ot-...(wa)w-/ot-...-oaawa nitána‘my daughter’nitáninnaana‘our1p daughter’kitáninnoona‘our21 daughter’Page 93","{ ""The third person prefix w- is replaced by m- before stems beginning in a, as illustrated in (r): (r) Anni maaáhsi ákao’tooyináyi. ann-yI m-aaáhs-yI ákaa-o’too-yini-áyi that-4s 3-eld.relat-4s perf-arrive-4s-PRO ‘His elder relation has arrived’ (s) Matsííksi. ‘His trousers’ m-atsí-iksi 3-tro" 93,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,93,"(cf. ‘daughters’: nitániksi ‘my daughters,’ nitáninnaaniksi ‘our daughters’) ookóówa(wa)yi ‘his4 home’ ookóówawaawayi ‘their home’ (cf. ‘homes’: ookóówaistsi ‘his homes’; kookóówannoonistsi ‘our21homes’) F.NOUNS AS POSSESSORS A noun as possessor is positioned before the noun which it modifies, as seen in (t): (t) oma nínaawa ohkóyi ‘that man’s son’ If the possessed noun is also modified by a demonstrative,15 that demonstrative will follow the noun as possessor; note the position of omiksi in (u): (u) amo nínna omiksi óta’siksi ‘my father’s horses’ The demonstrative omiksi ‘those’ modifies óta’siksi ‘his horses,’ while amo ‘this’ modifies nínna ‘my father.’ kitána‘your2s daughter’kitánoaawawa‘your2p daughter’otáni‘his3 daughter’otánoaawayi‘their daughter’otánayi‘his4 daughter’otánoaawayi‘their daughter’nookóówayi‘my home’nookóówannaani‘our1p home’kookóówannooni‘our21 home’kookóówayi‘your2s home’kookóówawaawayi‘your2p home’ookóówayi‘his3 home’ookóówawaawayi‘their home’ Page 94","{ ""(cf. 'daughters': nitániksi 'my daughters,' nitáninnaaniksi 'our daughters')"": ""(cf. 'daughters': nitániksi 'my daughters,' nitáninnaaniksi 'our daughters')"", ""ookóówa(wa)yi 'his4 home' ookóówawaawayi 'their home' (cf. 'homes': ookóówaistsi 'his homes'; kookóówannoonistsi 'our21homes')"": ""ook" 94,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,94,"G.THE INDEPENDENT PRONOUN PARADIGM The independent pronouns mentioned in section A of chapter 4 are possessed forms of an animate gender stem iistó. They are presented here, utilizing the same person and number abbreviations as were used in the earlier possessive paradigms. person of number of ‘possessor’ Notice that these pronouns seem to have the 3s suffix wa and the 4s suffix yi as would any animate gender noun. Even the non-third person pronouns will have the wa suffix replaced by a yi suffix when they are used in clauses involving another animate gender noun, unless the pronoun functions as subject.16 Observe the following examples: (v) Niistóyi, nitsinóóka annááhka nohkówahka. ‘My son saw me.’ (w)Oma nitákkaawa nómohtsistsinikooka kiistóyi. ‘My friend told me about you.’ (x)Anniksi pookáíksi iihtsspíyiyaawa niistónnaani. ‘The children danced for us.’ In (v), the emphatic pronoun niistóyi has the suffix yi, apparently because of the presence of the third person ‘my son’ as subject. In (w), kiistóyi is ‘possessor’ ↓sgpl1niistówaniistónnaana21—kiistónnoona2kiistówakiistówaawa3ostóyiostówaawayi Page 95","{ ""G.THE INDEPENDENT PRONOUN PARADIGM The independent pronouns mentioned in section A of chapter 4 are possessed forms of an animate gender stem iistó. They are presented here, utilizing the same person and number abbreviations as were used in the earlier possessive paradigms. person of number of ‘possessor’ Notice that these pronouns seem to have the 3s suffix wa and the 4s suffix yi as would any animate gender noun. Even the non-third person pronouns will have the wa suffix replaced by a yi suffix when they are used in clauses involving another animate gender noun, unless the" 95,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,95,"an ‘oblique’ argument of the verb, linked by the prefix omoht ‘source/means’ (see section D.4 of chapter 16). The presence of the third person subject ‘my friend’ apparently requires the suffix yi on the pronoun. Similarly in (x), niistónnaani is linked by another variant (iiht) of the same prefix in a verb with a third person subject. 2. Given the following verb stems: inihki ‘sing’ (AI), okska’si ‘run’ (AI), and ohkoono ‘find’ (TA). Translate a.–c.into Blackfoot: a. Their mother is singing. b. Our1p mounts will run. c. The man3’s mother4 has found his dog5. EXERCISES1. Given:Translate:a. niksíssta‘my mother’‘our21 mothers’b. otohpóósiimi‘his cat’‘our1p cat’c. nohkátsi‘my foot’‘your2p feet’d. katsiníwaawaistsi‘your2p tongues’‘their tongues’e. kóta’sa‘your2s mount’‘his4s mount’f. amo póósa‘this cat’‘this cat’s feet’ Page 96","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""an ‘oblique’ argument of the verb, linked by the prefix omoht ‘source/means’ (see section D.4 of chapter 16). The presence of the third person subject ‘my friend’ apparently requires the suffix yi on the pronoun. Similarly in (x), niistónnaani is linked by another variant (iiht) of the same prefix in a verb with a third person subject."", ""id"": ""1"" }, { ""text"":" 96,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,96,"CHAPTER 15 Allomorphy As alluded to in chapter 6, one of the few areas of irregularity in Blackfoot is the variation in shape of morphemes. By ‘irregularity’ I mean variation other than that which is accounted for by regular phonological rules such as those presented in chapter 5.1 Such irregular variation is referred to as ‘allomorphy,’ and the variant shapes of a single morpheme are called allomorphs of that morpheme. For Blackfoot, most of this variation is at the beginning of morphemes. A.MORPHEME-INITIAL VA R I AT I O N Initial variation can be grouped into several subtypes. Being aware of the most common types is very valuable when attempting to find a morpheme in the Dictionary, for often not all the variants are listed as entries. Ø ~ I2 A very large group of noun and verb roots which begin with a consonant when in word-initial position have an allomorph which begins with I if another morpheme is prefixed.3 Here are some examples:4 Page 97","{ ""CHAPTER 15 Allomorphy As alluded to in chapter 6, one of the few areas of irregularity in Blackfoot is the variation in shape of morphemes. By ‘irregularity’ I mean variation other than that which is accounted for by regular phonological rules such as those presented in chapter 5.1 Such irregular variation is referred to as ‘allomorphy,’ and the variant shapes of a single morpheme are called allomorphs of that morpheme. For Blackfoot, most of this variation is at the beginning of morphemes. A.MORPHEME-INITIAL VA R I AT I O" 97,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,97,"Passkáát! ‘Dance!’ Áípasskaayaawa. ‘They are dancing.’ Such morphemes are entered in the Dictionary under their consonant-initial allomorph if they are nouns, but under i otherwise. Supplemental Material A small subset of such roots loses a vowel after the first consonant, and that consonant assimilates to the following consonant to produce a long consonant: See Thomson (1978) for discussion. Ø ~ oh Another large group of morphemes which begin with a consonant when in word-initial position has initial oh when a prefix is added. Here are a few examples: pookááwa‘child’i’naksípokaawa5‘infant’náámayi‘bow’sahksináámayi‘short bow’pi’kssííwa‘bird’ómahksipi’kssiiwa‘big bird/turkey’Píít!‘Enter!’Áaksipiimma.‘She will enter.’ ponokáwa‘elk’siksínnokawa‘black elk’kiipó‘ten’kiipíppo‘one hundred’kipitáaakiiwa‘old woman’poksíppitáaakiiwa‘little old woman’ kiááyowa póósa‘bear’ ‘cat’sikohkiááyowa ómahkohpoosa‘black bear’ ‘big cat’kitsími‘doorway’i’nákohkitsimi‘small doorway’Page 98","{ ""Passkáát! 'Dance!' Áípasskaayaawa. 'They are dancing.' Such morphemes are entered in the Dictionary under their consonant-initial allomorph if they are nouns, but under i otherwise. Supplemental Material A small subset of such roots loses a vowel after the first consonant, and that consonant assimilates to the following consonant to produce a long consonant: See Thomson (1978) for discussion. Ø ~ oh Another large group of morphemes which begin with a consonant when in word-initial position has initial oh when a prefix is added. Here are a few examples" 98,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,98,"These morphemes are also entered in the Dictionary under their consonant- initial allomorph if they are nouns, but with the oh present otherwise (though some prefixes are listed under their consonant-initial allomorph). {m,n} ~ Ø As stated in chapter 14, most morphemes which begin in a nasal (m or n) when in word-initial position lack this nasal when a prefix is added. Examples: Po’kíi(y)óót!‘Follow!’Áakohpo’kii(y)oowa.‘She will follow.’Kókkit!‘Give it to me!’Nítohkokkáyi.‘He gave it to me.’pokítapíwa‘small person’ííkohpokitapiwa‘very small person’ natáyowa‘lynx’ómahkatayowa‘mountain lion’má’sa‘Indian turnip’ómahka’sa‘turnip’nínaawa‘man’omahkínaawa‘old man’mo’tsísi‘hand/arm’ko’tsísi‘your hand/arm’Ninihkít!‘Sing!’Áaksinihkiyaawa.‘They will sing.’Mo’takít!‘take (it)!’Nitó’taki.‘I took (it).’Page 99","{m,n} ~ Ø As stated in chapter 14, most morphemes which begin in a nasal (m or n) when in word-initial position lack this nasal when a prefix is added. Examples: Po’kíi(y)óót!‘Follow!’Áakohpo’kii(y)oowa.‘She will follow.’Kókkit!‘Give it to me!’Nítohkokkáyi.‘He gave it to me.’pokítapíwa‘small person’ííkohpokitapiwa‘very small person’ natáy" 99,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,99,"These morphemes are entered in the Dictionary with the initial nasal present unless they are verbs, in which case they are listed without the nasal. Other fairly common alternations include the following: i ~ o, a ~ o, and combinations of these with the nasal-loss alternation exhibited above. Observe the following pairs: Unless they are verb stems or roots, such morphemes are listed in the Dictionary in their word-initial form.6 B.V ARIABLE-LENGTH VOWELS The next alternation to be discussed in this chapter is not strictly limited to morpheme-initial position, but it is observed only in the first syllable of a morpheme. As first described by Taylor (1969), in addition to vowels which are always short and vowels which are always long, there are vowels which are either short or long depending upon their environment. Here are examples with waanii ~ wanii ‘say’: (a) Áániiwa ‘He said.’ (b)Áwaaniiwa ‘He says.’ (c)Nitáánii ~ Nitánii ‘I said.’ (d)Nimáátaniihpa ‘I didn’t say.’ Such vowels of variable length are always long if they are: 1. in the first syllable of a word, as in (a).7 2. preceded by a semivowel, in the same morpheme, that is not imitááwa‘dog’sikómitaawa‘black dog’Akstakít‘Count!’Áakokstakiwa‘She will count.’mamííwa‘fish’ksikkomííwa‘white fish’manistsíyi‘travois’isttsikónistsiyi‘sled’akááni‘roping’Nitáakokaa‘I will rope.’ Page 100","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""These morphemes are entered in the Dictionary with the initial nasal present unless they are verbs, in which case they are listed without the nasal. Other fairly common alternations include the following: i ~ o, a ~ o, and combinations of these with the nasal-loss alternation exhibited above. Observe the following pairs: "" }, { ""text"": ""Unless they are verb stems or roots, such morphemes are listed in the Dictionary in their word-initial form.6 B.V ARIABLE-LENGTH V" 100,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,100,"deleted by Semivowel Loss (see chapter 5), as in (b).8 3. preceded by the vowel i, as in (f) below. Length conditioned by the presence of the vowel i is present even if the i is deleted by i-Loss or i- Absorption. If the only syllable preceding a variable length vowel is a person prefix (nit-, kit-, ot-), then the vowel may be either long or short, as in (c). In all other environments, variable length vowels are short, as in (d) and (e). The direct theme suffix seen in chapter 10 is a variable length vowel; in (e)it is short, but in (f) it is long: (e) Nitsikákomimmawa ‘I love her.’ (f)Nitá’kiaawa ‘I hit him.’ Variable length vowels will sometimes be listed as a:, o:, and i:. C.MORPHEME-FINAL ALLOMORPHY Irregular variation at the end of morphemes is far less common, but certain patterns can be identified. Non-permanent Consonants The variation seen in chapter 2 at the end of nouns and abbreviated with symbols M, N, and S is the most frequently encountered. A general statement about the realization of these abstract segments can be made: M, N, and S are realized as m, n, and s, respectively, unless followed by a suffix which begins with a vowel, in which case they are realized as Ø (i.e., null). Here is an example of N before the glottal stop of the diminutive suffix: aakííkoaN + ’s + wa = aakííkoan’sa ‘poor little girl’ Not only nouns exhibit such variation. There are a few intransitive verbs which exhibit an mm ~ Ø alternation, and the forms with mm are precisely those with semivowel-initial suffixes. Here are some examples: Page 101","{ ""deleted by Semivowel Loss (see chapter 5), as in (b).8 3. preceded by the vowel i, as in (f) below. Length conditioned by the presence of the vowel i is present even if the i is deleted by i-Loss or i- Absorption. If the only syllable preceding a variable length vowel is a person prefix (nit-, kit-, ot-), then the vowel may be either long or short, as in (c). In all other environments, variable length vowels are short, as in (d) and (e). The direct theme suffix seen in" 101,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,101,"(g) áótsimma ‘He swims.’ cf. áótso’pa ‘We21 swim.’ á-otsiM:-wa á-otsiM:-o’pa dur-swim-3s dur-swim-21 (h) áaksipiimmináyi ‘She4 will enter.’ cf. kitáaksipii ‘You2s will enter.’ áak-IpiiM:-yini-áyi kit-yáak-IpiiM: fut-enter-4s-PRO 2-fut-enter This variation may be abbreviated by use of the symbol M:, as has been done in the morpheme-by-morpheme representation. In the Dictionary, noun stems are listed with non-permanent consonants present, while verb stems are listed without the non-permanent mm. Semivowel Alternation Another somewhat unusual morpheme-final variation is that seen in the following pairs of words: (i) Kaayínnit! ‘Hold it open!’ Kaawáí’piksit! ‘Open it!’ (j) iikitsiyinaamma ‘It looks high quality.’ iikítsiwa’pssiwa9 ‘It is of good quality.’ The alternation is between y and w; i.e., the roots involved, kaay ~ kaaw ‘open’ and itsiy ~ itsiw ‘good quality,’ end in a semivowel, but the quality of the semivowel is determined by the initial vowel of the following morpheme.10 If the following vowel is i or I, then the semivowel is y; otherwise, the semivowel is w. In the Dictionary, such morphemes are listed as ending with a period (.). Diphthongization A number of stems ending in i, ii, or oo replace this i, ii, or oo with the diphthong ao before the 21 suffix; observe the following: (l)Itapáóo’pa. ‘We21 went there.’ cf. Itapóówa. ‘He went there.’ Page 102","(g) áótsimma ‘He swims.’ cf. áótso’pa ‘We21 swim.’ á-otsiM:-wa á-otsiM:-o’pa dur-swim-3s dur-swim-21 (h) áaksipiimmináyi ‘She4 will enter.’ cf. kitáaksipii ‘You2s will enter.’ áak-IpiiM:-yini-áyi kit-yáak-IpiiM: fut-enter-4s-PRO" 102,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,102,"(m)Itáópaoo’pa. ‘We21 stay there.’ cf. Itáópiiwa. ‘He stays there.’ (n) ‘We21 will quiet cf. ‘They will quiet Áakomáópaoo’pa. down.’ (o)Iipiksáóo’pa. ‘We21 hit (something).’ Áakomáópiiyaawa. down.’ cf. Iipiksííwa. ‘He hit (s.t.).’ This diphthongization is not limited to the suffix -o’p of the independent paradigm. It also takes place with the 21 suffixes of the Conjunctive and Subjunctive paradigms; see chapter 19 and Appendix A regarding these paradigms. Page 103","(m)Itáópaoo’pa. ‘We21 stay there.’ cf. Itáópiiwa. ‘He stays there.’ (n) ‘We21 will quiet cf. ‘They will quiet Áakomáópaoo’pa. down.’ (o)Iipiksáóo’pa. ‘We21 hit (something).’ cf. Iipiksííwa. ‘He hit (s.t.).’ This diphthongization is not limited to the suffix -o’p of the independent paradigm. It also takes place with the " 103,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,103,"CHAPTER 16 Complex Verb Stems, Part I One of the most salient features of Blackfoot is the complexity of its verb stems. Many morphemes, the closest equivalents of which are separate words in most other languages, are part of the verb in Blackfoot. These include negatives, quantifiers, intensifiers, all kinds of adverbials, and many, many others, including numerous morphemes which would be main or auxiliary verbs in other languages. In this chapter we will illustrate only a few of the morphemes which can make up complex stems. We will concentrate on morphemes (most of which are classed as ‘adjuncts’ [adt] or verb roots [vrt] in the Dictionary) that do not determine the syntactic category of the stems of which they are a part; morphemes which do determine the syntactic category of the stems of which they are a part are discussed in chapters 17 and 18. A.NEGATION The negative prefix has five distinct forms; these occur in complementary distribution, as follows: máát- ~ Imá:t- Used in verbs of independent clauses, if no prefix other than a person prefix precedes it in the verb:1 Máátomáyo’kaawaiksaawa. ‘They aren’t asleep yet.’ máát-oma-Io’kaa-waiksaawa neg-yet-sleep-3p(nonaffirm) Page 104","{ ""CHAPTER 16 Complex Verb Stems, Part I One of the most salient features of Blackfoot is the complexity of its verb stems. Many morphemes, the closest equivalents of which are separate words in most other languages, are part of the verb in Blackfoot. These include negatives, quantifiers, intensifiers, all kinds of adverbials, and many, many others, including numerous morphemes which would be main or auxiliary verbs in other languages. In this chapter we will illustrate only a few of the morphemes which can make up complex stems. We will concentrate on morphemes (most of which are classed as ‘adj" 104,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,104,"Nimáátáóoyihpa. ‘I’m not eating.’ n-Imáát-a-ooyi-hpa 1-neg-dur-eat-nonaffirm kátá’- ~ Ikátá’- Used in verbs of the Unreal2 paradigms (in contrary-to-fact clauses), if no prefix other than a person prefix precedes it in the verb:3 Kátá’yo’kaawahtopiyaawa, áaksstaayaawa mááhksoyssaawa. kátá’-yo’kaa-wahtopi-yi-aawa yáak-sstaa-yi-aawa m-ááhk-Ioyi-hsi-aawa neg-sleep-unreal-pl-PRO fut-want-pl-PRO 3-might-eat-conj-PRO4 ‘If they weren’t asleep, they’d want to eat.’ Nikátáí’naayihtopi, nitáakssakiaopii. n-Ikátá’-Inaa-yi-htopi nit-yáak-saki-a-opii 1-neg-chief-be-unreal 1-fut-still-dur-stay ‘Were I not a chief, I’d still be home.’ This last example requires presentation of an additional phonological rule. The negative prefix is listed as kátá’-, but the glottal stop of this prefix is positioned before the first consonant of the stem Inaayi ‘be a chief.’ This is a result of the following rule, which moves a morpheme-final glottal stop over a following vowel to the next consonant: Glottal Metathesis ’ + V → V’ / _C miin- ~ piin-5 Used in imperative verb forms if not preceded by any other prefixes. (The Page 105","{ ""Nimáátáóoyihpa."": ""I’m not eating."", ""n-Imáát-a-ooyi-hpa"": ""1-neg-dur-eat-nonaffirm"", ""kátá’- ~ Ikátá’-"": ""Used in verbs of the Unreal2 paradigms (in contrary-to-fact clauses), if no prefix other than a person prefix precedes it in the verb:"", ""Kátá’yo’kaawahtopiyaawa, áaksstaayaawa mááhksoyssaawa."": """ 105,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,105,"variation between miin- and piin- is totally free.) Miinasáí’nit./Piinasáí’nit. ‘Don’t cry!’ miin-wa:sai’ni-t neg-cry-2s(imper) Miinohkókkit./Piinohkókkit ‘Don’t give it to me!’ miin-ohkot-k-i-t neg-give(TA)-inv-1-2s(imper) Miinítstsiisi kitáánistawaaway ámohka. miin-itstsi-isi kit-wa:nIt-a:-oaaw-wa-yi amo-hka neg-be(TI)-sg(subj) 2-say^to-dir-2p-3s-EXISTL6 this-rel ‘Let there be no one you tell this to.’ sta’- Used only when preceded by the non-factive prefixes ááhk and á:k.7 say- ~ saw- Kitsííksstato kit-iiksstat-o:kááhksstai’pottaahsi. k-ááhk-sta’-Ipottaa-hsi‘I want you to not fly.’2-want(TA)-1:22-might-neg-fly-conjKítssíímo, kit-siim-o: 2-forbid(TA)-1:2kááksstai’ssakssi. k-áák-sta’-sa:ksi-hsi 2-might-neg-exit-conj‘I forbid you to go out.’ Page 106","{ ""Miinasáí’nit./Piinasáí’nit."": ""Don’t cry!"", ""Miinohkókkit./Piinohkókkit"": ""Don’t give it to me!"", ""Miinítstsiisi kitáánistawaaway ámohka."": ""Let there be no one you tell this to."", ""sta’- Used only when preceded by the non-factive prefixes ááhk and á:k.7 say- ~ saw- Kitsííksstato" 106,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,106,"This variant of the verbal negator occurs elsewhere; i.e., in all environments other than those described above. It exhibits semivowel alternation (see chapter 15); i.e., it is say- if the following morpheme begins with i or I; elsewhere the prefix is saw-. Áakssayinakowa. ‘It will be invisible.’ yáak-say-Inako-wa fut-neg-visible-sg Áakssawahkayiwaatsiksi. ‘Will she not go home?’ yáak-saw-wa:hkayi-waatsiksi fut-neg-go^home-3s(nonaffirm) Ikkámssawohkokkiiniki nitáakahkayi. ‘If you don’t give it to me, I’ll go ikkám-saw-ohkot- kiiniki if-neg- give(TA)-2:1(subj) nit-yáak- wa:hkayi 1-fut-go^home home.’ Nitáakito’toosawomáóoyisaawa.‘I’ll arrive before they eat.’nit-yáak-it-o’toosaw-oma-ooyi-si-aawa1-fut-then-arriveneg-yet-eat-3(subj)-PRO Kítssksiniihpanítssawáóoyssi.‘You know I’m not eating.’kit-ssksini-hp-wanit-saw-a-ooyi-hsi2-know(TI)-theme-sg1-neg-dur-eat-conj Page 107","{ ""This variant of the verbal negator occurs elsewhere; i.e., in all environments other than those described above. It exhibits semivowel alternation (see chapter 15); i.e., it is say- if the following morpheme begins with i or I; elsewhere the prefix is saw-. Áakssayinakowa. ‘It will be invisible.’ yáak-say-Inako-wa fut-neg-visible-sg Áakssawahkayiwaatsiksi. ‘Will she not go home?’ yáak-saw-wa:hkayi-" 107,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,107,"The last five examples point out the need for a phonological rule to account for the frequent lengthening of morpheme-initial s when preceded by a morpheme which ends in a consonant other than a glottal stop.8 We will call this s-Connection a because we need a different rule (s-Connection b) for those cases in which the preceding morpheme ends in a vowel: s- Connection a s → ss / C + _, where C ≠’ The next example, in which onawa is followed by s, illustrates the need for s-Connection b: Kítohkottssksiniihpa áísawonawaissikópaoo’ssi. kit-ohkott-ssksini-hp-wa á-saw-onawa-ssikópao-o’ssi9 2-able-know(TI)-theme-sg dur-neg-ever-rest-21(conj) ‘You should know we21 never rest.’ s-Connection b Ø → i / V(’) +_s, where V ≠ i B.QUANTIFIERS ohkan(a)- ~ kan(a)- ‘all’10 Óómiksi pookáíksi áóhkanasai’niyaawa. ‘Those kids are all cryers.’ om-iksi pookáá- iksi á-ohkan-wa:sai’ni-yi-aawa that- an.p child-an.p dur-all-cry-pl-PRO Page 108","{ ""The last five examples point out the need for a phonological rule to account for the frequent lengthening of morpheme-initial s when preceded by a morpheme which ends in a consonant other than a glottal stop.8 We will call this s-Connection a because we need a different rule (s-Connection b) for those cases in which the preceding morpheme ends in a vowel: s- Connection a s → ss / C + _, where C ≠’ The next example, in which onawa is followed by s, illustrates the need for s-Connection" 108,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,108,Nitohkanáóhpommatoo’piaawa. ‘I bought all of them.’ nit-ohkana-ohpommatoo-’p-yi-aawa 1.all-buy(TI)-theme-pl-PRO Nitohkanáóhpommatoo’pinnaaniaawa. nit-ohkana-ohpommatoo-’p-innaan-yi-aawa 1-all-buy(TI)-theme-1p-pl-PRO ‘We all bought them.’/‘We bought all of them.’11 Iihkanáyo’kaayaawa. ‘They all slept.’ iihkana-Io’kaa-yi-aawa past:all-sleep-pl-PRO The form kan(a)- is found primarily on nouns: kanáítapiwa ‘all people’ kana-itapi-wa all-person-3s wayák- ‘both/two’ Nitáyákohpommatoo’piaawa. ‘I bought both of them.’ nit-wayák-ohpommatoo-’p-yi-aawa 1-both-buy(TI)-theme-pl-PRO Nitáyákohpommatoo’pinnaaniaawa. nit-wayák-ohpommatoo’p-innaan-yi-aawa 1-both-buy(TI)-1p-pl-PRO Page 109,"{ ""Nitohkanáóhpommatoo’piaawa."": ""I bought all of them."", ""Nitohkanáóhpommatoo’pinnaaniaawa."": ""We all bought them."", ""Iihkanáyo’kaayaawa."": ""They all slept."", ""kanáítapiwa"": ""all people"", ""Nitáyákohpommatoo’piaawa."": ""I bought both of them."", ""Nitáyákohpommatoo’pinnaaniaawa."": ""We" 109,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,109,"‘We both bought them.’/‘We bought both of them.’12 Áyákaisttsiistomiyaawa. ‘They are both sick.’ wayák-a-isttsiistomi-yi-aawa two-dur-sick(AI)-pl-PRO C.VERBAL PREFIXES These are prefixes the equivalents of which in most other languages would be verbs which take embedded clauses, as in the English translations below. Here are a few of the many such prefixes. (As stated in the introduction to this chapter, none of these determine the syntactic category of the stem of which they are a part.) ohkott- ‘able’ Kítohkottá’po’taki. ‘You were able to work.’ kit-ohkott-a’po’taki 2.able-work Nimáátakohkottahkayihpa. ‘I can’t go home.’ n-imáát-yak13-ohkott-wa:hkayi-hpa 1.neg-fut-able-go^home-nonaffirm ssáak- ‘try’ Áíssáaka’po’takiwa. ‘He’s trying to work.’ á-ssáak-a’po’taki-wa dur-try-work-3s yaahs- ‘like/enjoy / be pleased by’ Nitáyaahsoyi. ‘I like to eat.’ nit-á-yaahs-Ioyi Page 110","‘We both bought them.’