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Revamping school lunch guidelines
School kids will be seeing new foods in the cafeteria this year, thanks to new federal school lunch standards.
Students will see more fruits and vegetables, lower-fat protein choices, low-fat milk, and appropriate portion
sizes. Cleveland Clinic dietitian Andrea Rumschlag suggests parents take a good look at weekly menus and supplement what's being offered if a child doesn't like part of the meal.
Rumschlag: Your child might not like the side vegetables and fruit that are offered, so feel free to pack those with them, so you know they're at least getting partly something that they'll enjoy and that is good for for them.
She also encourages parents to talk to schools about new foods that could be added to the meal plans. 32-million U.S. kids eat school lunches, where they get as much as half of their recommended daily caloric intake. 12-million students also eat breakfast at school. Mark Terry of the National Association of Elementary School Principals says the meals make a difference.
Terry: the research is pretty clear that the academic benefits: classroom performance and test scores, reduced tardiness and absenteeism, fewer visits to the nurse's or principal's office
Terry says even more U.S. children do not eat school breakfast, due to issues of poverty and transportation.
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KIGALI, Feb.19 (Xinhua) -- Chronic malnutrition among children remains a significant public health problem in Rwanda despite the remarkable economic progress the country has made over the past few years, said a report released here Wednesday.
Three out of 10 children are suffering from malnutrition in Rwanda, said Fidele Ngabo, nutrition specialist and the maternal and child health director at the Ministry of Health.
Ngabo made the remarks during the National Food and Nutrition Summit, which was attended by representatives from various Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and public servants to discuss ways of improving nutrition among children in Rwanda.
"The country lost 503.6 billion Rwf (740,5 million U.S. dollars) in 2012 in fighting against malnutrition," he said, citing that treating a severely underweight child, for example, is more costly than prevention.
The director said the growing food crisis in the Sahel region as well as raging cholera and measles in Cameroon have all contributed to the situation.
According to the latest report release by the World Food Organization (WFP), household food insecurity continues to be a challenge in Rwanda, despite the country's impressive economic recovery, with an annual GDP growth of 7.2 percent since 2010.
The northern and western areas bordering Lake Kivu and along the Congo Nile Crest are the most affected areas with a stunting rate rising over 60 percent. The life expectancy in Rwanda is 51 years.
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- Virginia Johnson
Fourteen-year-old Elenor did not wish to be married, particularly not to Lord Thomas. He had been away at the Crusades for years, and what Elenor remembered of him did nothing to endear him to her. What was more, there was so much of the world to see, and marriage would end her chances for adventure, or so she believes at the beginning of Frances Temple's The Ramsay Scallop.
For his part, Thomas had no wish to marry the Brat, as he called her, or anyone else for that matter. He was exhausted and disillusioned from the Crusades with little enough desire to go on living, let alone take a wife. But in the year of our Lord 1299, one does as one's position demands. Great families, the village priest told them, married to secure the lands for their people. This was a question of duty, not of preference.
Many of the returned crusaders had sins on their consciences, and years of being apart had split them from their families. Ramsay Village had become a place of suspicion and regret.
Father Gregory considered the plight of his two children, for so he thought of them, and summoned them to his presence:
"Would you, Thomas, and you, Elenor, be willing to do penance for the whole community?" Both agreed. "The penance I impose on you, for the sake of the entire community, is to bear a record of our sins and contrition to the shrine of Saint James in Spain, to lay it upon the altar of the cathedral in Santiago, and to pray there for us all. You will travel as chaste companions. Your marriage may not be consummated until the pilgrimage has been completed."
The reluctant companions rode towards the dawn, dressed simply and wearing the black hats adorned with scallop shells that marked them as pilgrims, miles to go and worlds to see. It is a dangerous journey full of risk but the rewards are everlasting as they get to know the greater world—and each other.
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In the world of aviation, Burt Rutan is pretty much known for coming up with some wild designs for airplanes, unconventional, yet highly practical. Now, Rutan’s firm has designed a hybrid gasoline‐electric roadable aircraft called the Scaled Composites Model 367 or “BIPOD”. What separates this one from the rest is, well, just about everything, from its design, the way the seating pods are arranged and uses the principals of a flying-car of sorts, given the fact that this one uses a road-vehicle’s drivetrain. This one’s designed to work as both, a plane and a car, and when driven around, is capable of 200mph speeds and boasts a 700-mile range! Well we really don’t know how well this one catches on and if any of us could probably be driving downtown in one of these. The idea seems pretty feasible though!
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Warren Schmaus on Durkheim's Sens lectures
André Lalande's notes taken in Durkheim's philosophy class at the Lycée de Sens during the academic year 1883-84 have the potential to change our understanding of Durkheim. In the Elementary Forms of Religious Life, Durkheim said that sociology would renew philosophy. These lectures make very clear to us the conception of philosophy that Durkheim thought needed to be renovated. They reveal Durkheim as a young scholar at the beginning of his career emerging from the eclectic, spiritualist tradition of Victor Cousin and his followers, which dominated academic philosophy in France at that time. Like the spiritualists, Durkheim regarded psychology as the philosophical discipline that provided a foundation for logic, ethics, and metaphysics. He also shared many of their views on meaning, the problem of universals, and moral principles, and subscribed to their interpretations of major philosophers like Kant.
Especially surprising, in the light of the seemingly atheist implications of his subsequent sociology of religion, is Durkheim's support for some of the very traditional metaphysical and moral arguments for God's existence and the immortality of the soul.
Where Durkheim appears to have been a more progressive thinker was with regard to his views on philosophical method. Whereas for many of the Cousinians, psychology proceeded through the method of introspection, for Durkheim it was an empirical, experimental science. He argued, much as he would later in the Rules of Sociological Method, that each science must have its own unique object of study. He then defined psychology as the science of mental states. The experimental method of hypothesis and test was needed to get beyond the mere internal observation of such states and to discover the laws that governed them.
According to Durkheim, not only psychology but all the branches of philosophy, including logic, ethics, and metaphysics, were experimental sciences.
Many of Durkheim's views in the philosophy of science are surprisingly modern. Sounding much like Hempel or Popper would later, Durkheim argued that there is no logic or method of discovery in science, that our knowledge could not grow without bold new hypotheses, that logic and method are useful only for testing hypotheses, that scientific knowledge is forever fallible, and so on. In lecture 26, he argued that logic alone allows us only to draw out the consequences of the ideas that we already have and not to discover anything new. For Durkheim, discovery proceeds through the invention of hypotheses, which requires the force of genius. In his lectures on psychology, he associated genius with what he termed the "creative imagination."
His account of the role of imagination in the formation of scientific hypotheses should put to rest once and for all the view that he was an utterly naive inductivist who thought we could simply generalize laws from an unbiased study of the facts.
Even the historian, he added, must reconstruct the past through the creative use of hypotheses.
In his concluding lecture on ethics, lecture 68, he continued to maintain that ethics was an experimental science.However, we do not find him actually testing hypotheses in his lectures on ethics. The empirical character of his ethics amounts to little more than his claim, in lecture 56, to have drawn from experience the fact that we are morally responsible agents. In fact, he rejected the empiricist ethics of the utilitarians, having argued that it fails to issue in universal moral principles. He endorsed instead the Kantian view that morality is grounded in the principle that one should always treat others as ends in themselves and never as means. This rejection of empiricism in ethics is surprising, given Durkheim's later attempts to ground ethics in an empirical sociology. However, he also criticized Kant for not being sufficiently empirical, arguing that Kant produced an imaginary ethics and not one of real human beings.
Outside the field of ethics, Durkheim's reading of Kant is even less sympathetic. His discussion of Kant's theory of knowledge is not grounded in a careful study of Kant's texts and appears to be strongly colored by the spiritualist tradition. For example, in lecture 23 Durkheim discussed Kant's position that the principles of rationality apply only to a world of phenomena that we have constructed. Durkheim interpreted this position as implying that these principles are merely subjective. This is a highly contentious interpretation of Kant, but nevertheless represents a standard criticism of him among the spiritualists. For Kant, the forms of sensibility, the categories of the understanding, and the principles that followed from them are constitutive of objects -- and thus of experience -- in the first place. That is, such principles as that substances are permanent in time and that every event has a cause are part of our very conception of what it is for something to be an object. To consider the world of appearances or phenomena as merely subjective is to suggest that one is identifying the "objective" with something outside the mind's experience or with the noumenal world. To make this latter identification, however, would be either to misunderstand or to beg the question againstKant.
Durkheim's account of Kant's theory of knowledge also sheds some light on his later theory in the Elementary Forms of the social causes of categories such as space, time, cause, and genus. Durkheim's sociology of knowledge has puzzled many readers, since it is not clear how the categories could be derived from social life and thus from experience if they make experience possible in the first place. In fact, in lecture 20 Durkheim makes a similar argument against Spencer's theory of the categories, which would seem to indicate that this critique of Durkheim may be based on a misinterpretation. I would suggest that in Durkheim's sociological theory of the categories, he is not responding to Kant so much as to the spiritualists. In the same lecture in which he criticized Spencer, Durkheim reported that Maine de Biran had attempted to derive the categories from inner experience. Cousin, on the other hand, insisted that the principles of reason are a priori. But how, Durkheim queried, could these principles be a priori if the concepts or categories contained in them are not? He then adopted a compromise position, drawing a distinction between categories as abstract, general principles of reason and as concrete representations made possible by our experience. This distinction may then help us to understand his claim in the Elementary Forms that the individual has a sense of time, place, resemblance, and regular succession that is independent of the categories. Here Durkheim, like many nineteenth century philosophers, was equating a priori principles with innate psychological capacities. The categories, on the other hand, were identified in the Elementary Forms with their collective representations, much as they had been identified in the Sens lectures with their concrete individual representations. In other words, he later came to hold that social life gave rise to the concrete representations of abstract principles of reason that he distinguished from these principles very early in his career.
Durkheim's understanding of Kant on free will also bears the mark of the spiritualist tradition. According to Durkheim, Kant imprisoned the will within the noumenal world. However, one could with at least equal justice argue instead that Kant imprisoned causality within the phenomenal world. For Kant, the relation between will and action is not causal in the sense of being a temporal, before-and-after relationship. Causal, temporal relations apply only to the phenomenal realm, the realm of objects constituted by the understanding and the sensibility.
The will, for Kant, stands outside of the phenomenal realm and thus outside of experience, spatial and temporal relationships, and the categories of the understanding. Biran, on the other hand, had tried to ground the concept of causality in our introspective experience of the power of the will over the body.
He argued that it is possible to have direct experience of the will as causally efficacious and not merely indirect experience of the actions that result from the will. Cousin went so far as to use Biran's arguments as a basis from which to defend a traditional notion of a substantial soul with causal powers.
Hence, one would not expect to find a sympathetic account in the spiritualists' texts of Kant's notion that the will is outside experience. Although Durkheim did not accept Cousin's notion of a substantial soul, he nevertheless agreed with the spiritualists in arguing that the self is directly known by consciousness and is not a constructed notion, as Kant suggested in the transcendental dialectic. Similarly, in a discussion of Spinoza, Durkheim rejected the position that we experience only our actions and not their causes.
Durkheim's views in the Sens lectures on causality and the will illuminate his subsequent conception of sociological explanation. For Kant, the relationship between the will and the action is not a temporal, causal relationship, but rather one that has to do with the reasons for the action. To explain an action in terms of its reasons is to say that the action makes sense in the light of these reasons, or, in other words, it is to give the meaning of the action for the agent. The explanations of actions in terms of their meanings and how such explanation could be different than causal explanations, however, were topics to which Durkheim perhaps did not give sufficient attention. His rejection of psychological explanations from sociology is expressed in terms of psychological and social causes, not reasons. He simply dismissed explanations in terms of the reasons for actions as appeals to final causes. One could argue that Durkheim's philosophical training in the spiritualist tradition did not either prepare him or predispose him to consider interpretive explanations more seriously. That is, since he was taught to think of the will as causing action, he did not stop to consider the possibility that the relation between the action and its grounds is not a time relation but a logical relation. To the extent that many other early French social scientists shared a similar philosophical training, it may be no accident that interpretative or Verstehen sociology developed and took hold in Germany rather than in France.
In addition, the Sens lectures reveal Durkheim working with a very traditional conception of linguistic meaning linked to the notion of representative ideas. Like Locke, Durkheim identified the meanings of general terms with general ideas held in the mind and formed by abstraction from particular ideas.
Durkheim regarded these general ideas as real entities existing in the minds of those who hold these concepts. He adopted this doctrine, which he understood to be Abelard's conceptualist philosophy, in order to avoid the extremes of either the nominalist or the Platonic realist solution to the problem of universals. Like this medieval philosopher, Durkheim could accept neither that general terms were mere names that we give to classes of things nor that these terms corresponded to independent entities. In lecture 43, he took from Arnauld's seventeenth-century "Port-Royal Logic" the analysis of the meaning of general terms into their comprehension and their extension. The comprehension of a term is the collection of all the characteristics shared by the individuals that comprise the extension of the term; that is, it is the characteristics that distinguish that "represented idea" from every other idea. The extension is simply the collection of individuals that share these characteristics. Of course, later in his career Durkheim would come to identify the meanings of general concepts with collective rather than individual representations. However, this was merely to introduce a distinction between two sorts of representative ideas. The role that representative ideas played in Durkheim's theory of meaning raises doubts that he ever held anything like Wittgenstein's nominalist notions of meaning-as-use, as some interpreters have suggested.
The metaphysical views Durkheim endorsed in lectures 70 through 72 may also shed light on his subsequent sociological theorizing. Durkheim endorsed a "spiritualist realism," which, unlike idealism, does not deny the existence of the external world, but, unlike materialism, denies that the external world consists of matter. For the spiritualist philosophy, which he traced back to Leibniz and also associated with vitalism, reality consists in forces or spirits analogous to ourselves, but with perhaps with less consciousness. Nothing exists except either as a spirit or as an object of representation. What we call matter, along with its three-dimensional extension and motion as well as its color and other more obviously mind-dependent qualities, is only an ensemble of appearances. Thus, unlike Cartesian dualism, spiritualism is a monist realism that is not faced with the problem of how two essentially different sorts of substance, mind and matter, are able to interact with each other.
There appear, then, to be two major differences between Durkheim's early spiritualism and his later social realism.
First, he seems to have added social forces to his basic ontology. Second, he came to accept that there are two distinct classes of mental representations, individual and collective, that constitute the subject matters of psychology and sociology, respectively. However, this notion of a collective representation is already suggested by the conceptualist notion of shared mental states. Also, both collective representations and the social forces to which they give rise appear to depend on individual consciousnesses for their existence. Hence, it is not clear to me at least that Durkheim's metaphysical views underwent any fundamental changes.
Whether or not Durkheim's later social realism indicates a fundamental change in his metaphysics, however, it certainly represents a significant change in his thinking. The way I read his career is this: In the Sens lectures, he was already seeking to replace the introspective psychology of his spiritualist predecessors with an empirical, hypothetico-deductive psychology of individual mental states as the foundation for the other three philosophical sciences. His subsequent goal was to replace even this psychology with an empirical sociology, which would proceed by testing hypotheses about shared mental states with historical, statistical, and ethnographic data. Parts of psychology and logic would then be transformed into the sociology of knowledge.
Parts of metaphysics would be replaced by the sociology of religion. Ultimately, Durkheim had hoped to re-establish ethics on a sociological basis as well, a project to which he kept returning throughout his career but that he never completed.
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|Following the death of Osama bin Laden, some are worried that the latest surge in nationalism could lead to increased acts of Islamophobia against the Muslim American community [GALLO/GETTY]
News of Osama bin Laden's death has brought a surge of nationalism throughout much of the United States, and the Obama administration is using the event to justify its foreign policy in the Middle East.
Given that al-Qaeda has claimed the lives of far more Arab Muslims than Westerners, many Muslims and Arabs living in the US are relieved that he is gone.
Yet that relief is tempered by the knowledge that bigotry they face is most likely going to remain.
"I hope that his death helps reduce the stereotyping we all face here at times," Said Alani, an Arab and Muslim who is a college student in New York told Al Jazeera, "But even though the symbol [Osama bin Laden] is dead, and that chapter is closed, I imagine there will still be some people who carry the stereotype on against Muslims in the United States. Osama bin Laden was the symbol of the stereotype, but the stereotype will still exist. I even see people here that call Japanese 'Japs' and think that they should be in concentration camps. So even that stereotype is still alive."
According to the US government, at approximately 1:30 a.m. local time in Pakistan, a US special forces team conducted a helicopter raid that killed Osama bin Laden, the so-called leader of al-Qaeda, where he was staying in a summer resort compound in the town of Abbottabad, roughly 60km north of Islamabad.
Abbottabad is also the home of Pakistan's premier military academy.
Bin Laden, an adult son, an unidentified woman, and two other men were killed, according to US officials.
However, many Muslims in the US believe the event will not likely function to dispel stereotyping and bigotry against Arabs and Muslims.
Candeace Lukasik, a student of Political Science and International Relations at Canisius College in Buffalo, New York, is in the process of converting to Islam.
While she expressed relief that the killing of Bin Laden has ended this troubling chapter of US history, she was sceptical that the event would cause a positive shift in negative perceptions of Arabs and Muslims in the US and abroad.
"As a US citizen, there was a moment of happiness that this chapter has finally come to an end. But at the same time, the 'war on terror' has already gone way past what Osama bin Laden represented. This event is bittersweet, and I don't know that it's ever a good thing to be excited about someone's death."
But excitement about Osama bin Laden's reported death is rampant around the US, and has been fanned by remarks from US president Barack Obama himself.
US citizens gathered at the site of the World Trade Centre in New York City and at the gates of the White House to celebrate Bin Laden's death. An orgy of nationalism even led some to sing "Amazing Grace" while others cheered and waved U.S. flags.
The chant – "U-S-A! U-S-A!" – echoed in Dearborn, Michigan, a heavily Middle Eastern suburb of Detroit, where a crowd gathered outside City Hall and waved US flags. In another area of Dearborn people honked their car horns while they drove along the main street where most of the Arab-American restaurants and shops are located.
Lukasik, like many Muslim Americans Al Jazeera has spoken with, is concerned that the wave of nationalism currently sweeping across the country will increase negative stereotyping of Arabs and Muslims.
"I really don't think this will have a positive effect on American's perceptions of Muslims here," she said, "Because the policies of the US government have been totally against Arab and Muslim populations inside the US. So things like Guantanamo, and other questionable intelligence gathering practises will likely continue. It's the same with bigotry and prejudice. I don't think this will change that."
Lukasik believes that racism, bigotry and prejudice against Arabs and Muslims has been ingrained in US society for a long time, and particularly so in the decade that followed the events of September 11, 2001.
"These are things that have been ingrained in our society over the last 10 years, and I doubt this will change that," she said, "While I've been on programs that have sent Americans to the Middle East to spend time with people there, that has helped, but that is small compared to the mainstream US media that continues to equate being Arab or Muslim with being a terrorist, and vice versa."
Her comments are reinforced by statements made on Monday by Obama, who declared the killing of Osama bin Laden "a good day for America."
"Today we are reminded that as a nation there is nothing we can't do," Obama said.
Obama, who claims to have ordered the operation to have Bin Laden killed, will most certainly benefit politically from the news. Obama also hailed the "pride" of those who broke out in celebrations around bin Laden's death.
Good news or backlash?
Dearborn, Michigan, where some of the nationalistic celebrations took place, is also where the Islamic Centre of America is located.
"I was surprised and satisfied to hear the news, and feel satisfaction for the families of those who lost loved ones in the September 11 attacks," Kassem Allie, the Executive Administrator of the Islamic Centre of America told Al Jazeera, "We are gratified this chapter in that horrible event has come to an end."
Allie does not believe that the killing of Bin Laden will cause a negative backlash against Muslims living in the US.
"We haven't received any threats," Allie, whose organisation works to educate the general public about Islam, added, "I don't think this is an event that would cause a negative reaction like that to us. People have been clear that this was an incident that had to do with radical lunatics."
However, despite this, there have already been instances of negative backlash from the killing of bin Laden.
In Portland, Maine, just hours after Obama announced that Bin Laden had been killed, graffiti that included comments like "Go Home", "Osama Today Islam tomorow (sic)", and "Long live the West", were found painted on the Maine Muslims Community Centre.
Nevertheless, Ahmed Rehab, the Executive Director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), hopes that recent events will help cause a shift in both US foreign policy, and by doing so, a positive shift in Arab/Muslim perceptions in the US.
"It [Bin Ladens' death] brings closure for the families of 9/11, and all Americans, and hopefully brings closure on an era," Rehab, whose institution works to defend civil rights, fight bigotry, and promote tolerance, told Al Jazeera, "I hope now we can usher in a new era that focuses more on the Arab Spring which is the reality now, and less on the so-called War on Terror."
"Bin Laden was more of a symbol than an actual operation leader, and as such his murder is symbolic," Rehab said, "Many analysts say he was not relevant, but nevertheless his murder is symbolic and this could help shift the focus of the public in the United States from the War on Terror over to working with the new fledgling democracies in the Middle East."
Alani, the college student in New York, said that he, along with all of his friends who are Arab and Muslim, are relieved that Osama bin Laden is dead because of hopes it will bring safety to their loved ones abroad, but remain doubtful that the event will cause a decline in bigotry and prejudice they face in the US.
"Bin Laden's death gives closure to the families of the thousands of Americans who were killed under the name of Islam," he said, "It also gives closure to my friends and relatives who have been killed in the Middle East at the hands of al-Qaeda. But the judgement and racism we see here is not likely to evaporate with this news."
Dr. Hussein, an Iraqi doctor from Baghdad who immigrated to the United States in 2007, now lives and works in Tampa, Florida. He asked that in lieu of his real name, he be referred to as Dr. Hussein, because he did not want his politics be made public for fear of retribution.
"I hope that more people in the US now have a better understanding of the shortcomings of stereotyping and prejudice against Arabs and Muslims by equating them with terrorism," he told Al Jazeera.
Of the large segment of the US population that equates Arabs and Muslims with terrorism, Dr. Hussein added, "That's a big lie, that all of us are with al-Qaeda. I cannot tell you how much we in Iraq suffered because of al-Qaeda. They did a lot of harm to us in Iraq. They [al-Qaeda] were killing people in Iraq because they did not have beards, or because they were selling ice."
"This guy was a criminal, he by no means represented myself or other Muslims," he said, "Al-Qaeda do not represent the rest of us that reject what they are about. I'm not a devout Muslim, but certainly those people do not represent us. Everything al-Qaeda has done has hurt Muslims. There is a lot of the stereotyping happening, we have to amend this ugly picture of Muslims. There are extreme people in all walks of life, and this minority group is just that."
Meanwhile, the surge of nationalism sweeping the United States in the wake of the news of the killing of Osama bin Laden has some people manufacturing T-Shirts that read "Obama got Osama" and signs being held up in some of the nationalistic celebrations that read, "Obama 1, Osama 0."
Source: Al Jazeera
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Most historic textiles are made of organic
fibers including wool, cotton,
linen, and silk. Modern textiles are made of natural and synthetic
fibers such as nylon and polyester.
Antique silk from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries must
be handled very carefully. The
silk may be chemically unstable due to a process called "weighting."
Metallic salts were added to the silk in order to add weight
and body to the fabric because the fabric was sold by weight
not length. The addition of the metallic salts accelerated the
degradation of weighted silk leaving it brittle and fraying.
Textiles can be made using many different
technologies such as weaving, knitting,
and stitching. They can be decorated using embroidery, appliqué,
beading, and dying.