/‘We bought both of them.’12 Áyákaisttsiistomiyaawa. ‘They are both sick.’ wayák-a-isttsiistomi-yi-aawa two-dur-sick(AI)-pl-PRO C.VERBAL PREFIXES These are prefixes the equivalents of which in most other languages would be verbs which take embedded clauses, as in the English translations below. Here are a few of the many such prefixes. (As stated in the introduction to this chapter, none of these determine the syntactic category of the stem" 110,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,110,"1-dur-like-eat Iksistt- ‘finish’ Nikáíksisttsoyi. ‘I’ve finished eating.’ n-ikáá-Iksisst-Ioyi 1-perf-finish-eat mato- ~ oto- ‘go to do ...’ Iitóómiihkaawa. ‘He went fishing.’ iito-omii-hkaa-wa past:go-fish-acquire-3s The immediately preceding example indicates the need for yet another phonological rule. Whenever a morpheme which ends in o is followed by a morpheme which begins with a, the o is replaced by a, as expressed in the following rule:14 o-Replacement o → a / _+a, where +a is not a suffix Note the condition stating that this rule does not apply if the a is part of a suffix,15 as in the following Áakotaapinniiwaa’písiyi.‘He will go adjust the rope.’yáak-oto-apinn-ii-waa’písi-yIfut-go-adjust(TA)-dir-3srope-4s Page 111","{ ""1-dur-like-eat"": ""Iksistt- ‘finish’ Nikáíksisttsoyi. ‘I’ve finished eating.’ n-ikáá-Iksisst-Ioyi 1-perf-finish-eat"", ""mato- ~ oto- ‘go to do ...’"": ""Iitóómiihkaawa. ‘He went fishing.’ iito-omii-hkaa-wa past:go-fish-acquire-3s"", ""The immediately preceding example indicates the need for yet another phonological rule. Whenever" 111,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,111,"example: Nítohpommoawa. ‘I bought (something) for him.’ nit-ohpomm-o-a:-wa 1.buy-ben(TA)-dir-3s Here are two more examples of prefix mato- ~ oto-: Áakotóooyo’pa. ‘Let’s go eat.’ yáak-oto-ooyi-o’pa fut-go-eat-21 Matóooyit. ‘Go eat!’ mato-ooyi-t go-eat-2s(imp) Supplemental Material The last two examples above illustrate a phonological rule which creates a falling pitch accent. Whenever a morpheme which ends in a vowel is followed by a morpheme which begins with a long vowel or diphthong (see chapter 1), a falling pitch is superimposed on the resultant vowel sequence. If the first vowel and the second vowel are identical, as in the preceding two examples, the pitch falls throughout the sequence. If the first and second vowel form a diphthong, accents are written over both the first vowel and the first vowel symbol of the long vowel: Máátomáíiniitsiwaatsiksi. ‘He hasn’t drowned yet.’ maat-oma-iiniitsi-waatsiksi neg-yet-drown(AI)-3s:nonaffirm Áípoináóokatakiwa. ‘She’s beading frantically.’ á-Ipoina-ookataki-wa á-Ipoina-ookataki-wa However, if the first vowel is i and the second vowel is not ii, the falling pitch accent is assigned to the long vowel, whether or not the i is subsequently lost:16 aapániáakiiwa ‘butterfly-woman’ aapáni-aakii-wa butterfly-woman-3s Page 112","{ ""example"": ""Nítohpommoawa. ‘I bought (something) for him.’ nit-ohpomm-o-a:-wa 1.buy-ben(TA)-dir-3s"", ""Here are two more examples of prefix mato- ~ oto-: Áakotóooyo’pa. ‘Let’s go eat.’ yáak-oto-ooyi-o’pa fut-go-eat-21 Matóooyit. ‘Go eat!’ mato-ooyi-t go-eat-2s(imp" 112,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,112,paahtsáakiiwa ‘mistaken-woman’ paahtsi-aakii-wa mistake-woman-3s The following examples demonstrate that this rule is not bled by o-Replacement: niipáaakiiwa ‘upright woman’ niipo-aakii-wa upright-woman-3s otahkáaokayiiwa ‘robin’ otahko-aokayii-wa orange-breast-3s ohko- ‘have for ...’ Nítohkóooyi. ‘I’ve got something to eat.’ nit-ohko-ooyi 1-have^for-eat(AI) Nítohkaa’po’taki ‘I’ve got a job.’ nit-ohko-a’po’taki 1-have^for-work Nikáóhkaayáámoyí’poyi ‘I’ve got a joke (to tell).’ n-ikáá-ohko-ayaamoyi’poyi 1.perf-have^for-tell^joke(AI) D.ADVERBIAL PREFIXES 1.Manner Ikkina- ‘gently/easy’ Nitsikkínaiksiinoka. ‘She touched me gently.’ Page 113,"{ ""paahtsáakiiwa"": ""mistaken-woman"", ""paahtsi-aakii-wa"": ""mistake-woman-3s"", ""The following examples demonstrate that this rule is not bled by o-Replacement"": ""niipáaakiiwa"", ""niipoo-aakii-wa"": ""upright-woman-3s"", ""otahkáaokayiiwa"": ""robin"", ""otahko-aokayii-wa"": ""orange-breast-3s"", ""ohko-"": ""have" 113,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,113,nit-Ikkina-Iksiin-o:k-wa 1.gently-touch(TA)-inv-3s Ikkináí’poyit! ‘Speak slowly/clearly!’ Ikkina-I’poyi-t gently-dur-speak-2s(imper) iiyik- ‘strong/hard’ Kitsííyika’po’taki. ‘You worked hard.’ kit-iiyik-a’po’taki 2.hard-work Iiyíkssopowa. ‘It’s very windy.’ iiyik-sopoo-wa hard-wind-sg póína- ~ Ipoina- ‘nuisance/frenetic/erratic’ Áípoináóoyiwa. ‘He’s eating frantically.’ á-Ipoina-ooyi-wa dur-frantic-eat-3s Póínáóhkomatakiwa. ‘He drives recklessly.’ póína-ohkomataki-wa reckless-drive-3s Póínaa’pssiwa. ‘He’s a nuisance.’ póína-a’pssi-wa nuisance-be(AI)-3s sok- ‘well/good’ Page 114,"{ ""nit-Ikkina-Iksiin-o:k-wa"": ""1.gently-touch(TA)-inv-3s"", ""Ikkináí’poyit!"": ""Ikkina-I’poyi-t gently-dur-speak-2s(imper)"", ""iiyik-"": ""strong/hard"", ""Kitsííyika’po’taki."": ""kit-iiyik-a’po’taki 2.hard-work"", ""Iiyíkssopowa."": ""iiyik-" 114,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,114,"Kitsikáísoka’po’taki. ‘You work very well.’ kit-ik-á-sok-a’po’taki 3.very-dur-good-work Máátáísokímohsiwaatsiksi. ‘He’s not feeling well.’ máát-á-sok-imohsi-waatsiksi neg-dur-good-feel-3s(nonaffirm) Iíkssoka’pssiyaawa. ‘They are good.’ iik-sok-a’pssi-yi-aawa very-good-be(AI)-pl-PRO niit- ~ a:nist- ‘manner’ This prefix acts as a variable, with a range of semantic values which includes the manner prefixes illustrated above. It is used in questions asking about manner (see chapter 21) and a type of nominalization (Conjunctive Nominals; see chapter 20). As will be seen in the following examples, this morpheme selects the short person prefixes.17 niitáí’poyo’pi ‘the way one speaks’ niit-á-I’poyi-o’p-yi how-dur-speak-21:CN-in.s kaanistáóoyihpi ‘the way you eat’ k-aanist-á-ooyi-hp-yi 2.how-dur-eat-CN-in.s niitáótso’pi ‘how one swims / how we21 swim’ niit-á-otsi-o’p-yi Page 115","{ ""Kitsikáísoka’po’taki."": ""You work very well."", ""Máátáísokímohsiwaatsiksi."": ""He’s not feeling well."", ""Iíkssoka’pssiyaawa."": ""They are good."", ""niitáí’poyo’pi"": ""the way one speaks"", ""kaanistáóoyihpi"": ""the way you eat"", ""niitáótso’pi"": ""how one swims / how we21 swim"" " 115,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,115,how-dur-swim-21:CN-in.s maanistáípasskaahpoaawaistsi ‘the ways they dance’ m-aanist-á-Ipasskaa-hp- oaawa-istsi 3.how-dur-dance-CN-3p-ip ohs- ‘spaced apart’ Kitohsááatohpinnaan. We kept our distance from you. kit-ohs-ááat-o:hpinnaan 2.spaced-approach-1p:2 2.Degree i:k- ‘very’ (breaking I) Iiksíksistoyiwa. ‘It’s very hot.’ I:k-iksistoyi-wa very-hot-sg sska’- ‘extraordinarily’ (I)sskáí’soka’piiwa. ‘It’s extraordinarily good.’ sska’-sok-a’pii-wa extra-good-be(II)-sg sstónnat- ‘extremely’ (literally ‘dangerously’) Page 116,"how-dur-swim-21:CN-in.s maanistáípasskaahpoaawaistsi ‘the ways they dance’ m-aanist-á-Ipasskaa-hp- oaawa-istsi 3.how-dur-dance-CN-3p-ip ohs- ‘spaced apart’ Kitohsááatohpinnaan. We kept our distance from you. kit-ohs-ááat-o:hpinnaan 2.spaced-approach-1p:2 2.Degree " 116,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,116,"(I)sstónnatsstoyiiwa. ‘It’s extremely cold.’ sstónnat-sstoyii-wa extreme-be^cold(II)-sg 3.Rate Ikkam- ‘fast/quickly’ Áaksíkkamokska’siwa. ‘He will run fast.’ yáak-Ikkam-okska’si-wa fut-fast-run-3s Ikkamítsinikookit. ‘Tell me about it quickly!’ Ikkam-itsiniko-o:kit quick-relate(TA)-2s:1s(imper) iitsiksist- ‘slow(ly)’ Iítsiksistokska’siwa. ‘He runs slowly.’ iitsiksist-okska’si-wa slow-run-3s 4.Linkers These are prefixes which indicate the oblique grammatical relation of some nominal in the clause; they generally serve the same function as prepositions in English, except that because they are in the verb rather than adjacent to the related nominal, the hearer (or reader) must sometimes infer from context which nominal they link.18 omohp- ~ iihp- ~ ohp- ‘associative’ Page 117","(I)sstónnatsstoyiiwa. ‘It’s extremely cold.’ sstónnat-sstoyii-wa extreme-be^cold(II)-sg 3.Rate Ikkam- ‘fast/quickly’ Áaksíkkamokska’siwa. ‘He will run fast.’ yáak-Ikkam-okska’si-wa fut-fast-run-3s Ikkámítsinikookit. ‘Tell me about it quickly!’ Ikkam-itsiniko-o:kit quick-relate(TA)-" 117,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,117,"The first variant of this prefix immediately follows person prefixes, the second variant occurs in word-initial position, and the third elsewhere.19 ‘They will fall with that book.’ omoht- ~ iiht- ~ oht- ‘instrument(instr)/means/source/content/path’ The three variants of this prefix have a distribution parallel to the variants of the previous linker. Iihtáwayáakiaawa miistsíi. ‘He was hit with/by a stick.’ iiht-wa:wayáaki-a:-wa miistsíS-i instr-hit(TA)-dir-3s stick-nonpartic Nitáakohtahkayi áípottaawa. ‘I’ll go home by plane.’ nit-yáak-oht-wa:hkayi áípottaa-wa 1.fut-means-go^home plane-3s Napayíni napayín-i bread-nonparticnomohpiówatoo’pa n-omohp-Iowatoo-’p-wa 1-assoc-eat(TI)-theme-3sómihka om-yi-hka that-in.s-invsí’ksisakoyihka. í’ksisako-yi-hka meat-in.s-invs‘I ate the meat with bread.’Áakohpinnisiyaawaomisináákia’tsisi.yáak-ohp-innisi-yi-aawaom-yisináákia’tsiS-yifut-assoc-fall-pl-PROthat-in.sbook-in.s Nomohtó’tooLethbridge.‘I came from Lethbridge.’Page 118","{ ""The first variant of this prefix immediately follows person prefixes, the second variant occurs in word-initial position, and the third elsewhere.19 'They will fall with that book.'"": ""omoht- ~ iiht- ~ oht- 'instrument(instr)/means/source/content/path' The three variants of this prefix have a distribution parallel to the variants of the previous linker. Iihtáwayáakiaawa miistsíi. 'He was hit with/by a stick.' iiht-wa:wayáaki-a:-wa" 118,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,118,"‘They are walking along the river.’ ohtahtsiwa- ‘in place of/ in the stead of’ Nohkówa otákkaayi iihtahtsówáóowatsiiwa20omi áaattsistaayi. n-ohkó-wa w-itákkaa-yI iihtahtsiwa-oowat-ii-wa áaattsistaa-yI 1-son-3s 3-partner-4s past:in^place^of-eat(TA)-dir-3s that-4s rabbit-4s ‘My son in place of his partner ate the rabbit.’ The remainder of the linkers to be listed, in addition to their linking function, add directional or spatial information. The first two occur in verbs which describe motion, or at least imply change of location, and indicate n-omoht-o’tooL.1-source-arriveNómohtsitsinikooka n-omoht-itsiniko-o:k-wakiistóyi. kiistóyi‘He told me (a story) about you.’1-content-tell(TA)-inv-3s2s(PRO)Iihtawááwahkaayaawaomímaniítahtaayi.iiht-a-wa:wahkaa-yi-aawaom-yi-maniítahtaa-yialong-dur-walk-pl-PROthat-in.s-statriver-in.s Page 119","‘They are walking along the river.’ ohtahtsiwa- ‘in place of/ in the stead of’ Nohkówa otákkaayi iihtahtsówáóowatsiiwa20omi áaattsistaayi. n-ohkó-wa w-itákkaa-yI iihtahtsiwa-oowat-ii-wa áaattsistaa-yI 1-son-3s 3-partner-4s past:in^place^of-eat(TA)" 119,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,119,"the direction of that motion or movement. The other may occur in just about any verb. itap- ‘toward’ While no overt nominal is linked by the following directional prefix, it is grouped here because it can be viewed as linking location of the speaker: poohsap- ~ Ipoohsap- ‘toward location of the speaker’ Póóhsapoot! ‘Come here!’ póóhsap-oo-t toward^spkr-go-2s(imper) Áaksipoohsapokska’siwa. ‘He’ll run toward me.’ yáak-Ipoohsap-okska’si-wa fut-toward^spkr-run-3s it- ~ ist-21 ‘there’ Nitáakitapookookóówayi.‘I’ll go to your place.’nit-yáak-itap-ook-ookóówa-yi1-fut-toward-go2-home-in.s Itáóoyiwanookóówayi.‘He eats at my place.’it-a-ooyi-wan-ookóówa-yiPage 120","{ ""the direction of that motion or movement. The other may occur in just about any verb. itap- ‘toward’ "", ""While no overt nominal is linked by the following directional prefix, it is grouped here because it can be viewed as linking location of the speaker: poohsap- ~ Ipoohsap- ‘toward location of the speaker’"", ""Póóhsapoot! ‘Come here!’"", ""póóhsap-oo-t toward^spkr-go-2s(imper)"", ""Áaksipoohsapok" 120,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,120,"Ánni istópiit! ‘Sit there!’ ann-yi ist-opii-t that-in.s there-sit-2s(imper) 5.Aspect There are additional prefixes which fit under the label ‘aspect,’ as that term is defined in chapter 6. Here are a few: saaki- ~ saki-22 ‘still’ Saakiáítapiiwa. ‘She’s still living.’ saaki-á-itapii(yi)-wa still-dur-live-3s Nimáátssakiáíssksiniihpa. ‘I don’t remember.’ n-imáát-saki-á-ssksini-hp-wa 1.neg-still-dur-know(TI)-theme-in.s omá- ~ iimá- ‘yet’ Kikátao’máóoyihpa23 ‘Did you eat yet?’ k-Ikáta’-omá-ooyi-hpa 2.interrog-yet-eat-nonaffirm Iimáítsskaayaawa. ‘They’re fighting yet.’ iimá-itsskaa-yi-aawa yet-fight-pl-PRO á’- ‘inchoative’ (‘has just come about’)24 Nitáó’mai’taki. ‘Now I’m there-dur-eat(AI)-3s1-home-in.s Page 121","{ ""Ánni istópiit!"": ""Ánni istópiit! 'Sit there!'"", ""5.Aspect"": ""5.Aspect"", ""There are additional prefixes which fit under the label 'aspect,' as that term is defined in chapter 6. Here are a few:"", ""saaki- ~ saki-22 'still'"": ""saaki- ~ saki-22 'still'"", ""Saakiáítapiiwa."": ""Saakiáítapiiwa. 'She'" 121,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,121,"convinced.’ nit-á’-omai’taki 1.incho-believe (cf. Nitáómai’taki. ‘I believe.’) 6.Non-linking Locationals The following locational prefixes might, in view of their meaning, appear to be linkers, but notice that if a nominal is linked in these examples, there is a linker it- ~ ist- ‘there’ in the verb. ípsst- ‘inside’ Itsípsstsoyo’pa omí ksikkokóówayi. ‘We ate inside the tent.’ it-ipsst-Ioyi-o’pa om-yi ksikkokóówa-yi there-inside-eat(AI)-21 that-in.s tent-in.s ohkit- ‘upon’ Matsíwohkitopiiwa.25 ‘He is a rider of a fine horse.’ matsíw-ohkit-opii-wa fine-upon-sit-3s Áí’too’toowanááto’kaayi.‘It’s two o’clock.’a’-it-o’too-wanaato’kaayiincho-there-arrive-in.stwo Istohkítsstootaomiakssíni.‘Put it on the bed!’ist-ohkit-ihtoo-tom-yiakihsíN-yithere-upon-put(TI)-2s(imper)that-in.sbed-in.s Page 122","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""convinced.’ nit-á’-omai’taki 1.incho-believe (cf. Nitáómai’taki. ‘I believe.’) "" }, { ""text"": ""6.Non-linking Locationals The following locational prefixes might, in view of their meaning, appear to be linkers, but notice that if a nominal is linked in these examples, there is a linker it- ~ ist- ‘there’ in the verb. ípsst-" 122,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,122,"miistap- ~ yIIstap- ‘away’ Iyíístapokska’siwa. ‘He ran away.’ i-yÍÍstap-okska’si-wa past-away-run-3s Áaksiistapsskoyiiwáyi. ‘She will chase him away.’ yáak-yIIstap-ssko-yii-wa-áyi fut-away-chase(TA)-dir-3s-pro The next example might also seem to involve linking of a nominal, but the nominal annoma ‘here’ is the object of a transitive verb: EXERCISES 1. Given the vai stem okska’si ‘run’ : a. Use the correct adjunct from section A of this chapter to translate ‘We21 did not run.’ b.Use an adjunct from section B to translate ‘We1p all ran.’ c.Use adjuncts from section C to translate the following: (1) ‘They are trying to run.’ (2)‘I like to run.’ (3)‘You2p are able to run.’ Míístapáaatootannóóma!‘Go away from here!’míístap-áaatoo-tannomaaway-go(TI)-2s(imper)here Page 123","{ ""miistap- ~ yIIstap- 'away' Iyíístapokska'siwa. 'He ran away.' i-yÍÍstap-okska'si-wa past-away-run-3s Áaksiistapsskoyiiwáyi. 'She will chase him away.' yáak-yIIstap-ssko-yii-wa-áyi fut-away-chase(TA)-dir-3s-pro The next example might also seem to involve linking of a nominal, but the nominal annoma" 123,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,123,"d.Use adjuncts from section D to translate the following: (1) ‘You2s run well.’ (2)‘He runs fast.’ (3)‘I ran from Lethbridge.’ 2.Still using the stem okska’si, translate the following, combining appropriate adjuncts: a. ‘We1p didn’t all run fast.’ b.‘I like to try to run fast.’ Page 124","{ ""d.Use adjuncts from section D to translate the following: (1) ‘You2s run well.’ (2)‘He runs fast.’ (3)‘I ran from Lethbridge.’ 2.Still using the stem okska’si, translate the following, combining appropriate adjuncts: a. ‘We1p didn’t all run fast.’ b.‘I like to try to run fast.’ Page 124"" }" 124,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,124,"CHAPTER 17 Complex Verb Stems, Part 2: Finals As alluded to in chapter 16, there are morphemes in complex stems which determine the syntactic category of the stem of which they are a part. We will designate as the Head of a stem that portion which determines the syntactic category of the entire stem. Because these are generally referred to as finals in Algonquian studies,1 they will be referred to by that term here. The relevant syntactic categories determined by verb finals are primarily the four stem types discussed in chapter 7; i.e., transitive animate (TA), transitive inanimate (TI), animate intransitive (AI), and inanimate intransitive (II). It will be useful to distinguish simplex verb stems, which consist of root plus final, and complex verb stems, which are made up of a stem (which itself may be complex) plus any or all of the following: preverbal elements such as those discussed in chapter 16, medials (which follow a root and usually refer to body parts), and finals. In each complex stem, the rightmost final is the Head. There are two broad classes of verb finals: abstract finals, which only minimally affect the meaning of the stem to which they are added, and concrete finals, which contribute significantly to the meaning of the stem. The remainder of this chapter will touch on the former type. Abstract finals, unlike concrete finals (chapter 18), are not ‘productive’; i.e., they cannot be used freely to make up new stems. This means that which finals go with which roots is not predictable, and so the stems which have these finals must be learned as a whole. Consider the verb stems of the following three sentences; finals are in bold print: (a)Nitá-ooy-i (paatáki). ‘I’m eating (potatoes).’ Page 125","{ ""CHAPTER 17 Complex Verb Stems, Part 2: Finals As alluded to in chapter 16, there are morphemes in complex stems which determine the syntactic category of the stem of which they are a part. We will designate as the Head of a stem that portion which determines the syntactic category of the entire stem. Because these are generally referred to as finals in Algonquian studies,1 they will be referred to by that term here. The relevant syntactic categories determined by verb finals are primarily the four stem types discussed in chapter 7; i.e., transitive animate (TA), " 125,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,125,"(b)Nitá-oow-atoo’pi amostsi paatákistsi. ‘I’m eating these potatoes.’ (c)Nitá-oow-atawa amo pi’kssííwa. ‘I’m eating this chicken.’ The portion (here preceded and followed by hyphens for ease of exposition) common to all of these stems is a verb root.2 Only a few verb roots can alone serve as a verb stem;3 most, like that above, must occur with a final. The stems in (a)–(c) differ from each other in that they end in different finals (highlighted).4 And as was stated above, the final determines the syntactic category of the stem. So the final in (a) determines that the verb stem is AI; consequently that stem occurs in an intransitive clause; i.e., one with no object unless that object is non-particular (recall from section C of chapter 7 that objects which are non-particular in reference do not count as objects for purposes of verb transitivity in Blackfoot). Likewise, the finals in (b) and (c) determine that the stems of these two examples are TA and TI, respectively, and occur in transitive clauses. There are many roots which, like the one in (a)–(c), can occur with different finals. Here is another set of three sentences with verbs that share a common root, but this particular root selects different finals to form AI, TI, and TA stems: (d)Kitá-omai’t-akihpoaawa. ‘You2p believe.’ (e)Kitá-omai’t-oo’poaawa. ‘You2p believe it.’ (f)Kitá-omai’t-oawaayi kóko’soaawaiksi. ‘You2p believe your kids.’ The six finals seen in (a)–(f) above are all very common, and there are many other verb finals which are found in numerous stems. Stems do not always occur in triples, like the preceding two sets. Many roots occur with only one or two different finals. Here are some verb stem sets exhibiting some of the many common finals (finals are in bold print). The first three sets, like those above, are made up of AI, TI, and TA stems: (g)Anna pookááwa áókstakiwa. ‘The child is counting/reading.’ Page 126", 126,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,126,"(h)Anna pookááwa áókstooma omistsi paatákistsi. ‘The child is counting those potatoes.’ (i)Anna pookááwa áóksiyiiwa omiksi pi’kssííksi. ‘The child is counting those birds.’ (j)Nitánii. ‘I said (something).’ (k)Nitánistoo’pa. ‘I said it.’ (l)Nitánistaawa. ‘I told him.’ (m)Kitáísínaaki ‘You are drawing.’ (n)Kitáísínaii’pa ‘You are drawing it.’ (o)Kitáísínaoka5 ‘He is taking your picture.’ The next sets are AI/II pairs: (p)Soká’pssiwa ‘She is good.’ (q)Soká’piiwa ‘It is good.’ (r)Náaiyaawa ‘They (anim) are six (i.e., there are six of them.)’ (s)Náaoyaawa ‘They (inan) are six.’ (t)Itsimímma6 ‘He stinks.’ (u)Itsímówa ‘It stinks.’ The next three sets involve what are known as instrumental finals, because they indicate the instrument (usually a body part) involved. In these, the instrument is the mouth. Iisinípiiwáyi ‘He licked him.’ (TA) Iisínihtsimáyi. ‘He licked it.’ (TI) Iisínihtakiwa.7 ‘He licked (something).’ (AI) Nítssiksipawa ‘I bit him.’ (TA) Nítssikstsiihpa ‘I bit it.’ (TI) Nitssíkstaki ‘I bit (something).’ (AI) Kitsipakksipawa ‘You burst him with your teeth.’ (TA) Page 127","{ ""(h)"": ""Anna pookááwa áókstooma omistsi paatákistsi. 'The child is counting those potatoes.'"", ""(i)"": ""Anna pookááwa áóksiyiiwa omiksi pi'kssííksi. 'The child is counting those birds.'"", ""(j)"": ""Nitánii. 'I said (something).'"", ""(k)"": ""Nitánistoo'pa. 'I said it.'"", ""(" 127,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,127,"Kitsipakkstsiihpa ‘You burst it with your teeth.’ (TI) Kitsipakkstaki ‘You burst (something) with your teeth.’ (AI) The next set has a body part medial (sski ‘face’), as well as the instrumental final seen in the two previous sets. Anna póósa iisínsskipiiwáyi. ‘The cat licked her face.’ (TA) Áísinsskihtsimáyi. ‘She licked the face of it.’ (TI) Áísinsskihtakiwa. ‘She licks faces.’ (AI) Page 128","{ ""Kitsipakkstsiihpa"": ""You burst it with your teeth."", ""Kitsipakkstaki"": ""You burst (something) with your teeth."", ""Anna póósa iisínsskipiiwáyi"": ""The cat licked her face."", ""Áísinsskihtsimáyi"": ""She licked the face of it."", ""Áísinsskihtakiwa"": ""She licks faces."" }" 128,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,128,"CHAPTER 18 Some Concrete Finals This chapter describes the formation of complex stems in which the Head is a derivational suffix; i.e., a suffix which changes the syntactic category of the stem to which it is added. As with the finals discussed in the previous chapter, the relevant syntactic categories are TA, TI, AI, and II, but some finals also govern the potential for occurrence with unlinked1 nominals. Underlying Versus Surface Grammatical Relations For purposes of this discussion, the underlying (logical) subject or object of a derived stem is the nominal which would have been subject or object of that stem were the derivational suffix not present. The surface subject or object of a stem is that for which that stem (whether basic or derived) is subcategorized (see section B of chapter 7). A.CAUSATIVE VERB STEMS There are two suffixes, áttsi and pi ~ ipi, which derive causative verb stems from other verb stems.2 These suffixes are added to intransitive stems, never to transitive stems. The derived causative stem is transitive (unless the subject of the underlying non-causative verb is non-particular or unspecified; see below). Causative stems are used in clauses in which the causer is subject and the causee, which in all cases is understood as the subject of the underlying non-causative clause, is the primary object. For example, in (a), first person singular is the causer, and hence subject, and ‘my daughter’ is the causee, and hence primary object. (a) Nítsspiyáttsaawa nitána. ‘I made my daughter Page 129","{ ""sentences"": [ ""CHAPTER 18 Some Concrete Finals"", ""This chapter describes the formation of complex stems in which the Head is a derivational suffix; i.e., a suffix which changes the syntactic category of the stem to which it is added."", ""As with the finals discussed in the previous chapter, the relevant syntactic categories are TA, TI, AI, and II, but some finals also govern the potential for occurrence with unlinked1 nominals."", ""Underlying Versus Surface Grammatical Relations"", " 129,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,129,"dance.’ nit-ihpiyi-áttsi-a:-wa n-itán-wa 1-dance(AI)-cause-dir-3s my-da-3s Here are more examples of the two causative suffixes: (b)Kitsó’kááttsaayaawa. ‘You put them to sleep.’ kit-Io’kaa-áttsi-a:-yi-aawa 2.sleep(AI)-cause-dir-pl- PRO (c) Nitáókska’síípiooka. ‘He makes me run.’ nit-á-okska’si-ipi-o:k-wa 1-dur-run(AI)-cause-inv-3s (d)Kítso’káápiaayaawa. ‘You put them to sleep.’3 kit-Io’kaa-pi-a:-yi-aawa 2-sleep(AI)-cause-dir-pl- PRO The limitation that these two causative suffixes are added to intransitive stems is a morphological property of the causative suffixes themselves, not a consequence of their meaning or the meaning of the stems to which they are attached. So they may be used whether or not the underlying non- causative clause has an object. However, if there is an underlying object, it will be a surface secondary object: (e) Nítohpommááttsaawa nohkówa omííksi ápotsskinaiksi. nit-ohpommaa-áttsi-a:-wa n-ohkó-wa om-iksi ápotskina-iksi 1-buy(AI)-cause-dir-3s my-son-3s that-an.p cow-an.p ‘I made my son buy those cows.’ Notice that the verb agrees with ‘son3s’ as primary object, not with the Page 130","{ ""sentences"": [ ""nit-ihpiyi-áttsi-a:-wa n-itán-wa 1-dance(AI)-cause-dir-3s my-da-3s"", ""Kitsó’kááttsaayaawa. ‘You put them to sleep.’ kit-Io’kaa-áttsi-a:-yi-aawa 2.sleep(AI)-cause-dir-pl- PRO"", ""Nitáókska’síípiooka. ‘He makes me run" 130,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,130,"underlying object, ‘those cows4p,’ which is the surface secondary object. Supplemental Material If the underlying subject of the stem is non-particular or unspecified, in which case it cannot be a surface primary object (see section C of chapter 7), the causative verb stem must be made intransitive by addition of the final a:ki,4 which forms AI verbs: (f) Nítohpommááttsaaki (aakííkoai) napayíni. nit-ohpommaa-áttsi-a:ki (aakííkoaN-i) napayín-i 1-buy(AI)-cause-fin(AI) (girl-nonpartic) bread-nonpartic ‘I caused (girl) buying of bread.’ We stated above that the causative finals are always added to intransitive stems. While this is true, the stem to which they are added is not always the usual intransitive stem. For example, the regular AI stem for ‘beckon, make signs’ is a’psstaki; yet the stem to which the causative suffixes are added is a’psstoyi, as seen in (g) and (h): (g) A’psstoyáttsiyiiwáyi. ‘He made him talk sign language. a’psstoyi-áttsi-yii-wa-áyi make^signs-cause-3:4-3s-PRO (h) A’psstoyíípiyiiwáyi ‘He made him talk sign language.’ a’psstoyi-ipi-yii-wa-áyi make^signs-cause-3:4-3s-PRO B.BENEFACTIVE VERB STEMS Transitive stems which have a benefactee as primary object are derived from other stems by addition of one of two suffixes: -o and –mo ~ -omo. Though the facts are complicated (see Taylor (1969, section 670 and 694)), the following rough summary of their distribution may be of value. The first of the two benefactive suffixes (-o) seems to be added to verb roots; compare the following non-benefactive and benefactive sentence pairs: (j)1. Iihpómmaawa ónnikii. ‘He bought milk.’ iihpomm-aa-wa ónnikiS-i Page 131","{ ""sentences"": [ ""underlying object, ‘those cows4p,’ which is the surface secondary object. Supplemental Material If the underlying subject of the stem is non-particular or unspecified, in which case it cannot be a surface primary object (see section C of chapter 7), the causative verb stem must be made intransitive by addition of the final a:ki,4 which forms AI verbs: (f) Nítohpommááttsaaki (aakííkoai) napayíni. nit-ohpommaa-áttsi-a:ki" 131,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,131,"buy-AI-3s milk- nonpartic 2. Iihpómmoyiiwáyi ónnikii. ‘He bought milk for her.’ iihpomm-o-yii-wa-ayi ónnikiS-i buy-ben(TA)-dir-3s- PRO milk- nonpartic (k)1. Nítsskiitatoo’piaawa. ‘I baked them.’ nit-ihkiit-watoo-’p-yi- aawa 1-bake-TI-theme-pl- PRO 2.Nítsskiitoawaistsi nitána. ‘I baked them for my nit-ihkiit-o-a:-wa-aistsi n-itán-wa daughter.’ 1.bake-ben(TA)-dir-3s- PRO 1-daughter- 3s For all benefactives, an underlying object (if any) will be the surface secondary object. So the pronoun for the baked items, which is the primary object in (k.1), is the secondary object in (k.2). The suffix -mo ~ -omo is usually added to transitive stems (mo after vowels, omo after consonants); in particular, it is added to what generally appear to be TA stems, as illustrated in the following examples of TA and benefactive pairs: (l)1 Kóta’siksi nitsííyissksipistayaawa. k-ota’s-iksi nit-ii-yIssksipist-a:-yi-aawa 2-mount-an.p 1-past-tie^up(TA)-dir-pl-PRO Page 132","buy-AI-3s milk- nonpartic 2. Iihpómmoyiiwáyi ónnikii. ‘He bought milk for her.’ iihpomm-o-yii-wa-ayi ónnikiS-i buy-ben(TA)-dir-3s- PRO milk- nonpartic (k)1. Nítsskiitatoo’piaawa. ‘I baked them.’ nit-ihkiit-watoo-’p-yi- aawa 1-bake-TI-theme-pl- PRO 2" 132,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,132,"‘I tied up your horses.’ ‘I tied up his horses for my partner.’ Observe that in (l.1) the being which is tied up is the primary object, while in (l.2) it is the secondary object. (m)1. Anna ponokáwa kitáaksinnootatawaatsiksi? ann-wa ponoká-wa kit-yáak-Innootat-a:-waatsiksi that-3s elk-3s 2-fut-butcher(TA)-dir-3s(nonaffirm) ‘Will you butcher that elk?’ 2.Kitáaksinnootatomookihpaatsiksi? kit-yáak-Innootat-omo-o:k-i-hp-waatsiksi 1.fut-butcher-ben(TA)-inv-2:1-nonaffirm-PRO ‘Will you butcher him for me?’ Supplemental Material There are many cases where the suffix –mo ~ omo is added to other than the TA stem. E.g., in the following example, it is added to the AI stem, less what looks like the AI final aa; but we cannot say -omo is added to a root in this case, for the corresponding TA stem (sstaahka), which presumably is based on the same root, lacks the ht portion, as seen in (n.3): (n)1. Áísstaahkahtaawa ‘She is nursing.’ á-sstaahkahtaa-w dur-suckle(AI)-3s 2Nitsííyissksipistomoawanitákkaawa óta’siksi.nit-ii-yIssksipist-omo-a:-wa 1-past-tie-ben(TA)-dir-3sn-itákkaa-wa w-óta’s-iksi 1-partner-3s 3-mount-an.p Page 133","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""‘I tied up your horses.’"", ""id"": ""1"" }, { ""text"": ""‘I tied up his horses for my partner.’"", ""id"": ""2"" }, { ""text"": ""Observe that in (l.1) the being which is tied up is the primary object, while in (l.2) it is the secondary object."", ""id"": ""3"" " 133,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,133,"3. Nitsstááhkaoka ‘She nursed me.’ nit-sstaahka-o:k-wa 1-suckle(TA)-inv-3s And it is not clear what stem the benefactive suffix is attached to in (o.3); compare the stems of (o.1) and (o.2): (o)1 Nitáaksipíiksaawa. ‘I will chop it (animate gender).’ nit-yáak-IpíikI-a:-wa 1-fut-chop(TA)-dir-3s 2. Nitáaksipíiksii’pa. ‘I will chop it (inanimate gender).’ nit-yáak-IpíikII-’p-wa 1-fut-chop(TI)-theme-3s 3.Kitáaksipíiksóomoo. I will chop (wood) for you.’ C.ACCOMPANIMENT VERB STEMS Another final which, like the causative finals of section A, is always added to an intransitive verb stem, is the accompaniment suffix -:m. (The colon here represents the fact that this suffix causes lengthening of a preceding short vowel.) Unique to this final,5 however, is that it requires preverbal element ohpok- on the same verb. The resulting stem is transitive animate, and both its subject and primary object are understood as logical subjects of the underlying verb. For example, to animate intransitive stem a’po’taki ‘work’ there corresponds TA stem ohpoka’po’takiim ‘work with.’ So in the following example, both the surface subject nitána and the surface primary object nohkóyi are understood as participating in some work, but the sentence additionally includes the information that nitána has initiated the accompaniment of nohkóyi in the work.6 (p) Nitána iihpoká’po’takiimiiwa nohkóyi. n-itán-wa iihpok-2.Nitsstááhkahtomooka nit-sstaahkaht-omo-o:k-wanítsssitsimaani. nit-ssitsimaan-yI‘She nursed my baby for me.’1-suckle-ben(TA)-inv-3s1-baby-4s Page 134","{ ""3. Nitsstááhkaoka"": ""She nursed me."", ""nit-sstaahka-o:k-wa"": ""1-suckle(TA)-inv-3s"", ""And it is not clear what stem the benefactive suffix is attached to in (o.3); compare the stems of (o.1) and (o.2):"": ""And it is not clear what stem the benefactive suffix is attached to in (o.3); compare the stems of (o.1) and (o.2):""," 134,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,134,"a’po’taki-:m-ii-wa n-ohko- yi 1.daughter- 3s past:accomp-work(AI)-TA- 3:4-3s 1-son-4s ‘My daughter worked with my son.’ Here are more examples of this construction: (q)Nítohpokohto’toomaw amá nitohkíímaana Omahkoyisi. nit-ohpok-oht-o’too-:m-a:-wa am-wa nit-ohkiimaan- wa omahk-oyiS- yi 1.accomp-source-arrive-TA- dir-3s this-3s 1-wife-3s big-lodge- in.s ‘I arrived from Edmonton with my wife.’ (r) Nítohpokihpiyiimoka oma aakííkoana. nit-ohpok-ihpiyi-:m-o:k-wa om-wa aakiikoaN-wa 1-accomp-dance-TA-inv-3s that-3s girl-3s ‘That girl danced with me.’ An underlying object of the verb will be a surface secondary object, as illustrated in (s), where omi áaattsistaayi is the secondary object: (s) Annanohkówa,nítohpoksoyiimawaomiáaattsistaayi.ann-wan-ohko-wanit-ohpok-Ioyi-:m-a:-waom-yiáaattsistaa-yiPage 135","{ ""a'po'taki-:m-ii-wa n-ohko- yi"": ""1.daughter- 3s past:accomp-work(AI)-TA- 3:4-3s 1-son-4s 'My daughter worked with my son.'"", ""Nítohpokohto'toomaw amá nitohkíímaana Omahkoyisi"": ""Nítohpokohto'toomaw amá nitohkíímaana Omahkoyisi. nit-ohpok-oht-o'" 135,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,135,"‘I ate that rabbit with my son.’ D.REFLEXIVE VERB STEMS Addition of final -o:hsi to TA stems produces AI stems which describe actions in which the subject of the resultant AI verb is understood as both underlying subject and underlying primary object. (See section B of chapter 15 regarding variable length vowels such as o:.) For example, the subject of (t) is understood as both the one who did the shooting and the one who was shot: (t) Isskonákatohsiwa. ‘He shot himself.’ i-sskonákat-o:hsi-wa past-shoot(TA)-refl(AI)-3s Here are more examples: (u) Nitáínoohsspinnaan. ‘We1p see ourselves.’ nit-á-Ino-o:hsi-hpinnaan 1-dur-see(TA)-refl(AI)-1p (v) Oma imitááwa siiksípohsiwa. ‘That dog bit himself.’ om-wa imitáá-wa siiksip-o:hsi-wa that-3s dog-3s past:bite(TA)-refl(AI)-3s (w) Sstsipísoohsit! ‘Punish (whip) yourself!’ sstsipísi-o:hsi-t whip(TA)-refl(AI)-2s(imper) that-3s1-son-3s1-accomp-eat-TA-dir-3sthat-4srabbit-4s Page 136","‘I ate that rabbit with my son.’ D.REFLEXIVE VERB STEMS Addition of final -o:hsi to TA stems produces AI stems which describe actions in which the subject of the resultant AI verb is understood as both underlying subject and underlying primary object. (See section B of chapter 15 regarding variable length vowels such as o:.) For example, the subject of (t) is understood as both the one who did the shooting and the one who was shot: (t) Isskonákatohsiwa. ‘He shot himself.’ i-sskonákat" 136,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,136,"E.RECIPROCAL VERB STEMS Addition of the final -o:tsiiyi ~ -tsiiyi to TA stems forms AI stems which describe reciprocal action between members of a set as subject. (The variant without initial o: occurs after stems ending in t.) So, for example, each of the horses mentioned in (x) is understood to both bite and be bitten by at least one of the other horses.7 (x)Omiksi ponokáómitaiksi áísiksipotsiiyiyaawa. om-iksi ponokáómitaa-iksi á-siksip-o:tsiiyi-yi-aawa that-an.p horse-an.p dur-bite(TA)-recipr(AI)-pl-PRO ‘Those horses are biting each other.’ (y)Anniksi kitómitaamiksi áíssáaksi’nittsiiyiyaawa. ann-iksi kit-omitaam- iksi á-ssáak-I’nit-tsiiyi-yi-aawa those- an.p 2.dog-an.p dur-try-kill(TA)-recipr(AI)-pl- PRO ‘Your dogs are trying to kill each other.’ There is also a TA reciprocal final -o:tsiim ~ -tsiim, used apparently when the speaker wishes to ascribe responsibility for initiating the reciprocal action to one party, which is then the subject of the TA verb: (z) Otáwáa’psskattsiimoka nohkówa ómi nínaayi. ot-á-wáa’psskat-tsiim-ok-wa n-ohkó-wa om-yI nínaa-yI 3-dur-bet(TA)-recipr(TA)-inv-3s 1-son-3s that-4s man-4s ‘That man4s is betting my son3s.’ Page 137","{ ""E.RECIPROCAL VERB STEMS"": ""Addition of the final -o:tsiiyi ~ -tsiiyi to TA stems forms AI stems which describe reciprocal action between members of a set as subject. (The variant without initial o: occurs after stems ending in t.) So, for example, each of the horses mentioned in (x) is understood to both bite and be bitten by at least one of the other horses.7 (x)Omiksi ponokáómitaiksi áísiksipotsiiyiyaawa. om-iksi ponokáómitaa-iksi " 137,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,137,"F.DENOMINAL VERBS There are finals which form verbs when added to noun stems.8 Five are presented here. -wa’si ‘become, turn into’ Aakííkoana’siwa. ‘She turned into a girl.’ aakiikoaN-wa’si-wa girl-become-3s nítohkiááyowa’si ‘I became enraged.’ (lit: I became a bear) nit-ohkiááyo-wa’si 1-bear-become -hkaa ~ -Ihkaa ‘acquire’ Iimííhkaayaawa. ‘They fished.’ (lit: acquired fish) iimii-hkaa-yi-aawa past:fish-acqu(AI)-pl- PRO Nitsináánsskaa. ‘I got something.’ nit-inaan-Ihkaa 1-possession-acqu(AI) Nitsíítsikiihkaa. ‘I got shoes.’ nit-iitsitsikiN-Ihkaa 1-past:shoe-acqu(AI) -hko ~ -Ihko ‘provide for’ Page 138","{ ""F.DENOMINAL VERBS"": { ""There are finals which form verbs when added to noun stems.8 Five are presented here."": { ""-wa’si"": { ""'become, turn into'"": { ""Aakííkoana’siwa."": { ""'She turned into a girl.'"": { ""aakiikoaN-wa’si-wa"": { ""girl-become-3s"": { ""nítohkiááy" 138,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,138,"This is the transitive animate counterpart to the preceding final. Nitsináánsskoayaawa. ‘I got something for them.’ nit-inaan-Ihko-a:-yi-aawa 1.possession-provide(TA)-dir-pl- PRO-yi ~ Ø ‘be’ As stated in section D of chapter 4, the null allomorph of this suffix is used only with a third person subject in an independent clause. Kitáínayihpoááwa? ‘Are you chiefs?’ kit-á- Ina9-yi-hpoaawa 2.dur-chief-be-2p(nonaffirm) Nínaawa. ‘He is a man/chief.’ nínaa-Ø-wa man/chief-be-3s Ikkamínayisi, nomohtsííksipisatsi’taki. ‘If he’s a chief, I’m amazed.’ ikkam-Ina-yi-si n-omoht-iik- Ipisatsi’taki if-chief-be- 3(subj) 1-means-very-amazed -yi ~ Ø ‘have/be in relation to’ Nítohkoyi. ‘I have a son.’ nit-ohko-yi Nitsíítani. ‘I have a daughter.’ Inníwa. ‘He has a Page 139","{ ""This is the transitive animate counterpart to the preceding final. Nitsináánsskoayaawa. ‘I got something for them.’"": ""nit-inaan-Ihko-a:-yi-aawa 1.possession-provide(TA)-dir-pl- PRO-yi ~ Ø ‘be’"", ""As stated in section D of chapter 4, the null allomorph of this suffix is used only with a third person subject in an independent clause. Kitáínayihpoááwa? ‘Are you chiefs?’"": ""kit-á-" 139,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,139,"father.’ I’síwa. ‘He has an older brother.’ Íssksisíwa oma atapííma. ‘That doll has a nose.’ issksisíS+Ø+wa10 nose-have-3s Some kin terms have a different non-initial form when verbalized with this final: Nitónni. ‘I have a father.’ (cf. inníwa above) Nitó’si. ‘I have an older brother.’ (cf. i’síwa above) The following construction may involve the same final: Nitáísttsisspi ‘I have a headache.’ Nit-á-isttsii-ssp-yi 1-dur-hurt-head-have EXERCISE With the help of the Blackfoot Dictionary and chapter 23, translate the following into Blackfoot: 1. That teacher made us21 jump. 2.I will tether your horses for you. 3.Your daughter will read with my son. 4.My mother almost cured herself. 5.Those students help each other. 6.They all have mothers. Page 140","{ ""sentences"": [ ""father.’ I’síwa. ‘He has an older brother.’ Íssksisíwa oma atapííma. ‘That doll has a nose.’ issksisíS+Ø+wa10 nose-have-3s Some kin terms have a different non-initial form when verbalized with this final: Nitónni. ‘I have a father.’ (cf. inníwa above) Nitó’si. ‘I have an older brother.’ (cf. i’síwa above) The following construction" 140,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,140,"CHAPTER 19 Other Verb Paradigms The verb paradigms which have been presented thus far are used only in independent (main) clauses. This chapter describes verb forms used in subordinate clauses (sections A and B) and in commands (section C). There are two sets of verb paradigms used in subordinate clauses, the Conjunctive1 and the Subjunctive. As will be illustrated below, which of these two sets of paradigms is used in a dependent clause is determined by the content of that clause, the Subjunctive appearing in what can be characterized as clauses which are ‘presumptive’ or ‘conditional’ in meaning. The Conjunctive paradigm set is the simpler of the two to describe in that it is closely related formally to the set of verb paradigms in independent clauses, which have been presented in earlier chapters. Roughly, the Conjunctive paradigms differ from the corresponding Independent paradigms by the presence of an hs and a suffix yi. The hs immediately follows the verb stem in AI and II stems; in TA and TI verbs it follows the theme suffix. The suffix yi is last in the verb, preceded by any agreement suffixes. Another significant difference is that third person is marked by a prefix ot ~ w. The Subjunctive paradigms show more extensive differences from the Independent paradigms, including the lack of person prefixes. Each paradigm from each set is exemplified in the next two sections of this chapter. The complete paradigms are presented in Appendix A. A.THE CONJUNCTIVE PARADIGMS Clauses which call for verb forms from this set are the following:2 1.Temporal clauses of past occurrence; note that the verb contains Page 141","{ ""sentences"": [ ""CHAPTER 19 Other Verb Paradigms"", ""The verb paradigms which have been presented thus far are used only in independent (main) clauses."", ""This chapter describes verb forms used in subordinate clauses (sections A and B) and in commands (section C)."", ""There are two sets of verb paradigms used in subordinate clauses, the Conjunctive1 and the Subjunctive."", ""As will be illustrated below, which of these two sets of paradigms is used in a dependent clause is determined" 141,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,141,"prefix á’, glossed ‘inchoat(ive)’: (a)Áyo’kaawa nitáí’to’toohsi. á-Io’kaa-wa nit-á’-it-o’too-hs-yi dur-sleep(AI)-3s 1-inchoat-there-arrive(AI)-conj-conj ‘He was asleep when I got there.’ (b) Nitáísskskammawa kitá’waawayákiyssi. nit-á-sskskamm-a:-wa kit-á’-wa:wayaki-yi-hs-yi 1.dur-watch(TA)-dir- 3s 2.inchoat-hit(TA)-inv-conj- conj ‘I was watching over her when she hit you.’ 2.Purpose clauses: the Conjunctive verb includes prefix ááhk ‘non-factive’ (glossed ‘might’ in examples),3 and the verb of the independent clause in such cases usually includes the ‘means/source’ oblique linker iiht- ~ oht- ~ - omoht) [see chapter 16]: (c)Nomohtó’too kááhksspommookssoaayi. n-omoht-o’too k-ááhk-sspommo-o:k-i-hs-oaa-yi 1.source- arrive(AI) 2.might-help(TA)-inv-1-conj-2p- conj ‘I came for you2p to help me.’ (d)Kitáakohtsstsisóóhpa kááhkitáóhpommaahsi? kit-yáak-oht-ihtsisoo- hpa 2.fut-source-go^town- nonaff Page 142","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""prefix á’, glossed ‘inchoat(ive)’: (a)Áyo’kaawa nitáí’to’toohsi. á-Io’kaa-wa nit-á’-it-o’too-hs-yi dur-sleep(AI)-3s 1-inchoat-there-arrive(AI)-conj-conj ‘He was asleep when I got there.’"", ""id"": ""1"" }, {" 142,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,142,k-ááhk-it-á-ohpommaa-hs-yi 2-might-there-dur-buy(AI)- conj-conj ‘Are you going to town to shop?’ 3.Embedded clauses a.As subject: (e)Ííkssoka’piiwa otáísootaahsi. ‘It’s good that i:k-soka’pii-wa ot-á-sootaa-hs-yi very-good(II)-sg 3-dur-rain(II)-conj-conj b.As primary object: it is raining.’ (f) Nítssksinii’pa kitsówatoohsoaayi. ‘I know you ate it.’ nit-ssksini-’p-wa kit-Iowatoo-hs-oaa-yi 1-know(TI)-theme-in.s 2-eat(TI)-conj-2p-conj c.As secondary object: (g) Nitánikkoowa kitsikákomimmahsi nitána. nit-wa:nIt-k-oowa kit-i:k-akomimm-a:-hs-yi n-itán-wa 1-tell(TA)-inv-unspec 2-very-love(TA)-dir-conj-conj 1-da.-3s ‘I was told that you love my daughter.’ (h) Iimáí’takiyaawa kitá’pistotsi’si ámoyi. iimai’taki-yi-aawa kit-á’pistotsi-’s-yi amo-yi pst:believe(AI)-pl-PRO 2-make(TI)-conj-conj this-in.s4 ‘They believed that you made this.’ Page 143,"{ ""k-ááhk-it-á-ohpommaa-hs-yi"": ""Are you going to town to shop?"", ""e"": ""Ííkssoka'piiwa otáísootaahsi."", ""i:k-soka'pii-wa ot-á-sootaa-hs-yi"": ""It's good that it is raining."", ""f"": ""Nítssksinii'pa kitsówatoohsoaayi."", ""nit-ssksini-'p-wa" 143,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,143,"d.As complement of ‘want’; observe that ááhk is used here also:4 (i) Nitsíksstaa nááhksoyssi. ‘I want to eat.’ nit-i:k-sstaa n-ááhk-Ioyi-hs-yi 1-very-want(AI) 1-might-eat(AI)-conj-conj e. As linked oblique, especially as non-suppositional cause of a main clause consequent; observe that in (j) and (k) the consequent contains the ‘source/means’ oblique linker: (j) Nitsíkohtaahsí’taki kikáó’toohsi. nit-i:k-oht-yaahs-i’taki k-ikáá-o’too-hs-yi 1-very-source-good-feel(AI) 2-perf-arrive(AI)-conj-conj ‘I’m glad that you have arrived.’ (k) Iihtokí’takiyaawa nikáóowatoohsinnaani iiht-ok-i’taki-yi-aawa n-ikáá-oowatoo-hs-innaan-yi source-bad-feel-pl-PRO 1-perf-eat(TI)-conj-1p-conj otsskíítaanoaawaistsska. ‘They are angry because ot-ihkiitaa-n-oaawa-istsi-hka 3-bake(AI)-nom-3p-ip-invs we have eaten their pastries.’ B.THE SUBJUNCTIVE PARADIGMS Clauses which call for verb forms from this set are the following:5 1.Suppositional antecedent (an ‘if’ clause) for a consequent expressed as the main clause; the Subjunctive verb in such clauses will usually have prefix ikkam ‘if’: (l) Ikkamáyo’kainoainiki, nitáakahkayi. Page 144","d.As complement of ‘want’; observe that ááhk is used here also:4 (i) Nitsíksstaa nááhksoyssi. ‘I want to eat.’ nit-i:k-sstaa n-ááhk-Ioyi-hs-yi 1-very-want(AI) 1-might-eat(AI)-conj-conj e. As linked oblique, especially as non-suppositional cause of a main clause consequent; observe that in (j) and (k) the consequent contains the ‘" 144,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,144,"ikkam-á-yo’kaa-inoainiki nit-yáak-wa:hkayi if-dur-sleep(AI)-2p(subj) 1-fut-go^home ‘If you2p are sleeping, I’ll go home.’ (m) Ikkamínimmiinnaaniki, nitáaksowatoo’pinnaana. ikkam-Ini-mmiinnaaniki nit-yáak-Iowatoo-’p-innaan-wa if-see(TI)-1p(subj) 1-fut-eat(TI)-theme-1p-in.s ‘If we see it, we’ll eat it.’ (n) Ikkámssawohkókkiiniki, annáhka nínnahka ikkam-saw-ohkot-kiiniki ann-wa-hka n-inn-wa-hka if-neg-give-2s:1p(subj) this-3s-invs 1-fa-3s-invs áakssko’tsimáyi. ‘If you don’t give it to me, my father will take it yáak-ssk-o’tsi-m-wa-áyi fut-back-take-theme-3s- PRO back.’ 2.Temporal (‘when’) clauses which refer to the future; most make use of the inchoative prefix a’ in the subordinate clause, and the time linker it in the main clause: (o) Áó’tooyiniki áakitsoyo’pa. a’-o’too-yiniki6 yáak-it-Ioyi-o’pa incho-arrive(AI)-1s/2s(subj) fut-then-eat(AI)-21 ‘When you/I arrive, (then) we’ll eat.’ Page 145","{ ""(l)"": ""ikkam-á-yo’kaa-inoainiki nit-yáak-wa:hkayi if-dur-sleep(AI)-2p(subj) 1-fut-go^home ‘If you2p are sleeping, I’ll go home.’"", ""(m)"": ""Ikkamínimmiinnaaniki, nitáaksowatoo’pinnaana. ikkam-Ini-mmiinnaaniki nit-yáak-Iowatoo-’p-innaan-wa if-see" 145,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,145,"(p) Ai’sóótaasi, áakitsipiimmiaawa. a’-sootaa-si7 yáak-it-IpiiM:-yi-aawa incho-rain(II)-in.s(subj) fut-then-enter-pl-PRO ‘When it rains, they will go in.’ Iterative temporal antecedent clauses make use of preverb ihkan ~ kan ‘all,’ and if the main clause verb describes a process, it has the durative prefix: (q)Kanáísootaasi, itáípiimma. ‘Whenever it rains, kan-á-isootaa-si it-á-IpiiM:-wa all-dur-rain(II)-3s(subj) then-dur-enter-3s he goes in.’ C.THE IMPERATIVE PARADIGMS These are verb forms used to tell someone to do something. The force of such commands can be softened by use of preverbs such as noohk-, kipp-, and stam-, all of which are difficult to assign a gloss to. In their use with imperatives, however, these preverbs are near functional equivalents to English please. Because the subject of all imperative forms is second person, there are singular and plural forms in each paradigm. The AI and TI forms end in -t if the subject is singular (2s) or in -k if the subject is plural (2p). There are no person prefixes in any imperative paradigm. Here are AI and TI examples: singular addressee plural addressee (r)Ooyít! Ooyík! ‘Eat!’ ooyi-t ooyi-k eat (AI)-2s(imp) eat(AI)-2p(imp) singular addressee plural addressee (s)Stámssohksi’poyit! Stámssohksi’poyik! ‘Go on, speak Page 146","{ ""(p)"": ""Ai’sóótaasi, áakitsipiimmiaawa."", ""a’-sootaa-si7"": ""incho-rain(II)-in.s(subj)"", ""yáak-it-IpiiM:-yi-aawa"": ""fut-then-enter-pl-PRO"", ""‘When it rains, they will go in.’"", ""Iterative temporal antecedent clauses make use of preverb ihkan ~ kan ‘all,’ and if the main clause verb" 146,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,146,"stam-sohk-I’poyi-t stam-sohk-I’poyi-k loudly!’ just-loud- speak(AI)-2s(imp) just-loud- speak(AI)-2p(imp) (t) Noohkohpómmatoot! Noohkohpómmatook! ‘Please buy it!’ noohk-ohpommatoo-t noohk-ohpommatoo-k please-buy(TI)-2s(imp) please-buy(TI)-2p(imp) The TA imperative paradigm has more forms, for it must show agreement with person of the object. (See Appendix A.6.) As in the other TA paradigms, if the object is first person plural, number of the second person subject cannot be shown (w). Number of a third person object is not reflected (unless an attached pronoun is present, of course). The suffixes used with a third person object lengthen a preceding short vowel (v). singular addressee plural addressee (u)Noohkohkókkit! Noohkohkókkik ‘Please give it to noohk-ohkot-Okit noohk-ohkot-Okik me!’ please- give(TA)-2s:1(imp) please- give(TA)-2p:1(imp) (v)Ma’tóós! Ma’tóók! ‘Take it! (anim)’ ma’to-:s ma’to-:k take(TA)-2s:3(imp) take(TA)-2p:3(imp) Page 147","{ ""stam-sohk-I’poyi-t"": ""just-loud- speak(AI)-2s(imp)"", ""stam-sohk-I’poyi-k"": ""just-loud- speak(AI)-2p(imp)"", ""Noohkohpómmatoot"": ""Noohkohpómmatook"", ""Noohkohpómmatoo-t"": ""Noohkohpómmatoo-k"", ""please-buy(TI)-2s(imp)"", ""please-buy(TI)" 147,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,147,"(w) Kippsspómmookinnaan! ‘Please help us!’ kipp-sspommo-Ok-innaan please-help(TA)-inv-1p D.THE UNREAL PARADIGMS The unreal paradigms, used in counterfactual and hypothetical subordinate clauses, and often in the accompanying main clause as well, are essentially the same as the independent paradigms with the addition of markers. These markers follow the corresponding independent form in its entirety, save for 3, 4, and 3rd plural suffixes. The markers are -opi, -htopi, -ohtopi, or - wahtopi, depending upon position in the paradigm.8 Here are some examples: (x)Nitsítssáyoyihtopi, nitáaksoyi ánnohka. ‘If I hadn’t eaten then, I’d eat nit-it-say-Ioyi- htopi nit-áak- Ioyi annohka now.’ 1-then-neg-eat- 1-fut-eat now unreal (y) Kátá’yo’kaawahtopiyaawa, áaksstaayaawa kátá’-yo’kaa-wahtopi-yi-aawa yáak-sstaa-yi-aawa neg-sleep-unreal-pl-PRO fut-want-pl-PRO mááhksoyssaawa. ‘If they weren’t asleep, they’d want to eat.’ m-ááhk-Ioyi-hsi-aawa 3.might-eat-conj-PRO (z) Nikkámináanatao’topi. ‘How I should like to own Page 148","(w) Kippsspómmookinnaan! ‘Please help us!’ kipp-sspommo-Ok-innaan please-help(TA)-inv-1p D.THE UNREAL PARADIGMS The unreal paradigms, used in counterfactual and hypothetical subordinate clauses, and often in the accompanying main clause as well, are essentially the same as the independent paradigms with the addition of markers. These markers follow the corresponding independent form in its entirety, save for 3, 4, and 3rd plural suffixes. The markers are -opi, -htopi, -ohtop" 148,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,148,"him!’9 n-ikkam-inaanat-a:-o’topi 1-if-own(TA)-dir-unreal EXERCISE With the help of the Blackfoot Dictionary, and chapter 23, translate the following into Blackfoot: 1. I was working when you arrived. 2.I have arrived (in order) to greet you. 3.It is amazing [that] you2s love me. 4.I don’t believe [that] your son will buy a horse. 5.My son wants to go to town. 6. I am happy to see you2s (= I am happy that I see you2s.) 7. If you2s see my son, tell him [that] I went to work. 8. When you2p get to town, buy meat. Page 149","{ ""1"": ""him!’9 n-ikkam-inaanat-a:-o’topi 1-if-own(TA)-dir-unreal"", ""2"": ""EXERCISE With the help of the Blackfoot Dictionary, and chapter 23, translate the following into Blackfoot: 1. I was working when you arrived."", ""3"": ""2.I have arrived (in order) to greet you."", ""4"": ""3.It is amazing [that] you2s love me."", """ 149,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,149,"CHAPTER 20 Nominalizations There are at least five ways of forming noun stems from verb stems. These will be presented here as: 1. Reclassification; 2. Abstract nominalization; 3. Instrument nominalization; 4. Conjunctive nominalization; 5. Transitive theme nominalization. In section F we will illustrate their use in complete sentences, showing that most such nominals are the functional equivalent of English relative clauses. A.RECLASSIFICATION An intransitive verb stem may be used as a noun stem which references the subject of the underlying verb. For example the AI stem áyo’kaa ‘sleep’ can serve as a noun stem meaning ‘one who sleeps.’ Such stems may be complex; in fact, all except stative stems apparently have a tense or aspect prefix—this particular stem has the durative prefix á—and may have any number of other morphemes. Here is a noun utilizing the just-mentioned durative stem for ‘sleep’: As evidence that we are in fact dealing with a noun, observe that áyo’kaiksi has the plural inflectional suffix iksi, which, as we have seen in chapter 2, is used for animate gender nouns. omiksiáyo’kaiksi‘those sleeping ones’om-iksiá-Io’kaa-iksithat-an.pdur-sleep(AI)-an.p Page 150","{ ""CHAPTER 20 Nominalizations"": ""There are at least five ways of forming noun stems from verb stems. These will be presented here as: 1. Reclassification; 2. Abstract nominalization; 3. Instrument nominalization; 4. Conjunctive nominalization; 5. Transitive theme nominalization. In section F we will illustrate their use in complete sentences, showing that most such nominals are the functional equivalent of English relative clauses. A.RECLASSIFICATION An intransitive verb stem may be used as a noun stem which references the subject of the underlying verb. For example the" 150,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,150,"Here are further examples of reclassification; the first two contain the simplex stem for ‘sleep’ as in the previous example; they also include additional prefixes in the stem. (Note: Because -wa ‘3s’ is used on both nouns and verbs, singulars of these nominals are often homophonous with a verb form.) áíssksinimáa’tstohkiiksi ‘teachers’ á-ssksinimáa’tstohki-iksi dur-teach(AI)-an.p stoyíístsi ‘winters’ sstoyíí-istsi cold-in.p káta’yáípasskaawa ‘non-dancer’ káta’-yá-ipasskaa(AI)-wa neg-dur-dance-3s ánniksi ann-iksi that-an.páakso’kaiksi áak-Io’kaa-iksi fut-sleep(AI)-an.p‘those who will sleep’oma om-wa that-3sáíssáakso’kaawa á-ssáak-Io’kaa-wa dur-try-sleep(AI)-3s‘that one who is trying to sleep’ Page 151","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""Here are further examples of reclassification; the first two contain the simplex stem for ‘sleep’ as in the previous example; they also include additional prefixes in the stem. (Note: Because -wa ‘3s’ is used on both nouns and verbs, singulars of these nominals are often homophonous with a verb form.) "", ""tokens"": [ ""Here"", ""are"", ""further"", ""examples"", ""of"", ""reclassification""," 151,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,151,"Note that in the following example the logical object of the underlying verb is included: omiksi ííkaayaokstakiiksi sináákia’tsii ‘those who have read om-iksi ííkaa-ya-okstaki-iksi sináákia’tsiS- i books’ that- an.p past:perf-dur(?)-read(AI)- an.p book- nonpartic B.ABSTRACT NOMINALIZATION Noun stems are formed from intransitive verbs by addition of n ~ hsiN (glossed as ‘nom’ in the examples to follow); the first allomorph is used with stems ending in -aa, and the second allomorph with other verbs. Such noun stems either refer abstractly to the state or process described by the underlying verb, or in the case of processes which generally result in a product, to the product of that process. For example, when such a noun is formed from the AI verb stem okstaki ‘read,’ the resultant noun stem okstakssiN means ‘reading.’ If the same suffix is added to sinaaki ‘make an anna ann-wa that-3sáóttakiwa á-ottaki-wa dur-serve^drink(AI)-3s‘the bartender’anni ann-yI that-4siyó’kaayi i-Io’kaa-yI past-sleep(AI)-4s‘the one4s who slept’ Page 152","{ ""Note that in the following example the logical object of the underlying verb is included: omiksi ííkaayaokstakiiksi sináákia’tsii ‘those who have read om-iksi ííkaa-ya-okstaki-iksi sináákia’tsiS- i books’ that- an.p past:perf-dur(?)-read(AI)- an.p book- nonpartic B.ABSTRACT NOMINALIZATION Noun stems are formed from intransitive verbs by addition of n ~ hsiN (glossed as ‘nom’ in the examples to follow" 152,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,152,"image/write/draw,’ the resultant noun will mean either ‘writing/drawing’ (the processes) or ‘written document/picture’ (the products). Here are examples of nouns formed from aa-final verb stems: o’kááni ‘sleep (n.)’ o’kaa-n-yi sleep-nom-in.s passkááni ‘dance (n.)/dancing’ passkaa-n-yi dance-nom-in.s sootááni ‘rain (n.)’ sootaa-n-yi rain-nom-in.s isamáá’pawaawahkaanistsi ‘long (in time) walks’ isamo-a’p-a-wa:wahkaa-n-istsi long^time-about-dur-walk-nom-ip Examples with other verb stems; note that the third and fourth examples differ only in gender, showing that not all abstract nominals are of inanimate gender: piókska’ssini ‘a long run’ pi-okska’si-hsiN-yi1 far-run-nom-in.s ikkamókstakssini ‘fast reading’ ikkam-okstaki-hsiN-yi fast-read-nom-in.s sináákssiiksi ‘photos/pictures’2 sinaaki-hsiN-iksi make^image(AI)-nom-an.p Page 153","{ ""sentences"": [ ""image/write/draw,’ the resultant noun will mean either ‘writing/drawing’ (the processes) or ‘written document/picture’ (the products)."", ""Here are examples of nouns formed from aa-final verb stems: o’kááni ‘sleep (n.)’ o’kaa-n-yi sleep-nom-in.s passkááni ‘dance (n.)/dancing’ passkaa-n-yi dance-nom-in.s sootááni ‘rain (n.)’" 153,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,153,"sináákssiistsi ‘writings’ sinaaki-hsiN-istsi make^image(AI)-nom-ip The subject of the underlying verb may be indicated as a possessor: nitsskíítaanistsi ‘my baked goods’ nit-ihkiitaa-n-istsi 1-bake(AI)-nom-ip nitsí’nikkssinnaana ‘our1p kill’ nit-i’nikk-ihsiN-nnaan-wa 1.kill(AI)-nom-1p-3s kitáakopissinnoonistsi ‘the places we21 will stay’ kit-yáak-opii-hsiN-nnoon-istsi 2.fut-stay(AI)-nom-21-ip kitsipásskaaninnooni ‘our21 dancing’ kit-ipasskaa-n-innoon-yi 2-dance-nom-21-in.s C.ASSOCIATED INSTRUMENT NOMINALIZATION nóko’saotsíkkamokska’ssini‘my child’s fast running’n-oko’s-waot-ikkam-okska’si-hsiN-yi1-offspring-3s3-fast-run-nom-in.s Page 154","{ ""sináákssiistsi"": ""writings"", ""sinaaki-hsiN-istsi"": ""make^image(AI)-nom-ip"", ""The subject of the underlying verb may be indicated as a possessor:"": ""The subject of the underlying verb may be indicated as a possessor:"", ""nitsskíítaanistsi"": ""my baked goods"", ""nit-ihkiitaa-n-istsi"": ""1-bake(AI)-nom-ip"", ""nitsí’nikkssinna" 154,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,154,"Nouns which name instruments commonly associated with processes described by specific verbs are readily formed from those verbs. The most productive way of doing this will be illustrated in section D.3. The current section presents an apparently old and less productive way of forming such nouns: addition of the suffix a’tsiS to AI stems, as seen in the following examples: sináákia’tsisi ‘book’ sinááki-a’tsiS-yi make^image(AI)-instr-in.s isttókimaa’tsiistsi ‘drums’ isttokimaa-a’tsiS-istsi drum(AI)-instr-ip sisóya’tsiiksi ‘scissors’ sisoyi-a’tsiS-iksi cut^in^strips(AI)-instr-an.p kaahtsá’tsiistsi ‘playing cards’ kaahtsi-a’tsiS-istsi gamble(AI)-instr-ip oohkóyimaa’tsisa ‘lid’ yoohkoyimaa-a’tsiS-wa cover(AI)-instr-3s Possessive affixes with such nouns indicate possession or ownership, not the subject of the underlying verb: nitokáa’tsisi ‘my lariat’ nit-okaa-a’tsiS-yi 1.snare(AI)-instr-in.s Page 155","{ ""Nouns which name instruments commonly associated with processes described by specific verbs are readily formed from those verbs. The most productive way of doing this will be illustrated in section D.3. The current section presents an apparently old and less productive way of forming such nouns: addition of the suffix a’tsiS to AI stems, as seen in the following examples: sináákia’tsisi ‘book’ sinááki-a’tsiS-yi make^image(AI)-instr-in.s isttókimaa’tsiistsi ‘drums’ isttokimaa-" 155,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,155,"kitsísttókimaa’tsinnooni ‘our21 drum’ kit-isttokimaa-a’tsiS-innoon-yi 2.drum(AI)-instr-21-in.s D.CONJUNCTIVE NOMINALS Nominal expressions are formed from both transitive and intransitive verbs by addition of affixes nearly identical to those of the Conjunctive paradigms (see chapter 19 and Appendix A); they differ from corresponding Conjunctive verb affixes in two ways: 1. Where the latter have -hs or -’s, the nominals have -hp (-o’p in place of the -’s of 21 forms).3 2. They lack the yi suffix which marks all Conjunctive verb forms. The affixes indicate the person and number of the underlying subject, and, in the case of transitive verbs, of the underlying primary object as well. It is probably more realistic to speak of this phenomenon as clause nominalization, for not only do the verbs agree with subject and object, but all other elements which normally accompany verbs in clauses may be present with Conjunctive Nominals (CN). That we are dealing with nominalization here is evident, however, in that the verbs of such clauses occur with nominal suffixes after the Conjunctive affixes, as will be seen in examples below. Note that while most such nominals are classified as inanimate in grammatical gender, many formed from verbs containing the ‘instrument/means’ prefix (see below) are of animate grammatical gender. The semantic reference (meaning) of Conjunctive Nominals is determined by makeup of the stem and the syntactic class of the underlying verb. The relevant factors are listed and exemplified in sections D.1–4 1.Stems Containing a Linker If the verb’s stem-initial morpheme is a linker (see section D.4 of chapter 16), the nominal refers to the linked argument. The following examples are Page 156","{ ""sentences"": [ ""kitsísttókimaa’tsinnooni ‘our21 drum’ kit-isttokimaa-a’tsiS-innoon-yi 2.drum(AI)-instr-21-in.s"", ""D.CONJUNCTIVE NOMINALS Nominal expressions are formed from both transitive and intransitive verbs by addition of affixes nearly identical to those of the Conjunctive paradigms (see chapter 19 and Appendix A); they differ from corresponding Conjunctive verb affixes in two ways: 1." 156,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,156,grouped according to the linker involved. Locational Nominals These utilize it- ~ iit- ‘there’: otsítaniihpi ‘where/when he said (something)’ ot-it-wa:nii-hp-yi 3-there-say(AI)-CN-in.s otsítohkitáópiihpi ‘what he’s sitting on’ ot-it-ohkit-á-opii-hp-yi 3-there-upon-dur-sit(AI)-CN-in.s iitáóoyo’pi ‘where one eats/restaurant’ iit-á-ooyi-o’p-yi there-dur-eat(AI)-21:CN-in.s iitáísóooyo’pi ‘table (what one eats upon)’ iit-á-iso-ooyi-o’p-yi there-dur-on-eat(AI)-21:CN-in.s iitáíssiiststakio’pi ‘where one washes clothes/laundry’ iit-á-ssiiststaki-o’p-yi there-dur-wash(AI)-21:CN-in.s iitáíssáakio’pi ‘where one washes dishes/sink’ iit-á-ssáaki-o’p-yi there-dur-wipe(AI)-21:CN-in.s kitsítáóoyihpoaawayi ‘where you2p eat/your restaurant’ kit-it-á-ooyi-hp-oaawa-yi 2-there-dur-eat(AI)-CN-2p-in.s The preceding examples all involve intransitive verb stems. The following Page 157,"{ ""otsítaniihpi"": ""where/when he said (something)"", ""otsítohkitáópiihpi"": ""what he’s sitting on"", ""iitáóoyo’pi"": ""where one eats/restaurant"", ""iitáísóooyo’pi"": ""table (what one eats upon)"", ""iitáíssiiststakio’pi"": ""where one washes clothes/laundry"", ""iitáíssáakio’pi"": ""where one washes dishes/sink"", ""kitsítáóoyih" 157,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,157,"are transitive: nitsítohkoonihpi ‘where I found it’ nit-it-ohkooni-hp-yi 1-there-find(TI)-CN-in.s Temporal Nominals These utilize a linker it- ~ iit- ‘when,’ which is homophonous with the location linker: otsíto’toohpiaawa ‘when they arrived’ ot-it-o’too-hp-yi-aawa 3-when-arrive(AI)-CN-pl-PRO otsítaissikópiihpi ‘when he rests’ ot-it-a-ssikópii(AI)-hp-yi 3-when-dur-rest-CN-in.s iitáóhkohtao’pi ‘November/when one gathers firewood’ iit-á-ohkohtaa(AI)-o’p-yi when-dur-get^wood-21:CN-in.s Instrumental Nominals These involve the ‘instrument/means’ prefix omoht- ~ iiht- ~ oht-. Verb stems containing this linker are used extensively to construct vocabulary for omistsi om-istsikitsítsinoohpistsi kit-it-Ino-o-hp-istsi‘the places I saw you’that-ip2-there-see(TA)-1:2-CN-ip Page 158","{ ""are transitive: nitsítohkoonihpi 'where I found it' nit-it-ohkooni-hp-yi 1-there-find(TI)-CN-in.s"", ""Temporal Nominals These utilize a linker it- ~ iit- 'when,' which is homophonous with the location linker: otsíto'toohpiaawa 'when they arrived' ot-it-o'too-hp-yi-aawa 3-when-arrive(AI)-CN-pl-PRO"", """ 158,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,158,"items newly introduced to the culture: iihtáóoyo’pa ‘fork/what one eats with’ iiht-á-ooyi-o’p-wa instr-dur-eat(AI)-21:CN-3s iihtáí’poyo’pa ‘telephone/what one speaks with’ iiht-á-I’poyi-o’p-wa instr-dur-speak(AI)-21:CN-3s iihtáóhpommao’pa ‘money/what one buys with’ iiht-á-ohpommaa-o’p-wa instr-dur-buy(AI)-21:CN-3s iihtáípissapio’pa ‘telescope/what one sees afar with’ iiht-á-ipi-ssapi(AI)-o’p-wa instr-dur-far-look-21:CN-3s Because such nominals can become conventional names for items, i.e., a kind of idiom, it is not too surprising that a given construction can refer to more than one entity, and with these two meanings, be assigned to two gender classes. For example, when the following construction serves as the idiom for ‘dish cloth,’ it is of animate gender. However, when it has its literal meaning it is assigned to the inanimate gender class. iihtáíssáakio’pa ‘dish cloth’ (anim) iihtáíssáakio’pi ‘what one wipes something with’ (inan) Instrumental Conjunctive Nominals may have other than ‘21/unspecified’ as the underlying subject:4 nómohtáóoyihpa ‘what I eat with/my fork’ n-omoht-á-ooyi(AI)-hp-wa 1-instr-dur-eat-CN-3s nomohtsíniihpi ‘what I saw it Page 159",items newly introduced to the culture: iihtáóoyo’pa ‘fork/what one eats with’ iiht-á-ooyi-o’p-wa instr-dur-eat(AI)-21:CN-3s iihtáí’poyo’pa ‘telephone/what one speaks with’ iiht-á-I’poyi-o’p-wa instr-dur-speak(AI)-21:CN-3s iihtáóhpommao’pa ‘money/what one buys with’ iiht-á-ohpommaa-o 159,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,159,"with’ n-omoht-Inii-hp-yi 1.instr-see(TI)-CN-in.s ómohtoki’takihpi ‘the cause of his anger’ w-omoht-ok-i’taki(AI)-hp-yi 3-means-bad-feel-CN-in.s komohtáí’poyihpa ‘your telephone’ k-omoht-a-I’poyi(AI)-hp-wa 2.instr-dur-speak-CN-3s Other Linker Nominals otsítapoohpistsi ‘places he went’ ot-itap-oo-hp-istsi 3.toward-go(AI)-CN-ip otohpióyihpi napayíni ‘what he ate the bread with’ ot-ohp-Ioyi-hp-yi napayín-yi 3-assoc-eat(AI)-CN-in.s bread-in.s nítohtahtsówaokska’sspa ‘the one in place of whom I ran’ nit-ohtahtsiwa-okska’si-hp-wa 1.in^place^of-run(AI)-CN-3s 2.Manner Nominals If the verb’s stem-initial morpheme is the abstract manner prefix niit- ~ aanist- (see section D.1 of chapter 16), the nominal refers to the manner of the predication, as illustrated in the following examples: maanistániihpi ‘the way he said Page 160","{ ""n-omoht-Inii-hp-yi"": ""with’"", ""ómohtoki’takihpi"": ""the cause of his anger"", ""komohtáí’poyihpa"": ""your telephone"", ""otsítapoohpistsi"": ""places he went"", ""otohpióyihpi napayíni"": ""what he ate the bread with"", ""nítohtahtsówaokska’sspa"": ""the one in place of whom I ran"", ""maanistániih" 160,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,160,"(something)’ m-aanist-wa:nii-hp-yi 3.how-say(AI)-CN-is kaanistáóoyihpi ‘the way you eat’ k-aanist-á-ooyi-hp-yi 2.how-dur-eat(AI)-CN-in.s naanistáótsspi ‘the way I swim’ n-aanist-á-otsi-hp-yi 1-how-dur-swim(AI)-CN-in.s niitáótso’pi ‘the way one swims’ niit-á-otsi-o’p-yi how-dur-swim(AI)-21:CN-in.s maanistáípasskaahpoaawayi ‘the way they dance’ m-aanist-á-Ipasskaa-hp-oaawa-yi 3.how-dur-dance(AI)-CN-3p-in.s naanistákomimmihpi ‘the way he/she loves me’ n-aanist-akomimm-yi-hp-yi 1.how-love(TA)-inv:3-CN-in.s 3.Other Conjunctive Nominals omikaanistákomimmokihpi‘the way you love me’om-yik-aanist-akomimm-oki-hp-yithat-in.s2-how-love-inv:1-CN-in.s Page 161","{ ""kaanistáóoyihpi"": ""the way you eat"", ""naanistáótsspi"": ""the way I swim"", ""niitáótso'pi"": ""the way one swims"", ""maanistáípasskaahpoaawayi"": ""the way they dance"", ""naanistákomimmihpi"": ""the way he/she loves me"", ""omikaanistákomimmokihpi"": ""the way you love me"" }" 161,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,161,"If the stem does not contain a linker or the abstract manner prefix, the reference of the nominal depends upon the syntactic class of the verb stem. Paratransitive If the verb stem is paratransitive5 the resultant nominal refers to the (secondary) object of the underlying verb:6 iiyó’pi ‘what we21 ate’ iiyi-o’p-yi past:eat-21:CN-in.s otáániihpoaawaistsi ‘things they said’ ot-wa:nii-hp-oaawa-istsi 3.say(AI)-CN-3p-ip Other Intransitive In the case of other intransitive verbs (what might be called ‘true’ intransitives) the resultant nominal refers to the ‘fact that’ the predication takes (or has taken) place: ánnohka áí’sawayo’kao’pi, ‘now that we21 are not sleeping’ annohka á’-saw-a-Io’kaa-o’p-yi now inchoat-neg-dur-sleep-21:CN- ánnohkaotsó’kaahpi,‘now that he’s asleep’annohkaot-Io’kaa-hp-yinow3-sleep-CN-in.s Page 162","{ ""If the stem does not contain a linker or the abstract manner prefix, the reference of the nominal depends upon the syntactic class of the verb stem. Paratransitive If the verb stem is paratransitive5 the resultant nominal refers to the (secondary) object of the underlying verb:6 iiyó’pi ‘what we21 ate’ iiyi-o’p-yi past:eat-21:CN-in.s otáániihpoaawaistsi ‘things they said’ ot-wa:nii-hp-oaawa-istsi 3.say(AI)-CN" 162,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,162,in.s nitsó’kaahpi ‘... that I slept’ nit-Io’kaa-hp-yi 1.sleep-CN-in.s iikská’so’pi ‘... that we21 ran’ iikska’si-o’p-yi past:run-21:CN-in.s nitókska’sspi ‘... that I ran’ nit-okska’si-hp-yi 1.run-CN-in.s Transitive Inanimate Conjunctive Nominals of TI verbs without a linker or the abstract manner prefix refer to the object of the underlying verb: kitáóowatoohpistsi ‘the things you eat’ kit-á-oowatoo-hp-istsi 2.dur-eat(TI)-CN-ip otáánistoohpoaawaistsi ‘the things they said’ ot-wa:nistoo-hp-oaawa-istsi 3.say(TI)-CN-3p-ip Paraditransitive Conjunctive Nominals of paraditransitive7 verbs without a linker or the abstract manner prefix refer to the secondary object of the underlying verb: otsíísoahpiáyi ‘what he fed him’ ot-yiiso-a-hp-yi-áyi Page 163,"{ ""in.s"": ""nitsó’kaahpi ‘... that I slept’ nit-Io’kaa-hp-yi 1.sleep-CN-in.s iikská’so’pi ‘... that we21 ran’ iikska’si-o’p-yi past:run-21:CN-in.s nitókska’sspi ‘... that I ran’ nit-okska’si-hp-yi 1.run-CN-in.s"", ""Transitive Inanimate Conjunctive Nominals of TI verbs without a" 163,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,163,"3-feed-dir-CN-in.s-PRO nitáakanistahpi ‘what I will tell him’ nit-áak-wa:nIt-a-hp-yi 1.fut-say(TA)-dir-CN-in.s kitánikkihpoaayi ‘what you2p told me’ kit-wa:nIt-ki-hp-oaa-yi 2.say(TA)-inv:1-2p-in.s iihkótahpi ‘what was given to him’ iihkot-a:-hp-yi past:give(TA)-dir-CN-in.s ‘those which I made my son buy’ otohpómmoahpiáyi ‘what he bought for her’ ot-ohpomm-o-a:-hp-yi-áyi 3.buy-ben(TA)-dir-CN-in.s- PRO omiksi om-iksinítohpommááttsaahpiksi nit-ohpommaa-áttsi-a:-hp-iksinohkówa n-that-an.p1-buy(AI)-cause(TA)-dir-CN-an.p1-so Page 164","{ ""3-feed-dir-CN-in.s-PRO"": ""nitáakanistahpi"", ""nit-áak-wa:nIt-a-hp-yi"": ""1.fut-say(TA)-dir-CN-in.s"", ""kitánikkihpoaayi"": ""kit-wa:nIt-ki-hp-oaa-yi"", ""2.say(TA)-inv:1-2p-in.s"", ""iihkótahpi"": ""iihkot-a:" 164,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,164,"Monotransitive For monotransitive TA verbs (i.e., those which do not take secondary objects) the Conjunctive Nominal refers to the ‘fact that’ the predication takes (or has taken) place: kitsikákomimmokihpi ‘that you love me’ kit-ikakomimm-Oki-hp-yi 2.love(TA)-inv:1-CN-in.s E.TRANSITIVE THEME NOMINALIZATION This section deals with nominals formed from transitive verb stems plus a theme suffix. E.1.TI Theme Nominals TI stem + m = noun refering to subject of the underlying verb: omiksi om-iksi that-an.piihpómmatoomiksi iihpommatoo-m-iksi past:buy(TI)-theme-an.panni ann-yi that-in.sí’ksisakoyi i’ksisako-yi meat-in.s‘those who bought that meat’annaákaisínaimaamoyi‘the one who drew this’ann-waákaa-sinai-m-waamo-yithat-3sperf-draw(TI)-theme-3sthis-in.sPage 165","{ ""Monotransitive"": ""For monotransitive TA verbs (i.e., those which do not take secondary objects) the Conjunctive Nominal refers to the ‘fact that’ the predication takes (or has taken) place: kitsikákomimmokihpi ‘that you love me’ kit-ikakomimm-Oki-hp-yi 2.love(TA)-inv:1-CN-in.s"", ""E.TRANSITIVE THEME NOMINALIZATION"": ""This section deals with nominals formed from transitive verb stems plus a theme suffix. E.1." 