Textiles objects include:
Slant Boards for
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They are not quite ready to call it a complete success, but the mating calls of wood frogs in a Lake County Forest Preserve represents a tentative victory for scientists whose efforts can take years to assess.
The croaks were music to the ears of Gary Glowacki, a wildlife biologist with the Lake County Forest Preserve District, who heard them by chance last week during routine monitoring.
"Wood frogs only call for a short period of time," he said. "I got extremely lucky."
According to historical notes and records, wood frog calls were last heard in Lake County in the late 1980s. Since then, this is the first time their reproduction has been documented.
"That was huge for us," explained Allison Sacerdote, reintroduction biologist in the department of conservation at Lincoln Park Zoo. "That told us we had adults that survived to breeding age."
As part of her dissertation in 2004, Sacerdote studied the feasibility of reintroducing the wood frog at the site, as the forest preserve district was well into wetland habitat restoration there.
Once an area of shallow temporary pools, the landscape changed decades ago with the installation of drain tiles. Invasive buckthorn crowded out native vegetation and changed the soil chemistry, making it harder for the frogs to disperse.
Busy roads also hampered migration, and over time the population of wood frogs became isolated and disappeared.
Even after the flood plain areas had been restored, a change in the forest canopy from oaks and hickory to maple trees posed a problem. Maple leaves break down quickly and use oxygen needed for frog eggs to hatch, Sacerdote said.
The maples were thinned to improve conditions. From 2008 to 2010, thousands of wood frog eggs were put in mesh laundry hampers and dropped in ponds at the site.
Then, everyone waited. It can take up to three years for males and females to reach reproductive maturity and the window of opportunity is narrow.
"They're what we call explosive breeders," Sacerdote said. The mating call can last a week, but usually only three or four days. "If you're not out there at the right time, they're easy to miss."
About 50 egg masses containing 300 to 1,000 individual eggs also were documented in two ponds at the site.
"The biggest thing is that our restoration (efforts) are paying off and that the reintroduction took," he said. "It's a relatively new science. There's not a manual on how to do this."
Sacerdote said the hope is a population of wood frogs will become established.
"They're clearly breeding at the site. Now we have to see if they hatch," she said. "This is really the first time we can say this seems to be working with some certainty."
Frogs, she added, play a major role in the ecosystem by moving nutrients and controlling aquatic insects, for example.
"You can consider them a sentinel for environmental quality," she said.
Call: Masses of eggs a good sign of restoration, too
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In the 1990s, in a bigger teenage population, an average of 60 L.A. teens commit suicide, and 170 die in accidents, every year. Youthful drug overdose deaths have dropped an astonishing 90%. Self-destructive deaths, suicide and accident alike, are down by half, dramatically rarer today than among teens of 25 years ago.
Teenagers are the leading edge of California's demise of personal demise. Suicides and self-destructive deaths are down sharply among all ages. Californians once infamous for leaping into the void, from Hollywood Sign to Golden Gate, recorded their lowest suicide levels in 1996 in a century of record keeping.
But “hope” is not an operative concept in modern stereotypes of teenagers. Experts proclaim every adolescent problem is rocketing upward. L.A.'s huge decline in youthful self-destruction wasn't supposed to happen. Officially, therefore, it didn't happen.
Because California's suicide decline was unexpected and unrecognized, no one appears to have studied why it occurred. The decline in suicide and other self-destructive deaths was stronger among young people, women, and those who employ the so-called "softer" methods of drugs, other poisons, and drownings than those who use the more violent means of guns, jumping, or hanging. The suicide plummet began in the urban coastal counties and has now spread to inland and rural areas. New state Center for Health Statistics figures show California's suicide toll fell by a record 400 from 1995 to 1996 alone, registering declines in 14 of the state's 15 largest counties.
The fact that California's population is increasingly nonwhite may play a small, though contradictory, part. African Americans, Asian, and Latinos have lower suicide rates, but higher fatal accident rates, than European whites. Further, suicide among nonwhite youths supposedly has been rising rapidly elsewhere in the U.S. -- but fell in California. Racial change does not explain the mystery.
Nor do programs. The suicide decrease began well before the modern prevention efforts of the mid-1980s. However, it may be related to the quieter, longer-term efforts of innovative California services such as L.A.'s Suicide Prevention Network, whose crisis lines and counseling programs go back 40 years. Or it could be rooted in unknown, healthy social currents among California's ever-surprising populations that we urgently need to know about.
Historically, California has been identified with paradoxical self-obliteration. In 1914, a New York paper smugly cited rampant suicide in “the pleasure loving... Californian cities;” San Francisco “has the highest suicide rate of all, and is followed by San Diego and Sacramento, and these by Los Angeles and Oakland.”
True then, and even more so for the next six decades. In 1970, Angelinos killed themselves at double the national rate; San Franciscans triple. “To say they jumped off the Golden Gate Bridge at the rate of one per month is only highlighting the dramatic,” wrote offbeat historian Curt Gentry in his 1969 Last Days of the Late Great State classic on a culture doomed by psychology and seismology. Hundreds more, he noted, chose “more mundane finales.”
Yet a quarter century later, in July 1993, the San Francisco Chronicle's front page would puzzle over “a new kind of mystery... deaths that didn't occur.” The city's population grew, as did urban distress from poverty to AIDS to homelessness, yet suicides dropped from 280 in 1970 to 125 in 1996. Likewise, L.A. County's population rose by 2.5 million in the last quarter century, but annual suicides fell by 600. For both, suicide rates are lower today than at any time since records were first compiled in 1900. Up and down California's coast, suicide itself is jumping off the cliff.
Experts' failure to notice, let alone study, the state's suicide plummet is baffling. California's suicide decline did not require mathematical wizardry to uncover. It looms large in Department of Health Services statistics. Back in 1981, former state health statistician Kay Moser reported to a legislative hearing, attended by leading authorities, that since 1970, “in the United States suicide rates have increased 35.6% for teenagers 15 to 19 while they have decreased by 30% in California.” The surprised committee chair declared the “good news” meant maybe we should just leave those kids alone.
However, powerful interests had no use for good news. In the 1980s, Congressional hearings and American Psychological Association investigation revealed that the burgeoning psychiatric hospital industry had targeted teenagers to fill empty beds in overbuilt facilities. Suddenly, the “epidemic of teen suicide” appeared in news splashes and hospital ads depicting youths holding guns to their heads and parents weeping over graves. A study of 11,000 California adolescents in psychiatric treatment found that youth with health insurance were committed for twice as long as those without.
Sensitive to parent's fears that young people might be self-destructing as never before, the California Department of Education consulted leading experts and issued a suicide prevention manual for schools in 1987. “Teenage suicide has risen dramatically in recent years,” it grimly warned, even as unnoticed health statistics showed that California's teen suicide rate had been dropping for 15 years.
By the mid-1990s, L.A.'s teen suicide rate had fallen to its lowest level since 1965. Yet local experts solemnly told Time magazine, reporting on two San Pedro deaths, that “suicide rates are rising steadily for teenagers.” The article invoked the usual hyperbole of “crisis,” “overwhelming,” “impulsive,” and other cliches to demean adolescents. Surveys claiming that “up to 60% of high school students reported having suicidal thoughts” were blared in the press. No one asked: if kids today are killing themselves more, who is hiding the bodies?
The standard line is that modern teenagers (who in fact are much less prone to suicide than are adults) are uniquely self- destructive, particularly with drugs. Yet here are the county coroner's figures: In 1970, 130 L.A. teenagers died from drug overdoses, including suicides, accidents, and everything in between. In 1996, 10. That's a 92% decline.
This trend is all the more surprising because, by all odds, teenage suicide and drug fatality should be rising. Deadlier forms of heroin, cocaine, and speed abound today. Adults in their 30s and 40s (the parents raising today's teenagers) display skyrocketing levels of drug abuse, criminal arrest, household violence, and family breakup. Education and future job opportunities are evaporating for the marginal young. And yet, hundreds fewer are killing themselves.
It is exactly because teenage suicide, like adult suicide, is a terrible tragedy that prevention should incorporate rigorous research, not sensational hype. Yet authorities remain so rigidly wedded to anti-youth prejudices that even the most compelling evidence on life and death matters cannot jar thinking in new directions.
Other than a few L.A. Suicide Prevention Network veterans, most notably psychiatrist Norman Tabachnick, officialdom seems largely resistant to the suggestion that anything could be going right among adolescents. What is truly scary is that today's political, institutional, media, and commercial interests continue to treat young people as little more than an exploitable commodity.
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Runners with artificial legs could start setting 100-meter sprint world records in some 50 years’ time, a Japanese researcher has claimed.
Given the advances being made in running-specific artificial limbs and sports conditioning, sprinters with prosthetic legs are poised to set records that eclipse those of able-bodied runners around 2068, according to Hiroaki Hobara, a researcher at the National Institute of Advanced Industrial Science and Technology.
Hobara said there is a high chance that the participation of athletes with artificial legs will become an issue even in the 2020 Tokyo Olympics, and called for holding multifaceted discussions rather than just focusing on whether prostheses provide an unfair edge.
He cited the 2.22 second increase in speed over the past 28 years achieved in the men’s 100-meter Paralympic sprint by the winners of that event. The world record in 1984 was 13.12 seconds. That improved to 10.90 seconds in 2012.
In contrast, Olympic winners of the same race shortened the time by a smaller margin of 0.36 seconds, from 9.99 in 1984 and 9.63 in 2012.
In 2012, South African sprinter Oscar Pistorius became the world’s first amputee to participate in the Olympics after he won a legal battle in 2008 against the International Association of Athletics Federations, which had objected to his participation, saying his artificial limbs gave him an unfair advantage.
German long jumper Markus Rehm, also an amputee, set a record of 8.40 meters during the IAAF world championships for athletes with disabilities held last October, beating the previous gold medal-winning record of 8.31 meters set during 2012 London Olympics.
He also beat able-bodied rivals in another competition in Britain last month.
Rehm wants to compete at the upcoming Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, but the IAAF requires that he prove his prosthesis does not give him an unfair edge over other athletes.
In Japan, Paralympian Saki Takakuwa is also a leading track and field athlete and is tipped as a gold medal hopeful in the Rio Games.
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Upside: Most of these foods (such as white bread, white sugar and white-flour pasta) are white because they are heavily refined, with fiber and other natural nutrients stripped away. “The difference is, white potatoes come out of the ground that color,” explains Orlando, Florida, nutritionist Tara Gidus, RD, author of The Flat Belly Cookbook for Dummies. Unprocessed potatoes are rich in an ingredient called resistant starch, a kind of carbohydrate that makes you feel full and keeps you that way longer. Resistant starch is not completely broken down by digestive enzymes, leaving it to be consumed by certain bacteria in the GI tract. “These bacteria produce by-products that in turn stimulate the production of leptin, a hormone that shuts off your appetite,” Sandon explains. A 2012 Australian study found that obesity-prone rats gained much less weight when they consumed high levels of resistant starch.
Research from Louisiana State University suggests that the hormonal changes sparked by resistant starch may be especially beneficial as we get older. The starch balances “the populations of bacteria in the intestine,” explains -Maria Marco, PhD, professor of food science and technology at the University of California Davis. “Those changes might result in improved glucose tolerance, reduced levels of systemic inflammation and better appetite control.”
Caveat: To avoid excess fat, eat white potatoes boiled or baked (not fried) and don’t slather them with butter, cheese, sour cream or bacon bits. Healthier toppings include plain Greek yogurt or a tablespoon of grated Parmesan.
Downside: Egg yolks are one of the most concentrated sources of dietary cholesterol—they contain about 184 milligrams—and people concerned about their blood levels of cholesterol have long avoided eggs or egg yolks.
Upside: The current thinking is that “the real culprits for high blood cholesterol are saturated fats, trans fats and overconsumption of processed carbohydrates,” says Bonci. In fact, eggs may even be good for the heart. A study in Atherosclerosis reported that adults referred for coronary angiography who consumed more than one egg per week had less plaque clogging their coronary arteries than their peers who ate eggs less frequently. This may be partly because eggs supply a precursor of nitric oxide, which keeps blood vessels functioning.
Recently, the benefits of eggs have earned them new respect: Eggs are rich in protein, vitamins A and D, iron and lutein (a carotenoid beneficial for the brain and eyes), and the yolk is a great source of choline, a nutrient in which many women are deficient.
Caveat: While it’s safe for many people to consume up to an egg a day, those with multiple risk factors for cardiovascular disease should check with their doctor. Some studies suggest that regular egg consumption may lead to an increased risk of heart disease among diabetics.
Downside: Its high fat content and big calorie count (two tablespoons contain 16 grams of fat and 190 calories) long ago landed it on the dietary taboo list.
Upside: In recent years, nutrition experts have recognized that peanut butter contains mainly heart-healthy monounsaturated and polyunsaturated fats rather than the artery-clogging kind. Peanut butter may also improve blood sugar regulation, which reduces the risk for type 2 diabetes. A recent study in the British Journal of Nutrition found that overweight women who ate peanut butter as part of a healthy breakfast experienced a smaller rise in blood sugar after the meal than a control group not given peanut butter. The reason: Peanut butter “reduces blood sugar jumps by slowing the body’s absorption of carbohydrates,” explains study coauthor Richard Mattes, PhD, professor of nutrition science at Purdue University. In the study, the peanut butter eaters also had less desire to eat, 120 and 370 minutes later, than the control subjects.
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An explanation for the evolution of male monogamy in mammals has been highly debated among researchers. In a new study, evidence suggests male monogamy emerged as a way for animals to guard their mates as females were more spread out across a region.
According to Dieter Lukas and Tim Clutton-Brock, from the University of Cambridge, the theory of the evolution of male monogamy in mammals has two main schools of thought. Monogamy offers few biological advantages as choosing just one female mate, with a gestation period that could last weeks or months, would limit the ability of a male to produce as many offspring as possible.
The first theory for male monogamy involves the ability of two parents to provide better care for their offspring, thus improving its chance of survival. The second theory states male monogamy allows for a male to protect his mate as there are fewer females within a region, and the spreading out of a population reduces the number of potential mates.
As the researchers explain, male mammals follow the lead of their mates as females become solitary and spread out in order to secure resources for their, and their offspring’s, survival. To determine the benefit of pairing in mammals, Lukas and Clutton-Brock studied 2,500 mammal species and created genetic tree maps to study relationships. These maps, called phylogenies, help researchers trace the different relationships between species and determine when breeding patterns changed in their ancestors. The study was published in the journal Science.
It took the researchers two years to acquire the information for the study and Lukas said, “We searched for information for every known mammal (there are 5,400 species), consulting multiple sources, and we discussed our classification with researchers who are conducting field studies.”
Continue Reading Below
Dividing the different species into three groups, solitary, socially monogamous or group-living, the researchers attempted to make species that were solitary or group-living become socially monogamous. In the phylogenies, the researchers evaluated which method worked the best.
The researchers were able to determine 61 methods that would explain why a solitary or group-living species would become socially monogamous. Out of all the methods, 60 involved having a solitary female ancestor, indicating these ancestors had established a “home range” that would reduce competition for resources with other females, note the researchers. Because females were so spread out in a region, males could not cover such a large terrain to protect multiple mates and had no choice but to become monogamous.
According to the researchers, the second theory surrounding mammal monogamy, having two parents to ensure a healthier offspring, was a secondary benefit that was a later adaptation. Future research could focus on determining the time and circumstances for the switch in breeding behavior. “One next step would be to test whether similar ecological pressures were involved in the evolution of social monogamy in other taxonomic groups,” says Lukas. For humans, the evolution of monogamy is unclear, but researchers could use phylogenies to determine at what point in history humans chose to become monogamous. Lukas said, “It could potentially have evolved during a stage in which ecological factors led to females becoming separated and solitary, but it is also possible that monogamy is a very recent, cultural arrangement of marriage within groups."
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October 2, 2012
Lower Sustained Attention Seen In Developing Children Exposed To Background TV
Lee Rannals for redOrbit.com — Your Universe Online
Even though children may not be watching it, even having a television on in the background may be bad for development, according to a new study.Researchers wrote in the journal Pediatrics children between eight months and eight-years-old are exposed to nearly four hours worth of background TV a day, compared to the 80 minutes a day of active TV viewing.
The study, which was presented at a meeting of the International Communication Association, says that background television exposure has been linked to lower sustained attention during playtime, lower quality parent-child interactions and reduced performance on cognitive tasks.
Over 1,400 parents were asked questions over the telephone like how often their TV was on when no one was watching, and whether their child had a TV in their bedroom.
The researchers found that in addition to actual TV viewing, children under age 2 and African-American children were exposed to an average of 5.5 hours a day of TV playing in the background. Children from the poorest families were exposed to nearly six hours a day.
Matthew Lapierre, one of the study authors, said the high rate of background TV among very young children may have to do with parents and caregivers leaving the television on even when they are not actively watching.
Heather Kirkorian, an assistant professor of human development and someone who has published studies on background television's impact on children, says that the new study documents what the real-world impact may be, particularly for young children.
While most studies focus on how much time children spend actively watching TV, Deborah Linebarger, an associate professor at the University of Iowa and a co-author of the study, says the background issue may be more of a problem.
“There are about three minutes of background to every one minute of foreground television,” she said in a statement.
The authors said that background noise and the glow of a television left on may interrupt focus and steer attention away from cognitive functioning.
Dr. Wendy Anderson-Willis, a pediatrician at Nationwide Children´s Hospital, told The Columbus Dispatch that families are better off watching television occasionally, "with intention, rather than constantly having it on."
The researchers suggest that parents turn off the TV when no one is watching, as well as during mealtimes and at bedtime. The authors also say to remove TVs from bedrooms, as well, in order to help developing children.
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After spending several nights in the local children’s hospital with my daughter this week, I’ve seen first-hand how important it is for the health care industry to focus on environmental issues. Thankfully, there is already a industry-specific sustainability program in place, the Healthier Hospitals Initiative (HHI). More than 500 hospitals will commit to a three-year sustainability program as part of the HHI.
During this three-year program, participating hospitals will address six environmental areas. These six topics are called HHI Challenges and include:
- Engaged Leadership - supporting an organization-wide sustainability initiative
- Healthier Foods – healthier food choices for not just the patients but also staff and visitors
- Leaner Energy – reducing energy use and the institution’s carbon footprint
- Less Waste – reduce waste and also boost recycling rates
- Safer Chemicals – using more earth- and people-friendly chemicals
- Smarter Purchasing – sourcing environmentally preferable products
The Healthier Hospitals Initiative website has a directory of hospital systems participating in the challenge and unfortunately I didn’t see the children’s hospital my daughter stayed at on the list.
Although the hospital isn’t participating, I did notice that the cafeteria food looked a lot different than I remember. My daughter could choose her own food items from a room service menu that included a wide variety of fresh fruit, vegetables, salads and vegetarian options.
Perhaps our local hospital system and the two children’s hospitals will see the impact of the first three-year sustainability challenge period and sign on for a future challenge.
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200 Years. 200 Stories. Story
49: “Cuvier's Not-So-Secret Admirer
Cuvier's Not-So-Secret Admirer
French scientist Georges Cuvier (1769–1832), one of the most influential figures in the natural sciences during the first half of the 19th century, was an early pioneer in the fields of paleontology and comparative anatomy (the science of comparing the anatomy of different species). Although American naturalists knew his name, they didn’t understand and adopt his methods and ideas until the 1820s.
Richard Harlan is arguably the person who is most responsible for sharing Cuvier’s ideas with naturalists inside and outside of the Academy. Harlan was probably the most skillful comparative anatomist in Philadelphia and unquestionably the most ardent of Cuvier’s followers. He even named his firstborn son after Cuvier. Harlan referred to Cuvier as “the French Aristotle” and lamented his passing by calling him a “High Priest of Nature.”
Today, scientists in our Vertebrate Paleontology Department use comparative anatomy to study the evolution of Devonian Era fossil fishes to limbed animals. Read about their work at ansp.org.
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SpaceX says it's developing the first fully reusable rocket
Space Exploration Technologies Corp., the Hawthorne commercial space venture known as SpaceX, announced another lofty objective Thursday at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C.
The company says it is working on the first-ever reusable rocket, which would fly back to Earth after a trip into orbit.
SpaceX produced an animated video to show how the reusable rocket technology would work. You can take a look at that below.
A reusable rocket is an elusive holy grail for rocket makers because it would save them tens of millions of dollars in development costs. The closest example of a reusable launch system is the retired space shuttle fleet, which were only partially reused after a tedious months-long overhaul.
It is the latest goal for the young company started by Elon Musk, 40, who made a fortune when he sold online payment business PayPal Inc. in 2002. In recent months, Musk has announced:
- Plans to build the world’s most powerful rocket since the mighty Saturn V rocket, which took man to the moon.
- Plans to be the first private company to send a capsule into space and dock with the International Space Station.
- Plans to invest $30 million for launchpad and hangar at Vandenberg Air Force Base, northwest of Santa Barbara.
SpaceX is working on developing reusable rocket stages at its facility in McGregor, Texas.
-- W.J. Hennigan
Image: An artist's rendering of SpaceX's first fully reusable launch vehicle. Credit: Space Exploration Technologies Corp.
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Beginning Malayalam I and II
This course is designed to develop skills in reading, writing, and speaking. It will focus on the alphabet, basic vocabulary, nouns (cases, gender and number), verbs and their basic tenses, numerals, rules of joining words,adjectives, adverbs, and sentence structure. Guided conversation will be a part of every class. Students will receive considerable training in speaking and writing their own sentences and paragraphs. This is a two-semester course offered through the Penn Language Center.
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Exposition started today! We grouped the kids into presentations by theme; today was based on Salt in Art.
Lucy made a video of herself demonstrating her use of salt in watercolor and the effects that salt has when it dissolves in watercolor paints. She also showed how salt does not affect acrylic or tempra paints. She answered questions about her art gallery in the Coyote band space.
William presented his project in his studio space and talked about the rainmaker he made, the challenges he faced doing research, and compared his rainmaker to one that had been professionally made.
Thea presented her gorgeous salt paintings to the group and talked about the importance of not throwing something out immediately just because she didn’t like how it looked, and learning to work with what she started.
Madison discussed her experience studying the artwork of Motoi Yamamoto, her road trip to Los Angeles to visit the artist’s work and seeing it in person for the first time, and her work creating her own piece of salt art.
Norabelle read her analysis of her evaporation experiments that resulted in different shapes of salt crystals left when all the water had evaporated. She noted the differences in the crystals’ shapes in table salt versus epsom salt.
Audrey and Natasha did an incredible job doing their salt dance together in shiny leotards, presenting the exchange of electrons between sodium and chloride that ultimately creates table salt.
Daniel talked about the games he made up during the expression phase and led the group in a short game of Power Banana Tag.
Alexander talked about his experiments with making a workable boomerang and showed a video of learning to throw one in Australia. He then auctioned off all of the boomerangs he had made during his expression phase.
Evan sat in a chair like a wise professor and talked about the trials and tribulations and ultimate success of taking on all the jobs necessary for creating a newspaper, called Kid City Weekly, which featured stories on his peers’ projects during the Salt Arc.
To be continued tomorrow.
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History of the Electric Utility
In 1906, the Electric Utility began operations by installing a city street lighting system.
In 1912, the City installed a 225 hp. diesel-generating unit and began furnishing electric light and power for domestic and commercial purposes. In 1913, another 225 hp. diesel unit was added to meet increasing demands. The continuing demand for electricity resulted in the installation of a 600 kW generator in 1930. The total capacity of the plant at this time was 3600 kW.
In 1928, Menasha Utilities Superintendent John H. Kuester and Clerk John Jebwabny, along with three superintendents from Kaukauna, Algoma and Sturgeon Bay founded the Municipal Electric Utilities of Wisconsin which provides for a stronger and unified approach for all Wisconsin municipally-owned utilities.