165,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,165,"For this construction, the subject of the underlying verb can only be third person, and the noun is inflected for number only. E.2.TA Direct Theme Nominals TA stem + a: = noun referring to the primary object of the underlying verb (‘the one whom the subject VERBs’) This construction is possible only for subject and object combinations which would call for the direct theme suffix (see chapter 10). The resultant noun is inflected to agree with the subject of the underlying verb. The agreement affixes here and in E.3 are essentially those from the possessive paradigm (see chapter 14), except that ‘agreement’ with 21 is null; i.e., the absence of affixes indicates 21. (Note: Here again, because -wa ‘3s’ is used on both nouns and verbs, singulars are often homophonous with a verb form, as indicated in parentheses.) Here are several such nominals, all but the last of two of which contain TA stem Ino ‘see’: nitsíínoannaana ‘the one we1p saw’ (= ‘We1p saw him.’) nitsíínoannaaniksi ‘the ones we1p saw’ iinoáwa ‘the one we21 saw’ (= We21 saw him.’) iinoáíksi ‘the ones we21 saw’ otsíínoayi ‘the one4s he3ssaw’ otohpokóomaiksi ‘the ones4p he3s accompanied’ áíssksinimáa’tsaiksi ‘the ones taught/students’ TA stem + yii = noun referring to the subject of the underlying verb8 (‘the one who VERBs’) For this construction, the subject of the underlying verb can only be third person, and the underlying object need not be specified. The noun is Page 166","{ ""For this construction, the subject of the underlying verb can only be third person, and the noun is inflected for number only."": ""For this construction, the subject of the underlying verb can only be third person, and the noun is inflected for number only."", ""E.2.TA Direct Theme Nominals TA stem + a: = noun referring to the primary object of the underlying verb (‘the one whom the subject VERBs’) This construction is possible only for subject and object combinations which would call for the direct theme suffix (see chapter 10). The resultant noun" 166,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,166,"inflected for number and for the underlying object (if specified) by means of possessive affixes. anniksi i’nitsííksi ‘the killers (of someone/something)’ anniksi i’nitsííksi kitómitaama ‘the killers of your dog’ omiksi iihpokóomiiksi ‘those companions (of someone)’ amo issámmiiwa ‘this one who looked at (someone)’ anniksi kitssámmiinnooniksi ‘those who looked at us21’ E.3.TA Inverse Theme Nominals TA stem + Ok = noun referring to subject of the underlying verb (‘the one who VERBs the object’) This construction is possible only for subject and object combinations which would call for the inverse theme suffix (see chapter 11). The resultant noun is inflected to agree with the object of the underlying verb. (Note: Here again, because -wa ‘3s’ is used on both nouns and verbs, singulars are often homophonous with a verb form, as indicated in parentheses below.) Here are several such nominals: nitsíínooka ‘the one who saw me’ (= ‘He saw me.’) nitsíínookiksi ‘the ones who saw me’ nitsíínookinnaana ‘the one who saw us1p’ (= ‘He saw us.’) iinóókiwa ‘the one who saw us21’ (= ‘He saw us.’) otsíínookiksi ‘the ones4p who saw him3s’ otsíínookoaawayi ‘the one4s who saw them3p’ otsí’nikkiksi ‘the ones4p who killed him3s’ Page 167","{ ""sentences"": [ ""inflected for number and for the underlying object (if specified) by means of possessive affixes. anniksi i’nitsííksi ‘the killers (of someone/something)’ anniksi i’nitsííksi kitómitaama ‘the killers of your dog’ omiksi iihpokóomiiksi ‘those companions (of someone)’ amo issámmiiwa ‘this one who looked at (someone)’ anniksi kitssámmiinnooniksi ‘those who looked at us21’"", ""E." 167,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,167,"otohpokóomokoaawaiksi ‘the ones4p who accompanied them3p’ F.RELATIVE CLAUSES Clauses which modify a noun are relatively rare in Blackfoot. It is perhaps a typological characteristic of the language that ‘free relatives’ are used to the near exclusion of relative clauses which modify a noun.9 In any case, relative clauses utilize most of the nominals presented in the preceding sections of this chapter. (In the examples which follow, the type of nominalization will be indicated by reference, in square brackets at the end of the noun stem gloss, to a section number of the current chapter.) We begin with a few of the somewhat rare examples of relative clauses which modify a noun. In most such cases, the relative clause follows the noun, though if the relative clause is a single word, it may occur before the noun, as in the third example: ‘That man who is sleeping is my husband.’ Omiksi aakííkoaiksi áínihkiiksi áyaakahkayiyaawa. om-iksi aakííkoaN- iksi á-Inihki-iksi áyaak-wa:hkayi-yi- aawa that- an.p girl-an.p dur-sing[A]- an.p Omanínaawaáyo’kaawaáyo’kaawa.om-waninaa-waáyo’kaawan-oom-wathat-3sman-3sdur-sleep[A]-3s1-husb-3s Page 168","{ ""sentences"": [ ""otohpokóomokoaawaiksi ‘the ones4p who accompanied them3p’"", ""F.RELATIVE CLAUSES Clauses which modify a noun are relatively rare in Blackfoot. It is perhaps a typological characteristic of the language that ‘free relatives’ are used to the near exclusion of relative clauses which modify a noun.9 In any case, relative clauses utilize most of the nominals presented in the preceding sections of this chapter. (In the examples which follow, the type of nominalization will be indicated by reference, in square brackets at" 168,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,168,"fut-go^home-pl-PRO ‘Those girls who are singing are on their way home.’ Nítssksinoayi anniksi ikkááyiiks saahkómaapiiksi. nit-ssksino-a:-yi ann-iksi ikkaayi-iksi saahkómaapi- iksi 1.know(TA)-dir- pl that- an.p run^fast[A]- an.p boy-an.p ‘I know those boys who are fast runners.’ The next two examples are sentences found in Uhlenbeck (1938) and have been reelicited. The suffix glossed ‘rel’ is what Uhlenbeck calls the ‘relative’ suffix. It is frequently found in relative clause constructions, though on the Head noun and demonstrative as well as on the nominal in the relative clause. (It is not clear whether or not this suffix should be identified with the post-inflectional suffix -hka seen in section E of chapter 13.) Annistssk anákimaa’tsiistssk nitsinííhpistssk ómahkoyaawa. ann-istsi- hk anakimaa’tsiS- istsi-hk nit-inii-hp- istsi-hk omahko-yi- aawa Page 169","{ ""sentence"": ""Nítssksinoayi anniksi ikkááyiiks saahkómaapiiksi."", ""gloss"": ""1.know(TA)-dir-pl that- an.p run^fast[A]- an.p boy-an.p"", ""translation"": ""I know those boys who are fast runners."" }, { ""sentence"": ""Annistssk anákimaa’tsiistssk nitsinííhpistssk ómahkoyaawa."", ""gloss"": ""ann-ists" 169,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,169,"that-ip- rel lamp-ip-rel 1-see(TI)- CN[D.3]-ip-rel big(II)-pl-PRO ‘Those lamps which I saw are big.’ áyiistapokska’siiksska iihpókiiyoowa. ‘And one followed á-yiistap-okska’si- iksi-hka dur-away-run[A]- an.p-rel iihpokiiyoo- wa follow(AI)-3s those elk that were running away.’ The next example has a relative clause which is ‘extraposed’ to the end of the sentence, away from its demonstrative. Ámi nitáakita’kaa Isapómahksika otsítsstsiihpi. am-yi nit-yáak-it-wa’kaa Isapómahksik-wa ot-it-ihtsii-hp-yi here-in.s 1-fut-there-entrench Crowfoot-3s 3-there-lie-CN[D.3]-in.s ‘Here I will entrench, where Crowfoot lies (buried).’ As stated above, examples of relative clauses could be constructed with nearly all of the nominalizations presented in this chapter. Here is a sampling, all in complete sentences, of such clauses without a Head noun. KitókskammaomíksskaponokáíksskakitokskaM:-waom-iksi-hkaponoká-iksi-hkaandone(AI)-3sthat-an.p-relelk-4p-rel Page 170","{ ""sentence"": ""that-ip- rel lamp-ip-rel 1-see(TI)- CN[D.3]-ip-rel big(II)-pl-PRO 'Those lamps which I saw are big.' "", ""translation"": ""Those lamps which I saw are big."" }, { ""sentence"": ""áyiistapokska’siiksska iihpókiiyoowa. 'And one followed á-yiistap-okska’si- iksi-hka dur-away-run[A" 170,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,170,"‘Those racers have good bodies.’ Iihtaníkkit omistsi kitáakopissinnoonistsi. ‘Tell me about the places we will be staying!’ Nimáátssksinoaayi omiksi komohtsíístapáaataiksi. n-Imaat-ssksino-a:-yi om-iksi -omoht-yIIstap-oo-at-a:-iksi 1.neg-know(TA)-dir-pl that-an.p 2-from-away-go-fin(TA)-dir[E.2]-an.p ‘I don’t know those you went away from.’ maki’takiyaiksi. ‘The ones my son was throwing at mak-i’taki-yi-aiksi bad-feel-pl-PRO Omiksiáíkkaayiskatsiiksiííkssoksistómiyaawa.om-iksiá-ikkaayiskatsi-iksiiik-sok-Istom-i-yi-aawathat-an.pdur-race[A]-an.pvery-good-body-have(AI)-pl-PROiiht-wa:nIt-k-i-tom-istsikit-áak-opii-hsiN-nnoon-istsiof-say(TA)-inv-1-2s(imper)that-ip2-fut-stay-nom[B]-21-ip Omá om-wanohkówa n-ohkó-waomíksi om-iksiotáyiskai’tataiksi ot-á-yiskai’tat-a:-iksithat-3s1-son-3sthat-an.p3-dur-throw^at(TA)-dir[E.2]-an.p Page 171","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""text"": ""‘Those racers have good bodies.’"", ""translation"": ""omiksiáíkkaayiskatsiiksiííkssoksistómiyaawa"" }, { ""text"": ""Iihtaníkkit omistsi kitáakopissinnoonistsi."", ""translation"": ""iiht-wa:nIt-k-i-tom-istsikit-áak-opii-hsiN-nnoon-istsi"" }," 171,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,171,"were really angry.’ ‘My wife is not the one who bought the meat; it was some (unknown) person.’ Ami am-yiotsíínihkatsimakki ot-iinihkatsimat-k-yiotsítssonao’sskipoka. ot-it-sonao’sskip-Ok-wathat-4s3-past:name(TA)-inv[E.3]-4s3-then-kiss(TA)-inv-3s‘The one who named him then kissed him.’Annahkanitohkíímaanahkamáátamíwaatsiksiannahkaann-wanit-ohkiimaan-wa-hkamáát-wa:mi-waatsi(iksi)ann-wa-hkathat-3s-invs1-wife-3s-invsneg-be-3s:nonaffirmthat-3s-reliihpómmatoomaahka iihpommatoo-m-wa-hkaannihka ann-yi-hkaí’ksisakoyihka i’ksisako-yi-hkamísstamiwa. misst-wa:mi-wapast:buy-theme[E.1]-3s-relthat-in.s-relmeat-in.s-invsunk-have^identity-3s Page 172","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""tokens"": [ ""were"", ""really"", ""angry"" ], ""lemmas"": [ ""be"", ""really"", ""angry"" ], ""pos"": [ ""VBD"", ""RB"", ""JJ"" ], ""ner"": [ ""O"", ""O"", ""O"" ] }, { ""tokens"": [ """ 172,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,172,"CHAPTER 21 Questions For every language there are two broad functional types of questions, often referred to as ‘yes/no’ questions, which ask for confirmation or denial of the truth of a proposition, and ‘content’ questions, which ask for other information. Sections A and B deal with these two types in Blackfoot. A.YES/NO QUESTIONS These make use of what we will refer to as non-affirmative endings, either alone, as in (a)–(g), or with an interrogative prefix as seen in (h)–(p). The interrogative prefixes are the same as two of the negative prefixes seen in section A of chapter 16: káta’ ~ Ikáta’ and sta’. The non-affirmative endings are described below. (a)Áóoyo’síwaatsiksi? ‘Is she cooking?’ á-ooyo’si-waatsiksi dur-cook(AI)-sg:nonaffirm (b)Áyo’kááwaiksaawa? ‘Are they sleeping?’ á-yo’kaa-waiksaawa dur-sleep-3p:nonaffirm (c) Kítssksinoáwaatsiksi? ‘Do you2s know her? kit-ssksino-a:-waatsiksi 2.know(TA)-dir-sg:nonaffirm (d)Kitsikákomimmokihpa? kit-Ikakomimm-Ok-i-hpa 2-love-inv-1-nonaffirm‘Do you2s love me?’ Page 173","{ ""CHAPTER 21 Questions"": ""For every language there are two broad functional types of questions, often referred to as ‘yes/no’ questions, which ask for confirmation or denial of the truth of a proposition, and ‘content’ questions, which ask for other information. Sections A and B deal with these two types in Blackfoot. A.YES/NO QUESTIONS These make use of what we will refer to as non-affirmative endings, either alone, as in (a)–(g), or with an interrogative prefix as seen in (h)–(p). The interrogative prefixes are" 173,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,173,(l)Kikátai’ihpiyihpoááwa?2 ‘Did you21 (e)Kitáaksstsisoohpoááwa?‘Are you2p going to town?’kit-áak-sstsisoo-hpoaawa2-fut-go^to^town-2p(f)Áaksoyó’pa?‘Will we21 eat?’áak-Ioyi-o’pafut-eat(AI)-21(g)Áaksowatóó’paistsaawa?‘Will we21 eat them(inan)?’áak-Iowatoo-’p-waistsaawafut-eat(TI)-theme(21)-ip:nonaffirm(h)Káta’yáyo’kááwaiksaawa?‘Are they sleeping?’káta’-yá-yo’kaa-waiksaawainterrog-dur-sleep-3p:nonaffirm(i)Kátao’kska’síwaatsiksi?‘Did he run?’káta’-okska’si-waatsiksiinterrog-run-sg:nonaffirm(j)Kikáta’yáaka’po’takihpa?‘Will you work?’1k-Ikáta’-yáak-a’p-o’taki-hpa2-interrog-fut-PREF-work-nonaffirm(k)Kikátai’nóókaiksaawa?‘Did they see you?’k-Ikáta’-Ino-o:k-waiksaawa2-interrog-see(TA)-inv-3p:nonaffirmPage 174,"(e) Kitáaksstsisoohpoááwa? (f) Áaksoyó’pa? (g) Áaksowatóó’paistsaawa? (h) Káta’yáyo’kááwaiksaawa? (i) Kátao’kska’síwaatsiksi? (j) Kikáta’yáaka’po’takihpa? (k) Kikáta’nóókaiksaawa?" 174,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,174,"dance?’ k-Ikáta’-ihpiyi-hpoaawa 2.interrog-dance-2p (m) Kikáta’yáakohkottsspommóóhpa? ‘Can I help you?’ k-Ikáta’-yáak-ohkott-sspommo-o-hpa 2.interrog-fut-able-help(TA)-1:2- nonaffirm (n)Kátai’sootááwaatsiksi? ‘Is it raining?’ káta’-sootaa-waatsiksi interrog-rain(II)-sg:nonaffirm (o) Kitáaksstao’ohkottsspommóóhpa? ‘Can I help you?’ kit-áak-sta’-ohkott-sspommo-o-hpa 2-fut-interrog-able-help(TA)-1:2- nonaffirm (p)Ááhkssta’yaomanííwaatsiksi? ‘Might he be telling the aahk-sta’-ya-omanii-waatsiksi might-interrog-dur-be^true- sg:nonaffirm truth?’ The Non-affirmative Endings 1.If the subject or primary object of the verb is third person, then one of the following is used according to the gender and number of that subject or object: -waatsiksi ‘animate or inanimate singular (sg)’ [see (a), (c), (i), (n), (p) above]. -waistsaawa ‘inanimate plural’ [see (g) above]. Page 175","{ ""k-Ikáta’-ihpiyi-hpoaawa"": ""dance?’ k-Ikáta’-ihpiyi-hpoaawa 2.interrog-dance-2p"", ""Kikatá’yáakohkottsspommóóhpa"": ""Kikatá’yáakohkottsspommóóhpa? ‘Can I help you?’ k-Ikáta’-yáak-ohkott-sspommo-o-hpa 2.interrog-fut-able-help(TA)-" 175,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,175,"-waiksaawa ‘animate plural’ [see (b), (h), (k) above]. In addition, the final vowel of the verb stem (theme suffix in TA verbs) is accented [(a-c), (g-i), (k), (n), (p) above]. 2.If neither the subject nor primary object is third person, the following are true: a) -hpa is added if plural suffixes are not called for, i.e., if neither the subject nor primary object is 1p, 21, or 2p (as in (d), (j) and (o)); b) the word has an additional accent on the penultimate (next-to-last) syllable3, as in (e), (f), (l), (m), and (o) (unless it is a short vowel plus h, in which case that syllable is voiceless and so can not carry accent, as in (d) and (j)); c) the final vowel of the word (a in every case) is voiced (in contrast to the usual situation in which word-final vowels are voiceless); see (d–f), (j–m), and (o). Supplemental Material Based upon their form when the third person subject or primary object nominal follows the verb, the third person non-affirmative endings should be viewed as made up of a suffix plus pronominal enclitic. That is, the same reasoning that led to description of aawa, áyi, aiksi, and aistsi as pronouns in chapter 9 also leads us to recognize these non-affirmative pronouns:4 -atsiksi ‘3s/in.s’ -aiksaawa ‘an.p’ -aistsaawa ‘ip’ When these pronouns are not present in questions, the final vowel of the verb is usually voiced. Compare the following to examples (a), (b), and (g) of section A above: (q)Áóoyo’síwa kitána? ‘Is your daughter cooking?’ (r)Áyo’kááwa kóko’siksi? ‘Are your kids asleep?’ (s)Áaksowatóó’pa omistsi? ‘Are we21gonna eat those(inan)?’ Observe that the suffix wa in examples such as (q)–(s) (and also (f) below) cannot be identified with the wa previously glossed as ‘3s,’ because it can reflect a plural nominal, as in (r) and (s). This wa evidently should be glossed as ‘3:nonaffirm.’ B.CONTENT QUESTIONS These can be viewed as requests to supply a value for a variable in an Page 176","{ ""-waiksaawa 'animate plural' [see (b), (h), (k) above]. In addition, the final vowel of the verb stem (theme suffix in TA verbs) is accented [(a-c), (g-i), (k), (n), (p) above]. 2.If neither the subject nor primary object is third person, the following are true: a) -hpa is added if plural suffixes are not called for, i.e., if neither the subject nor primary object is 1p, 21, or 2p (as in" 176,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,176,"otherwise complete proposition. For example, asking ‘Who did you see?’ in English is equivalent to saying ‘I am presupposing that you saw someone; tell me the identity of that someone.’ In this example, someone is the variable for which the speaker wants a value supplied. Similarly, ‘How do you feel?’ asks for the value of a variable describing manner. The following is a sampling of content questions in Blackfoot, arranged according to the class of variables for which a value is requested. Many of these utilize nominalizations described in the preceding chapter. In particular, (a)–(c), (e), (f), and (h)–(j) utilize a nominalized verb to describe the variable for which referential identity is requested. Verbs in content questions frequently, but not always, carry the non- affirmative endings described above. 1.Participant as Subject or Object 1.a.Human (a) Takáa/Tahkáa áwaasai’níwa? ‘Who is crying?’ takáa/tahkáa whoá-wa:sai’ni- wa dur-cry-3s(more lit: ‘who (is) the crier?’)(b)Tsikáaáínoyííwa?‘Whom4 does he3 see?’tsikáaá-Ino-yii-wa(lit: who (is) the one he sees?)who:4dur-see(TA)- dir-3s(c)Takáaanníksskai’nitsííksskakitómitaami?takáaann-iksi- hkaI’nits-ii-iksi- hkakit-omitaam-yIPage 177","{ ""sentences"": [ ""otherwise complete proposition. For example, asking ‘Who did you see?’ in English is equivalent to saying ‘I am presupposing that you saw someone; tell me the identity of that someone.’ In this example, someone is the variable for which the speaker wants a value supplied. Similarly, ‘How do you feel?’ asks for the value of a variable describing manner. The following is a sampling of content questions in Blackfoot, arranged according to the class of variables for which a value is requested. Many of these utilize nominalizations described in the preceding chapter. In" 177,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,177,"‘Who are the killers of your dog?’ 1.b.Non-human Animate Gender (d) (e) ‘What did you buy?’ (more lit: ‘What is it that you bought?’) (f) Tsá anistápssíwa ánniksi áyo’kaiksi? tsá anistapssi-wa5 ann-iksi á-Io’kaa-iksi what be(AI)-3:nonaffirm that-an.p dur-sleep-an.p ‘What are they that are sleeping?’ whothat-an.p- invskill(TA)-dir- an.p-invs2-dog-4sTsá anistápssíwaatsiksi? tsá anistapssi-waatsiksi what be(AI)-sg:nonaffirm‘What is it?’Tsá anistápssíwaannáhkakitohpómmatawahka?tsáanistapssi-waann-wa-hkakit-ohpommat-a:-wa-hkawhatbe(AI)-3:nonaffirmthat-3s-invs2-buy(TA)-dir-3s-invs Page 178","‘Who are the killers of your dog?’ 1.b.Non-human Animate Gender (d) (e) ‘What did you buy?’ (more lit: ‘What is it that you bought?’) (f) Tsá anistápssíwa ánniksi áyo’kaiksi? tsá anistapssi-wa5 ann-iksi á-Io’kaa-iksi what be(AI)-3:nonaffirm that-an.p dur-sleep-an" 178,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,178,"1.c.Inanimate Gender (g)Tsá anistápííwaatsiksi? ‘What is it?’ tsá anistapii-waatsiksi what be(II)-sg:nonaffirm There are two ways to question the identity of an inanimate gender variable. The most common way uses the II verb stem anistapii ‘be’ seen in the previous example: ‘What did you buy?’ (more lit: ‘What is it that you bought?’) The other way uses a question word ááhsa ‘what?’: (i)Ááhsa annííhka kitohpómmatoohpihka? ‘What did you buy?’ ááhsa ann-yi-hka kit-ohpommatoo-hp-yi-hka what that-in.s-rel 2-buy(TI)-CN-in.s-rel 2.Participant as Possessor (i)Takáa otápotskinááma kitsí’nitawa? ‘Whose cow did you kill?’ takáa ot-apotskinaam-wa kit-I’nit-a-wa who 3-cow-3s 2-kill-dir-3s Notice that even though ‘cow’ is marked as possessed by third person in (j), it is not demoted to minor third person as predicted by the rule stated in section D of chapter 2. Presumably this is because the identity of the possessor is not established, and could even be the speaker or the (h) Tsáanistápííwaannííhkakitohpómmatoohpihka?tsáanistapii-waann-yi-hkait-ohpommatoo-hp-yi-hkawhatbe(II)-3:nonaffirmthat-in.s-rel2-buy(TI)-CN-in.s-rel Page 179","{ ""1.c.Inanimate Gender"": { ""(g)Tsá anistápííwaatsiksi?"": ""tsá anistapii-waatsiksi what be(II)-sg:nonaffirm"", ""There are two ways to question the identity of an inanimate gender variable. The most common way uses the II verb stem anistapii ‘be’ seen in the previous example: ‘What did you buy?’ (more lit: ‘What is it that you bought?’) The other way uses a question word ááhsa ‘what?" 179,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,179,"addressee. 3.Oblique Nominal If the variable being questioned is in an oblique relation, it is described by a verb with non-affirmative ending (rather than a Conjunctive Nominal as one might expect in view of the preceding content questions); the appropriate linker6 will be present in the verb, and the appropriate question word will appear at the beginning of the sentence. In addition to the question words takáa, tsikáa, and ááhsa, as well as tsá plus anistapii or anistapssi seen in the examples of 1 above, there is a particular question word tsimá for locational obliques, and an additional verb stem anistsii for questions about time. Examples follow: (i)Ááhsa kómohto’tóóhpa? ‘Why did you come?’ ááhsa k-omoht-o’too-hpa (‘What [is it that] you came for?’) what 2-means-arrive-nonaffirm (j)Tsá anistápiiwa(atsiksi) kómohto’tóóhpa? tsá anistapii-waatsiksi k-omoht-o’too-hpa what be(II)-sg:nonaffirm 2-means-arrive-nonaffirm ‘Why did you come?/By what means did you come?’ (k)Tsimá komohto’tóóhpa? ‘Where did you come from?’ tsimá k-omoht-o’too-hpa where 2-from-arrive-nonaffirm (l)Tsimá kitsítokooyihpa? ‘Where do you live?’ tsimá kit-it-okooyi-hpa where 2-there-dwell-nonaffirm Page 180","{ ""sentences"": [ ""3.Oblique Nominal If the variable being questioned is in an oblique relation, it is described by a verb with non-affirmative ending (rather than a Conjunctive Nominal as one might expect in view of the preceding content questions); the appropriate linker6 will be present in the verb, and the appropriate question word will appear at the beginning of the sentence. In addition to the question words takáa, tsikáa, and ááhsa, as well as tsá plus anistapii or anistapssi seen in the examples" 180,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,180,"(m)Tsimá kitáakitapóóhpa? ‘Where are you going?’ tsimá kit-áak-itap-oo-hpa where 2-fut-to-go-nonaffirm Observe that ‘when’ questions concerning the past, as in (p), use verb suffix -yi (glossed ‘?’ because its origin is unknown to me),7 while those about the future, as in (q), use a Subjunctive affix. (q)Tsá anistsíísi kitáaksoyihpoááwa? ‘When will you2p eat?’ tsá anistsii-si kit-áak-Ioyi-hpoaawa what be^time- sg(subj) 2-fut- eat(AI)-2p:nonaffirm To inquire about the location of a human nominal, anna is used:8 (r) Anná kitohkíímaana? ‘Where is your wife?’ ann-wa kit-ohkiimaan-wa that-3s 2-wife-3s (s) Annáatsiksi Tsaani? ‘Where’s John?’ ann-waatsiksi Tsaani (p) Tsá anistsííyikitsítsoyihpoááwa?‘When did you2p eat?’tsá anistsii-yikit-it-Ioyi-hpoaawawhat be^time-?2-then-eat(AI)-2p:nonaffirm Page 181","(m)Tsimá kitáakitapóóhpa? ‘Where are you going?’ tsimá kit-áak-itap-oo-hpa where 2-fut-to-go-nonaffirm Observe that ‘when’ questions concerning the past, as in (p), use verb suffix -yi (glossed ‘?’ because its origin is unknown to me),7 while those about the future, as in (q), use a Subjunctive affix. (q)Tsá anistsíísi kitáaksoyihpoááwa? ‘When will you" 181,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,181,"that-sg:nonaffirm John Though this is apparently a specialized use of the demonstrative ann, it evidently functions as a verb, at least in so far as it may take a non- affirmative ending, as seen in (s); however, it does not agree with the human nominal in number, as (t) shows: (t) Annáatsiksi kóko’siksi? ‘Where are your kids?’ ann-waatsiksi k-óko’s-iksi that-sg:nonaffirm 2-offspr-an.p The accompanying nominal may itself have a demonstrative.9 Questions about amounts make use of tsá plus a verb with root niitsi. (v)Tsá niitsówa katsikíístsi? ‘How many shoes tsá niitso-wa k-atsikiN-istsi what be^number(II)-nonaffirm 2-shoe-ip do you have?’ (w)Tsá niitsímma kóta’siksi? ‘How many horses do you tsá niitsiM:-wa k-ota’s-iksi have?’ what be^number(AI)- (u) Annáannáhkakóomahka?‘Where’s your husband?’ann-waann-wa-hkak-óom-wa-hkathat-3sthat-3s-invs2-husband-3s-invs Page 182","{ ""s"": ""That-sg:nonaffirm John Though this is apparently a specialized use of the demonstrative ann, it evidently functions as a verb, at least in so far as it may take a non- affirmative ending, as seen in (s); however, it does not agree with the human nominal in number, as (t) shows: (t) Annáatsiksi kóko’siksi? ‘Where are your kids?’ ann-waatsiksi k-óko’s-iksi that-sg:nonaffirm 2-offspr-an.p"", " 182,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,182,"nonaffirm 2-mount- an.p Page 183","nonaffirm 2-mount- an.p Page 183" 183,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,183,"(x)Tsá niitsíítapiyiwa kóko’siksi? ‘How many kids tsá niitsiitapiyi-wa k-oko’s-iksi what be^no.(person)(AI)-nonaffirm 2-offspr-an.p do you have?’ Questions asking about manner utilize tsá plus the manner prefix niit- ~ a:nist-: (y)Tsá niitá’pao’takíwaatsiksi? tsá niit-a’p-a-o’taki-waatsiksi what manner-PREF-dur-work-sg:nonaffirm ‘How does she work?’/‘What kind of work does she do? what 2-manner-dur-stay-nonaffirm ‘Why’ questions can be formed utilizing prefix máak ~ Imaak, in addition to the method seen in (k) and (l) above. Máakssawahkayíwaatsiksi? ‘Why didn’t she go home?’ máak-saw-wa:hkayi-waatsiksi why-neg-go^home-sg:nonaffirm EXERCISES A.Based on section A of this chapter, translate the following into Blackfoot: 1. Are you about to eat? (z) Tsákaanistaopííhpa?‘How are you?’tsák-a:nist-a-opii-hpa(more lit: ‘How are you staying?’) Page 184",(x)Tsá niitsíítapiyiwa kóko’siksi? ‘How many kids tsá niitsiitapiyi-wa k-oko’s-iksi what be^no.(person)(AI)-nonaffirm 2-offspr-an.p do you have?’ Questions asking about manner utilize tsá plus the manner prefix niit- ~ a:nist-: (y)Tsá niitá’pao’takíwaatsiksi? tsá niit-a’p-a-o’taki-waatsiksi 184,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,184,"2.Are those dogs barking at me? B.Based on section B of this chapter, translate the following into Blackfoot: 1. What are they (animate)? 2.Whose horse will you buy? 3.Why are you crying? 4.Where did you sleep? 5.When will you go home? 6.Where is the teacher? 7.How many cows do you have? Page 185","2.Are those dogs barking at me? B.Based on section B of this chapter, translate the following into Blackfoot: 1. What are they (animate)? 2.Whose horse will you buy? 3.Why are you crying? 4.Where did you sleep? 5.When will you go home? 6.Where is the teacher? 