The first two River Street steam turbines went on line in 1949, and were rated at 4000 kW each. This provided the Utility with additional capacity and for maintenance outages and emergencies. A third unit, with a rated capacity of 7500 kW, was built in 1956, and another unit with a capacity of 13,680 kW was installed in 1963. The total present day capacity of the River Street Power Plant is at 24.3 MW.
In 1966, the Kaukauna and Menasha Electric Utilities began a study for interconnection of the two systems. In 1969, the Melissa Substation was constructed to facilitate the Kaukauna-Menasha interconnection and serve new development in the city. The Utility operated as an isolated system. The interconnection was put into service in 1970. This was the first interconnection between municipally owned systems.
In 1980, Menasha Electric Utility becomes one of the 30 member-owners of Wisconsin Public Power Inc. (WPPI). WPPI has supplied the electric requirements of Menasha since November 1981.
The Operations and Office Complex facility was constructed in 1991. This brought the Distribution, Customer Service and Administrative Offices under one roof.
Menasha Utilities began TEAM training for all its employees with Commission participation to prepare for a more competitive future, and to improve customer service. All employee training was completed in 1995.
Presently, every department is participating in a Quality Assurance Program with overview from a Quality Assurance Focus Team.
The FoxNet Fiber Optic System was completed in 1999. Menasha participants include Menasha Utilities, Menasha Joint School District, and the City of Menasha, along with Winnebago County. The Utility was granted a CLEC in 2000 by the Wisconsin Public Service Commission, which permits the Utility to provide telecommunication services.
History of the Water Utility
The first public water system was installed in 1905 from proceeds approved in a general election in 1904 and from taxes, for a total expenditure by the end of 1906.
The system consisted of a brick building housing two 75 horsepower diesel engines driving triplex pumps drawing water from the Fox River and supplying the distribution system of mains, services, and hydrants. A 100,000-gallon storage tank on a brick tower was erected nearby.
Until 1920, the river water was pumped directly into the mains without any treatment. Due to increasing pollution of the river, it was then decided to chlorinate the water to safeguard the public. Additional treatment became necessary due to the public demand for a cleaner supply of water.
In 1927, the Common Council approved the construction of a water purification plant that went into operation in 1928. The State Board of Health annual report indicated it as "the outstanding water purification achievement for the biennial period". An addition to the plant was completed in 1947 that resulted in a modern day water treatment plant.
During 1978, improvements were made consisting of a collector system, piping and a decanter tank to enable clarified water to be recycled through the plant and sludge discharged to the sanitary sewer. A DNR-approved chlorine room was added, as well as modernization of chlorination equipment.
A new reservoir and pump station were completed in 1988 and placed on line. The addition of this facility has greatly enhanced the ability to deal with summer peaks and public fire protection.
In 1991, a chemical building and chemical feeders were constructed for water intake. It houses a chemical feed system.
Water plant improvements in 1995 consisted of installation of Stainless Steel Baffling in the plant clearwell and upgrading the Operation Control Monitor and Logging Computer. One filter was rebuilt as a pilot project using new under drain/media technology. In the 1996 pilot rebuild, four additional filters were upgraded using new technology. The filter upgrades improve water quality and increase capacity by 25%. A new rapid mix flocculation system was also completed. In 1999, the chlorination system was upgraded from liquid chlorine to sodium hypochlorite which will help to improve disinfection and public safety.
Several improvements were made in 2000 by installing baffling in our 3-million gallon clear well, painting the outside of the diesel and oil storage buildings, installing landscaping, widening our loading dock and installing a new roof on the filter room. Baffling is a series of stainless steel curtains that form a labyrinth (maze-like path) for water to flow through. Using this method of less chlorine is required to disinfect the water. Chlorine is kept in contact with the water for a longer period of time, which allows us to meet EPA guidelines.
In 2006, the City of Menasha approved a $12.8M water treatment plant addition designed to meet upcoming Safe Drinking Water Standards. This project was completed in 2008 and has added new water filters, granular activated carbon filtering, and ultraviolet disinfection.
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Andon (+7-min MP3, +6-Page PDF)
An andon light is one of the most common forms of visual management that is used in Lean. It is a staple in the bag of Lean tools because it is highly effective at keeping operations running smoothly.
In Lean, the term “andon” most often refers to a signaling system used to call for help when an abnormal condition is recognized, or that some sort of action is required. These andon lights are usually present on an assembly line as the cost of a problem is multiplied by the number of stations that sit idle if there is a line stop. These signals are generally a stack of colored lights that are used to request assistance. Each color signifies a different condition and a different required response.
In the Lean office, there are also signaling lights. For example, an andon will announce that a piece of equipment, like a fax machine or a printer, is having problems.
The term “andon” comes from an old Japanese word for paper lantern. An everyday example of an andon is the warning light on your car’s dashboard that indicates when the gas tank is getting close to empty.
Read more about this topic below.
If you like this reference guide, please help us spread the word about it!
Andons are very powerful tools, if they are used correctly. The best andons are highly visual, and can be seen from at least ten feet away. They should also be accompanied by a clear reaction plan.
Andons need to do more than just point to a problem. An andon must go hand in hand with a plan for action. In the example of the car, the warning light tells you not only what the problem is, but is linked to a clear resolution. You know exactly what you need to do to fix it. In this case, you know you need to fill up at a gas station sooner rather than later.
In practice, you might see the following scenario take place:
Just remember a few things when using andons. First, there may be a reverse ‘Boy Who Cried Wolf’ condition. What happens if a worker pulls the andon cord to signal a need for help, and nobody ever comes to the rescue? The employee stops wasting his time pulling that andon cord! And if the cord is not pulled, the leadership team misses out on the opportunity to permanently fix the problem. Plus, the lack of early warning means that there will likely be more frequent line stops.
If you are a leader who has andons, ensure that there is a response when they are lit.
Also remember that you can build your standard work with problem resolution in mind. Let’s say that there is a work station with an easy task and a more difficult task that is prone to problems. Obviously, you want to work towards eliminating the problems, but until then, mitigate your risk. Do the harder task first. If the operator falls behind, he or she can call for help. The lead/supervisor/floater can then do the easy task and buy the operator a few more minutes. If the tough task was last on the standard work combination sheet, there would be very little the helper could do other than cheer the operator on.
Finally, make sure andon calls are tracked. More importantly, make sure the team figures out how to prevent problems in the future.
Make the andons a source of information for you to drive continuous improvement.
As a side note, workers generally should not have time included in their standard work to address problems. You are better off having a floater who can cover the line than adding buffer time to the standard work. Embedding extra time hides the problem in a hidden factory and it never gets the attention it deserves.
Some common andon configurations include:
Andon lights are your friends. Use them to make your job easier. In some companies, this is easier said than done. Line stops are closely associated with turning on your signal light, and, before a company truly embraces a continuous improvement culture, there often negative feelings associated with shutting down production.
The key is to help your leadership team focus on solving the problems that you identify when you pull the cord or press the button to call for help. After each time somebody comes to assist you, be diligent about writing down the incident. Hopefully this will be part of a formal process. If not, it still pays to write down the problems that happened. This record will help you present your case for getting improvement resources.
Leaders get busy and they manage multiple stations. They won’t be able to see or recognize the patterns that you do. By documenting what is happening…
© 2009-2016 by Velaction Continuous Improvement, LLC. All rights reserved.
Copyright © 2009-2016, Velaction Continuous Improvement, LLC | Legal Information
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The scientific evidence does not support the alleged need for a carbon tax...the practical evidence illustrates how destructive carbon taxes are to the economy
Calgary, Alberta, Canada (PRWEB) March 21, 2013
In an effort to barter a deal on the approval of Keystone XL Pipeline, Premier Redford of the province of Alberta, Canada recently floated the idea that Canada should adopt a national carbon tax. Friends of Science strongly oppose carbon taxes on several grounds.
“The scientific evidence does not support the alleged need to reduce carbon dioxide (CO2),” says Ken Gregory, director of Friends of Science.
"Water vapor is the most important greenhouse gas,” says Gregory, author of several papers on the subject of climate change. “Both satellite and weather balloon data show declining upper atmosphere water vapor. This offsets most of the presumed warming effect of CO2 and allows heat to escape to space."
The Sun is the Main Driver of Climate Change. Not You. Not CO2 say Friends of Science
Based on a decade of scientific review, Friends of Science say the evidence is clear that the sun is the main driver of climate change. Even the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) now acknowledges that many studies show strong correlations of temperature with solar activity, implying that changes in solar activity have a much greater effect on climate than what they had previously assumed.
The UK Met Office temperature index shows there has been no global warming for 16 years despite CO2 emissions during that time.
Further, around the world, the implementation of carbon taxes have devastated family finances and destroyed small business, normally the life-blood of job creation.
“The practical evidence illustrates how destructive carbon taxes are to the economy. Canada is the second largest country in the world,” says Gregory. “We have a sparse population, vast transportation challenges and a northern climate. We depend on inexpensive, efficient energy.”
“We’re Not in Denmark”
Friends of Science vice-president Peter Burns says, “The ‘climate change’ policies discussed by tiny European countries like Denmark with large, dense populations and access to French nuclear power are simply meaningless in the Canadian context and have no viable application”
Denmark is frequently cited as a model of renewable energy – yet no location in Denmark (excluding Greenland) is further than 52 km (32 mi) from the sea. Marine transport is the cheapest form of cargo freight.
Canada is some 5100 km or 3200 miles across. Canada has fleets of semi-trailers, rail and airplanes delivering goods every day.
Consequently there is no ‘even-handed’ climate change policy that can be applied to countries with such vastly differing geographic, social, economic and industrial conditions.
“The climate change emissions targets,” says Burns, “simply destroy industry, waste valuable human resources on tracking a ‘carbon footprint’ and do nothing for the environment.”
“Canadians and Albertans cannot afford to live with fuel poverty,” says Gregory. “Canadians have winter 6 months or more of the year and this nation needs inexpensive transportation of goods, services and people.”
Fuel poverty deadly in northern climes
As residents of a northern country, Canadians should not be punished with ‘fuel poverty’ by outsiders who will never face the challenge of long months of winter ranging from 0º C to -40 ºC or more.
Despite large energy requirements for producing Canada's primary resources and its cold climate, Canada emits less CO2 per capita than the USA. While rich in fossil fuels, Canada is also abundantly supplied with hydro – meaning the Canadian energy mix is only 60% carbon based to begin with compared to 90% for the global average.
Friends of Science advocate efficient energy use, maintaining a strong Canadian economy and maximizing resource development in environmentally responsible ways.
“Look around the world,” says Burns. “Good environmental management only happens in Western democracies where the wealth exists to pay for reclamation and pollution controls. Don’t kill that with a carbon tax. CO2 is not pollution – it is plant food."
About the Friends of Science
Friends of Science have spent a decade reviewing a broad spectrum of literature on climate change and have concluded the sun is the main driver of climate change, not carbon dioxide (CO2). The core group of the Friends of Science is made up of retired earth and atmospheric scientists.
Friends of Science
P.O.Box 23167, Connaught P.O.
Canada T2S 3B1
Toll-free Telephone: 1-888-789-9597
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Welcome! In this tutorial you will learn how to make a cool looking color tween. Well, let's get started.
Well, let's get it started.
Alright. Let's go. 1. Make a new document. I made mine 700x300, so we can see a nice, huge tween. Make it 24 fps. The background shall stay white.Note: You CAN change the background color later, but... for the sake of this tutorial, leave it white...2. Select the RECTANGLE TOOL (R). Now what you gotta do is drag it from the top left CORNER, to the bottom right CORNER, so it fills the WHOLE movie. Got it? Now double click what you did, and press F8. Something pops up, am I not right? I am. Click MOVIE CLIP, and name it "Background" (without the quotations). 3. Now what you gotta do is double click the movie clip that you just made. You will enter it's timeline. double click the rectange that's inside it, and press F8. Convert THAT to a MOVIE CLIP. Name it "Background Number Two" (without the quotations). 4. Press CTRL+E, so you get back into the main timeline. We did that so we could be sure you're in the right place. Double click the rectangle again. Now comes the fun. 5. Okay, just like you would do to a Motion Tween, do the same to this thing. Click on around frame 25-30, and add a Keyframe. While on the keyframe that you just made, click the rectange ONCE. Open up the PROPERTIES PANEL. On the way right, you will see the word COLOR. Open up that thing, and click TINT. Change the tint to 100%. 6. Change the color of the rectange by clicking that color thing. Now right click the frames between the two Keyframes. Select CREATE MOTION TWEEN. OMG YOU'RE PRETTY MUCH DONE! IF you want to stop there, go ahead, but you can add as many tweens as you want. Once you're done, press CTRL+ENTER to test your movie. Here is how mine turned out: http://img301.imageshack.us/my.php?image=11ls.swf The End!
|» Level Basic|
Rating: 5 Votes: 16
|RWS is a nice flash.. thing..|
|Download the files used in this tutorial.|
|Download (0 kb)|
|More help? Search our boards for quick answers!|
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A natural reaction may actually be harmful according to a recent study. The New England Journal of Medicine has found slapping mosquitoes into your skin may increase the chance of infection.
Monday we talked with local mosquito experts to see what all the buzz is about, as if these pesky pests aren't enough of a nuisance. Now, researchers say we should avoid slapping mosquitoes to their death, saying a simple flick is much safer.
The New England Journal of Medicine says smashing a mosquito onto your skin may smear the body parts into the bite and possibly cause a serious infection.
To smash or not to smash? That is the question. Will research impact this split second decision? Mosquito experts say it's highly unlikely, saying we should be more concerned about what happens after the bloodsucker bites.
Whit Pennington of Leon County Mosquito Control says, “You have typical raised skin area. It's itchy, people scratch their skin and that can cause disease.”
Pennington says the key is keeping the mosquito off of you in the first place by wearing repellant and staying indoors during dusk and dawn.
Speaking of dawn, Bob Pennington says a little dish soap also does the trick. On a serious note, the study came about after a Pennsylvania woman died in 2002 of a fungal disease believed to have been caused by slapping a mosquito into her skin. However, local experts agree slapping or flicking shouldn't cause a problem either way.
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Navajo: A Language and People
The Navajo Nation is the second-largest tribal group in the United States. Their name for themselves is Ni'hookaa Diyan Diné, which translates as "Lords of the Earth" or "Holy Earth People." They also use the shorter form of Diné, which means "the people." Navajo comes from a Tewa Pueblo word meaning "an area of cultivated land" or "strangers from a cultivated land." Their language is Navajo, which is one of the Athabascan languages. The Navajo lived mainly in the Four Corners area, where Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah all meet.
As with many other tribes, Navajo families are clan-oriented, and the Navajo Nation encompasses dozens of clans. A child belongs to his or her mother's clan, and tradition states that a person should marry outside his or her clan.
War and peace
With the invasion of the Spanish into the Southwest, the Navajos often conflicted with the conquistadors. Spanish settlers and the Navajo would go through periods of calm and conflict. The worst encounter was a punitive expedition by the Spanish in 1805 that tracked down some Navajos in the Canyon de Chelly. The Navajos fled into one of the ancient cliff dwellings, expecting it to protect them. However, Spanish firearms could still reach them. Over a hundred men, women, and children were killed.
Many of the Navajos in this era lived in small communities. Although they were a people with a common heritage, they had no tribal government that covered the entire tribe. Efforts by the Spanish, the Mexican, and later the American government to deal with a central government were unsuccessful. Peace accords reached with one group would be unknown to another.
The Long Walk
In 1863, American forces, under famed scout Kit Carson, entered Navajo territory. They were there to punish the Navajo for their continuing raids. With the Navajo's ability to hide themselves in their canyons, the expedition's most effective tool became fire. Carson's people burned the crops and the homes of the Navajos whenever they could find them. This had a drastic effect in this arid region.
During this campaign, the army had captured about 6,000 Navajos. Along with about 2,000 other Indians under their control, they would eventually be marched 300 miles from eastern Arizona to a "resettlement" camp in New Mexico. The army called the camp Bosque Redondo. The Navajos called their forced march "The Long Walk."
Many of the Navajos were in bad shape because of Carson's "burnt earth" policy, and hundreds of Navajos died during the march. Life in Bosque Redondo was hard. The land was poor, and the conditions were unforgiving. The surviving Navajos were allowed to return to their homelands in 1868.
The Navajo today
The Navajo were originally hunters and farmers but also fought with tribes in the area and conducted raids upon them. The Navajo took up sheep and goat herding after those animals had been introduced by the Spanish. Today, many Navajo people continue to be ranchers.
Navajo craftspeople are especially known for their skills in weaving and working with silver. Navajo blankets, rugs, and silverworks are some of the most prized crafts in the world.
A genuine Navajo rug will often have one intentional minor flaw in its construction. By the old traditions, only the Great Spirit is perfect. Humanity should not try to be perfect.
The Navajo number 270,000 according to the 2000 census. They have the largest reservation in the United States, covering 27,000 square miles — larger than 10 of the 50 states.
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3D Printed Solar Energy Trees
How would nature do it? Researchers at the VTT Technical Research Centre of Finland may be discovering the answer, thanks to advancing solar and 3D printing technologies. They have developed some very decorative prototypes of what they are calling “energy harvesting trees”. The tiny leaves generate and store solar energy and can be used to power small appliances and mobile devices. They flourish indoors and outdoors and can also harvest kinectic energy from wind and temperature changes in the surrounding environment.
Watch the video
“Today it can power your mobile, but imagine the impact a whole forest can have tomorrow.”
How do they work?
The tree’s leaves are actually flexible organic solar cells, printed using well established mass-production techniques. Each leaf has a separate power converter, creating a multi converter system that makes it possible to collect energy from a variety of sources like solar, wind and heat temperature. The more solar panels there are in a tree, the more energy it can harvest. The trunks are 3d printed using wood-based biocomposites. They are mass producible and can be infinitely replicated.
“Exciting stuff!” What do you think could be some real life applications for this technology in the future? Leave your thoughts in the comments below.
Source: VTT Finland
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Symptoms Can Vary
Not all heart attacks begin with the sudden, crushing chest pain that often is shown on TV or in the movies. The warning signs and symptoms of a heart attack aren't the same for everyone. Many heart attacks start slowly as mild pain or discomfort. Some people don't have symptoms at all. Heart attacks that occur without any symptoms or very mild symptoms are called silent heart attacks.
However, some people may have a pattern of symptoms that recur. The more signs and symptoms you have, the more likely it is that you're having a heart attack
If you have a second heart attack, your symptoms may not be the same as the first heart attack.
(Watch the video to learn more about the warning signs of a heart attack. To enlarge the video, click the brackets in the lower right-hand corner of the video screen. To reduce the video, press the Escape (Esc) button on your keyboard.)
Here are common signs and symptoms of a heart attack.
Chest Pain or Discomfort
The most common symptom of heart attack is chest pain or discomfort. Chest pain or discomfort that doesn't go away or changes from its usual pattern (for example, occurs more often or while you're resting) can be a sign of a heart attack.
Most heart attacks involve discomfort in the center or left side of the chest that usually lasts for more than a few minutes or goes away and comes back. The discomfort can feel like uncomfortable pressure, squeezing, fullness, or pain. It can be mild or severe. Heart attack pain can sometimes feel like indigestion or heartburn. All chest pain should be checked by a doctor.
Other Upper Body Discomfort
Discomfort can also occur in other areas of the upper body, including pain or discomfort in one or both arms, the back, neck, jaw or upper part of the stomach.
Shortness of Breath
Shortness of breath often happens along with, or before chest discomfort. It can occur when you are resting or doing a little bit of physical activity.
Other symptoms may include
- breaking out in a cold sweat
- having nausea and vomiting
- feeling light-headed or dizzy
- feeling unusually tired for no reason
- any sudden, new symptom or a change in the pattern of symptoms you already have
- sleep problems
- lack of energy.
See an infographic of what a heart attack feels like. It could save your life.
Angina or a Heart Attack?
Angina is chest pain or discomfort that occurs if an area of your heart muscle doesn't get enough oxygen-rich blood. Angina occurs in people who have coronary heart disease, usually when they're active. Angina symptoms can be very similar to heart attack symptoms. Angina pain usually lasts for only a few minutes and goes away with rest. If you think you may be having a heart attack, or if your angina pain does not go away as usual when you take your angina medication as directed, call 9-1-1 for help. You can begin to receive life-saving treatment in the ambulance on the way to the emergency room.
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MEDIA RELATIONS OFFICE
JET PROPULSION LABORATORY
CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
NATIONAL AERONAUTICS AND SPACE ADMINISTRATION
PASADENA, CALIF. 91109 TELEPHONE (818) 354-5011
Contact: Martha J. Heil, (818) 354-0850
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASEJanuary 11, 2000
STARDUST CAN SEE CLEARLY NOW -- JUST BEFORE EARTH FLYBY
After a few months of foggy camera vision, NASA's
Stardust mission team has improved the spacecraft's
navigation-camera resolution to nearly normal, just as
Stardust is preparing to make a close flyby of the Earth on
By heating the camera's optical path, the Stardust
team was able to help its nearsighted spacecraft boil away
contaminants that had been deposited on optical surfaces.
One year ago, the imaging team took pictures of a
small lamp inside the optical path of the camera. The
camera will be used to navigate Stardust to its 2004
encounter with Comet Wild 2 (pronounced "vilt-2"). Apparent
contamination of the navigation-camera prevented a clear
test-image of the squiggly line of the lamp's filament, and
the lens seemed to be covered with a veil of light-
scattering material that produced a blurry image.
The team concluded that the contamination might have
been released with gases escaping from the spacecraft after
its launch, and that heating the optical path of the camera
might evaporate the contaminant covering the camera lens.
After a series of heating cycles, they re-tested the camera
by taking more pictures of the lamp.
Pictures taken after the heating revealed that the
zigzag line of the lamp's filament was visible again.
Images of stars taken by the camera are also clearer. The
team estimates the camera can now photograph stars two
magnitudes (celestial degrees of brightness) better. The
navigation camera has detected stars as faint as 9th
magnitude in brightness, which should allow the spacecraft
to perform its final navigation maneuvers during approach
to the comet nearly at the time originally planned.
Now Stardust, on its journey to collect comet dust, is
getting ready to springboard from Earth -- in a maneuver
called a "gravity-assist" -- when the spacecraft passes
closest to Earth on January 15, 2001. The Earth will not
be in the navigation camera's field-of-view during the
flyby, so no images of Earth will be taken.
Stardust was launched on February 7, 1999, into its
first loop around the Sun. When Stardust passes by Earth at
about 10 kilometers per second (22,400 miles per hour), it
will go into a slightly wider orbit that will allow it to
reach the comet on January 2, 2004.
On Monday, January 15, Stardust will fly by a point
just southeast of the southern tip of Africa, slightly more
than 6,000 kilometers (3,700 miles) from the surface at
about 3:15 a.m. PST (6:15 a.m. EST).
Stardust may be visible to observers using
sophisticated telescopes with charge-coupled device (CCD)
detectors from the Pacific Ocean and the Western United
States just after the spacecraft flies by Earth. Stardust
will not be visible using binoculars.
A gravity-assist works like this: when a spacecraft
closely approaches a planet, the planet's gravitational
pull accelerates the spacecraft and bends the flight path.
Mission designers account for this extra pull and use it to
their advantage to boost spacecraft speed and direct
interplanetary spacecraft to their targets. Like a windup
before the pitch, the Earth gravity-assist will sling
Stardust into the right path to meet Comet Wild 2.
About 15 hours after its closest approach to Earth,
the spacecraft will pass about 98,000 kilometers (61,000
miles) from the Moon. Because of the greater distance, the
Moon's gravity will have essentially no influence on the
spacecraft's flight path.
Stardust, a part of NASA's Discovery Program of low-
cost, highly focused science missions, is managed by the Jet
Propulsion Laboratory (JPL), Pasadena, Calif. for NASA's
Office of Space Science, Washington, D.C. JPL is a division
of the California Institute of Technology, Pasadena. More
information on the Stardust mission is available at
NOTE TO BROADCASTERS: Interview clips and B-roll to
accompany this release are being carried on NASA Television,
GE-2, Transponder 9C at 85 degrees West longitude, with
vertical polarization. Frequency is on 3880.0 megahertz
with audio on 6.8 megahertz. For broadcast times, see
ftp://ftp.hq.nasa.gov/pub/pao/tv-advisory/nasa-tv.txt. Live shots are available Friday, Dec. 12 from 5 p.m. to 9
p.m. Eastern Time.
To arrange a live shot, contact Jack Dawson at
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This article arises from Future Tense, a collaboration of Slate, the New America Foundation, and Arizona State University. On May 21, Future Tense will host an event in Washington, D.C., called “How To Save America’s Knowledge Enterprise.” We’ll discuss how the United States approaches science and technology research, the role government should play in funding, and more. For more information and to RSVP, visit the New America Foundation’s website.
The future used to be so much better. At least that’s what everyone under the age of 65 keeps telling me. In the 1950s and ‘60s, people dreamed of—nay, expected—jetpacks and flying cars and colonies on Mars. On Mars!
Legend has it that after the Soviet Union launched Sputnik, the first human-made satellite to ever orbit the Earth, in 1957, Americans rallied behind the idea of a better, more technologically advanced future for all. This nationwide enthusiasm buoyed NASA’s Apollo program and, as much as rocket fuel, propelled us to the moon. During his 2011 State of the Union address, President Obama invoked the popular idea of the “Sputnik moment” as he implored Congress to invest more in scientific research and education.
So what percentage of Americans in the 1960s do you suppose believed that the Apollo program was worth the time and resources devoted to it? Seventy percent? Eighty percent?
In reality, it was less than 50 percent.
Erik Conway, historian at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena, Calif., explains: “The Apollo program only had a majority public support—over 51 percent—for the few months around the 1969 moon landing. That’s it. Otherwise, it was less than 50 percent.” In a 1969 opinion poll taken after the lunar landing, just 53 percent of American adults believed that the moon excursion was worth the expense. In fact, during the nine years of the Apollo program, American support pretty much fluctuated between 35 percent and 45 percent. In a 2005 paper, Roger Launius, chief historian at NASA, wrote, “While there may be many myths about Apollo and spaceflight, the principal one is the story of a resolute nation moving outward into the unknown beyond Earth.” Nostalgia for the Space Age is rooted more in The Jetsons than in reality.
But try telling that to the baby boomers, who insist that they grew up in the most wondrous period of scientific adventure in U.S. history—a time when Americans supposedly united behind a single goal and achieved it. Raised by parents who spoke wistfully of watching the moon landing, Generation X and the Millennials have bought into the narrative, too. This romanticization of the past has real-world consequences because it breeds a certain kind of futility, a belief that we’re simply not able to accomplish things without every American behind the idea. The myth of the “Sputnik moment” means that we spend time hand-wringing over a lack of shared ambition, rather than actually working toward game-changing goals. Time is wasted as we act like petulant children, whining that no one wants to go to Mars anymore, rather than making the case for a manned Red Planet mission.
So where did this myth of national unity around the space race come from? There are two explanations. 1) The people currently telling the story of the Space Age were young in the 1960s. The world is a much simpler (and often much rosier) place through the eyes of a child. 2) Just as history is written by the victors, space history is written by space enthusiasts.
Unfortunately, we don’t have public opinion polls of children from this time. What we do have are toy sales figures.
Immediately post-WWII, cowboys were all the rage. Stanley Breslow of the Carnell Manufacturing Co. explained to The New Yorker in 1950: “Last year there were enough [cowboy gun] holster sets manufactured to supply every male child in the United States three times over. I don’t know where they all go.”
By 1958, the year following the Soviet launch of Sputnik, a full 50 percent of the $1.3 billion U.S. toy market was sci-fi-related. Kids traded in their six-shooters for ray guns. That’s significant to the narrative we see today about Americans’ shared Space Age ambitions. Conway explains:
There’s a tendency to assume that everyone knew all along that [the Apollo program] would be successful and that everybody enjoyed it and so forth and so on. And of course it’s looked back on fondly by the generation who grew up then, not necessarily their parents. And who is it now that are the main spokesmen of … well, everything in the United States, right? It’s folks … who were kids during the Apollo program and who loved it even if their parents didn’t.
In 1989 Howard Schuman and Jacqueline Scott at the University of Michigan published a paper on generations and collective memories. They quantified what seems like common sense: The events that happen around us when we’re children create the strongest memories. Or, to put it in academic speak: “[T]he events and changes that have maximum impact in terms of memorableness occur during a cohort’s adolescence and young adulthood, often referred to as ‘youth.’ ”
The study asked people in 1985 about the past 50 years, a period that included the Great Depression, World War II, the Vietnam War, the Kennedy assassination, the threat of nuclear war, the civil rights movement—the list goes on. The third most-mentioned important “event” from 1935-85 was space exploration, just behind World War II and the Vietnam War.
The study only measured attitudes toward the space program for those who mentioned it as a momentous achievement, but it still found a distinct difference between generations. While those of the Greatest Generation and the Silent Generation simply expressed awe at the achievement, often using words like “amazing” and “fantastic,” the baby boomers were the ones who talked about national pride and the inevitability of space in their future.
A 24-year-old woman in the study said, “Our world will change in the next 50 years because of what’s going on the space industry. We may make moves to live elsewhere.” That woman was 8 when humans first set foot on the moon and, if she’s still alive, is now about 51. Similarly, a 27-year-old woman remarked, “Well, we might even have space stations and so if we destroy our world, we will have a place to go.” She was 11 during the lunar landing of 1969 and would be 54 today.
You almost have to feel bad for the baby boomers for not getting the future they were promised. When they were kids, there was a deliberate effort to get children excited about, and emotionally invested in, scientific and technological progress. Dr. Athelstan Spilhaus, the dean of the University of Minnesota’s Institute of Technology, started one of at least two Sunday newspaper comic strips borne out of concern that American kids were falling behind the Russians intellectually and weren’t sufficiently interested in science and technology. The comic explained scientific principles, often with a futuristic flair, and by 1959, Dr. Spilhaus’ “Our New Age” appeared in more than 100 U.S. newspapers.
Dr. Spilhaus sat down with Louise O’Connor, who recorded oral histories over three years with him in the late 1980s. Spilhaus recalled, “I decided to [start writing Our New Age] right after Sputnik, when I was disturbed about kids knowing very little about science. Rather than fight my own kids reading the funnies, which is a stupid thing to do, I decided to put something good into the comics, something that was more fun and that might give a little subliminal education.”
But even as parents were buying up space toys for their kids and encouraging them to read the more educational Sunday funnies, they were skeptical, even surly, about the funds spent on Apollo and NASA. Those people with reservations about the space program seemed to be primarily concerned that the money spent on space could be better invested in more earthly problems.
Shortly after the Apollo 11 crew was launched, destined for the historic first landing on the moon, a reporter from the Delaware County Daily Times in Pennsylvania went to the local mall to ask how people felt about the imminent moon landing. Many thought that the money should be spent elsewhere.
Sheila Larkin of Brookhaven told the reporter that there were “better uses for much of the money that goes into the space program. It’s great that they can do it, but there is so much poverty in the country that the money could go other places.” George Conaway, a retired machinist, said that the trip was “foolish and a waste of money—money that should be spent on the poor people in this country.” Giles Jones said that it was important the U.S. would land there first, but offered reservations: “We’re supposed to be the greatest country and we can show that this way. But there are other good uses for much of the space program money.”
The day after the moon landing, a number of Associated Press articles reflected the mixed public opinion about the historic event. One of the articles focused on the feelings of New Englanders and was generally positive, quoting people who called the achievement “amazing” and “unbelievable” but the piece also quoted people like Barbara C. Sauer from Portland, Maine, who said, “It’s really a good accomplishment, but the money should be spent here on earth.” The article also quotes Frederick W. Varney, a 50-year-old service station operator from Bangor, Maine, who said that he hope it does some good but, “I think it’s a waste of money.”
That widespread ambivalence plays into another part of the “Sputnik moment” myth: that NASA’s coffers were bursting during the ‘60s. Erik Conway, the historian at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, told me, “The basic facts are that every year after 1964 Congress cut the NASA budget. Why did they do that? Well, the reality simply was that the public support wasn’t there.”
Personally, I’d like to see NASA well-funded. Space exploration is an important part of our future, and I firmly believe that we can push the boundaries of science while still addressing important domestic issues of poverty, racism, and health care—just as we did to certain degrees of success in the 1960s and ‘70s. But if we continue to perpetuate the inaccurate myth, we’re essentially declaring that America’s best days are behind us, instilling a certain futility. How might we live up to the greatness of an era when everyone got along and the nation stood united in a single goal? By approaching the future and the challenges ahead with a better understanding of history—stripping away the fictions of our retro-futures—our greatest obstacles may start to seem surmountable. With any luck, our children’s children might romanticize the 2010s as a time when people used to get things done.
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Information About Dietary Variables
As described in the Locate Variables module, NHANES dietary, food frequency, and supplement variables and information about the variables, are stored in different data and documentation files. The Locate Variables module provides lists of variables that are commonly included in dietary analyses. This page provides additional information on these variables. Please note, however, that the most complete descriptions of these variables can be found in the Analytic Notes section of the “Docs” files.
Dietary Recall Variables
Dietary Recall Status (dr1drsstz, dr2drstz )
The dietary recall status variable is used to indicate the quality and completeness of a survey participant’s response to the dietary recall. This variable is important in identifying all individuals who should be included in a study. Four possible values are provided. However, only two of the values (1 and 4) are included in Individual Foods File records.
The values for this variable are as follows:
1 = Reliable and met the minimum criteria. A value of 1 for this variable in the Total Nutrient Intakes File indicates that all relevant variables associated with the 24-hour recall contain a value. Individuals who reported fasting are considered to have a reliable recall.
2 = Not reliable or did not meet the minimum criteria. Data on individual food consumption are not provided for these cases. These individuals do not have any valid records in the Individual Foods File nor do they have data on total nutrient intakes in the Total Nutrient Intakes File. These records should not be included in nutrient intake estimates.
4 = Reported consuming breast milk. For breast-fed infants, the Individual Foods File includes a record for each report of human milk. Because amounts of human milk are not quantified, these records contain missing values for the amount consumed and for the amounts of energy and nutrients from human milk. Total nutrient intakes are not provided because of this missing information. Breast-fed children are excluded from most analyses for the reasons stated above.
5 = Not done. This code is assigned when the dietary recall did not take place due to various reasons. These individuals have no records in the Individual Foods File.
Breast-fed infant (either day) (drabf )
Beginning with NHANES 2003-2004, the variable drabf is included to identify breast-fed children. This variable eliminates the need to review and identify individuals with human milk records in the Individual Foods and Total Nutrient Intakes Files. This variable has a code of 1 if a child consumed breast milk on either day of the recall.
Intake day of week (dr1day, dr2day )
This variable identifies the day that reported foods were consumed. By using this variable, intakes and eating patterns can be compared according to day of week or by weekend days versus week days.
Food energy and nutrient variables (many)
Food energy and nutrient values in the Individual Foods File represent the amount of energy or nutrients provided by consumed food. In the Total
Nutrient Intakes File, these values represent the total daily amount of nutrients consumed for each survey participant. These totals were derived by summing the nutrient amounts from all foods listed in the Individual Foods File for a survey participant.
Variables in Individual Foods File only
Food/individual component number (dr1iline, dr2iline )
The Individual Foods File contains one record for each food consumed by a participant. Each food record is assigned a line number. The dr1iline or dr2iline variable may be used along with the respondent sequence number to uniquely identify a food record. An example is when a respondent reports the same food more than once in a day, as shown in the table below.
USDA food code (dr1fdcd, dr2fdcd)
Every food in the Individual Foods File is identified by an 8-digit USDA food code. Each food code is associated with a food description. There are two versions of each description: a complete, 200 character version and an abbreviated 60 character version. Starting with the 2003-2004 release cycle, a Food Codes file that accompanies the Individual Foods File contains both the long and short descriptions. An appendix in the file documentation provides SAS code to link the descriptions in the Food Codes File with the USDA food code in the Individual Foods File.
Beginning with the 2001-2002 release, the source of the food codes is USDA’s Food and Nutrient Database for Dietary Studies (FNDDS).
Modification code (dr1mc, dr2mc )
During the food coding process, predefined recipes for some food mixtures are modified to more closely match the food as described by the respondent. Nutrients are modified by substituting ingredients in a predefined recipe for the mixtures. An example of a modified recipe is an egg fried in butter instead of margarine. Each modification code is assigned a unique 6-digit identification number.
Beginning with the 2003-2004 release, the Modification Code file that accompanies the Individual Foods File includes descriptions (up to 200 characters) associated with each modification code. An appendix contained in the file documentation provides SAS code to link the descriptions in the Modifications Codes File with the modification code in the Individual Foods File
Combination food number (dr1ccmnm, dr2ccmnm ) and combination food type ( dr1ccmtx, dr2ccmtx )
The combination food number and combination food type variables can be important in planning analyses, especially when accounting for mixed food items such as sandwiches, salads, or other mixed dishes or beverages. Some foods reported by respondents are coded using more than one food variable, resulting in more than one record for the food. If a food is coded as more than one item, it is called a combination. Combinations may represent one food added to another and consumed as a unit, such as sugar added to coffee, margarine added to toast or gravy on potatoes, or components (ingredients) of foods, such as sandwiches, salads, and mixed dishes.
All food records in a combination have the same values for the combination food number and combination food type variables – the combination food number links a group of foods that are eaten together as a unit and the combination food type identifies the type of combination.
Approximately 53% of all foods in the 2003-2004 dietary intake data were coded as combination type foods.
Combination food types assigned to codes for the 1999-2000 dietary data release cycle are not the same as those for latter cycles. For example, a food code of “1” in the 1999-2000 dataset represents a baby food combination; in the 2001-2002 and 2003-2004 datasets, “1” represents a beverage with additions.
Time of eating occasion (dr1_020, dr2_020 ) and name of eating occasion ( dr1_030Z, dr2_030Z )
Each food record includes the variables denoting time and name of eating occasion at which the food was consumed. Note that the time of eating occasion variable is displayed in the 24-hour notation HH:MM. Additionally, codes assigned to the same eating occasion may differ from one cycle to another.
The name of eating occasion variable may include more than one relevant code for the same eating occasion, due to the inclusion of both English and Spanish terms. For example, three separate listings are provided for the breakfast eating occasion—breakfast, desayuno, and almuerzo.
It may be useful to look at time of eating occasion when conducting an analysis because eating occasions may be reported at any time of day. For example, the midday meal may be called lunch or dinner, and the evening meal may be called supper or dinner.
Extended consumption is used to denote the eating occasion when a respondent reports a food consumed over an extended period of time without distinct periods of consumption.
Source of food (dr1fs, dr2fs )
The source of food variable identifies where a food was obtained, such as from a store, fast food restaurant, vending machine or school cafeteria. This variable was first included with the 2003-2004 release.
Variables in Total Nutrient Intakes File only
Compare food consumed yesterday to usual (dr1_300, dr2_300 )
Each respondent was asked to assess whether the amount of food eaten on the recall day was usual, much more than usual, or much less than usual.
Water intake variables (dr1_320, dr2_320, dr1_330, dr2_330, dr1bwatr, dr2bwatr, dr1cwatr, dr2cwatr, dr1tws, dr2tws )
Data on intake of drinking water (i.e., tap water, plain bottled water, and unsweetened carbonated water) are generally collected after the 24-hour dietary recall is completed. Drinking water data are collected during the 24-hour recall only when it is an addition to other foods or is an ingredient in mixed beverages.
The availability of water variables varies with the release cycle. For the 2003-2004 release, four variables—plain, tap, bottled, and carbonated—were included.
Special diet variables (drqsdiet, drqsdt1 – drqsdt8, drqsdt91 )
Beginning with the 2003-2004 release, information is included on whether the participant is currently on any kind of diet to lose weight or for another health-related reason and if so, the type of diet. The variable drqsdiet identifies whether a participant is on a special diet. The variables drqsdt1 through drqsdt8 and drqsdt91 identify the type of diet(s) the participant follows. Responses to the type of diet were collected as “code all that apply,” meaning that more than one type of diet could be reported.
Variables in both Individual Foods and Total Nutrient Intakes Files
Respondent sequence number (seqn )
Each survey participant is identified by a 5-digit respondent sequence number. The seqn variable is present in most NHANES files and can be used to link data from different files for a given respondent.
Number of days of intake (drdint )
Beginning with the 2003-2004 release, the variable drdint is included to indicate the number of days of intake available for each participant. This variable eliminates the need to review records and identify individuals in the Individual Foods and Total Nutrient Intakes Files with 1 or 2 days of intake.
Dietary Supplement Variables
Any dietary supplements taken (dsd010 )
This is a derived variable. Participants who took a product coded as a supplement in the past 30 days are coded as 1. Supplements that were mistakenly recorded as an antacid in the medication section (RXQ) or as a prescription medication are moved to the DSQ section and are counted as supplements. Participants who reported an antacid containing calcium or magnesium in the past 30 days that was recorded only in RXQ antacid section and did not take any dietary supplement are coded as 2. Participants who did not take any product determined to be a dietary supplement in the past 30 days are also coded as 2. Prescription medicines and analgesics that are mistakenly recorded in the DSQ section are moved to their appropriate sections for data release.
Total number of supplements taken (dsdcount )
This is the count given to all supplements reported in the dietary supplement (DSQ) or medications (RXQ) section, as well as antacids that were reported in the DSQ section. Antacids recorded in the antacid section do not contribute to this count. Non-supplements that were reported in the DSQ section do not count. Products with don’t know or refused responses, are counted as supplements because no clear evidence exists that they are not and they were reported by the participant as a supplement.
Any non-prescription antacids taken (dsd010an )
Indicates if any non-prescription antacids were taken.
Total number of non-prescription antacids taken (DSDANCNT)
Total number of non-prescription antacids taken per respondent.
Supplement ID Number (DSDSUPID)
These are numbers assigned by the database for each product entered. Supplement ID numbers are 10 digits long and all Supplement IDs begin with the number ‘1’. The next 3 digits (positions 2-4) are ‘888’ if the supplement was created by NCHS as a generic or default product; otherwise the digits in positions 2-4 are coded ‘000’. The next 4 digits (positions 5-8) are assigned by the database and do not indicate anything about the product. The last 2 digits (positions 9-10) indicate formulations of the same supplement: the first formulation entered into the database = 00, the first reformulation = 01, the next = 02, etc. Note that these are reformulations of the same product: different versions (e.g. liquid vs. tablet, with iron vs. without iron, regular vs. high potency) have different 4 digit numbers (positions 5-8). When a product name was entered as “refused” or “don’t know”, the ID number is a string of 7’s or 9’s.
Name of Supplement (DSDSUPP)
This is the name from the supplement front label which is entered into the database. Matching what supplement the interviewers record to an actual product label is made with varying degrees of certainty. When no match could be made, then the product was given a match of 6, “unknown.” For these matches, the 10 digit supplement ID begins with a 6 and the phrase “no product information” is assigned as the name. Products with brand names that are available only in a limited region of the country are released with a generic name, not a brand name, to ensure participant confidentiality. Product names that were entered as “refused” or “don’t know” are named “7777” and “9999”, respectively.
For some entries made by interviewers, no corresponding product label could be found nor could a reasonable default product be assigned. These entries are counted as supplements because no evidence that they are not supplements, but only the words “no product information available” are used in place of a name in this public data release.
Was container seen (DSD010)
This variable denotes whether the dietary supplement container was seen during the household interview. Containers are seen approximately 88% of the time. This enables interviewers to collect more complete and accurate supplement names compared to supplement containers that are not seen. For containers that are not seen, the interviewer relies on the participants’ memory for the name of the supplement taken.
Matching code (DSDMTCH)
Supplements are recorded in the household interview with varying degrees of accuracy and completeness. The matching code indicates the level of certainty with which a supplement recorded during the interview matches the actual supplement label.
How Long Supplement Taken (DSD090)
This variable is released in terms of days that a supplement has been taken by multiplying years by 365; months by 30.4; and weeks by 7.
Days Supplement Taken, Past 30 Days (DSD103)
This variable is released as recorded by interviewer. This information is missing for dietary supplement data that were recorded in the medication (RQX) section.
Antacid reported as a dietary supplement (DSDANTA)
Indicates whether an antacid was reported in the dietary supplement (DSQ) or antacid section. For a few participants, the same antacid was recorded in both questionnaire sections. In these instances, the antacid was considered to be in the DSQ section and coded as 1.
Quantity and dosage form of supplement taken daily (DSD122Q)
This variable is released as recorded by interviewer. This information is missing for dietary supplement data that were recorded in the medication (RXQ) section.
Supplement Information Source (DSDRCE)
The source of each product label is recorded in the database. These source codes are listed in Appendix 5 of the supplement file documentation. Generic and default products do not have a source code.
Formulation Type (DSDTYPE)
The type of formula is recorded into the database. These codes are listed in Appendix 7 of the supplement file documentation.
Serving Size Quantity (DSDSERVQ)
This is thee product dosage quantity, which is recorded from the product label supplements facts panel. When calculating the amount of a nutrient consumed from supplements, it is important to take serving size into consideration. For some supplements, the serving size may be more than one unit (e.g., tablet, drop, teaspoon). In addition, the ingredient listed may be a compound (e.g. calcium carbonate), and the amount of the elemental nutrient (e.g., calcium) needs to be calculated. Appendix 5 of the supplement file documentation contains suggestions for conversions, but analysts are advised to confirm these.
Serving Size Unit (DSDSERVU)
This is the serving size unit, which is recorded from the product label supplements facts panel. The codes are listed in Appendix 10 of the supplement file documentation.
Alternative Serving Size (DSDSERVA)
This is listed in labels for some products. Not all products offer an alternative serving size.
Label may include alternative serving size (e.g., 1 dropperful = 1 mL).
Ingredient ID (SDSDINGID)
This is the ingredient ID created by the NCHS database for each ingredient recorded from the product label supplements facts panel.
Ingredient name (DSDINGR)
Ingredient names are recorded from the product label supplements facts panel.
Ingredient operator (DSDOPER)
This is a symbol (=, < , or >) that comes from the product label supplements facts panel.
Ingredient quantity (DSDQTY)
Ingredient quantity is recorded for each ingredient listed from the product label supplements facts panel.
Ingredient unit (DSDUNIT)
Ingredient unit is recorded for each ingredient listed from the product label supplements facts panel. Appendix 11 of the supplement file documentation lists the code for these.
Ingredient category (DSSDCAT)
NCHS assigns ingredient categories: Vitamin, Mineral, Botanical, Others, Amino Acid. Appendix 8 of the supplement file documentation lists the code for these variables.
Number of ingredient categories in each supplement (DSDCNT)
For each supplement, this variable is the number (count) of ingredients in each ingredient category (vitamin, mineral, amino acid, botanical, other) listed in the facts box on the label, including ingredients listed within blends.