7.How many cows do you have? Page 185" 185,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,185,"CHAPTER 22 Complement Clause Types Chapter 19 discussed verb paradigms of subordinate clauses. In this chapter we take a more functional approach, organizing subordinate clauses according to a system of classification that is more semantically based. As will be seen, this results in classes of complements which have some structural unity as well. A.EMBEDDED ‘QUESTIONS’ 1.Yes/No Sub-type The verb of an embedded yes/no question in Blackfoot has inflectional affixes from the Subjunctive paradigm (chapter 19), and has the dubitative prefix ikkám- (glossed ‘if’). There is no surface similarity to actual questions; in fact embedded yes/no questions are identical in form to conditional clauses (see section B.1 of chapter 19). (a) Nohkówa nitáánikka ikkámssistsikooyiniki. n-ohko-wa nit-wa:nIt-k-wa ikkám-sistsikoo-yiniki 1-son-3s 1-say(TA)-inv-3s if-tire-1s(subj) ‘My son asked me (lit: ‘said to me’) if I was tired.’ (b)Áánistsisa1 ikkámáakaaistoosi. wa:nIt-is ikkám-áak-waaistoo-si Page 186","{ ""CHAPTER 22 Complement Clause Types Chapter 19 discussed verb paradigms of subordinate clauses. In this chapter we take a more functional approach, organizing subordinate clauses according to a system of classification that is more semantically based. As will be seen, this results in classes of complements which have some structural unity as well. A.EMBEDDED ‘QUESTIONS’ 1.Yes/No Sub-type The verb of an embedded yes/no question in Blackfoot has inflectional affixes from the Subjunctive paradigm (chapter 19), and has the dubitative prefix ikkám- (glossed ‘if" 186,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,186,"say-2s:3(imper) if-fut-come-3(subj) ‘Ask (lit: ‘tell’) him if he will come.’ (c) Áakssksinoyiiwa ohkóyi ikkamá’pao’takisáyi. áak-ssksino-yii-wa w-ohko-yi ikkám-a’p-a-o’taki-s-áyi fut-know(TA)-dir-3s 3-son-4s if-PREF-dur-work-3/4(subj)-PRO ‘He knows whether (or not) his son is working.’2 2.Content Sub-type Examples (d) and (e) illustrate embedded ‘questions’ dealing with the identity of subject or animate object of the complement verb. In such cases, as opposed to those we will deal with next, we find a demonstrative followed by the kind of nominalization we called Reclassification (d) and Inverse Theme nominalization (e) in chapter 20. Also, note that the accompanying independent verb is inflected to agree with the person whose identity is at issue (this makes (d) ambiguous; it can also mean ‘I know (am acquainted with) the one who is coming’). (d) Nítssksinoawa annááhka áwáaistóówahka. nit-ssksino-a:-wa ann-wa-hka á-wa:istoo-wa-hka 1-know(TA)-dir-3s that-3s-rel dur-come-3s-rel ‘I know who is coming.’ (e)Nitáakohkoissksinoawa annááhka nitáwaayákiookahka. nit-áak-ohkoissksino-a:- wa ann-wa- hka nit-á-wa:yáki-Ok-wa- hka 1-fut-find^out-dir-3s that-3s-rel 1-dur-hit(TA)-inv-3s-rel ‘I’ll find out who hit me.’ Examples (f) and (g) below deal with a ‘value’ or identity that is neither Page 187",(a) Áak’áa áwáa’pa’takisáyi. áak’áa á-wa:istoo-wa-hka 2-say-2s:3(imper) if-work-3s-rel ‘Ask him if he is working.’ (b) Áak’áa áwáa’pa’takisáyi. áak’áa á-wa:istoo-wa-hka 2-say-2s:3(imper) if 187,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,187,"subject nor animate primary object of the complement verb. (The thing bought could be animate, and it is the logical object of the verb ‘buy,’ but the underlying verb in these examples is morphologically intransitive; i.e., it is paratransitive—see chapter 7.) In such cases, nominalized verbs (chapter 20) are used in the complement; and again, they are the same type used in relative clauses. Example (f) has an ‘abstract’ nominalization, and (g) has a Conjunctive Nominal. (f)Nítssksiniihpa annííhka nohkówa otohpómmaanihka. nit-ssksini-hp-wa ann-yi-hka n-ohk- wa ot-ohpommaa-n-yi-hka 1-know(TI)-theme- 3s that-in.s- rel 1-son-3s 3-buy(AI)-nom/conj-in.s- rel ‘I know what my son bought.’ (g) Nítssksinoawa nohkówa maanístohpommaahpi. nit-ssksino-a:-wa n-ohk-wa m-aanist-ohpommaa-hp-yi 1-know(TA)-dir-3s 1-son-3s 3-manner-buy(AI)-CN-in.s ‘I know {what my son bought/how he purchased}.’ In (h) we again find the complement verb in the Conjunctive Nominal form, in this case referring to the non-instigative cause for the dancing by virtue of the presence of the linker (glossed ‘means’) that would be present in the corresponding independent verb; compare nomohtsspíyi nitsi’táámssi ‘I danced because I was happy.’ (h)Nítssksiniihpa komohtsspíyihpi. ‘I know why you danced.’ nit-ssksini-hp-wa k-omoht-ihpiyi-hp-yi Page 188","subject nor animate primary object of the complement verb. (The thing bought could be animate, and it is the logical object of the verb ‘buy,’ but the underlying verb in these examples is morphologically intransitive; i.e., it is paratransitive—see chapter 7.) In such cases, nominalized verbs (chapter 20) are used in the complement; and again, they are the same type used in relative clauses. Example (f) has an ‘abstract’ nominalization, and (g) has a Conjunctive Nominal. (f)Nítssksiniihpa anníí" 188,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,188,"1.know(TI)-theme- sg 2.means-dance-conj- in.s B.EMBEDDED ‘COMMANDS’ As we see in (i), such complements in Blackfoot have verbs inflected with affixes from the Conjunctive paradigm plus a prefix ááhk (glossed ‘might’), which in some contexts seems to mean ‘perhaps’ or ‘non-factive.’ This combination of ááhk and conjunct inflection is also found in purpose clauses (see section A.2 of chapter 19) and, as we shall see in the next section, in embedded ‘wishes.’ (j)Nitsíkamanistomoawa mááhka’po’takssi. ‘I asked for a job nit-Ikamanist-omo-a:-wa m-ááhk-a’po’taki-hsi 1-ask-ben(TA)-dir-3s 3-might-work-conj C.EMBEDDED ‘WISHES’ for him.’ (k)Nohkówa íksstaawa nááhkahkayssi. n-ohko-wa Iksstaa-wa Iksstaa-wa n-ááhk-wa:hkayi-hsi 1-son-3s want(AI)-3s want(AI)-3s 1-might-go^home-conj ‘My son wants me to go home.’ (l)Nohkówa nitsíksstakka nááhkahkayssi. (i) Nitáánistawamááhksoyssi.‘I told him to eat.’nit-wa:nist-a:-wam-ááhk-Ioyi-hsi1-say(TA)-dir-3s3-might-eat(AI)-conj Page 189","{ ""1.know(TI)-theme- sg 2.means-dance-conj- in.s"": ""1.know(TI)-theme- sg 2.means-dance-conj- in.s"", ""B.EMBEDDED ‘COMMANDS’"": ""B.EMBEDDED ‘COMMANDS’"", ""As we see in (i), such complements in Blackfoot have verbs inflected with affixes from the Conjunctive paradigm plus a prefix ááhk (glossed ‘might’), which in some contexts seems to mean ‘perhaps’ or" 189,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,189,"n-ohko-wa nit-Iksstat-k-wa n-ááhk-wa:hkayi-hsi 1-son-3s 1-want(TA)-inv-3s 1-might-go^home-conj ‘My son wants me to go home.’ ‘I’m thinking of (anticipating) my wife working.’ (n) Nitáíksimsstatawa nitohkíímaana mááhka’pao’takssi. nit-á-Iksimsstat-a:-wa nit-ohkiimaan- wa a.ááhk-a’p-a-o’taki-hsi 1-dur-think(TA)-dir- 3s 1.wife-3s 3-might-PRE-dur-work- conj ‘I’m thinking of (anticipating) my wife working.’ Examples (k) and (l) are synonymous, as are (m) and (n); the second member of each pair differs only in that the complement subject is ‘copied’ as matrix object (see Supplementary Material in section A.1). More important for our purposes here, the complement verb has the non-factive prefix ááhk and inflectional affixes from the Conjunctive paradigm. Examples (o) and (p) both have Conjunctive Nominal endings instead of just Conjunctive endings on the complement verb, suggesting that such complements don’t belong with the embedded ‘wishes’ in our classification. Examples (o) and (p) differ in that in (o) the complement is subject of ‘hard,’ while in (p) ‘dried meats’ is subject of ‘hard.’ (m) Nitáíksimsstaa nit-á-Iksimsstaanitohkíímaana nit-ohkiimaan-wamááhka’pao’takssi. m-ááhk-a’p-a-o’taki-hsi1-dur-think(AI)1-wife-3s3-might-PRE-dur-work-conj Page 190","{ ""n-ohko-wa nit-Iksstat-k-wa n-ááhk-wa:hkayi-hsi"": ""My son wants me to go home."", ""Nitáíksimsstatawa nitohkíímaana mááhka’pao’takssi."": ""I’m thinking of (anticipating) my wife working."", ""Nitáíksimsstaa nit-á-Iksimsstaanitohkíímaana nit-ohkiimaan-wamááhka’pao’" 190,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,190,"‘Dried meats are hard to chew.’ D.EMBEDDED ‘STATEMENTS’ ‘Indirect quotes’ such as in the complement of (q), while relatively rare in Blackfoot (direct quotes are much more common), use Conjunctive verb forms: (q) Nitohkánikkoo(w) kitohkáa’po’takssi. nit-ohk-wa:nIt-Okoo(wa) kit-ohko-a’po’taki-hsi 1-contrary-say^to-x:1/2 2-have^for-work-conj ‘But I was told that you have a job.’ The verb omai’tsi ‘believe’ also takes Conjunctive verbs in its complements: (r) Kitohkíímaana áómai’tsima kitssáyssi. kit-ohkiimaan-wa á-omai’tsi-m-wa kit-sayi-(o) Iiksíyikowa iik-Iyiko-wa very-hard(II)-sgááhkanistsipikksstsiihpi ááhk-a:nist-Ipikkssti-hp-yi might-manner-chew(TI)-CN-in.skáyiistsi. kayi-istsi dried^meat-ip‘It’s hard to chew dried meat.’(p) Káyiistsiiiksíyikoyiááhkanistsipikksstsiihpi.kayi-istsiiik-Iyiko-yiááhk-a:nist-Ipikkssti-hp-yidried^meat-ipvery-hard(II)-plmight-manner-chew(TI)-CN-in.s Page 191","‘Dried meats are hard to chew.’ D.EMBEDDED ‘STATEMENTS’ ‘Indirect quotes’ such as in the complement of (q), while relatively rare in Blackfoot (direct quotes are much more common), use Conjunctive verb forms: (q) Nitohkánikkoo(w) kitohkáa’po’takssi. nit-ohk-wa:nIt-Okoo(wa) kit-ohko-a’po’taki-hsi 1-contrary-say^to-x:1/2 2-have" 191,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,191,"hsi 2.wife-3s dur-believe(TI)-th-sg 2-lie-conj ‘Your wife believes that you lied.’ The verb ssksini ‘know’ generally takes Conjunctive verbs in its complements:3 (s)Nitáíssksinimáa’tsaiksi ssksinímiaaw nit-á-ssksinimáa’tsi-a:-iksi ssksini-m-yi-aawa 1-dur-teach-dir-an.p know(TI)-th-pl-PRO nitáaksspommoahsaawa. ‘My students know that I will help nit-áak-sspommo-a:-hsi-aawa 1-fut-help-dir-conj^pl- PRO them.’ Page 192","{ ""hsi"": ""2.wife-3s dur-believe(TI)-th-sg 2-lie-conj"", ""Your wife believes that you lied."" } { ""The verb ssksini 'know' generally takes Conjunctive verbs in its complements:3"": ""The verb ssksini 'know' generally takes Conjunctive verbs in its complements:3"" } { ""(s)Nitáíssksinimáa’tsaiksi ssksinímiaaw"": ""(s)Nitáíssksini" 192,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,192,"CHAPTER 23 Translating from English to Blackfoot The following is a checklist which can be used as a guide for exercises in this book which require translating from English into Blackfoot. Of course, following these steps will never guarantee an idiomatic Blackfoot language output, but will at least help the student of Blackfoot take all rules and most irregularities into account. Important reminder: When selecting stems from the Dictionary during the translation process, do not rely entirely on information in the English Index of the Dictionary, but use the Index to guide you to the correct entry in the Blackfoot-English portion. 1.Select noun stems needed to translate the Head of subject (S), primary object (PO), or other relation from the Dictionary (or material provided). If a noun stem ends in m, n, or s, check its plural form to see if the stem- final consonant is a ‘permanent’ consonant or not (chapter 2, section B). If you anticipate, or determine in a later step below, that a prefix will be needed for the noun, return to the Dictionary to examine examples in the Dictionary entry and make a note of the non-initial form of the stem (i.e., the form the stem has when it is not at the beginning of the word). 2.Place appropriate demonstrative stems (chapter 13) before nouns. Since English distinguishes only ‘near’ and ‘not-near,’ there will usually be more than one Blackfoot demonstrative stem that is a correct choice, unless the sentence being translated is in context. 3.Select the verb stem from the Dictionary (or from materials Page 193","{ ""CHAPTER 23 Translating from English to Blackfoot The following is a checklist which can be used as a guide for exercises in this book which require translating from English into Blackfoot. Of course, following these steps will never guarantee an idiomatic Blackfoot language output, but will at least help the student of Blackfoot take all rules and most irregularities into account. Important reminder: When selecting stems from the Dictionary during the translation process, do not rely entirely on information in the English Index of the Dictionary, but use the Index to guide you to the correct entry in the Blackfoot-English portion. 1." 193,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,193,"provided) which most closely expresses the meaning of the English verb. Be sure to get a stem with the correct transitivity and gender for its context (chapter 7). Often the required stem will be listed only at the end of an entry as a related stem (Rel. stem). To reduce the need for pronouns (chapter 9), place the verb first in the clause. If a verb stem begins in i, check the future form in the Dictionary to see if the stem-initial i is a ‘breaking i’ (section B of chapter 6). (Advanced: See chapter 18 if a derived verb stem using one of the concrete finals (Causative, Benefactive, Reflexive, Reciprocal, Accompaniment, Transformative, or one of the Denominalizers) is called for.) 4.Add ‘preverbal’ elements to the verb stem as appropriate for the meaning (e.g., (i)maat- ‘negative,’ ohkott- ‘able,’ iiht- ~ oht- ~ omoht- ‘means/source’) (chapter 16). 5.Add tense or aspect prefixes as required to match the meaning of the English sentence as closely as possible (chapter 6). This includes: using ákaa- ~ Ikaa- ‘perfective’ if the English verb phrase includes a form of have as auxiliary verb; using áak- ‘future’ if English uses will as an auxiliary verb; and using á- ‘durative’ if an event or process is viewed as ongoing (usually progressive or repetitive). Durative is seldom used with verbs that describe states. 6.Add possessive affixes to possessed nouns (chapter 14). Rule of thumb: Most body part and relational stems take the short person prefixes. (Remember: The short prefix for ‘3’ is w- ~ m-, the latter before a .) 7.Add singular, plural, or non-particular suffixes to nouns, as appropriate for meaning and gender (chapter 2). Be sure to make nouns minor third person (‘4’) where required. Page 194","{ ""sentences"": [ ""provided) which most closely expresses the meaning of the English verb. Be sure to get a stem with the correct transitivity and gender for its context (chapter 7). Often the required stem will be listed only at the end of an entry as a related stem (Rel. stem). To reduce the need for pronouns (chapter 9), place the verb first in the clause. If a verb stem begins in i, check the future form in the Dictionary to see if the stem-initial i is a ‘breaking i’ (section B of chapter 6). (Advanced: See" 194,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,194,"8.Make demonstratives agree with their Head nouns (chapter 13). 9.If the verb is in an independent clause, add verb inflectional agreement affixes from an Independent paradigm (chapters 4, 8–12, and Appendix A). Rule of thumb: Most simplex verb stems take the long person prefixes. (But remember that the perfective prefix takes the short person prefixes.) 10.If the verb is not in an independent clause, choose inflectional agreement affixes from Imperative, Conjunctive, or Subjunctive paradigms in Appendix A as appropriate (see chapter 19). 11.Apply allomorphy and phonological rules (chapter 15 and Appendix B). Page 195","{ ""8.Make demonstratives agree with their Head nouns (chapter 13)."": ""8.Make demonstratives agree with their Head nouns (chapter 13)."", ""9.If the verb is in an independent clause, add verb inflectional agreement affixes from an Independent paradigm (chapters 4, 8–12, and Appendix A). Rule of thumb: Most simplex verb stems take the long person prefixes. (But remember that the perfective prefix takes the short person prefixes.)"": ""9.If the verb is in an independent clause, add verb inflectional agreement affixe" 195,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,195,"12.CHAPTER 24 Numbers and Enumeration Stating quantities of items is done by use of intransitive verbs. Here again, there are two types of intransitive verbs, depending upon the grammatical gender of the subject. For naming integers, the II stem alone is used. Here are the II and AI stems for ‘be 1’ to ‘be 10’:1 Notice that members of each pair share a common root. To these verb stems will be added the usual verb affixes. So in independent clauses, the integerII stemAI Stem1ni’tókskani’tókskaM:2nááto’kanááto’kaM:3niiwókskaniiwókskaM:4niisóniisoyím5nisitónisitsí6náaonáai7ihkitsíkaihkitsíkaM:8náánisonáánisoyim9piihkssópiihkssí10kiipókiipPage 196","{ ""12.CHAPTER 24 Numbers and Enumeration Stating quantities of items is done by use of intransitive verbs. Here again, there are two types of intransitive verbs, depending upon the grammatical gender of the subject. For naming integers, the II stem alone is used. Here are the II and AI stems for ‘be 1’ to ‘be 10’:1 "", ""Notice that members of each pair share a common root. To these verb stems will be added the usual verb affixes. So in independent clauses, the integerII stemAI Stem1ni’t" 196,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,196,"verbs for ‘be one’ will have suffix wa (unless the subject is minor third person) and those for the others will have suffix yi. Here are some examples: (a)ni’tókskawa ‘There is one (inan.). (b)ni’tókskamma ‘There is one (an.). (c)niiwókskayi nookówaistsi ‘My houses are three.’ (d)niiwókskammi nóóhkiksi ‘My pails are three/I have three pails.’ (e) nááto’kammi omiksi ápasstammiinammiksi (f) nítsowatayi anniksisska nááto’kammiksi ápasstammiinammiksi (g) nítsoyi nááto’kammi ápasstammiinammi2 ‘There are two apples.’ ‘I ate those two apples.’ ‘I ate two apples.’ (h)nítsskonaki nááto’kammi ponokáyi ‘I shot two elk.’ (i)nítohpommaa ni’tókska(w) asóka’simi ‘I bought one dress.’ Like most other morphemes of Blackfoot, the numeral roots have a different shape when not in word-initial position. Here are the initial and non-initial forms of the roots of the stems listed above: 1.ni’tókska ~ i’tókska 2.nááto’ka ~ istó’ka 3.niiwókska ~ iiwókska 4.niisó ~ iisó 5.nisit(o) ~ isit(o) 6.náa ~ áa Page 197","{ ""sentences"": [ ""verbs for ‘be one’ will have suffix wa (unless the subject is minor third person) and those for the others will have suffix yi. Here are some examples: (a)ni’tókskawa ‘There is one (inan.). (b)ni’tókskamma ‘There is one (an.). (c)niiwókskayi nookówaistsi ‘My houses are three.’ (d)niiwókskammi nóóhkiksi ‘My pails are three/I have three pails.’" 197,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,197,"7.ihkitsík ~ ohkitsík(a) 8.náániso ~ áániso 9.piihkssí ~ Ipiihkssí 10.kiip ~ ipp Ordinals Though some forms are problematical,3 the numeral roots are used to form the closest equivalent to English ordinals. Here are some examples: (j)Omohtsistó’kaahpi iihtó’tai’piwa. ‘He came in second.’ (k)Omohtsóókskááhpi iihtó’tai’piwa. ‘He came in third.’ (l)Omohtsisóóhpi nómohto’tai’pi ‘I came in fourth.’ (m)Omohtsisitóóhpi kómohto’tai’pi ‘You came in fifth.’ (n)Omohtohkitsikaahpi iihtó’tai’piwa. ‘He came in seventh.’ (o)Omohtanisoohpi iihtó’tai’piwa. ‘He came in eighth.’ There is an alternate strategy for ordinals in which the numerals are used with a suffix i: (p)Niisóí nómohto’tai’pi. ‘I came in fourth.’ (q)Nááoi iihtó’tai’piwa. ‘He came in sixth.’ Prefix Numeral Forms There are also prefix forms of numbers (called ‘adjuncts’ in the Dictionary), some of which are identical, or nearly identical, to the roots of the numeral verbs. Here they are, listed in both their initial and non-initial forms: 1.ni’t- ~ i’t- 2.naat- ~ ist- 3.nii. ~ ii.-4 4.niis- ~ iis- Page 198","[ { ""text"": ""7.ihkitsík ~ ohkitsík(a) 8.náániso ~ áániso 9.piihkssí ~ Ipiihkssí 10.kiip ~ ipp Ordinals Though some forms are problematical,3 the numeral roots are used to form the closest equivalent to English ordinals. Here are some examples: (j)Omohtsistó’kaahpi iihtó’tai’piwa. ‘He came in second.’ (k)Omohtsóókskááhpi" 198,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,198,"5.nisit- ~ isit- 6.náa- ~ áa- 7.ihkitsiki- ~ ohkitsiki- 8.naanisi- ~ aanisí- 9.piihkssí- ~ Ipiihkssí- 10.kiip- ~ ipp- Uses of the Numeral Prefixes These prefix forms are used in all numbers above 10, the formation of which will be described below. They also function as quantifier prefixes in many other complex verb stems, including those used to state numbers of people, years, days, and dollars: Where persons are being numbered, the numeral prefixes4 are used with the stem itapi ‘be person(s).’ For example: (r)náátsitapiyi nóko’siksi ‘I have two kids.’ (s)náánisiitapiyaawa ‘There are eight persons.’ When numbering dollars, the numeral prefixes are used with ohtoo’p ‘cost’:5 (t)náaohtoo’pa ‘It cost six (dollars).’ When numbering years, the numeral prefixes are used with sstoyiimi ‘have winters’:6 ‘My daughter is seven.’ (u) ákaohkitsikisstoyiimiwaannanitánaákaa-ohkitsiki-sstoyiimi-waann-wan-itán-waperf-seven-have^years-3sthat-3s1-daughter-3sPage 199","{ ""5.nisit- ~ isit- 6.náa- ~ áa- 7.ihkitsiki- ~ ohkitsiki- 8.naanisi- ~ aanisí- 9.piihkssí- ~ Ipiihkssí- 10.kiip- ~ ipp- Uses of the Numeral Prefixes These prefix forms are used in all numbers above 10, the formation of which will be described below. They also function as quantifier prefixes in many other complex verb stems, including those used to state numbers of people, years, days" 199,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,199,"Days are numbered sequentially using ooni ‘be day’:7 (v)áii’sooniwa ‘It is the fourth day.’ To form a noun numbering days, the numeral prefixes are attached to iksistsiko ‘day’ : (w)niisóíksistsikoyi ‘four days’ Here is an example of what I called the numeral stem for ‘two’ as part of a complex verb stem: (x)nitsíísto’kiisoka’sskaa ‘I acquired two dresses.’ nit-PST-isto’ki-soka’si-hkaa 1-PST-two-dress-acquire(AI) Formation of Multiple Tens Multiples of ten (decades) are made up of the numeral prefixes plus the non-initial numeral root ipp ‘ten’: Here are the decades from twenty to one hundred; I will give the II stem, which as stated above, is the form used as the name of a number: 20 náátsippo 30 niiyíppo 40 niisíppo 50 nisitsíppo 60 náaippo 70 ihkitsíppo 80 náánisippo 90 piihkssíppo 100 kiipíppo Numbers Between the Decades Page 200","{ ""Days are numbered sequentially using ooni ‘be day’:7 (v)áii’sooniwa ‘It is the fourth day.’ To form a noun numbering days, the numeral prefixes are attached to iksistsiko ‘day’ : (w)niisóíksistsikoyi ‘four days’ Here is an example of what I called the numeral stem for ‘two’ as part of a complex verb stem: (x)nitsíísto’kiisoka’sskaa ‘I acquired two dresses.’ nit-PST-isto’ki-soka’si-h" 200,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,200,"Numbers between the decades are expressed by the name of the decade followed by a numeral prefix attached to stem ikópoto, which must mean something like ‘more than the decade.’8 Here are the words for eleven through nineteen: 11.(kiipó) nii’tsikópoto 12.(kiipó) náátsikopoto 13.(kiipó) niiyíkopoto 14.(kiipó) niisíkopoto 15.(kiipó) nisitsíkopoto 16.(kiipó) náaikopoto 17.(kiipó) ihkitsíkiikopoto 18.(kiipó) náánisiikopoto 19.(kiipó) piihkssííkopoto The kiipo is in parentheses because it is rarely used with the ikopoto forms; i.e., if ikopoto forms are not preceded by another of the decades, it is assumed that they are between ten and twenty. One can now easily construct the numbers between the other decades; just use the decade followed by the ikopoto forms. Here are some examples: 21 náátsippo nii’tsikópoto 35 niiyíppo nisitsíkopoto 87 náánisippo ihkitsíkiikopoto Numbers Above One Hundred As described above, adding the -ikopoto forms to kiipíppo gives numbers between 100 and 110; thus, e.g., kiipíppo ihkitsíkiikopoto is the name of 107,9 kiipíppo kiipó ihkitsíkiikopoto is the name of 117. Here are more examples of hundreds: Page 201","{ ""Numbers between the decades are expressed by the name of the decade followed by a numeral prefix attached to stem ikópoto, which must mean something like ‘more than the decade.’8 Here are the words for eleven through nineteen: 11.(kiipó) nii’tsikópoto 12.(kiipó) náátsikopoto 13.(kiipó) niiyíkopoto 14.(kiipó) niisíkopoto 15.(kiipó) nisitsíkopoto 16.(kiip" 201,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,201,"260 náátsikiipippo náaippo 754 ihkitsíkiipippo nisitsíppo niisíkopoto Numbers Above One Thousand The stem for ‘thousand’ is ómahksikiipíppo, literally ‘big 100.’ Here are some examples: 1028ómahksikiipíppo náátsippo náánisikopotto1228ómahksikiipippo náátsikiipippo náátsippo náánisikopoto3462niiwókskáómahksikiipíppo niisíkiipíppo náaippo náátsikopoto Page 202","{ ""260"": ""náátsikiipippo náaippo"", ""754"": ""ihkitsíkiipippo nisitsíppo niisíkopoto"", ""Numbers Above One Thousand"": ""Numbers Above One Thousand"", ""The stem for ‘thousand’ is ómahksikiipíppo, literally ‘big 100.’"": ""The stem for ‘thousand’ is ómahksikiipíppo, literally ‘big 100.’"", ""Here are some examples:"": ""Here are some examples:""," 202,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,202,"Appendix A: Verb Paradigms 1.INTRANSITIVE VERB PARADIGMS Subject number → singular plural person ↓ Independent1nit-nit-…-hpinnaan2kit-kit-…-hpoaawa21-o’pa3-wa-yi4-yini-yiConjunctive1nit-…-hsinit-…-hsinnaani2kit-…-hsikit-…-hsoaayi21-hsi3,4ot-…-hsiot-…-hsiSubjunctive1-iniki-innaaniki2-iniki-inoainiki21-o’ki3,4-si-siUnreal11nit…-htopinit…-hpinnaanopi2kit…-htopikit…-hpoaawopi21-o’topi3-wahtopi-wahtopiyi4-wahtopiyini-wahtopiyiImperative-t-kPage 203","{ ""Appendix A: Verb Paradigms 1.INTRANSITIVE VERB PARADIGMS Subject number → singular plural person ↓ Independent1nit-nit-…-hpinnaan2kit-kit-…-hpoaawa21-o’pa3-wa-yi4-yini-yiConjunctive1nit-…-hsinit-…-hsinnaani2kit-…-hsikit-…-hsoaayi21-hsi3,4ot-…-hsiot-…-hsiSubjunctive1-iniki-innaaniki" 203,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,203,"2.TRANSITIVE INANIMATE VERB PARADIGMS2 Subjectnumber→singular pluralperson ↓Independent1nit-…hpnit-…-hpinnaan2kit-…hpkit-…-hpoaa21-’p3-ma-mi4-mini-miConjunctive1nit-…-hsinit-…-hsinnaani2kit-…-hsikit-…-hsoaayi21-hsi3,42ot-…-hsiot-…-hsiSubjunctive1-mmiiniki-mmiinnainiki2-mmiiniki-mmiinoainiki21-i’ki3,4-isi-isiUnreal31nit…-htopinit…- hpinnaan(oht)opi2kit…-htopikit…-hpoaaw(oht)opi21-’pohtopi3-mahtopi-mahtopiyi4--mahtopiyimahtopiyiniImperative-t-kPage 204","{ ""2.TRANSITIVE INANIMATE VERB PARADIGMS2"": { ""Subject"": { ""number"": { ""singular"": { ""1"": ""nit-…hpnit-…-hpinnaan"", ""2"": ""kit-…hpkit-…-hpoaa"", ""1,2"": ""’p"" }, ""plural"": { ""3"": ""ma-mi"", ""4"": ""mini-mi"" } } }, ""Independent"": { " 204,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,204,"The 1 and 2 forms in the Independent add -wa if the object is singular or -yi if the object is plural. Page 205","{ ""The 1 and 2 forms in the Independent add -wa if the object is singular or -yi if the object is plural. Page 205"" }" 205,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,205,"3.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB INDEPENDENT PARADIGM Note: In this and the following charts, ‘x’ in the subject column represents ‘unspecified’; see section D of chapters 10 and 12. See section D of chapters 11 and 12 regarding realization of O. See section B of chapter 15 regarding variable length vowels a: and o:. 4.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB CONJUNCTIVE PARADIGM Page 206","{ ""3.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB INDEPENDENT PARADIGM Note: In this and the following charts, ‘x’ in the subject column represents ‘unspecified’; see section D of chapters 10 and 12. See section D of chapters 11 and 12 regarding realization of O. See section B of chapter 15 regarding variable length vowels a: and o:. 4.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB CONJUNCTIVE PARADIGM Page 206"" }" 206,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,206,"Note: Stem-final t is dropped before TA Conjunctive suffixes which start with yss (all from yihs). 5.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB SUBJUNCTIVE PARADIGM Page 207","{ ""Note"": ""Stem-final t is dropped before TA Conjunctive suffixes which start with yss (all from yihs). 5.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB SUBJUNCTIVE PARADIGM Page 207"" }" 207,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,207,"6.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB IMPERATIVE PARADIGM * This suffix has the form is only after a consonant; otherwise it is s, but requires that the preceeding vowel be lengthened if not already long. Primary Object →1s1p3Subject ↓2s-Okit-Okinnaan-(i)s*2p-Okik-Okinnaan-ok Page 208","{ ""6.TRANSITIVE ANIMATE VERB IMPERATIVE PARADIGM * This suffix has the form is only after a consonant; otherwise it is s, but requires that the preceeding vowel be lengthened if not already long. Primary Object →1s1p3Subject ↓2s-Okit-Okinnaan-(i)s*2p-Okik-Okinnaan-ok Page 208"" }" 208,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,208,"Appendix B: Phonological Rules 1.GEMINATION C1 → C2 / _+ C2 where C1 and C2 are stops. nitánIt + k + wa → nitánIkk + wa (8.,15.→ nitánikka) ‘He told me.’ 2.s - INSERTION Ø → s / I_t nitánItawa → nitánIstawa (8.→ nitánistawa) ‘I told him.’ 3.x - SIBILATION h → ss / I_ ann+yIhka → annyIsska (8.,15.→ annísska) ‘that one4s(rel)’ Ihk + wa → Issk + wa (8.,15.→ ísska) ‘pail’ (cf. w + Ihk + yi 5.,15.→ óhki ‘his pail’) 4.s - CONNECTION a. Ø → s / C +_s nit + siksipawa → nítssiksipawa ‘I bit him.’ nit + ssikópii → nítsssikópii ‘I rested.’ s - CONNECTION b. Ø → i / V(’) +_s, where s is not part of an inflectional suffix. á + sínaakiwa → áisínaakiwa (26.→ áísínaakiwa) ‘He writes.’ nikáá + ssikópii → nikáá + issikópii (10.,26. → nikáíssikópii) ‘I have rested.’ káta’ + simiwa → káta’+isimiwa (20.→ kátai’simíwa?) ‘Did she drink?’ 5.o - REPLACEMENT4 o → a / _+a, where +a is not an inflectional suffix. áakoto + apinniiwa → áakotaapinniiwa ‘He will go adjust it.’ 6.COALESCENCE wi(:) → o w + ínni → ónni ‘his father’ w + iihsíssi → ohsíssi ‘her younger sibling’ 7.BREAKING k → ks / _I Page 209","{ ""Appendix B: Phonological Rules 1.GEMINATION C1 → C2 / _+ C2 where C1 and C2 are stops."": ""nitánIt + k + wa → nitánIkk + wa (8.,15.→ nitánikka) ‘He told me.’"", ""2.s - INSERTION Ø → s / I_t"": ""nitánItawa → nitánIstawa (8.→ nitánistawa) ‘I told him.’"", ""3.x - SIBILATION h →" 209,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,209,"áak + Ipiimma → áaksIpiimma (8.→ áaksipiimma) ‘She will enter.’ 8.NEUTRALIZATION I → i áaksIpiimma →áaksipiimma ‘She will enter.’ 9.DESYLLABIFICATION { i → y, o → w } / V+_V Constraint: the i and o are unaccented kitsí’powata + oaawa → kitsí’powatawaawa ‘You2p spoke harshly of/to him.’ (á + Io’kaa + wa 8.→) áio’kaawa → áyo’kaawa ‘She sleeps.’ 10.VOWEL SHORTENING Vi: → Vi / _+V áyo’kaa + o’pa →áyo’kao’pa ‘We21 sleep.’ imitáá + iksi → imitáiksi (26.→ imitáíksi) ‘dogs’ 11.i - LOSS5 i → Ø / Vy_{a,o} áyo’kaa + yi + aawa →áyo’kaayaawa ‘They sleep.’ áíhpiyi + o’pa →áíhpiyo’pa ‘We21 dance.’ 12.i - ABSORPTION i → Ø / s_{a,o} áókska’si + o’pa → áókska’so’pa ‘We21 run.’ (nit + Ioyi 8,19.→) nitsioyi → nítsoyi ‘I ate.’ 13.ih - LOSS ih → Ø / s_s otokska’si + hsi → otókska’ssi ‘that he ran’ 14.PRESIBILATION6 {ihs → ss , iihs → iss} otá’po’taki + hsi →otá’po’takssi ‘that he worked’ pii + hsini →pissini ‘entering’ 15.SEMIVOWEL LOSS G → Ø / {#, C}_ , where C is not ’ yaatóót →aatóót ‘howl!’ waaníít →aaníít ‘say (something)!’ Page 210","``` áak + Ipiimma → áaksIpiimma (8.→ áaksipiimma) ‘She will enter.’ 8.NEUTRALIZATION I → i áaksIpiimma →áaksipiimma ‘She will enter.’ 9.DESYLLABIFICATION { i → y, o → w } / V+_V Constraint: the i and o are unaccented kitsí’powata + oaawa → kitsí’powatawaawa ‘You2p spoke harshly of/to him.’ (á + Io’kaa +" 210,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,210,"w + óko’si →óko’si ‘his child’ áak + yaatoowa →áakaatoowa ‘She will howl.’ nit+waanii →nitáánii ‘I said (something).’ (cf. kikáta’ + waaniihpa →kikáta’waaniihpa ‘Are you saying [something]?’) 16. SEMIVOWEL REDUCTION G → Ø / _ + G kitanistawaaw + yináyi → kitánistawaayináyi ‘you2p said to him4s’ 17.y - REDUCTION7 iyi → ii / C_y áíhpiyi + yináyi →áíhpiiyináyi ‘She4 dances.’ 18.POSTSIBILATION ih → s / s_ nitáókska’si + hpinnaan → nitáókska’sspinnaan ‘We1p run.’ 19.t - AFFRICATION t → ts / _i nit + it + itsiniki → nitsítsitsiniki ‘Then I told a story.’ 20.GLOTTAL METATHESIS ’+Vi → Vi’ / _C , whether Vi is long or short á’ + omai’takiwa → áo’mai’takiwa (26.→ áó’mai’takiwa) ‘Now he believes.’ (káta’ + sspitaawa 3.b.→) káta’ + isspitaawa →kátai’sspitááwa? ‘Is he tall?’ 21.GLOTTAL LOSS ’ → Ø / VV:_C (káta’ + ookaawaatsi 20.→) kátaoo’k...→ kátaookaawaatsi ‘Did she sponsor a Sundance?’ [NB: V: must be an underlyingly long V, not a variable length V] 22.GLOTTAL ASSIMILATION Vi’ → Vi: / _(s)C: , where C is not s (káta’ + ottakiwaatsi 19. →) kátao’tt...→ kátaoottakiwaatsi ‘Is he a bartender?’ (á’ + isttohkohpiy’ssi 19. →) ái’sttohk... (26.→ áísttohkohpiy’ssi) ‘when he fell down’ Page 211","{ ""w + óko’si →óko’si 'his child'"", ""áak + yaatoowa →áakaatoowa 'She will howl.'"", ""nit+waanii →nitáánii 'I said (something).'"", ""(cf. kikáta' + waaniihpa →kikáta'waaniihpa 'Are you saying [something]?')"", ""16. SEMIVOWEL REDUCTION G → Ø / _ + G kitanistawaaw + yináyi" 211,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,211,"23.GLOTTAL REDUCTION ’ → Ø / _{’, h} (á’ + o’tooyiniki 20.→) áo’’tooyiniki → áo’tooyiniki (26.→ áó’tooyiniki) ‘when you arrive’ 24.VOWEL EPENTHESIS8 Ø → Vi / Vi’_h (káta’ + ohto’toowa 20. →) kátao’hto’toowa → kátao’ohto’toowa ‘Did he arrive from there?’ 25.sss - SHORTENING sss → ss / _C (nit + ssksinoawa 4a.→) nitsssksinoawa → nítssksinoawa ‘I know him.’ 26.ACCENT SPREAD á + okska’siwa → áókska’siwa ‘She runs.’ atsikí+ istsi → atsikíístsi ‘shoes’ (kakkóó + iksi 10.→) kakkó+iksi → kakkóíksi ‘pigeons’ INTERACTION CONSTRAINTS Rules apply for maximal ‘feeding’ and minimal ‘bleeding’ except that: 6 (Coalescence) bleeds 10 (V-Shortening), 14 (Presibilation), and 15 (Semi-V Loss); 12 (i-Absorption) bleeds 9 (Desyllabification); 1 (Gemination) bleeds 2 (s-Insertion); 9 (Desyllabification) bleeds 26 (Accent Spread), but does not bleed nor feed any other rules; 15 (Semi-V Loss) does not feed 7 (Breaking). Page 212","23.GLOTTAL REDUCTION ’ → Ø / _{’, h} (á’ + o’tooyiniki 20.→) áo’’tooyiniki → áo’tooyiniki (26.→ áó’tooyiniki) ‘when you arrive’ 24.VOWEL EPENTHESIS8 Ø → Vi / Vi’_h (káta’ + ohto’toowa 20. →) kátao’hto’toowa → kátao’ohto’toowa ‘Did he arrive from there?’ " 212,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,212,"Appendix C: The Sounds of Blackfoot Here is an introduction to the sounds of Blackfoot for those wanting a bit more technical phonetic description. So as to be of benefit to those without any background in phonetics, it is framed in an introduction to speech sounds in general. 1.SOME PARAMETERS OF SPEECH SOUND PRODUCTION Voicing As air flows from the lungs to the mouth and nose, it passes through the larynx (‘voice box’) where the glottis (‘vocal chords’) may be nearly closed and tensed so that the cartilages at the opening vibrate, imposing an audio signal on the air stream. Sounds made without this glottal vibration are said to be voiceless. A good contrast between voiced and voiceless sounds in English is found in the pair lazy and lacy. The z of lazy represents a voiced sound, while the c of lacy represents a voiceless sound. There are no such contrasts in Blackfoot, but voicing is an important feature nevertheless. (See Generalizations for Blackfoot, below.) Shape of the Oral Cavity The quality (timbre) of vowels and semivowels is determined by the complex patterns of the audio signal carried by the air flow leaving the mouth. As stated above, an audio signal is imposed on the air flow as it passes through the larynx. The oral cavity acts as a filter which more readily passes certain harmonics of this audio signal; the shape of the oral cavity determines which harmonics are passed and which are attenuated. The primary determinant for the shape of the oral cavity is the position of the tongue. It is common to describe vowels with respect to the location of the highest point on the tongue. For example, the vowel of English me is Page 213","{ ""Appendix C: The Sounds of Blackfoot Here is an introduction to the sounds of Blackfoot for those wanting a bit more technical phonetic description. So as to be of benefit to those without any background in phonetics, it is framed in an introduction to speech sounds in general. 1.SOME PARAMETERS OF SPEECH SOUND PRODUCTION Voicing As air flows from the lungs to the mouth and nose, it passes through the larynx (‘voice box’) where the glottis (‘vocal chords’) may be nearly closed and tensed so that the cartilages at the opening vibrate, imposing an audio signal on" 213,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,213,"produced with the blade of the tongue high and to the front of the mouth, so it is described as a high, front vowel. Blackfoot has the following vowels: high front [i], low front [æ], low central [a], mid to high back [o], and low back (which I will represent here as [ɔ]). These are similar to English vowels as follows: [i] is like the vowel of English she; the vowel [æ] is that of English at; [a] is the first vowel of father; Blackfoot [o] is about half way between the vowels of go and do, and like those vowels, involves lip rounding; Blackfoot [ɔ] is rounded also; it is like the sound spelled aw in dawn for speakers of English who pronounce this differently than they pronounce don. (This description of these vowels is simplified, in the sense that their basic quality has been described. The vowels [i], [æ], and [a] have predictable variants in well-defined environments, as will be described below under Generalizations for Blackfoot.) The shape of the oral cavity is also the determining factor for the quality of semivowels. These are like vowels except for their duration and consequently their position in the syllable: semivowels involve a gliding movement of the tongue into and out of a high front or high back position. They are never the nucleus of syllables, always occurring next to vowels. Blackfoot has a high front semivowel [y] and a high back semivowel [w]. Like the back vowel [o], the lips are rounded for [w]. Point of Air Flow Constriction in the Mouth The description of consonants makes reference to the point in the mouth where the air flow is constricted, such as at the lips, or at various points along the roof of the mouth as the tongue touches it. These points are sometimes referred to as ‘points of articulation.’ The important points for Blackfoot are the lips, alveolar ridge (behind the teeth), the front portion of the palate, and the velum (‘soft palate’). Consonants articulated at these points are described as labial, alveolar, palatal, and velar, respectively. Degree of Air Flow Constriction in the Mouth Air flow in the mouth may be completely blocked, as in stops and nasals Page 214","{ ""produced with the blade of the tongue high and to the front of the mouth, so it is described as a high, front vowel. Blackfoot has the following vowels: high front [i], low front [æ], low central [a], mid to high back [o], and low back (which I will represent here as [ɔ]). These are similar to English vowels as follows: [i] is like the vowel of English she; the vowel [æ] is that of English at; [a] is the first vowel of father; Blackfoot [o] is about half way between the vowels of go" 214,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,214,"(see below), or constricted to the extent that the air being forced through makes a noise; the latter sounds are called fricatives. V owels (see above) are produced with virtually no constriction in the mouth. Velic Status (open or closed) The velic is a valve at the back of the roof of the mouth. It may be open, allowing air to flow through the nasal passage, or closed. Glottis Status Blackfoot uses the glottis as an additional point of constriction; as we will see, a complete closure after a vowel counts as a consonant. 2.CLASSES OF CONSONANTS It is useful to recognize groups of sounds which have features in common, because this allows us to make generalizations about those groups, as we will see just below and when describing phonological rules. Stops When there is complete blockage of air flow in the mouth and the velic is closed so no air can escape through the nasal passage, as soon as the air pressure in the mouth matches the air pressure from the lungs air flow completely stops. E.g., if the lips are closed and the velic is closed, the air flow is halted as pressure builds up behind the lips. The resulting consonant is called a labial stop. Blackfoot has labial [p], alveolar [t], and velar [k] stops. A constriction at the glottis (represented here as [ʔ]) is also considered a stop (glottal stop), even though the closure is not in the mouth. Nasals If there is an oral closure but the velic remains open, then the entire air flow Page 215","{ ""(see below), or constricted to the extent that the air being forced through makes a noise; the latter sounds are called fricatives. V owels (see above) are produced with virtually no constriction in the mouth. Velic Status (open or closed) The velic is a valve at the back of the roof of the mouth. It may be open, allowing air to flow through the nasal passage, or closed. Glottis Status Blackfoot uses the glottis as an additional point of constriction; as we will see, a complete closure after a vowel counts as a consonant. 2." 215,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,215,"will be via the nasal passage. The point of closure in the mouth is still significant, however, because shape of the oral cavity will affect the quality (timbre) of the sound as it does for vowels (see below), especially if they are voiced, as they almost always are. Blackfoot has labial [m] and alveolar [n] nasals. Fricatives The oral closure is not complete, and air being forced through produces noise. The velic is closed; otherwise the pressure in the mouth could not be great enough to force air through the oral constriction. Blackfoot has an alveolar fricative [s], similar to the sound represented by s in English horse. Blackfoot also has a velar fricative [x]; it is about like the ‘gutteral’ sound usually represented by ch in German. Affricates If the closure for a stop is not opened abruptly and completely, but rather the closure is only partially opened so as to allow air to pass through with difficulty, then the release will be heard as a fricative. The resulting complex sound is called an affricate. Blackfoot has two affricates. One [ts] is at the alveolar ridge, and sounds like the ts in the English word cats. The other affricate [ks] begins with a velar closure, but during the release there is a partial closure at the alveolar ridge, so that it sounds similar to the sound written x in box. 3.DEFINITIONS stop = air flow blocked (glottal closure, or oral closure with velic closed). nasal = oral closure and velic open. fricative = friction noise as air flows through a constriction and velic closed. Page 216","{ ""will be via the nasal passage. The point of closure in the mouth is still significant, however, because shape of the oral cavity will affect the quality (timbre) of the sound as it does for vowels (see below), especially if they are voiced, as they almost always are. Blackfoot has labial [m] and alveolar [n] nasals."", ""Fricatives The oral closure is not complete, and air being forced through produces noise. The velic is closed; otherwise the pressure in the mouth could not be great enough to force air through the oral constriction. Blackfoot has" 216,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,216,"affricate = stop with fricative release. vowel = sound produced by resonance within the oral cavity; occurs as the nucleus of a syllable. semivowel = glide of tongue into a high front or back position; occurs as part of a syllable margin. 4.GENERALIZATIONS FOR BLACKFOOT Stops, fricatives, and affricates are voiceless and unaspirated. Nasals are voiced. V owels are voiced and non-nasalized (i.e., the velic is closed). Semivowels are voiced and non-nasalized. Predictable Variation: [a] is higher (central) if it is both short and followed by a long consonant. [i] is lax if it is both short and in a closed syllable. [æ] is higher and tense (like French é) when it precedes the glottal stop [ʔ], higher and lax (like the e of English bet) before a long consonant, and long otherwise. [o] is usually higher and lax (like the vowel of English put) before a long consonant. [ɔ] is more clearly a diphthong (like ow in English cow) before a glottal stop. Unaccented vowels are usually voiceless at the end of a word. Velar consonants ([x,k,ks]) are palatal if immediately preceded by a Page 217","{ ""affricate"": ""stop with fricative release."", ""vowel"": ""sound produced by resonance within the oral cavity; occurs as the nucleus of a syllable."", ""semivowel"": ""glide of tongue into a high front or back position; occurs as part of a syllable margin."", ""4.GENERALIZATIONS FOR BLACKFOOT"": ""Stops, fricatives, and affricates are voiceless and unaspirated. Nasals are voiced. V owels are voiced and non-nasalized (i.e., the velic is closed). Semivowels" 217,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,217,"front vowel. Short vowels combine with a following palato-velar fricative to form a voiceless syllable that combines both the friction of the and the quality of the vowel. 5.NON-ENGLISH DISTINCTIONS IN BLACKFOOT Accent Blackfoot has a non-predictable pitch accent. That is, every polysyllabic Blackfoot word has at least one syllable with distinctively high pitch. Vowel Length Blackfoot vowels are either long or short, and this length is distinctive. Consonant Length All Blackfoot consonants except [x] and [ʔ] are either long or short, and this length is distinctive. Other Contrasts with English: There is much less aspiration, if any, of stops in Blackfoot, than there is with English stops. Blackfoot [o] does not end in a glide. Page 218","{ ""front vowel. Short vowels combine with a following palato-velar fricative to form a voiceless syllable that combines both the friction of the and the quality of the vowel."", ""5.NON-ENGLISH DISTINCTIONS IN BLACKFOOT"", ""Accent"", ""Blackfoot has a non-predictable pitch accent. That is, every polysyllabic Blackfoot word has at least one syllable with distinctively high pitch."", ""Vowel Length"", ""Blackfoot vowels are either long or short, and this length is distinctive." 218,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,218,"Appendix D: Design of the Blackfoot Alphabet Appendix C describes the distinctive sounds of Blackfoot and their variants. Here we describe choices made in design of the alphabetic writing system, which was made the official writing system of the Siksiká, Kainai, and Piikáni Reserves in Canada in 1975. It uses only 13 letters, all of which are on standard keyboards. These letters, combined with accenting or underlining of stressed vowels, represent all and only those sound distinctions which are necessary to unambiguously spell any Blackfoot word. It is important to note that while all of the letters used are in the English alphabet, they don’t represent sounds that are exactly the same as the English sounds that usually correspond to those letters. The number of letters is based on an analysis of the Blackfoot sound system according to linguistic principles; the particular shape of the letters was determined by two practical considerations: ease of transfer of reading skills, for readers of Blackfoot, to English, and vice-versa; and to simplify printing of materials in Blackfoot. The letters chosen to represent the twelve distinctive consonants of Blackfoot are all on every standard keyboard. The choice to represent the nasal sounds [m] and [n] with m and n was made for obvious reasons. The choices made to symbolize other consonants were a bit less obvious, but again there was an attempt to look for at least some similarity between Blackfoot sounds and English sounds. Because Blackfoot stops [p], [t], and [k] have the same points of articulation as the English sounds most often represented by p, t, and k, respectively, the same three letters were chosen for the Blackfoot alphabet. For the affricates [ts] and [ks], it might have been wise to choose a unitary symbol for each of them, but for simplicity of representation these are spelled ts and ks , utilizing letters that are already part of the Blackfoot alphabet. Page 219","{ ""Appendix D: Design of the Blackfoot Alphabet Appendix C describes the distinctive sounds of Blackfoot and their variants. Here we describe choices made in design of the alphabetic writing system, which was made the official writing system of the Siksiká, Kainai, and Piikáni Reserves in Canada in 1975. It uses only 13 letters, all of which are on standard keyboards. These letters, combined with accenting or underlining of stressed vowels, represent all and only those sound distinctions which are necessary to unambiguously spell any Blackfoot word. It is important to note that while all of the" 219,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,219,"Because the Blackfoot alveolar fricative is similar to the English sound most commonly represented by s, that letter was chosen for the Blackfoot consonant. English has no velar fricative like Blackfoot [x], but since Blackfoot would have no need for the letter h other than at the beginning of certain expletives, and Blackfoot [x] occurs only after vowels, the letter h was chosen to represent Blackfoot [x], even though there is very little similarity between Blackfoot [x] and English sounds written with h. For the glottal stop [ʔ], the letter ’ (apostrophe) was chosen, as it is not used otherwise in Blackfoot writing. For the semivowels [y] and [w], letters y and w were the obvious choices. Deciding on what symbols to use for Blackfoot vowels was very difficult. Trying to match vowels up with English letters is nearly impossible, because English vowel letters do not even come close to consistently representing the distinctive vowel sounds of English. For example, note the different sounds represented by o in the following English words: no, on, of, woman, women, symbol. Consequently we decided to stick with the phonetic symbols (used in Appendix C) for [i], [a], and [o]: For the high front vowel, the letter i is used. For the low central vowel, a is used. For the mid back vowel, o is used. For the low front vowel [æ] and low back vowel [ɔ], a different solution was arrived at based on study of the grammar of Blackfoot. It was observed that every time one expects the sequences ai or ao, based on parsing of words made up of meaningful parts, we find instead [æ] or [ɔ], respectively. This calls for interpretation of these two low vowels as sequences; accordingly, [æ] is spelled ai and [ɔ] is spelled ao in the Blackfoot writing system, using vowel letters that are needed independently. Page 220","{ ""Because the Blackfoot alveolar fricative is similar to the English sound most commonly represented by s, that letter was chosen for the Blackfoot consonant."": ""Because the Blackfoot alveolar fricative is similar to the English sound most commonly represented by s, that letter was chosen for the Blackfoot consonant."" , ""English has no velar fricative like Blackfoot [x], but since Blackfoot would have no need for the letter h other than at the beginning of certain expletives, and Blackfoot [x] occurs only after vowels, the letter h was chosen to represent Blackfoot [x]," 220,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,220,"Distinctively long consonants and long vowels are written double, e.g., mm, kk, aa, ii. V owels with distinctively higher pitch (pitch accent) are written with an acute accent over the vowel: í, á, ó. Page 221","{ ""Distinctively long consonants and long vowels are written double, e.g., mm, kk, aa, ii. V owels with distinctively higher pitch (pitch accent) are written with an acute accent over the vowel: í, á, ó. Page 221"" }" 221,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,221,"Appendix E: Ikasskini: Analyzed Blackfoot Text I have added comments in square brackets, Comments about which noun is proximate (major third person) versus obviative (minor third person) are in bold print. Abbreviations are generally the same as those used throughout the Grammar. Events described herein are said to have taken place in 1843. Story recorded as told by Jack Bigeye of the Siksika reserve in 1965. Retold the same year by Matthew ManyGuns after listening to the recording by JBE. [JBE started out with typical; Óki, kitáakitsinikoohpoaawa, níkso’koaw. “Hello, I’m going to tell you a story, my kinfolk”] 1. Oki. Isskóóhtsik áí’tsinikatoo’pistsi oki isskooht-ika a’-itsinikatoo-’p-istsi okay in^past-ot perf2-relate(TI)-CN-in.p máátsito’táípoyó’paatsaaw [pronoun refers to ‘stories’? It’s not in JBE máát-it-o’t-a-ipoyi-o’p-waatsi-aawa neg-then-near-dur-stand-21-nonaff- PRO version] Okay, in the old days, when stories were told, we weren’t there for them 2 ááhkohtsitawaakohkootsiiyo’s [would expect the pronoun ááhk-ohts-it-a-waakohko-o:tsiiyi-o’si might-content-then-dur-argue(TA)-recip- 21(conPage 222","1. Oki. Isskóóhtsik áí’tsinikatoo’pistsi oki isskooht-ika a’-itsinikatoo-’p-istsi okay in^past-ot perf2-relate(TI)-CN-in.p 2. máátsito’táípoyó’paatsaaw máát-it-o’t-a-ipoyi-o’p-waatsi-aawa neg-then-near-dur-stand-21-nonaff- PRO 3" 222,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,222,"j) to argue about them here] 3. Ámohka áánistayiihka “íkasskini.” [note: -yiihk ‘nar,’ used throughout the story. amo- hka wa:nIt-a:- yiihka íkasskini JBE used it less than half as much.] this-rel say^to-dir- nar-3s lowhorn This one was named “Lowhorn.” 