Number of vitamins in the product (DSDCNTV)
Number of minerals in the product (DSDCNTMdsdcntm)
Number of amino acids in the product (DSDCNTA)
Number of botanicals in the product (DSDCNTB)
Number of other ingredients in the product (DSDCNTO)
Blend Flag (DSDBLFLAG)
This indicator variable denotes whether an ingredient is a blend or not a blend.
Blend component ID (DSDBCLID)
These are ingredient ID numbers for blend ingredients.
Blend component name (DSDBCNAM)
These variables are the ingredient names for blend ingredients. Blends in products will not give the actual breakdown of ingredient quantities in the blend. The ingredients will usually just be listed, and most of the time a whole blend amount is given.
NCHS assigns ingredient categories for each blend ingredient: Vitamin, Mineral, Botanical, Others, Amino Acid. Appendix 8 of the supplement file documentation lists the code for these variables.
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Crossing Scott Mountain Requires Grit in early 1860s
When the road across Scott Mountain was completed in the early 1860s, the principal freight and hotel center was at Callahans Ranch, now known as Callahan, Calif., just above where the south and east forks of the Scott River join. In those days, men such as W.P. and Peter Bennett packed supplies to miners and settlers throughout the rugged region. The California-Oregon Stage Company kept an ox team on top of the mountain in the winter, hitching them to a log sled and pulling it back and forth on the road to pack down heavy snows. The Denny brothers, early farmers and entrepreneurs, transported hay for the oxen from their farm in Noyes Valley six miles away. Albert Denny would load up a wagon hitched to a four-horse team and head out early in the morning, traveling to the Masterson Place and then up the steep incline to the Scott Mountain Summit. He made the rugged roundtrip in one long day.
Source: Denny, Karl V. Siskiyou Pioneer and Yearbook. Vol. 2. Yreka: Siskiyou County Historical Society, 1957. 21, 43. 10 vol.
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Feline infectious peritonitis, called FIP, is a viral disease in cats. It’s caused by the feline coronavirus and is fatal in most cases. The bad news is that there's no cure and no effective preventive vaccine. The good news is that FIP is not very common.
FIP can manifest as a wet or dry form. The wet, more common, form causes fluids to accumulate in the cat’s abdomen or chest. Fluid accumulation in the belly can cause a cat to look potbellied, and fluid in the chest causes labored breathing. The wet form of FIP progresses faster than the dry form. Most cats with the wet form die within two months of exhibiting signs of the disease. The dry form progresses more slowly, so cats can survive longer with the dry type of FIP.
Cats who have FIP usually show symptoms within a few weeks or months after being infected. Symptoms of FIP are also common to many illnesses: loss of appetite, depression, weight loss, rough coat and fever. Some cats sneeze, have watery eyes and nasal discharge. Others have diarrhea. FIP causes cats to become immunocompromised, so they are also susceptible to getting other infections. Cats with weak immune systems -- such as kittens, old cats and cats with the feline leukemia virus -- are most susceptible.
FIP is most common in some catteries. It’s also more common in shelters or homes with large cat populations. It’s not highly contagious, based on clinical observations and lab studies, according to veterinarian Niels C. Pedersen. But it can be spread through cat-to-cat contact and through cat feces. FIP is linked with cat breeding, especially inbreeding because a genetic susceptibility exists. Breeders who inbreed cats with affected bloodlines contribute to spreading FIP.
If your cat shows any symptoms, take him to your veterinarian. If he does have FIP, your job is to make him as comfortable as possible. Provide good nutrition, hydration and a stress-free environment. Some treatments, such as corticosteroids, antibiotics and cytotoxic drugs, can lead to a remission.
If you have multiple cats, make sure you clean the litter boxes daily, disinfect the boxes every week or two, and keep them away from eating and drinking areas. Take good care of your cats; male sure they eat a nutritious diet, are up on their vaccinations and aren’t living in an overcrowded situation.
- Martin Poole/Digital Vision/Getty Images
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ChristianAnswers.Net WebBible Encyclopedia
The Hebrew word atalleph', as in (Lev. 11:19; Deut. 14:18) implies “flying in the dark.”
The bat is listed among the “birds” in the list of unclean animals.
To cast idols to the “moles and to the bats” means to carry them into the dark caverns or desolate places where these animals may live (Isa. 2:20), i.e., to consign them to desolation or ruin.
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Individual differences |
Methods | Statistics | Clinical | Educational | Industrial | Professional items | World psychology |
A search coil is an apparatus for measuring eye movement using coils that are embedded into a tightly-fitting contact lens or a rubber ring that adheres to the eye. In animal studies, the search coil may be surgically implanted into the sclera of the eye. Alternating magnetic fields are generated by magnets positioned around the eye. Through electromagnetic induction, electric currents are generated in the search coils. The polarity and amplitude of the current generated varies with the direction and angular displacement of the eye. By measuring these values, the position of the eye can be determined. Search coils can be applied to one or both eyes.
In order to detect eye orientation in more than one dimension (e.g. up/down vs. left/right), multiple magnets oriented orthogonally to each other may be used. Each magnet generates a field using a different frequency, allowing the readings from the search coil to be analyzed by computer to determine displacement in multiple dimensions. Additionally, a second search coil can be added to measure torsional rotation.
A more crude search coil also called exploring coil is also used in laboratory experiments in schools to measure the magnetic field in a certain region of space. In this case the search coil consists of a simple wire coil or solenoid connected to a sensitive ammeter or galvanometer. The coil is placed in the magnetic field to be measured and quickly withdrawn to a region of space with a negligible magnetic field. As the search coil moves the magnetic flux linked with the coil changes. This induces a current in the coil which can be registered on the galvanometer. Since induced current is directly proportional to rate of change of flux linkage and assuming the coil is removed from the magnetic field very quickly, the maximum current measured by the ammeter is proportional to the magnetic field . The search coil can be calibrated by repeating this in a known magnetic field. A reference table shows open coil voltage versus magnetic field A/m (or teslas) or short current versus magnetic field.
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A. VMware knowledgebase article 1013413 discusses the specifics for setting flow control on an ESX or ESXi server's physical NICs. Flow control is a network configuration that manages the rate of data communication between two different network interfaces. It's necessary to prevent the outbound data from a fast sender from overwhelming the interface on a slow receiver.
Flow control is typically configured on network equipment, but it can be configured on hosts and storage devices as well. Configuring flow control on ESX is different depending on the type of network card in the server. For example, an ESX server with four Intel NICs will use the following command to disable flow control:
esxcfg-module -s FlowControl=0,0,0,0 e1000
In the command above, the four zeros separated by commas correspond to the four physical adapters in the server. Options 1, 2, and 3 are also possible, with 1 corresponding to receive only, 2 to transmit only, and 3 to receive and transmit.
Broadcom cards use a different command syntax for configuration, with a command similar to the following needing to be added to the ESX host's rc.local file:
ethtool -A vmnic# autoneg on rx off tx off
The knowledgebase article noted above provides more detail about flow control options. Be aware that network problems, such as excessive pause frames being transmitted across the network, can occur when flow control isn't configured properly,.
Catch up with @ConcentratdGreg on Twitter!
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Severn Vale LLS project Lowland wet grassland cpt Karen Lloyd Gloucs WT
Creating a wetland wildlife highway through the county
Gloucestershire Wildlife Trust’s vision is to restore the wetlands of the Severn Vale to their former glory, creating a 50-kilometre wetland wildlife highway through the county. This will create an environment that has economic, social and environmental benefits, so that these wetland grasslands will become valued by local communities and provide an income for farmers.
This scheme is underpinned by a comprehensive ‘Nature Map’, unveiled in March 2008 by Gloucestershire Biodiversity Partnership, which has enabled the Trust to identify 22 strategic nature areas where it is ecologically feasible to create the target wetland habitats in the Severn Vale. Linking up just 12 of these will establish the desired ‘wildlife highway’ route north.
Virtual tour by Mike McFarlane
- Restoring and creating new wetland habitats
- Providing practical land management advice
- Establishing a network of trained volunteers to monitor biodiversity gains
- Working with the Environment Agency to create a better habitat for water voles
- Producing a grazing strategy for the area
Start date: 2007
Scheme area: 11,000 hectares
Trust reserves within the scheme
This scheme is helping species including...
Current threats to the landscape
Development, agricultural intensification, flood defence, non-native species, overgrazing and undergrazing, conversion to arable, inappropriate ditch maintenance
This scheme is also...
Helping wildlife adapt to climate change, improving water quality, reducing flood risk, storing carbon, improving access for people, encouraging green tourism, providing volunteering opportunities and environmental education, producing local food.
Natural England, Environment Agency, RSPB, Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust, British Trust for Ornithology, Local Authorities, local landowners, Internal Drainage Board.
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A genetically altered tomato seed that couldn’t last long in space experiments, have blossomed on Earth, producing plants that could survive severe drought and are amazingly high on nutrients.
The tomato seed, designed to better withstand the rigors of space, was created by Mariya Khodakovskaya was a researcher at North Carolina State University, US.
The seeds were flown to the International Space Station in August 2007. Though they successfully germinated, the plants didn’t last long.
“The seedlings grew for a short period, and then they got no taller and died,” said Chris Brown, a plant biologist at North Carolina State University.
The team strongly suspected that the problem was not microgravity, per se, but adverse growing conditions, such as a lack of air circulation, according to Brown. “We think they died due to a lack of air flow,” he said.
The space plants were contained in special chambers designed by BioServe Space Technologies, a non-profit NASA-sponsored research center at the University of Colorado at Boulder.
The chambers contained a solution of nutrients that would feed the plants as long as there was moisture present.
While the space experiment was a bust, the transgenic seeds blossomed on Earth, producing plants that could survive severe drought.
“Three weeks without water will kill most tomato plants. The transgencis came back, which is really cool and has huge implications for Earth agriculture,” Brown told Discovery News.
According to Khodakovskaya, a plant physiologist, she has since developed a new breed that in addition to tolerating drought, produces a leafy plant with fruit high in lycopene, an antioxidant.
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Letter: Here's what Head Start can do for kids
March 04, 2014 | Stevens Point Journal Media | Link to article
EDITOR: A recent USA TODAY editorial republished by Stevens Point Journal Media praised the Obama administration for its commitment to invest in quality early childhood education services. At the same time, however, it questioned the long-term benefits in investments made in Head Start.
Head Start is a national program that aims to promote school readiness in our youngest children. Its focus is development of the whole child and includes a variety of learning experiences that foster intellectual, social and emotional growth and access to health services. It engages parents, supporting and reinforcing their role as their child’s first teacher. Supportive environments that create a foundation for lifelong learning are provided.
The national Head Start Family and Child Experience Survey reports children come to Head Start with a range of knowledge and skills, with some scoring above the national averages. But most children come with below-average academic skills, particularly in vocabulary and math. Data from 2009 and 2010 shows Head Start children made gains in vocabulary, early reading, early writing and early math. Additionally, children showed growth in positive approaches to learning and a reduction in behavior problems. Parents are engaged, too — more than 80 percent attend parent-teacher conferences.
An Oct. 2013 report by the advocacy group CLASP found that 91 percent of Head Start children and 85 percent of Early Head Start children received a medical screening. Nearly 12 percent had a disability (13 percent in Early Head Start), with 45 percent diagnosed after enrollment! Early intervention and services are simply invaluable.
CAP Services’ Head Start program has similar school readiness results. All Head Start children showed growth in each learning area in the Fall 2012-Spring 2013 school year. These include: social/emotional, large and small motor skills, language, cognition, literacy and math. Goals are developmentally appropriate and align with state learning guidelines. You can find more at www.capservices.org. Click on Programs/Early Childhood Development/Head Start and on the “Annual Report.”
The editorial suggests Head Start is ineffective because these gains are lost by third grade. You should ask two questions. How would these children fare without the Head Start experience? And why are the gains lost over time attributed to Head Start, well after children leave the program?
CAP Services Inc.,
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KENNEDY, COLLEAGUES WORK TO KEEP AMERICA COMPETITIVE IN GLOBAL ECONOMY INTRODUCE NEW NATIONAL DEFENSE EDUCATION ACT TO MODERNIZE AMERICAN EDUCATION SYSTEM, EXPAND COLLEGE ACCESS, AND EQUIP WORKERS WITH 21st CENTURY SKILLS
Today, Senators Edward M. Kennedy, John Kerry, and Hillary Clinton introduced the New National Defense Education Act to keep America competitive in our rapidly shrinking global economy. The New NDEA will ensure education standards are internationally competitive, strengthen math and science teaching and education, expand college access and encourage the study of math, science, and critical need foreign languages, and improve job training for those currently in the workforce.
"Our country is home to the greatest universities in the world, and our education system has produced the world's leading teachers, scientists, writers, musicians, and inventors. We cannot let these achievements stall," Senator Kennedy said, "We have to put first things first, and give children, parents, schools, communities and states the support they need to re-fuel the amazing engine of education and keep our country great in the years ahead."
"America largely created the global economy, and we have to change the way we do things if we are going to maintain our position in it. And the only way we are going to do that and remain competitive in the world is by investing in our students and our teachers," said John Kerry.
"This bill will help America continue to lead the world in technology and innovation," said Senator Clinton. "It lays the groundwork for a new generation of American prosperity and security. It invests in teachers, encourages states to raise academic standards, promotes math, science, and critical foreign language education, and helps make college a reality for more children."
The New National Defense Education Act modernizes our education system and equips Americans with twenty-first century knowledge and skills by:
Providing incentives and resources for States and schools to develop and implement more rigorous standards in math, science and reading; to upgrade laboratory facilities; and to create PreK-16 Readiness Councils to ensure student learning is aligned with the demands of college, the 21st century workforce, and the Armed Services;
Providing grants and incentives and to recruit and retain highly qualified math, science, and critical-need foreign language teachers to teach in high poverty schools;
Significantly increasing investment in education programs at the National Science Foundation;
Creating a program that guarantees students that if they work hard and get into college, their unmet need will be met through additional state and federal aid;
Making college and graduate school tuition free for low-income students studying math, science, technology, engineering, or critical need foreign languages;
Expanding access and exposure to critical-need foreign language education from the early grades through graduate school; and
Providing competitive grants for job training to support innovative strategies to meet emerging labor market needs.
Below is Senator Kennedy's floor statement on the NDEA: STATEMENT BY SENATOR KENNEDY ON THE NEW NATIONAL DEFENSE EDUCATION ACT (AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY) Mr. President, American families face great challenges in dealing with the rapidly changing global economy. The value of their wages is declining, the cost of living is going up, and many jobs are moving overseas. More and more Americans feel the American dream is slowly slipping out of reach. We can and must deal more effectively with this problem. We have a responsibility to make the investments that are necessary to our progress - a responsibility to our families, to our economy, to our nation, and even to our national security. We can guarantee America's continuing prosperity in the future, but we must work for it. We must sacrifice for it. The rest of the world is playing for keeps. We cannot just tinker at the margins if we expect to continue to be a leader in this rapidly shrinking world. We must ensure that our citizens can achieve the American dream once again. To do so, our highest priority must be a world class education for every American. We must make the American employee and employer the best educated, best trained, and most capable in the world. We need to strengthen the capacities of every person in the nation. This isn't just my opinion. In recent years, study after study has emphasized education as the solution to keeping America competitive in the years to come. Last year, the Council on Competitiveness urged a focus on lifelong skill development - through elementary, secondary and higher education, and through training and workforce support, as essential to keeping America on the cutting edge of innovation. A recent National Academy of Sciences report contains these recommendations. Two of the report's four major recommendations state that education is the solution to meeting the global challenge. The National Association of Manufacturers has also issued a report urging a renewed focus on education and training to keep American businesses competitive. Other industrialized countries are embracing education as the key to competing in this new economy, but America is slipping behind. We rank 28th out of 40 nations in math education. We were third in the world in 1975 in the production of new scientists and engineers, but now we rank 15th. By 2008, six million U.S. jobs will go unfilled because our workforce will not be qualified to fill them. These shortcomings threaten both our economic security and our national security.
The last time America was shocked into realizing we were unacceptably behind in math and science was in 1957, when the Soviet Union launched Sputnik. To meet that crisis, Republican President Eisenhower worked closely with a Democratic Congress to pass the National Defense Education Act. The new law declared a national "education emergency," and we doubled the federal investment in education virtually overnight. Today I join with my colleagues, Senator Clinton and Senator Kerry, to introduce a new National Defense Education Act for our own day and generation. To respond to this major challenge, we must ensure our education standards are internationally competitive, so that our high school graduates can succeed in the new economy. We must make a commitment to all students - regardless of the studies they choose to pursue - that cost will not be a barrier to a college degree. We must strengthen math and science education in this country by making college free for s s tudents training to become math or science teachers in high need schools. Our New National Defense Education Act responds to each of these imperatives. It modernizes our education system and equips Americans with twenty-first century knowledge and skills. It provides incentives and resources for schools to develop and implement more rigorous standards in math, science and reading.
The legislation updates the nation's report card - the National Assessment of Educational Progress - to ensure that it sets a national benchmark which is internationally competitive and is aligned with the demands of the 21st century global economy. It expands our ability to monitor science achievement. It requires the NAEP to measure student preparedness to enter college, the 21st century workforce, or the Armed Services. It also requires the Secretary of Education to examine the gaps in student performance on state-level assessments and NAEP assessments, and to assist states in understanding those gaps. It provides critical resources to states to create PreK-16 Preparedness Councils to help them with their efforts to improve state standards and ensure that they are aligned with the expectations of colleges, employers, and the Armed Services. It also provides funding to states working in collaboration to establish common standards and assessments.
The New NDEA also directs resources to high need schools, to enable them to invest in math, science, engineering and technology textbooks and laboratories, and give their students equal access to a curriculum that will provide the skills they need to be successful in the 21st century global economy. The legislation recognizes the critical role of the National Science Foundation in ensuring our children have access to cutting-edge science and technology programs, by doubling the investment in elementary, secondary and postsecondary education programs at NSF. The New NDEA also helps open the doors of college to all by creating the "Contract for Educational Opportunity" grant program, or "CEO Grants," which guarantee students that if they work hard and are admitted to college, their financial need will be met through additional state and federal financial aid.
The legislation also offers additional grants to make college tuition free for low- and middle-income students studying science, technology, engineering or math, as well as critical-need foreign languages.
The bill provides larger grants to students studying to become teachers in these fields who agree to work in a high poverty school for at least 4 years. It also provides teachers with tax credits, increased loan forgiveness and additional incentives to continue to teach where they are needed the most. It provides grants to institutions of higher education to develop innovative programs for recruiting and training new teachers, and invests in teacher training programs to support their continuing education.
The bill recognizes that it is increasingly important for students to be exposed to other languages and cultures. In recent years, foreign language needs have significantly increased throughout the public and private sector because of the wider range of security threats, the emergence of new nation states, and the globalization of the U.S. economy. American businesses increasingly need employees experienced in foreign languages and international cultures to manage a culturally diverse workforce. The New NDEA responds to these needs by providing grants for elementary and secondary critical-need language programs, summer institutes to improve teachers' knowledge and instruction of foreign languages and international content, and study abroad and foreign language study opportunities for high school students, and undergraduate and graduate students. The New NDEA also continues to invest in our current workforce. The bill builds on existing formula funds for job training with competitive grants to support innovative strategies to meet emerging labor market needs. From our earliest days as a nation, education has been the engine of the American dream. Our country is home to the greatest universities in the world, and our education system has produced the world's leading teachers, scientists, writers, musicians, and inventors. We cannot let these achievements stall. Slogans are not enough. We have to put first things first, and give children, parents, schools, communities and states the support they need to re-fuel the amazing engine of education and keep our country great in the years ahead.
I urge my colleagues to join us in making this strong new commitment to securing our nation's future by supporting the New National Defense Education Act.
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A scientifically savvy RCNVR Officer who became a key to the Allied victory
Charles Frederick Goodeve was born on 21 February 1904 in Neepawa, Manitoba. When he was three, his family moved to Stonewall, located just north of Winnipeg. Charles’s father, F. W. Goodeve, M.A., was an Anglican clergyman, who did not earn much money. Charles also had two older sisters and two younger brothers. His mother, Emma (née Hand), was a woman of skill and energy, who was determined to do the very best for her children despite her husband’s limited income.
When Charles was ten, his father moved to a church in Winnipeg. The family then had enough money to buy a cabin at Gull Harbour on Lake Winnipeg. During the summers at Hecla Island, Charles and one of his brothers acquired an old boat which they refurbished and sailed on the lake. That was how he developed his love of boats which later led to his naval career.
In Winnipeg Charles went to Kelvin High School, where his science teacher, Mr. Wilson, aroused his scientific interests. His mother regarded Charles as the cleverest of her children and was determined he should go to university. He initially tried his hand at accountancy, however, he greatly disliked balancing books to a degree of accuracy that he considered unjustifiable. In 1919 he entered the University of Manitoba as an arts student. He transferred to science two years later and in 1925 passed his B.Sc. exams with honours in chemistry and physics.
During his early years at university, Charles was hard pressed for money, so he made all he could by working on the side: cutting grass and cleaning windows in the summer, installing double glazing against the prairie winter in the autumn and removing it in the spring. In his second year he secured an appointment as a junior laboratory demonstrator and this paid his tuition fees. This appointment naturally gave him access to chemicals and it is said he even talked his barber into giving him free haircuts, in return for a specially designed hair lotion that Charles concocted.
Charles Joins the Winnipeg Division
In 1923, during his third year at University, Charles’s sailing interests led him to join Winnipeg’s newly established Royal Canadian Naval Volunteer Reserve Division. The Winnipeg Division recruited Charles with the promise of a yearly, two-week training period at the coast. In the meanwhile, drill was required one evening a week. As an officer the pay was attractive and more than covered his expenses. Charles enlisted as a midshipman and he took every opportunity to go to sea and train as an Ship’s Officer. His time in the Winnipeg Division also helped him to develop his social poise, that he would find so valuable later in his life in helping him to handle almost any situation.
Of course, Charles Goodeve’s goal as a young naval officer was to achieve his Bridge Watchkeeping Certification. In the summer of 1927, while on training in Esquimalt, Midshipman Goodeve finally was given the chance to take the reserve training ship, the aged destroyer HMCS PATRICIAN, to sea. The PATRICIAN had been just previously broken down, but the dockyard had just patched her up and she was again ready to sail as a training platform for reservists.
Goodeve had studied very hard for his part in the evolution, which included him giving the orders to take the PATRICIAN away from the jetty and then sail to an anchorage. At the appointed time, Charles gave the orders: “Let go after springs!”… “All lines clear aft, sir.”… “Fifteen port!”… “Slow ahead, port”. As the stern swung out there was a loud explosion from aft and clouds of steam billowed from the engine room hatch. Apparently, the PATRICIAN had blown her main engine, and of course this marked the end of the PATRICIAN’s career. (She was finally paid off on 1 Jan 1928.)
Sadly, Charles Goodeve never again had the opportunity of gaining his qualification as an RCNVR Officer, his future endeavors would soon take him overseas to England.
A Scholarship in England
When in the autumn of 1927 Charles went to study in at London, England, in University College on a scholarship. Soon, Charles found he had come to an outstanding chemistry department, which was then one of the leading centres for chemical research in Britain and indeed in the world. His attractive personality and good connections with industry enabled him to raise adequate funds to run his prestigious Department.
In 1932 Charles married Janet Wallace, the daughter of a Presbyterian Minister from Goodlands, Manitoba. Janet was also keen on science and after teaching for a few years in primary school went in 1924 to the University of Manitoba where she studied chemistry. She was in the chemistry class to which Charles lectured in his closing years at Manitoba and the two of them became friendly. In 1929 Janet graduated top of her class. Charles, hearing of her success offered her a grant to study at University College in London. In 1932 they were married at her parents’ home in Goodlands, Manitoba.
While in England, Charles kept up his naval interests through the R.N.V.R. He went to sea in submarines and minesweepers, and served in four battleships and three destroyers. He qualified as a torpedo specialist at Devonport and then specialized on the electrical side.
In 1936 he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant Commander and began to direct his research towards naval problems. For these he obtained Admiralty finance and as a result became acquainted with Admiralty departments and procedures. He did attachments in H.M.S. Vernon, the mining establishment in Portsmouth, and these led to his being appointed there when war broke out in 1939.
The “Double L” Sweep
With the outbreak of war in September 1939 the Germans were beginning to use their magnetic mines with marked success. During the month of November 200,000 tons of shipping was sunk by magnetic mines and the Port of London was all but closed. The mines were designed to rest on the sea bed and were actuated by the magnetic field induced beneath a steel vessel as it passed over.
There were some ideas of how to deal with the mines but none were viable, up until Charles Goodeve proposed a “Double Longitudinal Sweep” method. To trial this method Goodeve used a lake near Portsmouth named Canoe Lake, where small boys commonly sailed model boats. While worried about security for such a test Goodeve thought up an ingenious cover-plan. While many people sailed model boats one boat actually contained test equipment. The test proved successful and the theory of the “Double L Sweep” was proven.
Later, a full scale test gave more success and the “Double L Sweep” was successful used to sweep magnetic mines in February or 1941. Special wooden minesweepers, modeled after the design of Yarmouth trawlers, were commissioned and they operated most effectively: 74 mines were swept by March, and nearly 300 by the end of June 1940.
The speed with which the enterprise was brought to success owed much to Charles’s enormous energy and enthusiasm and his skill in dealing both with the naval personnel concerned with trials and the civilians responsible for the design and manufacture of the cables and the electrical equipment.
The Development of Degaussing
With the success of the Double L sweep Charles (who had by then been promoted to the rank of Commander) began thinking about protecting ships directly. The Admiralty had already begun fixing ships with copper cables: these carried an electrical current which induced an N-pole-up magnetic field to counteract the ship’s own N-pole-down field. But there were neither cables nor fitting facilities sufficient to cope with the great numbers of ships that required protection. Warships and the largest merchant ships had priority. Something was desperately needed for the remainder of the ships.
Charles came up with the idea that ships could be subjected to a very strong magnetic field in facility such as a wet dock surrounded by an enormous electric coil. The trouble was that the power required and the cost of even one installation would be exceedingly great. Charles saw that the idea of inducing permanent magnetism in a ship was the right one but somehow the current required must be vastly reduced. He then had the idea of passing a horizontal flexible rubber-insulated electric cable up and down a ship’s side so as to induce the required permanent magnetism in the ship’s plates.
Charles performed actual field tests on submarines which were highly successful. By April 1940, ten degaussing stations were operating in Britain; by June about 1000 ships of all kinds had been wiped and many vessels that took part in the Dunkirk evacuation were so protected, thus ensuring their safety in the operation.
Charles is also credited with inventing the term ‘degaussing’, which he named after Karl Friedrich Gauss.
After the war Charles received an award of £7500 for his invention, which was the largest individual award made in connection with claims for devices designed to combat magnetic mines. This he generously shared with those who had helped him bring the idea to success.
Establishment of the D.M.W.D
With the success of these counter measures to the magnetic mine he began to gain a reputation for cutting through red tape and pushing his projects against all opposition. At RN Headquarters the expression “to do a Goodeve,” which meant “to do something by hook or by crook”, grew to be a popular saying.
Charles’ ability to cut through the red tape and get positive results in very little time earned him notoriety. Through his accomplishments he was tasked to head up a newly established Department of Miscellaneous Weapons Development (D.M.W.D.).
Many of the developments originated from the junior officers in the department, some originated from outside, and some again from Charles himself. But every single one was examined by Charles and generally improved by his inventive and critical suggestions. The two most important inventions of that period were plastic armour and the Hedgehog ahead-thrown antisubmarine weapon which was masterminded by Charles. Another vital task which Charles undertook was to get the Oerlikon A.A. gun into production.
The Manufacturing of the Oerlikon Gun
The Oerlikon gun was desperately needed for the antiaircraft protection of both warships and merchant ships. It was being manufactured by the Swiss who were making them for the Germans and had produced a few for Britain during the early days of the war. But with the fall of France, and Italy entering the war, the supply of Oerlikon guns had gone away.
There was an agreement to produce the Oerlikon under license in England, but the project had not taken shape. A factory had been earmarked at Brighton, but when France fell this was considered too close to the coast. An alternate site was suggested at Bangor, in North Wales. This is as much as was accomplished when Charles Goodeve was put onto the task.
Goodeve saw a situation where the British manufacturer was complacent, and projected the first Oerlikon Gun to be produced in two years. This was not good enough for Charles. Charles arranged for railroad shed in Ruislip to be converted into a factory. There were many teething problems, including equipment difficulties and labour disputes, but the factory went into full production only 7 months after Charles was put in charge of the project. Within a year the Ruislip factory was turning out 750 Oerlikons every month, and by the autumn of 1942 this output had risen to 1000.
Development of the Hedgehog Antisubmarine Mortar
The Hedgehog antisubmarine mortar.
The Royal Navy had been attempting to develop a weapon to throw antisubmarine charges ahead of a destroyer or corvette. This type of weapon be far deadlier than existing depth charges, which were dropped astern and gave a submarine too much time to escape.
Charles drew up plans for a weapon firing a pattern of relatively small contact charges from an array of spigots mounted on the bow of a ship. In the final design there were 24 projectiles in the pattern, each with a charge of 31 lb of explosive: they landed in a 130 ft diameter circle 215 yards ahead of the firing vessel.
This time it was not complacency that attempted to scuttle the project, but political influences. However, a demonstration of the weapon was arranged for Winston Churchill, and successful sea trials were completed by HMS Westcott against a submerged wreck in Liverpool Bay. The weapon showed it’s worth and was adopted by the allied navies. By the end of the war the weapon had accounted for some fifty enemy submarines.
Following his outstanding successes in weapon development, Charles was awarded the Order of the British Empire (O.B.E.). At the conclusion of the war in recognition of his great contributions to the allied effort at sea, Charles was created a Knight Bachelor (1946) and awarded the U.S. Medal of Freedom with Silver Palm.
During the last years of his life Charles was stricken with Parkinson’s disease. Throughout his illness Charles carried on with characteristic fortitude, greatly concerned for those to whom he felt he was becoming a burden: wonderfully he never lost his sense of humour.
For More Information about Charles Goodeve
Book: The Secret War 1939 – 1945 by Gerald Pawle
Photo of Charles Goodeve:
Used with permission from the Department of Chemistry, University College, London
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1. JFK Statue on the State House Lawn
Dedicated on May 29, 1990 and subsidized by private citizens, this monument was designed and sculpted by Isabel McIlvain. The statue stands on the lawn of the MA State House, where both of Kennedy's grandfathers served in the late 19th century.
2. Bellevue Hotel and 122 Bowdoin St. Apartment
These adjacent locations served as Kennedy's residences when he moved to Boston to run for the U.S. Congress in 1946 under the slogan of "The New Generation Offers a Leader." Kennedy initially lived at the Bellevue, where his grandfather John F. Fitzgerald, former Boston Mayor and U.S. Congressmen, was spending his retirement years.
3. Omni Parker House Hotel
Location of many famous Kennedy and Fitzgerald moments, including the site where JFK announced his bid for Congress in 1946, as well as where he proposed to Jacqueline Bouvier and had his bachelor party in 1953. The Omni was also the site of many raucous birthday parties held for Honey Fitz.
4. Old City Hall
Where John F. Fitzgerald, "Honey Fitz," presided as Mayor of Boston from 1905 to 1907, and again from 1909-1913. Fitzgerald was the first Mayor of Boston born to Irish immigrants, and his election marked the high-point of his political career.
5. Irish Famine Memorial
Dedicated in 1998, this memorial commemorates the millions of Irish immigrants who fled their native land in the 1840s to escape the hunger of the potato famine. Patrick Kennedy, JFK's great-grandfather, emigrated in 1849, and 114 years later his Presidential descendant returned to Dunganstown, County Wexford to pay homage to his great-grandfather and the Irish people.
6. JFK's Senate Headquarters
Located at 10 Kilby Street in Post Office Square, this site marks where JFK revolutionized politics in Massachusetts by running the first campaign in state history that was truly statewide, with offices throughout the Commonwealth. Kilby Street was the headquarters, and from this location Robert F. Kennedy managed his brother's campaign and defeated a stalwart of Massachusetts politics—Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
7. Faneuil Hall
The site of many speeches by Mayor John F. Fitzgerald, including a boisterous celebration which followed his election in 1905. Also at this location, JFK delivered the final speech of his 1960 presidential campaign, and Ted Kennedy announced his run for the Presidency in 1980.
8. Union Oyster House
The oldest continuously operated restaurant in the United States, and a favorite of President Kennedy. Check out Booth 18, known as the "Kennedy Booth" because it is where the President frequently enjoyed his clam chowder.
9. Rose Kennedy Greenway
Named for the matriarch, Rose Kennedy, this beautiful park affords a moment to reflect on the Kennedy legacy in Massachusetts, the nation, and the world. The mother of three U.S. Senators, two war heroes, an Ambassador to Ireland, an Attorney General of the United States, and a President of the United States, Rose Kennedy is forever enshrined.
Visit Boston Civil War Tours
for information about our Civil War tour of Boston.
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Little League Guidelines on Reporting Abuse
This information is being provided to local Little Leagues and Districts as a guide to whether and when to report child abuse and neglect.
Background of Little League’s Child Protection Program
For more than a decade, Little League has led the way among youth sports organizations in assisting local leagues to keep child sex offenders out of the program.
Little League was the first national youth baseball/softball program to mandate a check of the applicable sex offender registry. Additionally, Little League provides each local Little League with 125 free checks of a national criminal database. More information on that program can be found here: http://www.littleleague.org/learn/programs/childprotection.htm
But background checks themselves can only weed out those who have already been convicted of crimes. That is why Little League also provides advice – based on information from the FBI and the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children – on identifying a potential child sex offender. For more info, download the Parents Guide to Child Protection (PDF).
We have recently received inquiries concerning steps local league parents and volunteers can take to help keep children safe and, in particular, when and how to report child abuse and neglect. Reporting abuse, under national/federal and/or state or provincial law, can vary from one place to another.
Below is a summary of information available from the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services (DHHS) (www.childwelfare.gov), as well as links to state definitions, statutes, and resources. Note, however, that countries and states/provinces frequently amend their laws.
Reporting laws reflect parents’ and volunteers’ paramount obligation to protect children from maltreatment. While the requirements listed below are the legal minimums, we encourage local league personnel to take immediate action if they believe the health or welfare of a child is at stake. If there are questions concerning reporting in your country and state/province, we encourage you to consult with an attorney.
Little League thanks the United States Olympic Committee for assisting us in this regard.
U.S. Federal Law
Federal legislation – the U.S. Federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) (42 U.S.C.A. § 5106g), as amended by the CAPTA Reauthorization Act of 2010 – sets minimum standards for defining child abuse and neglect for those States that accept federal funding. Under federal law, the minimum acts or behaviors constituting child abuse and neglect by parents and other caregivers are:
- “Any recent act or failure to act on the part of a parent or caretaker which results in death, serious physical or emotional harm, sexual abuse or exploitation”; or
- “An act or failure to act which presents an imminent risk of serious harm.”
Fifty (50) states and the District of Columbia have enacted laws which address mandatory reporting of child abuse to protect the health and safety of children. Little League Baseball, Incorporated has completed a summary of all current existing state laws regarding reporting of child abuse which can be found on our website here.
As noted, whether to report child abuse and neglect under state law depends upon several factors:
What is “child abuse and neglect”? Although federal legislation sets minimum standards for defining child abuse and neglect, the definitions of child abuse and neglect vary by state. It is thus critical that you work with your attorney to determine (1) what law governs your reporting obligations; and (2) what the law was when the alleged child maltreatment occurred.
Who is required to report? Many states identify professionals who are required to report child maltreatment (“mandatory reporters”) – e.g., social workers and teachers. Note, however, that who constitutes a mandatory reporter varies by state. In addition, several states also require any person who suspects child abuse or neglect to report, regardless of profession.
Who is permitted to report? Your legal obligations may vary with your ethical obligations. For those states that do not require all persons to report suspected abuse or neglect, any person is permitted to report (“permissive reporters”). Be aware that certain professions also have their own professional codes of conduct that they must follow and that may affect how and when an individual may report.
What is the standard for reporting? The circumstances under which a mandatory reporter is required to report vary by state. The DHHS summarizes two typical reporting standards, for both mandatory and permissive reporters: (1) “the reporter, in his or her official capacity, suspects or has reasons to believe that a child has been abused or neglected”; and (2) the reporter has knowledge of, or observes a child being subjected to, conditions that would reasonably result in harm to the child.” Again, work with your attorney to determine when you are required to or should make a report to a state agency.
Is the communication privileged? Some states identify when a communication is privileged, i.e., there is a right to maintain a confidential communication between a professional and their client or patient. However, this privilege is greatly restricted for mandatory reporters. For instance, states commonly provide that the physician-patient privilege is superseded by the requirement to report child abuse.
Will the report be anonymous? Most states permit anonymous reports.
Will the reporter’s identity be disclosed? If a reporter does disclose his/her identity, many states protect the identity of the reporter from disclosure to the alleged perpetrator. In some cases, however, a reporter’s identity may be released (i.e., by court order or by waiver and/or consent).
We also encourage parents and volunteers to read more about abuse and neglect, familiarize themselves with the resources available to report abuse, and learn about the counseling and referral services that are available.
To read more about mandatory reporting, with a summary of state reporting laws, visit: http://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_policies/statutes/manda.cfm
For state (toll-free) child abuse reporting numbers, visit: http://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/reslist/rl_dsp.cfm?rs_id=5&rate_chno=W-00082
To search the definitions of child maltreatment by state, visit: http://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_policies/state/
For crisis assistance, counseling, and referral services:
Childhelp is a national organization that provides crisis assistance and other counseling and referral services. The Childhelp National Child Abuse Hotline is staffed 24 hours a day, 7 days a week, with professional crisis counselors. All calls are anonymous. Contact them at 1.800.4.A.CHILD (1.800.422.4453), or visit http://www.childhelp.org/.
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Just like in other industrialized countries, China’s city kids have become residents in an urban jungle, imprisoned in apartments in high-rise buildings. No more climbing trees, catching fish or spending all day outside.
Losing their ability to experience nature, these youngsters can talk at length about whales or cheetahs, but not describe a flower at their feet. And that’s sad. If a child can describe the lifestyle of a whale in detail, but he can’t remember the last time he explored woods or a beach, he’s not likely to genuinely care about nature.
But Things Are Changing: Nature Education For Children
Friends of Nature, formed in 1993, is one of China’s oldest NGOs and has provided links between the urban public and nature through bird-watching and gardening groups. Nature education aimed at children started in 2000, with Green Hope Action and the Antelope Bus.
Originally these groups brought volunteers from the city visit poor villages to provide environmental education, but increasingly the focus has shifted to giving city children a range of educational activities based around the observation and experience of nature. These kids need to re-connect with the natural world.
City Kids In Nature Become Imaginative
Here’s a first-hand report, from The Guardian:
Song Xi works on Friends of Nature’s nature experience project. She asked a group of lively children to close their eyes and lie beneath the branches of a large tree. When they opened their eyes and saw the sun shining through the green canopy, they fell silent –as if the whole world had stopped.
At first, city kids are unruly and uninterested, but they become curious, excited and focused over time. Initially they don’t want to get dirty and they scream at the sight of a bug – but soon they get closer to nature than their parents do. If they have the opportunity to observe and experience nature, they discover new things, things we may never have noticed, and they become imaginative about things that look ordinary.
International Movement To Get Kids Back Into Nature
It is exciting to know that the movement to reconnect children with nature is happening in China too! Here in the United States, with childhood obesity rates rising, along with the number of hours those same youngsters spend on their electronic devices, the movement to get children out into nature is growing exponentially.
The need to get kids out into nature motivated me to write Get Out! 150 Easy Ways for Kids and Grown-Ups to Get Into Nature and Build a Greener Future, and to my delight it was recently translated into Chinese.
These words, quoted in The Guardian, say it all:
As Li Weiwen, chair of Taiwan’s Society of Wilderness wrote in his book Education Can Be Romantic: “Take your child for a walk, and if you have a calm and unflustered heart, nature will lead you to appreciate it and learn everything that we should know.”
Photo Credit: iStock
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Начало 1, Lesson 7, Part 2. ENGLISH-RUSSIAN VOCABULARY. (0576)
Directions: Fill in each blank with the Russian equivalent of the English word. Make several attempts to type the correct translation. Press on the Tab key to check your spelling. Click on the English word to see the correct spelling.
Content based on text, audio and video sources in the Начало
Textbook and Workbook (1st and 2nd edition) package by Lubensky, Ervin, McLellan, Jarvis.
Copyright © 2001, 1996. McGraw-Hill
. All Rights Reserved.
Web content Copyright © 2005. George Mitrevski
. Auburn University.
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Blacks & Depression
Most African Americans, including 92% of depressed African-American males, do not seek treatment. Stigma continues to be a major barrier to seeking out care. Many people are still confused between facts and myths, and either don’t understand what mental illnesses are, and/or continue to believe that there is something shameful about them.
In addition to shame, minorities often feel the legacy of racism and discrimination, leading to the distrust of health and mental health professionals. Feelings of stigma, discrimination, and mistrust of authorities preclude individuals in need from seeking out and receiving the help and treatments that can lead them to recovery.
• The death rate from suicide for African American men five times that for African American women, in 2005.
• African Americans are 30% more likely to report having serious psychological distress than Non-Hispanic Whites.
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Young children explore and learn about their world with an intensity that is unsurpassed at any other stage of life. Children yearn to touch, taste, see, hear and engage with everything in their environment. These early experiences of the world are critical for healthy intellectual, social-emotional, and physical development.
Teachers focus on imaginative play, both indoors and outdoors, singing, storytelling and a consistent daily rhythm of practical, artistic and imaginative activities using natural materials. Play is a cornerstone of learning in the Early childhood and the basis for building physical coordination, brain neurology, imagination, creativity, sensory integration, and skill in problem solving and social resilience and confidence. These early years form a solid and everlasting foundation for lighting a spark for learning and becoming a happy, healthy, and engaged individual in the world.
Tell a friend about Waldorf Early Childhood Program.
Friends can call 978-927-1936 for a visit to our Parent & Child, Nursery or the Kindergarten at Cape Ann Waldorf School.
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Researchers from the University of Canterbury are embarking on a study which they hope will help prevent a significant portion of breast cancer.
The research team wants to find the connection between breast cancer and a virus known as cytomegalovirus, which previous studies have linked to the cancer.
"Our new study, building on our earlier findings, will test stored blood samples in a group of women who donated blood samples to a large serum bank in Finland, to find out whether patterns of exposure to cytomegalovirus differ for women with breast cancer compared with women who do not have breast cancer," said health sciences expert Professor Ann Richardson.
"If an infectious cause for breast cancer can be found, it has the potential to lead to prevention of a significant proportion of breast cancer, by immunisation in early childhood."
The Health Research Council of New Zealand has provided $333,000 to fund the project.
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There are some practices in Judaism that are always observed upon death, however there are many details and variations that depend upon the different branches of Judaism. This is a general overview of Jewish practices and traditions.
- Funerals take place very promptly, usually within 24 hours - and no more than three days - after death.
- Orthodox Jews have a burial. Refom and Liberal Jews can be cremated and their ashes are interred in a Jewish burial ground.
- Funerals cannot take place on the Shabbat, Rosh Hashannah and Yom Kippur, or on the first and last days of festivals such as Shavuot, Pesach and Sukkot.
- The service takes place at a synagogue, crematorium or cemetery.
- The dress code is smart, dark-coloured, sombre clothing; men must wear skull caps and women usually cover their heads.
- Jewish funerals are kept as simple as possible. There are no flowers, the coffin is made of plain unadorned wood, and embalming and the use of cosmetics on the deceased is forbidden.
- During the service, psalms are chanted and the traditional memorial prayer, Eyl Malei Rahamim is recited. There may also be a eulogy (hesped) to the deceased.
- At a burial, known as k'vurah, the bereaved may throw earth on to the coffin. The back of the spade is used to fill the grave with earth.
Mourning or Avelut
There are three stages of mourning in Judaism:
After the funeral, the bereaved enter a seven-day period of mourning known as shiva or 'sitting shiva'. This is usual when a close family member - such as a parent or sibling - dies.
During shiva, the bereaved are discouraged from attending work or leaving the house, apart from to visit the synagogue. They will usually wear the same clothing that is often ripped to symbolise grief. Alternatively, a black ribbon may be worn. Mirrors are covered up, leather shoes not worn, bathing is avoided and males do not shave.
The bereaved also sit on low chairs to receive guests. As they are forbidden to cook or prepare meals, it is customary for visitors to bring along food for them.
Shloshim is a 30-day period of mourning that allows for the bereaved to gradually return to everyday life, but there are still certain restrictions during this time. Men do not shave or wash their hair and it is forbidden to wear new clothes. Social gatherings or celebratory occasions should not be attended, such as parties, concerts, cinema etc).
Shloshim marks the end of mourning except in the case of the death of a parent.
Shneim Asar Chodesh
Those mourning a parent observe a 12-month period of mourning, starting from the death date. Most restrictions are lifted, but large celebratory gatherings (especially those with live music) should be avoided. The Mourners' Kaddish, an integal part of the mourning rituals of Judaism, is recited at synagogue services for eleven months.
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December 11, 2013
By Melissa Gaskill
I sprinkled salt, pepper, and chili powder over the ball of masa in a bowl in front of me, then kneaded it with my bare hands. Flores Soliz spooned the juice from steeped chiles into the bowl, and I worked the hot liquid in. The masa took on a nice color and the consistency of warm peanut butter. Soliz assured me it was ready.
The Witte Museum in San Antonio holds La Tamalada, an art-of-tamale making class, every year before the Christmas holidays. Under the tutelage of Soliz, an authentic comadre — literally "godmother," but here also meaning a fellow female member of the community — I made a half a dozen, pretty darn tasty bean tamales.
A tamalada is a significant Latino tradition, says Sarita Rodriguez, an educator at the museum: “Everyone comes together as a family and makes tamales and passes on traditions. I sat with my mother every year and gossiped, and those are my memories. Coming together as a family is the important part.”
Women started wrapping meat in masa in Guatemala as early as 1200 BC, and Aztecs served them to the Spaniards in the 1550s, so tamales have a long history. Variations are found throughout Latin America, from corn-husk wrapped tamales containing pork, chicken, beans, cream cheese and sweet fillings such as cinnamon and nuts in Mexico to tamales wrapped in banana leaves in El Salvador, Honduras and Colombia. In Guatemala, tamales made with rice flour are a holiday treat, and in Panama, tamales are served at all special occasions.
“Get creative and make them with anything you like,” Rodriguez says. “That’s the beauty of tamales.”
Our group worked in a large room at the museum, on tables covered with bright plastic. Once our masa was the right consistency, we selected six corn husks, not too large or too small. Husks come dry and brittle and must be soaked in hot water for about 10 minutes before use. They have a rough and a waxy side, and the filling is put on the waxy side to make unwrapping easier once the tamales are cooked.
Holding a corn husk in my hand with the smaller end pointing away from me, I spread masa over the half closest to me, then placed a spoonful of seasoned beans in the middle. I folded over one third of the husk from one side, and a third from the other, then folded the smaller end back. I tied two thin strips of corn husk together and tied that strip around the tamale. These ties can be used to identify different fillings inside tamales, or just as a nice finishing touch.