4.ááhksiksskaniotowoohkááyiihka [only example of ‘morning’ in a verb that I’ve ááhk-Iksskani-otowoohkaa- yiihk-wa might-morning-go^get^animal- nar-3s seen. JBE had ‘sotámotowoohkaa ksisskanáótonni.’] He was going to get his horse in the morning. 5.Sáakioohtá’pawaawahkaayiihka, sáaki-ooht-á’p-a-waawahkaa-yiihk-wa [independent verb form] still-along-PREF-dur-go-nar-3s While he was still on his way, 6.támssookito’tsistapikkssiyiihkini [‘rabbit’ is obviative] (so)tám-sook-it-o’t-istápikkssi-yiihk-yini then-sudden-there-near-seek^shelter-nar-4s omi áattsistaayi ohkátsistsi. om-yI áattsistaa-yI w-ohkát-Page 223","[j) to argue about them here] 3. Ámohka áánistayiihka “íkasskini.” [note: -yiihk ‘nar,’ used throughout the story. amo- hka wa:nIt-a:- yiihka íkasskini JBE used it less than half as much.] this-rel say^to-dir- nar-3s lowhorn This one was named “Lowhorn.” 4.ááhksiksskaniotowoohkááyiihka [only example of ‘" 223,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,223,"istsi that-4s rabbit-4s 3-foot-in.p a rabbit suddenly arrived between his feet. 7. (Otá’passkookiihka omí omahksísttsiipanikimmi.) ot-a’p-a-ssko-Ok-yiihk-wa om-yI omahksísttsiipanikimm-yi 3-around-dur-chase-inv-nar-3s that-4s hawk-4s (He was being pursued by a hawk.) [unnecessary here; not in JBE’ s telling] 8. Otánikkiihkáyi “Áyo nisáa. Ot-ánIt-Ok-yiihk-áyi Áyo nisáa 3-say-inv-nar-DTP hey sibl(voc.) Nikáyiksípoinaohkoyi [obv. subject, prox. object.] N-íkaa-yik-Ipoinaohkoyi [perfective aspect with stative verb] 1.perf-very-distressed He told him, “Hey brother. I’m very much in distress. 9. Pinanístapaoot!” pin-anistapa-oo-t neg-aside-go-2s(imp) Don’t step aside.” 10.Ki omá omahksísttsiipanikimma spóóhtamao’kiihka. ki om-wa omahkIttsiipanikimm-wa spóóht-wa-ma-o’k-yiihk-Page 224","[7]. (Otá’passkookiihka omí omahksísttsiipanikimmi.) [8]. Otánikkiihkáyi “Áyo nisáa. [9]. Pinanístapaoot!” [10]. Ki omá omahksísttsiipanikimma spóóhtamao’kiihka." 224,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,224,"wa & that-3s hawk-3s up-3s-stat-VBLZR-nar-3s [ki often marks start of new obviation span] [‘hawk’ now proximate] There was a Cooper’ s Hawk up above. [JBE had Omahksísttsiipanikimma spóóhtsima ánnamao’kiihka, omahkIttsiipanikimm-wa spóhtsi-ma ánn-wa-ma-o’k-yiihk-wa hawk-3s up-stat that-3s-stat-VBLZR-nar-3s] 11. Áínnaanistsííyiihka Íkasskiniyi, “Áyo nohkóyí, á-inn-wa:nIt-íí-yiihk-wa íkasskini-yI ayo n-ohkó-yí dur-down-say(TA)-dir-nar-3s I.-4s hey 1-son-voc ánistápaoot! Nitáakítsowataw. ánistáp-oo-t nit-áak-it-Iowat-a:-wa aside-go-2s(imp) 1-fut-there-eat(TA)-dir-3s It said to Lowhorn, “Hey, son, step aside! Then I will eat him. 12.Nikááyiksisamáa’psskoaw.” n-Ikaa-yik-Isamo-a’pssko-a:-wa 1-perf-very-long^time-chase-dir-3s I’ve been chasing him a long time.” [‘rabbit’ prox.] 13.Kiomá áattsistaaw, itomátaniiyiihka, ki om-wa áattsistaa-wa it-omat-wa:nii-yiihk-wa & that-3s rabbit-3s then-start-say-nar-3s Page 225","{ ""wa"": ""There was a Cooper’ s Hawk up above."", ""11. Áínnaanistsííyiihka Íkasskiniyi, “Áyo nohkóyí, á-inn-wa:nIt-íí-yiihk-wa íkasskini-yI ayo n-ohkó-yí"": ""It said to Lowhorn, “Hey, son, step aside! Then I will eat him."", ""12.Nikááyiksisamáa’psskoaw.”"": """ 225,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,225,"Then the rabbit started to say, “Ayo nisáa nikááyiksisamáa’psskooka, [JBE: had isayi in place of nisáa] ayo nisaa n-ikaa-yik-Isamo-a’pssko-Ok-wa hey sibl 1-perf-very-long^time-chase-inv-3s “Hey brother, He has been chasing me a long time, 14. ómahkáíksskanáótonni. Nikáísawaikííhtooka. omahka-iksskanáótonni n-iká-saw-a-ikííhtó-Ok-wa whole-morning 1-perf-neg-dur-do^to-inv-3s the whole morning. He has not been able to do anything to me. Oki nohkóyí, kitáaksikimmo oki n-ohkó-yí kit-áak-Ikimm-o: hey 1-son-voc 2-fut-empower-1s:2s Son, I’ll give you power. 15. (pototsóóhsi...) kitáaka’paisitokokska’satoo’pi.” pototsoohsiN-istsi kit-áak-a’p-a-sitok-okska’satoo-’p-yi trail(?)-in.pl 2-fut-around-dur-mid-run(TI)-th-in.p You will be able to run trails freely.” 16.Noohkáttohtsitó’tániiyiihka omá omahksísttsiipanikimma noohkátt-ohtsitó’t-wa:nii-yiihk- wa om- wa omahksísttsiipanikimm- wa also-in^turn-say-nar-3s that-3s hawk-3s [‘hawk’ prox.] Page 226","{ ""1"": ""Then the rabbit started to say, “Ayo nisáa nikááyiksisamáa’psskooka, [JBE: had isayi in place of nisáa] ayo nisaa n-ikaa-yik-Isamo-a’pssko-Ok-wa hey sibl 1-perf-very-long^time-chase-inv-3s “Hey brother, He has been chasing me a long time,"", ""14"": ""ómahkáíksskanáótonni. Nikáísawaikíí" 226,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,226,"Then the hawk, in turn, said, 17.“Aa, ááhsaa kááhká’pa’pistotóóki?” aa, ááhsaa k-ááhk-á’p-a’p-istot-o-Oki So what 2-might-around-PREF-make/do-BEN-2s:1s “What might you do for me?” 18.Ki, itanííyiihka íkasskiniw, “Aa, oki, kitáaksiisoo.” ki it-wa:nii-yiihk-wa Ikasskini-wa aa oki kit-áak-Yiiso-o: & then-say-nar-3s Lowhorn-3s yes okay 2-fut-feed-1s:2s Then Lowhorn said, “Okay, I’ll feed you.” [‘Ikasskini’ proximate again] 19.Ki, omí áattsistaayi sotámo’toyiiyiihka, ki om-yi áattsistaa-yi sotam-o’to-yii-yiihk-wa & that-4s rabbit-4s next-take-dir-nar-3s ki iitotóyiksatsiiyiihkáyi. ki iit-oto-yiksat-ii-yiihk-wa-áyi & past:then-go^to-hide-dir-3s-DTP Then he took the rabbit and went to hide him. 20. Mísstanistapiihpi otsíísoahpi omahksísttsiipanikimmi misst-wa:nistapii-hp-yi ot-Yiiso-a:-hp-yi omahksísttsiipanikimm- yI unknown-be(II)-CN- in.s 3-feed-dir-CN- in.s Page 227","Then the hawk, in turn, said, 17.“Aa, ááhsaa kááhká’pa’pistotóóki?” aa, ááhsaa k-ááhk-á’p-a’p-istot-o-Oki So what 2-might-around-PREF-make/do-BEN-2s:1s “What might you do for me?” 18.Ki, itanííyiihka íkasskiniw, “Aa, oki, kit" 227,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,227,"hawk-4s It’ s not known what he fed the hawk. 21.Ki, otsítsikimmookiihka omí áattsistaayi ki ot-it-Ikimmo-Ok-yiihk-wa om-yi áattsistaa-yi & 3-then-empower-inv-nar-3s that-4s rabbit-4s kimi omahksístsiipanikimi ki om-yi omahksístsiipanikim-yi & that-4s hawk-4s And then he was given power by the rabbit and the hawk. 22.Ki, ónni, aanistáyiihkini “máttsistáó’ohkiááyo”, ki w-inn-yi wa:nIt-a:-yiihk-yini mattsista’-ohkiááyo & 3-father-4s say(TA)-dir-nar-4s repeat-bear otsítanikkiihkáyi, ot-it-wa:nIt-k-yiihk-wa-áyi 3rd-then-say(TA)-inv-nar-3s-DTP Now, his father, named “repeat-bear,” then told him, 24. “Tsíkki, ó-ó-ómiistotoyó’kaatsspahkóyi”tsikki óm-yiist-oto-Yo’kaa-tisspa:hko-yiPage 228","{ ""20.Ki, otsítsikiimmookiihka omí áattsistaayi ki ot-it-Ikimmo-Ok-yiihk-wa om-yi áattsistaa-yi & 3-then-empower-inv-nar-3s that-4s rabbit-4s kimi omahksístsiipanikimi ki om-yi omahksístsiipanikim-yi & that-4s hawk-4s"": ""It’ s not known what he fed the hawk."", ""21" 228,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,228,"son(voc) that-in.s there-go-sleep-2s(imp) highland-in.s “Son, wa-a-ay over there, go there to sleep on the hill.” 25.Stámitotoyo’kááyiihka Íkasskiniwa omíím sspahkóyim. sotam-it-oto-Yo’kaa-yiihk- wa I.-wa om-yi-ma isspa:hko-yi-ma then-there-go-sleep-nar-3s I.-3s that- in.stat highland-in.s- stat So he went there to sleep on the hill. 26.Tsááhtaaw ááhkáí’tanístsooniyííhkaahtao’tsiks tsaahtaaw ááhk-a’-it-a:nistsi-ooni-yiihk-waahtao’tsiksi perhaps might-perf2-there-manner-be^day-nar-nonaff(?) It is not known how many days he was there, 27. kiamóhka áóhkomiwahka iitáíksiisttamma. ki amo-hka á-ohkomi-wa-hka iit-á-iksiisttaM:-wa & this-rel dur-utter-3s-rel past:there-dur-thunder(?)-3s and here/now thunder roared. 28.“A’áya, nohkówa ááhksíkao’kaasataawa,” a’aya n-ohko-wa ááhk-Ikao’kaasat-a:-wa oh 1-son-3s might-be^lightning^struck-dir-3s áá’nííyiihkini ónni. wa:nii-yiihk-yini w-inn-Page 229","{ ""24."": ""son(voc) that-in.s there-go-sleep-2s(imp) highland-in.s"", ""25."": ""Stámitotoyo’kááyiihka Íkasskiniwa omíím sspahkóyim."", ""26."": ""Tsááhtaaw ááhkáí’tanístsooniyííhkaahtao’tsiks"", ""27."": ""kiamóhka áóhkomiwahka iit" 229,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,229,"yI say-nar-4s 3-father-4s “Oh, my son might have been struck by lightning,” said his father. 29.Ki, kiomí otákkááyi á’nistsííyiihk[ini], ki ki om-yI w-itákkaa-yI wa:nIt-ii-yiihk-yini & that-4s 3-pal-4s say^to-dir-nar-4s “Kitákkaawa stapomááhkaat!” k-itákkaa-wa istap-omaahkaa-t 2-pal-3s to-run-2s(imp) He told his pal, “Go to your pal.” 30.Ki, kiáí’tapomaahkaayiihka otákkaayi. ki ki a’-itap-omaahkaa-yiihk-wa w-itakkaa-yI [new prox.] & & perf2-to-go-nar-3s 3-pal-4s He went to his pal. 31. Áistohkoyiiyiihka omí otákkaayi wáistohko-yii-yiihk-wa om-yI w-itakkaa-yI be^close^to-dir-nar-3s that-4s 3-pal-4s Ikasskiniyi otsítanikkiihkáyi, I.-yi ot-it-anIt-Ok-yiihk-wa-áyi I.-4s 3rd-then-tell-nar-3s-DTP When he got to his pal Ikasskini he was told, Page 230","{ ""28."": ""28."", ""Ki, kiomí otákkááyi á’nistsííyiihk[ini], ki ki om-yI w-itákkaa-yI wa:nIt-ii-yiihk-yini &"": ""Ki, kiomí otákkááyi á’nistsííyiihk[ini], ki ki om-yI w-itákkaa-yI wa:nIt-ii-yiihk-yini &"", ""Ki, kiáí’" 230,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,230,"hey pal(voc) there-in.s-stat-VBLZR stop-2s(imp) kááhksstsiysskooki” k-ááhk-sstsiyssko-o:ki 2.might-make^sweatlodge^for-2s:1s “Hey pal. Stop right there and put up a sweatlodge for me.” 33.Stamsskómaahkááyiihkini otákkaayi. [obv. forced by possession] sotam-ssk-omaahkaa-yiihk-yini w-itákkaa-yi next-back-go-nar-4s 3-pal-4s So then his pal went back. 34.Anni, áwaaniiw, ann-yi á-wa:nii-wa [‘pal’ prox.] that-in.s dur-say-3s There he was saying, 35.“Nitákkaaw ááhksstsiysskoayiihk.” n-itakkaa- wa 1-partner- 3s ááhk-sstsiyssko-a:-yiihk-wa [ááhk- marks a desire here] might-make^sweatlodge^for-dir- nar-3s “My pal wants a sweatlodge made for him.” 32. “Ayo napí!Ánnimayikoot,ayo napíann-yi-ma-yissikoo-t 36. Ki,sotámsstsiysskóayiihkÍkasskiniwa.Page 231","[32.] “Ayo napí!Ánnimayikoot,ayo napíann-yi-ma-yissikoo-t [33.] Stamsskómaahkááyiihkini otákkaayi. [obv. forced by possession] sotam-ssk-omaahkaa-yiihk-yini w-itákkaa-yi next-back-go-nar-4s 3-pal-4s [34.] Anni, áwaaniiw, ann-yi á-wa:nii-wa [" 231,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,231,"& so-make^sweatlodge^for-dir-nar-3s íkasskini-3s [new prox.] So a sweatlodge was made for Lowhorn. 37. Stáma’paisiíyiihka. Ki, itssóoyiihka Sááhkimaahsini. sotam-a’paisii-yiihk-wa ki it-sóo-yiihk-wa Sááhkimaahsini so-time^pass-nar-sg & there-go^to^war-3s Sááhkimaahsini Time went by. Then he went to war at Sááhkimaahsini. 38.Stamito’tóoyiihka, itsinímmiihkiaaw, sotam-it-o’too-yiihk-wa it-inii-mm-yiihk-yi-aawa then-there-arrive-nar-3s there-see(TI)-th-nar-pl-PRO ómistsi moyísiihki[aaw]. om-istsi moyíS-yiihk-yi-aawa that-in.p lodge-nar-pl-PRO When he arrived there, they saw some lodges. 39.ki Itanííyiihka, “Saahsíwa. Ááhkonitápohtowáoo’piaaw.” ki it-wa:nii-yiihk- wa saahsi-wa ááhk-on-itap-ohtowaoo-o’p-yi-aawa & then-say-nar-3s Sarcee-3s might-immed-to-approach-21-3p- PRO He said, “They are Sarcee. Let’ s approach them.” 40.Ki, omííksi stsíkiiksi otohpokóomiiksi kisotam-sstsiyssko-a:-yiihk-waíkasskini-wa Page 232","& so-make^sweatlodge^for-dir-nar-3s íkasskini-3s [new prox.] So a sweatlodge was made for Lowhorn. 37. Stáma’paisiíyiihka. Ki, itssóoyiihka Sááhkimaahsini. sotam-a’paisii-yiihk-wa ki it-sóo-yiihk-wa Sááhkimaahsini so-time^pass-nar-sg & there-go^to^war-3s Sááhki" 232,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,232,"ki om-iksi stsíki-iksi ot-ohpok-oo-m-yii-iksi & that-an.p other-an.p 3-with-go-TA-dir(nom)-an.p stamanííyiihkiaaw, sotam-wa:nii-yiihk-yi-aawa then-say-nar-3p-PRO But others of his companions said, 41.“A’yá, Assináw.” Ki, stámomatapóoyiihki a’ya assiná-wa ki sotam-omatap-oo-yiihk-yi oh-oh, Cree-3s & then-start-go-nar-pl omííksi atohká’taaniksi om-iksi atohká’taa-n-iksi that-3p scout-nom-an.p “Oh-oh, they are Cree.” So the scouts started to go. 42. Stámitssáópiiyiihkiaaw omí niítahtayi. sotam-it-sa-opii-yiihk-yi-aawa om-yi niítahta-yi then-there-outside-stay-nar-3p-PRO that-in.s river-in.s They were camping by the river. 43.Ki itssómo’siyiihki omííksi Assináakiiksi, ki it-somo’si-yiihk-yi om-iksi assina-aakii-iksi & there-fetch^water-nar-pl that-an.p Cree^wom.-an.p Page 233","{ ""ki om-iksi stsíki-iksi ot-ohpok-oo-m-yii-iksi"": ""But others of his companions said, 41.“A’yá, Assináw.” Ki, stámomatapóoyiihki a’ya assiná-wa ki sotam-omatap-oo-yiihk-yi"", ""omííksi atohká’taaniksi om-iksi atohká’taa-n-iksi"": ""Oh-oh, they are Cree.” So the scouts started to go. 42." 233,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,233,"ki iitssítsipssatsiiyiihkiaawaiksi. ki iit-sitsipssat-ii-yiihk-yi-aawa-aiksi & past:then-there-talk^with-dir-nar-3p-PRO-DTPan.p The Cree women were getting water, and conversed with them. 44.Ki omíksi Assináakiiksi itámssokanííyiihki[aawa], ki om-iksi Assina-aakii-iks itam-sok-wa:nii-yiihk-yi-aawa & that-an.p Cree-woman-an.p then-loud-say-nar-3p-PRO “Ówáhwáa, aestám!” Ówáhwáa, aestám Hey come^here[Cree] Then those Cree women suddenly yelled, “Hey, come here!” 45. Otsítohkoissksinookoaayiihkiaaw Assináyi, ot-it-ohkoissksino-o:k-oaa-yiihk-yi-aawa assina-yi 3rd-there-find^out-inv-3p-nar-pl-PRO Cree-4s Page 234","{ ""ki iitssítsipssatsiiyiihkiaawaiksi."": ""The Cree women were getting water, and conversed with them."", ""44.Ki omíksi Assináakiiksi itámssokanííyiihki[aawa],"": ""44.Ki omíksi Assináakiiksi itámssokanííyiihki[aawa],"", ""ki om-iksi Assina-aakii-iks itam-sok-wa:nii-yiihk-yi-aawa"":" 234,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,234,"ki itaksínaa’yiihkiaaw. [new prox.] ki it-aksina’-a:-yiihk-yi-aawa & there-surround-dir-nar-pl-PRO The Crees found out that they were there and surrounded them. 46.Sotámomó’tsaayiihki amóksi otohpokóomiiksi. [major character sotam-omo’tsi-a:- yiihk-yi amo- iksi ot-ohpokoom-yii- iksi proximate] then-defeat-dir-nar-pl this- an.p His companions were defeated. 3rd-accompany-dir- an.p 47.Ki oostóyi, ni’tokámotaayiihka. ki w-iistó-yI ni’t-okamotaa-yiihk-wa & 3-self-4s one-survive-nar-3s And as for him, he was the only one left. 48. Itáaksskonakatayiihka omahkáíksistsikoyi, itáak-skonakat-a:-yiihk-wa omahka-iksistsiko-yi repeatedly-shoot-dir-nar-3s entire-day-in.s He was being shot at all day. 49.kii iikákaoksistotakiyiihka Íkasskiniwa. ki ikaa-oksistotaki-yiihk-wa Íkasskini-wa & past:perf-be^destructive-nar-3s Í.-3s He did a lot of damage Page 235","[45.] ki itaksínaa’yiihkiaaw. [46.] Sotámomó’tsaayiihki amóksi otohpokóomiiksi. [47.] Ki oostóyi, ni’tokámotaayiihka. [48.] Itáaksskonakatayiihka omahkáíksistsikoyi, [49.] kii iikákaoksistotakiyiihka Íkasskiniwa." 235,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,235,"okay & finally-dur(?)-kill-dir-nar-3s lowhorn-3s Well, finally Lowhorn was killed. 51.Ki ómahkao’kiihka omá assináw á’yiistapsskóoyiihka. ki om-wa-hka-o’k-yiihk- wa om- wa assiná- wa a’-yiistap-ssk-oo-yiihk- wa & that-3s-rel-VBLZR-nar- 3s that- 3s Cree-3s perf2-away-back-go-nar- 3s And the Crees went away, back on their way. 52.Omííksi Assináíkoaiksi, itáínihkihtsimiihkiaaw. om-iksi assiná-ikoaN-iksi it-a-Inihkihtsi-m-yiihk-yi-aawa that-3p Cree-male-an. p then-dur-sing(TI)-th-nar-3p-PRO Íkasskiniyi otsínihkssiistsi. Íkasskini-yI ot-Inihki-hsiN-istsi. Ikasskini-4s 3rd-sing-nom-in.p Those Crees, they were singing Lowhorn’ s song. 53.Iitámssookotamistsipatakkáyaayiyiihka omá kiááyow. [new 50. Óki, kiikiá’yai’nitáyiihkaÍkasskiniwa.oki kiikia’-ya-i’nit-a:-yiihk-waÍkasskini-wa Page 236","[50. Okay, kiikiá’yai’nitáyiihkaÍkasskiniwa. Page 236] [51. Ki ómahkao’kiihka omá assináw á’yiistapsskóoyiihka. And the Crees went away, back on their way.] [52. Omííksi Assináíkoaiksi, itáínihkihtsimiihkiaaw. Íkasskiniyi otsínihkssiistsi. Those Crees, they were" 236,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,236,"iitam-sook-o’tam-istsipatakkáyaayi-yiihk- wa om- wa kiááyo- wa prox.] then-sudden-over^hill-run^along-nar-3s that- 3s bear-3s Unexpectedly a bear came over the hill. 54. Ikákai’nitsiiyiihka Assináyi. iik-áka-i’nit-yii-yiihk-wa assiná-yi. very-many-kill-dir-nar-3s Cree-existl. He killed a lot of the Crees. 55. Otsítanikkoaayiihkiaaw stsíki assináyi, ot-ít-anIt-Ok-oaa-yiihk-yi-aawa stsík-yI assiná-yI, 3rd-then-tell-inv-3p-nar-3p-PRO other-4s Cree-4s “Mináttsinihkitsika!” Mi:n-átt-Inihkihtsi-k neg-again-sing(TI)-2p(imp) They were told by the other Crees, “Don’t sing it anymore!” 56. Sotámattomatapóoyiihkiaaw, ki sotam-att-omatap-oo-yiihk-yi-aawa ki then-again-start-go-nar-3p-PRO & máttsitomatánihkihtsimiihkiaaw íkasskini otsínihkssiistsi. matt-it-omat-a-Inihkihtsi-m-yiihk-yi-aawa Íkasskini- Page 237","[iitam-sook-o’tam-istsipatakkáyaayi-yiihk- wa om- wa kiááyo- wa prox.] then-sudden-over^hill-run^along-nar-3s that- 3s bear-3s Unexpectedly a bear came over the hill. 54. Ikákai’nitsiiyiihka Assináyi. iik-áka-i’nit-yii-yiihk-wa assiná-yi. very-many-kill-dir-nar-3s" 237,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,237,"yi ot-inihki-hsiN- istsi again-then-start-dur-sing(TI)-theme-nar-3p- PRO Lowhorn- 4s 3rd-sing-nom- in.p So they went on their way, but again started singing Lowhorn’ s songs. 57.Támssookatto’tamistsipatakkáayiyiihka stámika. [new prox.] (so)tám-sook-att-o’tam-istsipatakkaayi-yiihk-wa stámik-wa then-sudden-again-over^hill-run^along-nar-3s steer-3s Again, a bison bull suddenly came over the hill. 58.Otsikáttakaístotookowááyiihkiaawayi. ot-ik-átt-aka-ístoto-Ok-oaa-yiihk-yi-aaw-ayi 3rd-very-again-many-do^to-inv-3p-nar-3p-PRO-DTP Very many of them were killed by him. 59.Á’yi! Ikohtáókohkooyimmiihkiaaw [new prox.] á’yi ik-oht-á-ók-ohkooyimm-iihk-yi-aawa oh! very-means-dur-bad-endure-nar-3p-PRO Oh my! They went through a lot of bad times otáínihkihtsissaaw íkasskiniyi otsínihkssiistsi. ot-a-Inihkihti-hsi-aawa I.-yI ot-Inihk-hsiN-istsi 3-dur-sing-conj-PRO I.-4s 3-sing-nom-in.p Ikiáí’taomaopiyiihkiaaw. ikia’-it-ya-omaopi-yiihk-yi-aawa finally-then-dur-cease-nar-3p-PRO Page 238","{ ""56."": ""yi ot-inihki-hsiN- istsi again-then-start-dur-sing(TI)-theme-nar-3p- PRO Lowhorn- 4s 3rd-sing-nom- in.p So they went on their way, but again started singing Lowhorn’ s songs."", ""57."": ""Támssookatto’tamistsipatakkáayiyiihka stámika. [new prox.] (so)tám-sook-att-o’tam" 238,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,238,"because of singing Lowhorn’ s songs. Finally, they ceased [singing them]. 60.kiánnimayi, iihkakótsiiwa. [standard formula for story ending] ki ann-yi-ma-yi iihkakotsii-wa & there-in.s-stat-VBLZR pst:terminate-sg The end. There it is, it stopped (boiling). Page 239","{ ""sentences"": [ { ""tokens"": [ ""because"", ""of"", ""singing"", ""Lowhorn’"", ""s"", ""songs."", ""Finally,"", ""they"", ""ceased"", ""singing"", ""them."" ], ""lemmas"": [ ""because"", ""of"", ""sing"", ""Lowhorn’"", ""s"", ""song"", ""finally""," 239,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,239,"References Bloomfield, Leonard. 1946. Algonquian. Harry Hoijer, ed., Linguistic Structures of Native America. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology 6, pp. 85-129. Dunham, Joel. 2007. The ‘durative’ in Blackfoot: Understanding imperfectivity. In Amy Rose Deal (ed.), Proceedings of SULA 4: Semantics of Under-Represented Languages in the Americas. University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 35, pp. 49-60. Dunham, Joel. 2008. A unified analysis of the habitual and in-progress readings of á in Blackfoot. Unpublished manuscript (Qualifying Paper), University of British Columbia. Fox, Jacinta, and D. Frantz. 1979. Blackfoot clitic pronouns. William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Tenth Algonquian Conference, 152-166. Ottawa. Frantz, D. G. 1971. Toward a generative grammar of Blackfoot. Summer Institute of Linguistics PLRF #34. Norman, Okla. Frantz, D. G. 1978. Copying from complements in Blackfoot. Eung-Do Cook and Jonathan Kaye, eds., Linguistic Studies of Native Canada, 89- 110. Vancouver: UBC Press. Frantz, D. G. 1979. Multiple dependency in Blackfoot. Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistic Society, 77-80. Berkeley. Frantz, D. G. 1980. Ascensions to subject in Blackfoot. Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 293-299. Berkeley. Page 240","{ ""References"": ""Bloomfield, Leonard. 1946. Algonquian. Harry Hoijer, ed., Linguistic Structures of Native America. Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology 6, pp. 85-129."", ""Dunham, Joel. 2007. The ‘durative’ in Blackfoot: Understanding imperfectivity. In Amy Rose Deal (ed.), Proceedings of SULA 4: Semantics of Under-Represented Languages in the Americas. University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 35, pp. 49-" 240,BF_Gram_AI,.pdf,240,"Frantz, D. G., and Eugene Creighton. 1982. The indefinite possessor prefix in Blackfoot. William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Thirteenth Algonquian Conference, 137-142. Ottawa. Frantz, D. G., and Norma J. Russell. 1989. Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots, and Affixes. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Frantz, D. G., and Norma J. Russell. 1995. Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots, and Affixes. Second Edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Frantz, D. G., and Norma J. Russell. 2017. Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots and Affixes. Third Edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Taylor, Allan R. 1967. Initial change in Blackfoot. Contributions to Anthropology: Linguistics I, Bulletin 214 of National Museum of Canada, 147-156. Ottawa. Taylor, Allan R. 1969. A Grammar of Blackfoot. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of California, Berkeley. Taylor, Allan R. 1978. Deictics in Algonkian. Ms. Paper read at 83rd annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association, Los Angeles. Thomson, Gregory. 1978. The origin of Blackfoot geminate stops and nasals. In Eung-Do Cook and Jonathan Kaye, eds., Linguistic Studies of Native Canada, 249-254. Vancouver: UBC Press. Uhlenbeck, C. C. 1938. A Concise Blackfoot Grammar. Amsterdam: North Holland Publishing Co. Page 241","{ ""Frantz, D. G., and Eugene Creighton. 1982. The indefinite possessor prefix in Blackfoot. William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Thirteenth Algonquian Conference, 137-142. Ottawa."", ""Frantz, D. G., and Norma J. Russell. 1989. Blackfoot Dictionary of Stems, Roots, and Affixes. Toronto: University of Toronto Press."", ""Frantz, D. G., and Norma J. Russell. 1995."