Our tamales went inside a large pot and were steamed for about 30 minutes. When women make large quantities of tamales, as many as 10 dozen in one enormous pot, they may steam for an hour and a half.
Tamales, typically served on Christmas Eve in Mexico and the United States, are part of a rich suite of Latino Christmas traditions, which include elaborate nacimientos, or nativity scenes; Los Posadas, when people go from house to house re-enacting Joseph and Mary's seeking a place to stay; and Los Pastores, plays where angels and devils battle over shepherds looking for baby Jesus. One year my family spent Christmas with my brother in Monterey, Mexico, and my then 7-year-old son got to play one of the devils. Probably one of his all-time holiday highlights.
At the Witte tamalada, our tamales came out of the pot fragrant and steaming — and very tasty. I was amazed I’d made something that not only looked like a tamale is supposed to look (and didn’t fall apart when unwrapped) but tasted like it should as well. Cost for La Tamalda is $15 for Witte members and $25 for nonmembers.
San Antonio also stages a festival, Tamales at Pearl, where more than two dozen vendors sell tamales of every kind — bean and cheese, pork, chicken, meat with jalapeños, organic masa tamales, vegetarian. The city's old Pearl Brewery has become a mixed-used development of lofts, shops, restaurants and a Culinary Institute of America, and the grounds are elaborately decorated for the festival, with three live music stages. The event offers great people-watching, a practically unlimited selection of tasty tamales and an opportunity to pick up unique gifts for the holidays. Admission is free for Tamales at Pearl; tamales range from $1 to $4 each, with additional offerings such as empanadas, baked goods, and hot and cold drinks (including beer).
It’ll be tough to decide next year whether to make my own tamales or feast upon those at the festival. Perhaps I’ll do both.
Source: Culture Map Austin
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The Search for Planet 9 Turns to Saturn and Cassini
Somewhere in the far outer reaches of the solar system lurks the mysterious Planet 9 (sometimes called Planet X), the giant planet CalTech professors Mike Brown and Konstantin Batygin claimed to have found evidence of just last month. It’s too far away to see but astronomers would like to know where to look when it finally makes its return close to the inner circle of planets. A new theory suggests that the key to pinpointing this location is currently in the vicinity of Saturn – the Cassini space probe.
What can a nearly 20-year-old spacecraft tell us about the path of a never-seen planet? Quite a bit, it turns out. Astronomers know that planets leave distinct fingerprints of heat energy behind in the path they take while orbiting the Sun. The amounts of energy left by a cold Planet 9 are tiny – tens of degrees above absolute zero making millimeter-length radio waves – but they’re there. If only there were some way to capture and identify those fingerprints.
Fortunately, that’s one of the many functions Cassini has performed as it traveled back and forth through Saturn’s rings. Agnès Fienga of the Nice Observatory in France and her fellow astronomers there have analyzed the data collected so far and, while it hasn’t shown where Planet 9 has traveled, it’s revealed plenty of places where it hasn’t. Already, half of the proposed possible Planet 9 orbital paths have been eliminated.
Will the definitive proof of Planet 9’s existence and route through the solar system be Cassini’s final moment of glory? The probe is scheduled to self-destruct in a plunge into Saturn’s atmosphere on September 15, 2017. This could convince NASA to extend the mission a few more years to 2020 to collect fingerprints for astronomers to analyze.
The process of elimination has helped many of us pass tests (OK, just me). It looks like it could help astronomers ace the test of proving the existence and path of Planet 9.
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We may complain when we strain them or boast about how we work out to build them, but how often do we stop to consider just how amazing our muscles are? They’re what allow us to move, lift and manipulate objects; they pump our blood and help us digest our food; they let us express ourselves by talking, writing or smiling; they help us to see and they enable women to give birth.
As the engines of the body, muscles turn energy into motion. But, of course, there are different muscles for different tasks, just as there are different motors for different vehicles. Each type of muscle has a specific role in the body.
There are three types of muscle in the human body:
- Perhaps the most specialised is cardiac muscle which is only found in our heart. It is dedicated to making short involuntary contractions at intervals (so we don’t consciously need to think about what it’s doing), which makes it ideal for pumping blood around our bodies, even when we’re asleep. It is also capable of huge feats of endurance and consistency: a human heart beats approximately three billion times during a lifetime. Heart muscle can stretch in a limited way, like smooth muscle, and contracts with the force of a skeletal muscle.
- Smooth muscle is responsible for contractions in our blood vessels, digestive system, airways and, in females, the uterus. Its speciality is its ability to stretch and sustain tension. It also contracts on an involuntary basis, meaning that our nervous system controls it automatically. Normally, there is little we can do to stop such contractions, as any women entering labour will testify!
muscle is what most of us recognise as muscle: it’s what we go to the gym
to build and what enables us to run, jump, eat and grasp objects. As their name
suggests, skeletal muscles are attached to the skeleton and their function is
movement. Because skeletal muscles only pull in one direction, they are grouped
together in pairs around the framework of our skeleton: when one of the pair contracts, the opposing muscle relaxes; thus, one muscle moves the bone in one direction and the other moves it back the other way. We’ll all be aware that skeletal muscles usually contract voluntarily: when you think about contracting them, your nervous system tells them what to do. They can make a short, single contraction (twitch) or a long, sustained contraction (tetanus). Occasionally they contract involuntarily, for instance when we experience cramps or spasms.
Because our muscles are such important mechanisms for our bodies, they have evolved into incredibly sophisticated organs. Not only are they moderately efficient at turning stored chemical energy into kinetic energy (there is also huge heat loss, as anybody undertaking strenuous exercise will know) they are incredibly resilient and capable of modification. For instance, they grow in size when we exercise them and they can heal themselves when they are damaged.
Humans have a high capacity to expend energy for many hours doing sustained exercise. Research tells us that skeletal muscle burns 90mg of glucose a minute in continuous activity, generating approximately 24W of mechanical energy along with some 76W of heat energy.
We have a great range of Fitness Equipment for all levels and excellent diagnostic and teaching tools for your home, gym or therapy practice. Why not sign up for our FREE emails for all our latest news, products & Special Offers .. it only takes a minute, SIGN UP HERE.
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Child Abuse and Domestic Violence
Detecting, Measuring, and Preventing Child Abuse
Detecting, Measuring, and Preventing Child Abuse
Statistics on child abuse are difficult to interpret and compare because there is little consistency in how information is collected. The definitions of abuse vary from study to study, as do the methods of counting incidents of abuse. Some methods count only reported cases of abuse. Some statistics are based on estimates projected from a small study, whereas others are based on interviews.
Researchers use two terms— incidence and prevalence — to describe the estimates of the number of victims of child abuse and neglect. Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, in the Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (NIS-3 ; 1993, http://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/statistics/nis.cfm#n3), define incidence as the number of new cases occurring in the population during a given period. The incidence of child maltreatment is measured in terms of incidence rate: the number of children per one thousand children in the U.S. population who are maltreated annually. Surveys based on official reports by child protective services (CPS) agencies and community professionals are a major source of incidence data. (The term child protective services refers to the services provided by an agency authorized to act on behalf of a child when his or her parents are unable or unwilling to do so. This term is also often used to refer to the agency itself.)
Prevalence, as defined by Sedlak and Broadhurst, refers to the total number of child maltreatment cases in the population at a given time. Some researchers use lifetime prevalence to denote the number of people who have experienced child maltreatment at least once in their life. To measure the prevalence of child maltreatment, researchers use self-reported surveys of parents and child victims. Examples of self-reported surveys are the landmark 1975 National Family Violence Survey and the 1985 National Family Violence Resurvey conducted by Murray A. Straus and Richard J. Gelles.
Studies based on official reports depend on a number of things happening before an incident of abuse is recorded. The victim must be seen by people outside the home, and these people must recognize that the child has been abused. Once they have recognized this fact, they must then decide to report the abuse and find out where to report it. Once CPS receives and screens the report for appropriateness, it can then take action.
For the data to become publicly available, CPS must keep records of its cases and then pass them on to a national group that collects these statistics. Consequently, final reported statistics are understated estimates—they are valuable as indicators but not definitive findings. Because of the hidden nature of child abuse, it is unlikely that statistics that accurately reflect the true scope of maltreatment will ever be available.
The 1974 Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) created the National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect (NCCAN) to coordinate nationwide efforts to protect children from maltreatment. As part of the former U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, NCCAN commissioned the American Humane Association to collect data from the states.
In 1985 the federal government stopped funding data collection on child maltreatment. In 1986 the National Committee to Prevent Child Abuse (NCPCA; now called Prevent Child Abuse America) picked up where the government left off. The NCPCA started collecting detailed information from the states on the number of children abused, the characteristics of child abuse, the number of child abuse deaths, and the changes in the funding and extent of child welfare services.
In 1988 the Child Abuse Prevention, Adoption, and Family Services Act replaced the 1974 CAPTA. The new law mandated that NCCAN, as part of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), establish a national data collection program on child maltreatment. In 1990 the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System (NCANDS), which was designed to fulfill this mandate, began collecting and analyzing child maltreatment data from CPS agencies in the fifty states and the District of Columbia. NCANDS has since conducted the Child Maltreatment survey annually. The most recent survey as of August 2008 was Child Maltreatment 2006 (2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf), which was published by the Administration for Children, Youth, and Families (ACYF).
The data collected from states are not completely reliable because each state has its own method of gathering and classifying the information. Most states collect data on an incident basis; that is, they count each time a child is reported for abuse or neglect. If the same child is reported several times in one year, each incident is counted. Consequently, the reported number of incidents of child maltreatment may be greater than the reported number of maltreated children that CPS is aware of.
As part of the 1974 CAPTA, Congress also mandated NCCAN to conduct a periodic National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (NIS). Data on maltreated children are collected not only from CPS agencies but also from professionals in community agencies, such as law enforcement, public health, juvenile probation, mental health, and voluntary social services, as well as from hospitals, schools, and day care centers. The NIS is the single most comprehensive source of information about the incidence of child maltreatment in the United States, because it analyzes the characteristics of child abuse and neglect that are known to community-based professionals, including those characteristics not reported to CPS. The most recent study is NIS-3. This report is based on a nationally representative sample of more than 5,600 professionals in 842 agencies serving 42 counties. NIS-3 includes not only child victims investigated by CPS agencies but also children seen by community institutions (such as day care centers, schools, and hospitals) and other investigating agencies (such as public health departments, police, and courts). In addition, victim counts were unduplicated, which means that each child was counted only once. Data collection for NIS-4 began in 2004; reports were scheduled to be published beginning in late 2008.
NIS-3 uses two standardized definitions of abuse and neglect:
- Harm Standard—requires that an act or omission must have resulted in demonstrable harm to be considered as abuse or neglect
- Endangerment Standard—allows children who had not yet been harmed by maltreatment to be counted in the estimates of maltreated children if a non-CPS professional considered them to be at risk of harm or if their maltreatment was substantiated or indicated in a CPS investigation
Rates of Victimization
CPS DATA. According to the ACYF, in Child Maltreatment 2006, in 2006 CPS agencies received an estimated 3.3 million referrals, or reports, alleging the maltreatment of about 6 million children, which may include some children who were reported and counted more than once. States may differ in the rates of child maltreatment reported. States differ not only in definitions of maltreatment but also in the methods of counting reports of abuse. Some states count reports based on the number of incidents or the number of families involved, rather than on the number of children allegedly abused. Other states count all reports to CPS, whereas others count only investigated reports.
NCANDS explains that in 2006 forty states, Puerto Rico, and the District of Columbia submitted child-level data for each report of alleged maltreatment. Child-level data include, among other things, the demographics about the children and the perpetrators, types of maltreatment, and dispositions (findings after investigation or assessment of the case). Another nine states reported more general maltreatment data. CPS agencies screened in (accepted for further assessment or investigation) 2 million (61.7%) referrals out of a total of 3.3 million referrals. Overall, the rate of maltreatment referrals (whether accepted for further investigation or not) ranged from 20.9 per 1,000 children in Arizona to 128 per 1,000 children in West Virginia. (See Table 2.1.)
In 2006 an estimated 885,245 children were victims of maltreatment in the United States. (See Table 2.2.) Even though the rate of investigations (dispositions) per 1,000 children rose from 43.8 in 2002 to 47.8 in 2006, the rate of victimization actually fell from 12.3 per 1,000 children in 2002 to 12.1 in 2006. (See Figure 2.1.)
Table 2.2 shows the types of maltreatment children suffered in 2006. In that year, 567,787 of the 885,245 children found maltreated by CPS agencies had suffered neglect. Another 19,180 suffered medical neglect. In other words, 66.3% of all children found to be maltreated by CPS agencies in 2006 were victims of neglect or medical neglect. Another 142,041 (16%) children were victims of physical abuse, 78,120 (8.8%) children were victims of sexual abuse, 58,577 (6.6%) children were victims of emotional, or psychological, maltreatment, and another 133,978 (15.1%) children experienced other types of maltreatment,
|TABLE 2.1 Screened-in and screened-out referrals, by state, 2006|
|SOURCE: “Table 2–1. Screened-in and Screened-out Referrals, 2006,” in Child Maltreatment 2006, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Administration on Children, Youth, and Families, 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)
|State||Child population||Screened-in referrals||Screened-out referrals||Total referrals|
|District of Columbia||114,881||5,077||90.0||567||10.0||5,644||49.1|
including abandonment, congenital drug addiction, and threats to harm them. Some children were victims of more than one type of maltreatment.
CPS statistics indicate that child physical and sexual abuse declined in the 1990s. In “Child Maltreatment Trends in the 1990s: Why Does Neglect Differ from Sexual and Physical Abuse?” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 11, no. 2, 2006), Lisa M. Jones, David Finkelhor, and Stephanie Halter of the University of New Hampshire use corroborating evidence to argue that there is evidence for a real decline in child abuse, not only a decline in reported cases. For example, the National Crime Victimization Survey shows a large decline in sexual assaults against teenagers; the Minnesota Student Survey of Children shows a 22% decline in sexual abuse between 1992 and
|TABLE 2.2 Types of maltreatment sustained by victims, by state, 2006|
|State||Victims||Neglect||Physical abuse||Medical neglect||Sexual abuse|
|District of Columbia||2,759||1,595||57.8||405||14.7||165||6.0||152||5.5|
2001 and a 12% decline in physical abuse during the same period; and many social problems with recognized connections to child maltreatment have declined, including runaways, teen pregnancy, and adolescent suicide. Jones, Finkelhor, and Halter state that all these declines indicate a “general improvement in the well-being of children across the United States.” Rates of child neglect, however, did not decline over the period. Figure 2.1 shows that rates of child maltreatment fluctuated somewhat from year to year in the early 2000s, but remained fairly steady between 2002 and 2006.
NIS DATA. The NIS, while providing older data, gives a clearer picture of the incidence of child maltreatment because it collects data not just from CPS agencies but also from other community professionals. In 1996, under the Harm Standard, nearly 1.6 million children were victims of maltreatment, a 67% increase from the Second National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (NIS-2 ; 1986) estimate (931,000 children) and a 149% increase from the First National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (1980) estimate (625,100 children). (See Table 2.3.) Significant increases occurred for all types
|TABLE 2.2 Types of maltreatment sustained by victims, by state, 2006 [CONTINUED]|
|SOURCE: “Table 3–6. Maltreatment Types of Victims, 2006,” in Child Maltreatment 2006, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration on
Children, Youth, and Families, 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)
|State||Psychological maltreatment||Other||Unknown or missing||Total maltreatments|
|District of Columbia||52||1.9||898||32.5||3,267||118.4|
of abuse and neglect, as compared to the two earlier NIS surveys. The 1.6 million child victims of maltreatment in 1993 reflected a yearly incidence rate of 23.1 per 1,000 children under age eighteen.
In 1993, under the Endangerment Standard, more than 2.8 million children experienced some type of maltreatment. (See Table 2.4.) This figure doubled the NIS-2 estimate of 1.4 million. As with the Harm Standard, marked increases occurred for all types of abuse and neglect. The incidence rate was 41.9 per 1,000 children under age eighteen.
Gender of Victims
CPS DATA. In 2006 CPS agencies found a higher rate of child maltreatment among girls (12.7 cases per 1,000 children) than among boys (11.4 cases per 1,000 children).
(See Table 2.5.) About 48.2% of maltreated children were boys and 51.5% were girls.
NIS DATA. NIS data allow comparisons of types of maltreatment suffered by boys and girls. Under both the Harm and Endangerment Standards of NIS-3, more females were subjected to maltreatment than males. Females were sexually abused about three times more often than males.
Males, however, were more likely to experience physical and emotional neglect under the Endangerment Standard. Under both standards, males suffered more physical and emotional neglect, whereas females suffered more educational neglect. (See Table 2.6 and Table 2.7.) Males were at a somewhat greater risk of serious injury and death than females.
Age of Victims
CPS DATA. Younger children represented most of the maltreated victims among CPS agencies in 2006. Older children are less likely to be victimized than younger children. The victimization rate for infants was 24.4 per 1,000 children. (See Figure 2.2.) The rate then dropped to 14.2 per 1,000 toddlers aged one to three and 13.5 per 1,000 children aged four to seven. The rate then dropped again to 10.8 per 1,000 children aged eight to eleven and 10.2 per 1,000 children aged twelve to fifteen. Teens aged sixteen and seventeen had the lowest rate, at 6.3 per 1,000.
Children of different ages suffered different types of maltreatment in 2006. Nearly three-quarters of the youngest children under age three suffered from neglect (72.2% of infants and 72.9% of children aged one to three), whereas only a little more than half (55%) of those aged sixteen and older did. (See Table 2.8.) By contrast, 14.3% of infants under age one and 10.8% of toddlers aged one to three suffered physical abuse and 0.4% of infants and 2.6% of toddlers suffered sexual abuse, whereas 22% of maltreated children aged sixteen and older suffered physical abuse and 16.1% suffered sexual abuse.
|TABLE 2.3 Comparison of actual maltreatment incidence rates to estimates of maltreatment incidence rates, by Harm Standard guidelines, selected years 1980–93|
|SOURCE: Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane E. Broadhurst, “National Incidence of Maltreatment under the Harm Standard in the NIS-3 (1993) and Comparison with the NIS-2 (1986) and the NIS-1 (1980) Harm Standard Estimates,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996|
|Comparisons with earlier studies|
|NIS-3 estimates 1993||NIS-2: 1986||NIS-1: 1980|
|Harm Standard maltreatment category||Total number of children||Rate per 1,000 children||Total number of children||Rate per 1,000 children||Total number of children||Rate per 1,000 children|
|Note: Estimated totals are rounded to the nearest 100. NIS = National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect.|
|TABLE 2.4 Comparison of actual maltreatment incidence rates to estimates of maltreatment incidence rates, by Endangerment Standard
guidelines, 1986 and 1993
|SOURCE: Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane E. Broadhurst, “National Incidence of Maltreatment under the Endangerment Standard in the NIS–3 (1993) and Comparison with the NIS–2 (1986) Endangerment Standard Estimates,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996|
|NIS-3 estimates 1993||Comparison with NIS-2 1986|
|Endangerment Standard maltreatment category||Total no. of children||Rate per 1,000 children||Total no. of children||Rate per 1,000 children|
|Note: Estimated totals are rounded to the nearest 100. NIS = National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect.|
NIS DATA. Sedlak and Broadhurst find in NIS-3 alow incidence of maltreatment in younger children, particularly among those under age five. This may be because, before reaching school age, children are less observable to community professionals, especially educators—the group most likely to report suspected maltreatment. The researchers explain that there was a disproportionate increase in the incidence of maltreatment among children as they reached ages six through fourteen. (See Figure 2.3 and Figure 2.4.) Sedlak and Broadhurst note that the incidence of maltreatment among children older than age fourteen decreased. Older children are more likely to escape if the abuse becomes more prevalent or severe. They are also more able to defend themselves and/or fight back.
Under the Harm Standard only ten per one thousand children in the zero-to-two age group experienced overall maltreatment. (See Figure 2.3.) The numbers were significantly higher for children aged six to seventeen. Under the Endangerment Standard twenty-six per one thousand children aged zero to two were subjected to overall maltreatment. (See Figure 2.4.) A slightly higher number of children (thirty-three per one thousand children) in the oldest age group (fifteen- to seventeen-years-old) suffered maltreatment of some type. As with the Harm Standard, children between the ages of six and fourteen had a higher incidence of maltreatment.
|TABLE 2.5 Sex of child abuse victims, by state, 2006|
|District of Columbia||57,989||1,383||23.8||50.1|
Race and Ethnicity of Victims
CPS DATA. In 2006 rates of child maltreatment as recorded by CPS agencies were highest among African-American children (19.8 per 1,000 children) and lowest among Asian-American children (2.5 per 1,000 children). (See Figure 2.5.) Pacific Islanders had a rate of 14.3 per 1,000 children, Native American and Alaskan Native children had a rate of 15.9 per 1,000 children, Hispanics had a rate of 10.8 per 1,000 children, and whites had a rate of 10.7 per 1,000 children.
|TABLE 2.5 Sex of child abuse victims, by state, 2006 [CONTINUED]|
|SOURCE: “Table 3–8. Sex of Victims, 2006,” in Child Maltreatment 2006, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration on
Children, Youth, and Families, 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)
|Girls||Unknown or missing|
|District of Columbia||56,892||1,374||24.2||49.8||2||0.1|
|TABLE 2.6 Maltreatment rates under the Harm Standard by gender, 1993|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Sex Differences in Incidence Rates per 1,000 Children for Maltreatment under
the Harm Standard in the NIS-3 (1993),” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996
|[Per 1,000 children]|
|Harm Standard maltreatment category||Males||Females|
|Severity of injury:|
|TABLE 2.7 Maltreatment rates under the Endangerment Standard by gender, 1993|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Sex Differences in Incidence Rates per 1,000 Children for Maltreatment under
the Endangerment Standard in the NIS-3 (1993),” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996
|Endangerment Standard maltreatment category||Males||Females|
|Severity of injury:|
WHY ARE MINORITY CHILDREN OVERREPRESENTED IN CPS DATA? In Children of Color in the Child Welfare System: Perspectives from the Child Welfare Community (2003, http://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/otherpubs/children/index.cfm), Susan Chibnall et al. explore the attitudes and perceptions of CPS personnel regarding the overrepresentation of minority children, particularly African-American children, in the child welfare system. According to the researchers, even though African-American children make up 15% of all children in the United States, they represent 25% of substantiated maltreatment victims. In addition, these children account for 45% of all children in foster care.
Chibnall et al. studied nine child welfare agencies across the country. They interviewed agency administrators, supervisors, and caseworkers. The child welfare personnel gave a variety of reasons minority children are overrepresented in the child welfare system, including:
- Poverty and poverty-related issues—child welfare personnel thought that African-American families are more likely than other ethnic and racial groups to be poor, leaving them more vulnerable to social problems such as child maltreatment, domestic violence, and substance abuse. Moreover, these families typically live in areas lacking resources where they can go for assistance.
- Visibility—poor families are more likely to use public services, such as public health care, making them more visible to mandated reporters when they are experiencing problems, including child abuse and neglect.
- Overreporting—many study participants proposed that, because poor families are more visible to mandated reporters such as doctors and nurses, they are more likely to be reported to CPS.
- Worker bias—when investigating particular families, some caseworkers may not understand the cultural norms and practices of minorities; this may influence their decisions at different stages of child welfare services, including child maltreatment reporting, investigation, substantiation, and the child's removal from home and placement in foster care. A caseworker's bias may also make it more likely, for example, that he or she would remove an African-American child than a white child from a comparable home environment.
|TABLE 2.8 Child abuse victims, by age group and maltreatment type, 2006|
|Note: Based on data from 51 states.|
|SOURCE: "Table 3–10. Victims by Age Group and Maltreatment Type, 2006," in Child Maltreatment 2006, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration on Children, Youth, and Families, 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)|
|Neglect||Physical abuse||Medical neglect||Sexual abuse|
|Age < 1||100,139||72,314||72.2||14,328||14.3||3,629||3.6||445||0.4|
|Age 16 and older||54,564||29,989||55.0||11,998||22.0||1,030||1.9||8,798||16.1|
|Unknown or missing||2,829||1,727||61.0||627||22.2||50||1.8||328||11.6|
|Psychological abuse||Other abuse||Unknown||Total maltreatment|
|Age < 1||3,967||4.0||16,300||16.3||1,097||1.1||112,080||111.9|
|Age 16 and older||3,524||6.5||7,832||14.4||541||1.0||63,712||116.8|
|Unknown or missing||250||8.8||126||4.5||2||0.1||3,110||109.9|
In African American Children in Foster Care: Additional HHS Assistance Needed to Reduce the Proportion in Care (July 2007, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d07816.pdf), the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO) backs up Chibnall et al.'s study by finding several factors that contribute to the disproportionate number of African-American children in foster care. These factors include higher rates of poverty in the African-American community, the difficulty African-American families face in accessing support services to help prevent the removal of their children, and racial bias and misunderstandings among child welfare workers.
NIS DATA. Sedlak and Broadhurst find in NIS-3 no significant differences in race in the incidence of maltreatment. The researchers note that this finding may be somewhat surprising, considering the overrepresentation of African-American children in the child welfare population and in those served by public agencies. They attribute this lack of race-related difference in maltreatment incidence to the broader range of children identified by NIS-3, compared to the smaller number investigated by public agencies and the even smaller number receiving CPS and other welfare services. NIS-2 had also not found any disproportionate differences in race in relation to maltreatment incidence.
Children with Disabilities Are Particularly at Risk
According to the article “Assessment of Maltreatment of Children with Disabilities” (Pediatrics, vol. 108, no. 2, August 2001), children with disabilities are potentially at risk for maltreatment because society generally treats them as different and less valuable, thus possibly tolerating violence against them. Some parents may feel disappointment at not having a “normal” child. Others may expect too much and feel frustrated if the child does not live up to their expectations. These children require special care and attention, and parents may not have the social support to help ease stressful situations. Caring for children with disabilities can also be expensive, creating even more stress and with it risk of maltreatment. In addition, some disabled children may not be able to distinguish between appropriate and inappropriate touching of their body, leaving them particularly vulnerable to sexual abuse.
In “Violence against Children with Disabilities: Prevention, Public Policy, and Research Implications” (Dorothy K. Marge, ed., A Call to Action: Ending Crimes of Violence against Children and Adults with Disabilities—A Report to the Nation, 2003), Patricia M. Sullivan calls attention to the fact that the federal government does not collect specific data on children with disabilities in its crime statistics systems or in national incidence studies mandated by law. Even though CAPTA required that national incidence studies of child maltreatment include data on children with disabilities, the latest survey, the NIS-3, does not satisfy this mandate. Moreover, NCANDS, which releases annual state data on maltreated children, does not gather information relating to children's disability status.
Sullivan undertook two epidemiological studies on maltreated children with disabilities. (Epidemiological studies consider individuals’ sex, age, race, social class, and other demographics.) Both the incidence and prevalence of maltreatment were measured. The hospital-based study of six thousand children found a 64% prevalence rate of maltreatment among disabled children, twice the prevalence rate (32%) among nondisabled children. The school-based study included 4,954 children; 31% of disabled children had been maltreated, 3.4 times that of the nondisabled comparison group.
Family Characteristics of Victims
The only reliable information on family characteristics of victims come from NIS data, as the living arrangements data on children reported to CPS were incomplete. For example, in Child Maltreatment 2006, the ACYF states that in 2006 only twenty-eight states reported on living arrangements of children, and more than one-third of the reported cases had unknown or missing data and were excluded from the analysis. The following discussion comes from NIS-3.
FAMILY STRUCTURE. Under the Harm Standard, among children living with single parents, an estimated 27.3 per 1,000 under age eighteen suffered some type of maltreatment— almost twice the incidence rate for children living with both parents (15.5 per 1,000). (See Table 2.9.) The same rate held true for all types of abuse and neglect. Children living with single parents also had a greater risk of suffering serious injury (10.5 per 1,000) than did those living with both parents (5.8 per 1,000).
Under the Endangerment Standard an estimated 52 per 1,000 children living with single parents suffered
|TABLE 2.9 Maltreatment incidence rates under the Harm Standard by family structure, 1993|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Incidence Rates per 1,000 Children for Maltreatment under the Harm Standard in the
NIS-3 (1993) for Different Family Structures,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996
|[Per 1,000 children]|
|Harm Standard maltreatment category||Both parents||Either mother or father||Mother only||Father only||Neither parent|
|Severity of injury:|
some type of maltreatment, compared to 26.9 per 1,000 living with both parents. (See Table 2.10.) Children in single-parent households were abused at a 45% higher rate than those in two-parent households (19.6 versus 13.5 per 1,000) and suffered more than twice as much neglect (38.9 versus 17.6 per 1,000).
FAMILY INCOME. Family income was significantly related to the incidence rates of child maltreatment. Under the Harm Standard children in families with annual incomes less than $15,000 had the highest rate of maltreatment (47 per 1,000). The figure is almost twice as high (95.9 per 1,000) using the Endangerment Standard. (See Table 2.11 and Table 2.12.) Children in families earning less than $15,000 annually also sustained more serious injuries than did children living in families earning more than that amount.
The law considers perpetrators of child abuse to be those people who abuse or neglect children under their care. They may be parents, foster parents, other relatives, or other caretakers. People who victimize children that are not under their care are not considered to have committed child abuse, but assault, battery, rape, or other crimes.
In Child Maltreatment 2006, the ACYF indicates that in 2006 abuse perpetrators were more likely to be women
|TABLE 2.10 Maltreatment incidence rates under the Endangerment Standard by family structure, 1993|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Incidence Rates per 1,000 Children for Maltreatment under the Endangerment Standard
in the NIS-3 (1993) for Different Family Structures,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996
|[Per 1,000 children]|
|Endangerment Standard maltreatment category||Both parents||Either mother or father||Mother only||Father only||Neither parent|
|Severity of injury:|
|TABLE 2.11 Maltreatment incidence rates under the Harm Standard by family income, 1993|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Incidence Rates per 1,000 Children for Maltreatment under the Harm Standard in the
NIS-3 (1993) for Different Levels of Family Income,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996
|[Per 1,000 children]|
|Harm Standard maltreatment category||<$l5K/year||$15–29K/year||$30K+/year|
|Severity of injury:|
|TABLE 2.12 Maltreatment incidence rates under the Endangerment Standard by family income, 1993|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Incidence Rates per 1,000 Children for Maltreatment under the Endangerment
Standard in the NIS-3 (1993) for Different Levels of Family Income,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996
|[Per 1,000 children]|
|Endangerment Standard maltreatment category||<$15K/year||$15–29K/year||$30K=/year|
|Severity of injury:|
(57.9%) than men (42.1%). Concerning the victims, 39.9% were maltreated by their mother acting alone and 17.6% experienced maltreatment from their father acting alone. (See Figure 2.6.) Another 17.8% were maltreated by both parents. About 6.1% of the victims were maltreated by their mother and another person whose relationship with the mother was not known, and 1% were maltreated by their father and another person. One out of ten (10%) victims were maltreated by nonparental perpetrators, and another 7.6% were maltreated by unknown individuals. The ACYF indicates that 79.9% of the perpetrators were parents, whereas smaller numbers were other relatives (6.7%), unmarried partner of parents (3.8%), child day care providers (0.6%), or foster parents (0.4%). (See Figure 2.7.)
The ACYF explains that most perpetrators of child maltreatment are in their twenties and thirties. In 2006 the median age (half were older, half were younger) of female perpetrators was thirty-one years, and the median age of male perpetrators was thirty-four years. Almost half of the female perpetrators were younger than thirty (41.3% of twenty- to twenty-nine-year-olds, and 4% of those younger than twenty), whereas only about one-third of male perpetrators were (28.9% of twenty- to twenty-nine-year-olds, and 6.2% of those younger than twenty). (See Figure 2.8.)
In 1993 most (78%) child victims were maltreated by their birth parents. (See Table 2.13.) Parents perpetrated
72% of physical abuse and 81% of emotional abuse. However, almost half (46%) of sexually abused children were violated by someone other than a parent or parent substitute. More than a quarter (29%) were sexually abused by a birth parent, and 25% were sexually abused by a parent substitute, such as a stepparent or a mother's boyfriend. Sexually abused children were the most likely to sustain fatal or serious injuries or impairments when birth parents were the perpetrators.
Overall, children were somewhat more likely to be maltreated by female perpetrators (65%) than by males (54%) in 1993. (See Table 2.14.) Among children maltreated by their natural parents, most (75%) were maltreated by their mothers, and almost half (46%) were maltreated by their fathers—with some children being maltreated by both parents. Children who were maltreated by someone other than parents and parent substitutes were more likely to have been maltreated by a male (85%) than by a female (41%). Of the other adults who maltreated children, 80% were males and 14% were females.
Neglected children differed from abused children with regard to the gender of the perpetrators in 1993. Because mothers or other females tend to be the primary caretakers, children were more likely to suffer all forms of neglect by female perpetrators (87%, versus 43% by male perpetrators). (See Table 2.14.) In contrast, children were more often abused by males (67%) than by females (40%).
In 1974 Congress enacted the first CAPTA, which set guidelines for the reporting, investigation, and treatment
|TABLE 2.13 Perpetrator's relationship to child and severity of harm, by type of maltreatment, 1993|
|SOURCE: Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Distribution of Perpetrator's Relationship to Child and Severity of Harm by the Type of Maltreatment,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996|
|Percent of children in row with injury/impairment...|
|Category||Percent children in maltreatment category||Total maltreated children||Fatal or serious||Moderate||Inferred|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||19%||144,900||12%||62%||27%|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||21%||78,700||13%||87%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||25%||53,800||19%||18%||63%|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||13%||27,400||b||57%||24%|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||9%||78,400||35%||59%||b|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||5%||18,400||b||b||b|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||9%||b||b||b||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||11%||43,000||b||99%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||14%||211,200||20%||61%||19%|
|a This severity level not applicable for this form of maltreatment.
b Fewer than 20 cases with which to calculate estimate; estimate too unreliable to be given.
c These perpetrators were not allowed by countability requirements for cases of neglect.
of child maltreatment. States had to meet these requirements to receive federal funding to assist child victims of abuse and neglect. Among its many provisions, CAPTA required the states to enact mandatory reporting laws and procedures so that CPS agencies could take action to protect children from further abuse. Each state now designates mandatory reporters, including health care workers, mental health professionals, social workers, school personnel, child care providers, and law enforcement officers. According to the Child Welfare Information Gateway, in “Mandatory Reporters of Child Abuse and Neglect” (January 2008, http://www.childwelfare.gov/systemwide/laws_policies/statutes/manda.pdf), in 2008 eighteen states and Puerto Rico mandated all people must report suspected abuse or neglect, not only designated professionals. Most states did not recognize the right for communications between certain professionals and their clients to remain confidential—called “privileged communications” —in the case of suspected child abuse.
All states offer immunity to individuals who report incidents of child maltreatment “in good faith” or with sincerity. Besides physical injury and neglect, most states include mental injury, sexual abuse, and the sexual exploitation of minors as cases to be reported.
Who Reports Child Abuse?
In 2006 more than half of all reports of alleged child maltreatment came from professional sources—educators (16.5%); legal, law enforcement, and criminal justice personnel (15.8%); social services personnel (10%); medical personnel (8.4%); mental health personnel (4.1%);
|TABLE 2.14 Perpetrator's gender, by type of maltreatment and by relationship to child, 1993|
|SOURCE: Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst, “Distribution of Perpetrator's Gender by Type of Maltreatment and Perpetrator's Relationship to Child,” in The Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center on Child Abuse and Neglect, 1996|
|Percent of children in row with perpetrator whose gender was...|
|Category||Percent children in maltreatment category||Total maltreated children||Male||Female||Unknown|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||19%||144,900||90%||15%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||21%||78,700||90%||19%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||25%||53,800||97%||a||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||13%||27,400||74%||a||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||9%||78,400||76%||88%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||5%||18,400||a||90%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||9%||18,200||a||a||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||11%||43,000||82%||100%||a|
|Other parents and parent/substitutes||14%||211,200||85%||41%||a|
|a Fewer than 20 cases with which to calculate, estimate too unreliable to be given.
b These perpetrators were not allowed by countability requirements for cases of neglect.
child day care providers (0.9%); and foster care providers (0.6%). (See Figure 2.9.) Friends and neighbors (5.3%), parents (6%), and other relatives (7.8%) encompassed nearly one-fifth of the reporters, whereas alleged victims (0.6%) and self-identified perpetrators (0.1%) rarely reported abuse. Other reports came from anonymous (8.2%) and other (8%) sources.
The percentage of neglect and abuse reports from different sources varied by the type of abuse being reported. Educational personnel were responsible for 16.5% of reports in 2006; they reported 11.5% of sexual abuse cases and 10.8% of neglect cases, and 24.2% of all physical abuse cases. (See Table 2.15.) Legal personnel, who were responsible for 15.8% of overall reporting, reported over a quarter of all sexual abuse cases (28.1%) and neglect cases (27.1%), and nearly a quarter (23.1%) of physical abuse cases. Social service personnel were more likely to report sexual abuse than other forms of maltreatment, whereas medical personnel reported more medical neglect cases than any other source.
Failure to Report Child Maltreatment
Many states impose penalties, either a fine and/or imprisonment, for failure to report child maltreatment. A mandated reporter, such as a physician, may also be sued for negligence for failing to protect a child from harm. Even though all states have enacted legislation requiring, among other things, the mandatory reporting of child maltreatment by certain professionals, states vary in the standard for reporting. The standard to report child maltreatment varies from having “reasonable cause to suspect,” to having “reason to believe,” to having “observed conditions that would reasonably result,” to “know or suspect.”
The 1976 landmark California case Landeros v. Flood et al. (17 Cal.3d 399) illustrates a case involving a physician's failure to report child maltreatment. Eleven-month-old Gita Landeros was brought by her mother to the San Jose Hospital in California for treatment of injuries. Besides a fractured lower leg, the girl had bruises on her back and abrasions on other parts of her body. She also appeared scared when anyone approached her. At the time, Gita was also suffering from a fractured skull, but this was never diagnosed by A. J. Flood, the attending physician.
Gita returned home with her mother and subsequently suffered further serious abuse at the hands of her mother and the mother's boyfriend. Three months later Gita was brought to another hospital for medical treatment, where the doctor identified and reported the abuse to the proper authorities. After surgery for her injuries the child was placed with foster parents. The mother and boyfriend were eventually convicted of the crime of child abuse. The guardian ad litem (a court-appointed special advocate) for Gita filed a malpractice suit against Flood and the San Jose Hospital, citing painful permanent physical injury to the plaintiff as a result of the defendants’ negligence.
The trial court of Santa Clara County dismissed the Landeros complaint, and the case was appealed to the California Supreme Court. The court agreed that Flood should have identified Gita's abuse and ruled that the doctor's failure to do so contributed to the child's continued suffering. Flood and the hospital were found liable. Even though this case applied specifically to a medical doctor, the principles reached by the court are applicable to other professionals. Most professionals are familiar with the court's decision in Landeros.
In August 2002 two-year-old Dominic James was brought to Cox South Hospital in Springfield, Missouri. Paramedics told emergency nurse Leslie Ann Brown that the boy, who was having seizure-like symptoms, had bruises on his back and to report this to the attending physician. Dominic's foster parents explained that the child got bruised by leaning back on a booster seat, so Brown did not report the bruises to the physician, nor did she include the presence of bruises on her medical reports. Dominic was hospitalized again a week later and died soon after.
In February 2003 the state of Missouri charged Brown with failure to report child abuse. In September 2003 Calvin Holden, a Green County judge, dismissed the criminal charges, stating that the Missouri statute with the “reasonable cause to suspect” standard for reporting child abuse was unconstitutionally vague in violation of the U.S. and Missouri constitutions. The state appealed the case in May 2004. In August 2004 the Missouri Supreme Court reversed Judge Holden's ruling, allowing the case to proceed to trial. However, later that year charges were dismissed against Brown after an agreement was reached requiring Cox South Hospital to revise its training for mandated reporters and implement annual refresher courses.
Why Mandated Reporters Fail to Report Suspected Maltreatment
Gail L. Zellman and C. Christine Fair explain in “Preventing and Reporting Abuse” (John E. B. Myers et al., eds., The APSAC Handbook on Child Maltreatment, 2002) that they conducted a national survey to determine why mandated reporters may not report suspected maltreatment. The researchers surveyed 1,196 general and family practitioners, pediatricians, child psychiatrists, clinical psychologists, social workers, public school principals, and heads of child care centers. Nearly eight out of ten (77%) survey participants had made a child maltreatment report at some time in his or her professional career. More than nine out of ten (92%) elementary school principals reported child maltreatment at some time, followed closely by child psychiatrists (90%) and pediatricians (89%). A lesser proportion of secondary school principals (84%), social workers (70%), and clinical psychologists (63%) reported child maltreatment at some time in their career.
|TABLE 2.15 Types of maltreatment, by report source, 2006|
|SOURCE: “Table 3–7. Maltreatment Types of Victims by Report Source, 2006,” in Child Maltreatment 2006, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
Administration on Children, Youth, and Families, 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)
|Neglect||Physical abuse||Medical neglect||Sexual abuse|
|Legal, law enforcement, criminal|
|Social services personnel||71,115||12.6||14,940||10.6||2,745||14.4||11,525||14.8|
|Mental health personnel||13,370||2.4||4,589||3.2||656||3.4||5,618||7.2|
|Child daycare providers||2,821||0.5||1,822||1.3||110||0.6||294||0.4|
|Foster care providers||1,979||0.3||622||0.4||83||0.4||804||1.0|
|Friends or neighbors||29,081||5.1||3,593||2.5||634||3.3||1,673||2.1|
|Psychological maltreatment||Other abuse||Unknown maltreatment||Total|
|Legal, law enforcement, criminal||18,720||32.6||50,645||37.8||1,981||19.4||280,848|
|Social services personnel||5,072||8.8||17,395||13.0||1,720||16.8||124,512|
|Mental health personnel||3,468||6.0||2,376||1.8||22||0.2||30,099|
|Child daycare providers||200||0.3||424||0.3||86||0.8||5,757|
|Foster care providers||148||0.3||384||0.3||17||0.2||4,037|
|Friends or neighbors||1,600||2.8||5,539||4.1||906||8.9||43,026|
However, nearly 40% of the mandated reporters indicated that at some time in their career they had failed to report even though they had suspected child maltreatment. Almost 60% failed to report child maltreatment because they did not have enough evidence that the child had been maltreated. One-third of the mandated reporters thought the abuse was not serious enough to warrant reporting. An equal proportion of mandated reporters did not report suspected abuse because they felt they were in a better position to help the child (19.3%) or they did not want to end the treatment (19%) they were giving the child. Almost 16% failed to report because they did not think CPS would respond appropriately.
In Confronting Chronic Neglect: The Education and Training of Health Professionals on Family Violence (2002), Felicia Cohn, Marla E. Salmon, and John D. Stobo examine the curricula on family violence for six groups of health professionals: physicians, physician assistants, nurses, psychologists, social workers, and dentists. They find that, in fact, even though child abuse is a well-documented social and public health problem in the United States, few medical schools and residency training programs include child abuse education and other family violence education in their curricula. What training there is consists of lectures and case discussions, and the training duration varies from program to program. Suzanne P. Starling and Stephen Boos suggest in “Core Content for Residency Training in Child Abuse and Neglect” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 8, no. 4, 2003) offering a core curriculum in residency programs that would enable primary care physicians (including pediatricians, family doctors, and emergency-medicine doctors) to recognize, evaluate, and manage cases of child abuse and neglect. In “Pediatrician Characteristics Associated with Child Abuse Identification and Reporting: Results from a National Survey of Pediatricians” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 11, no. 4, 2006), Emalee G. Flaherty et al. support the idea that physicians should receive training and find in a national survey that pediatricians who received recent child abuse education were more likely to suspect and report child abuse when it existed.
In “Child Maltreatment Training in Doctoral Programs in Clinical, Counseling, and School Psychology: Where Do We Go from Here?” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 8, no. 3, 2003), Kelly M. Champion et al. seek to gain information on the type and amount of training psychologists received regarding child maltreatment in American Psychological Association–accredited doctoral programs. Their study examined surveys sent to training directors of doctoral programs in 1992 and 2001. Champion et al. find that doctoral programs had generally remained unchanged within these years. Few doctoral programs offered specific courses on child maltreatment in 1992 and 2001, just 13% and 11%, respectively. Even though 65% of programs in 1992 and 59% in 2001 covered child maltreatment in three or more courses, these courses were rarely required to complete a doctoral program. Twenty percent of programs in 1992 and 22% in 2001 offered training in child maltreatment in clinical settings; however, most programs reported that students completed just 1% to 10% of such training. Finally, research activities in child maltreatment decreased from 60% in 1992 to 47% in 2001.
What Happens after a Child Maltreatment Report?
CPS. On receipt of a report of suspected child maltreatment, CPS screens the case to determine its proper jurisdiction. For example, if it is determined that the alleged perpetrator of sexual abuse is the victim's parent or caretaker, CPS screens in the report and conducts further investigation. If the alleged perpetrator is a stranger or someone who is not the parent or caregiver of the victim, the case is screened out or referred elsewhere, in this case, to the police because it does not fall within CPS jurisdiction as outlined under federal law.
A state's child welfare system, under which CPS functions, consists of other components designed to ensure
a child's well-being and safety. These include foster care, juvenile and family courts, and other child welfare services. CPS also oversees family reunification, granting custody to a relative, termination of parental rights, and emancipation (releasing a subject from the system because he or she is now recognized by the court as an adult). Cases of reported child abuse or neglect typically undergo a series of steps through the child welfare system. (See Figure 2.10.)
DISPOSITIONS OF INVESTIGATED REPORTS. After a CPS agency screens in a report of child maltreatment, it initiates an investigation. Some states follow one time frame for responding to all reports, whereas others follow a priority system, investigating high-priority cases within one to twenty-four hours. According to the ACYF, in Child Maltreatment 2006, the thirty-six states that reported response time in 2006 showed an average response time of eighty-six hours, or approximately three and a half days.
Following investigation of the report of child maltreatment, the CPS agency assigns a disposition, or finding, to the report. Before 2000 reports of alleged child maltreatment received one of three dispositions: indicated, substantiated, or unsubstantiated. In 2000 several states began implementing an alternative response program to reports of alleged child maltreatment. If the child is at a serious and immediate risk of maltreatment, CPS responds with the traditional formal investigation, which may involve removing the child from the home. If it is determined, however, that the parent will not endanger the child, CPS workers use the more informal alternative response to help the family. Instead of removing the child from the home environment, CPS steps in to assist the whole family by, for example, helping reduce stress that may lead to child abuse through provision of child care, adequate housing, and education in parenting skills. The ACYF indicates that in 2006 twelve states used the alternative response program in such cases, rather than making a formal determination of maltreatment.
Other dispositions, used by all states, include:
- A disposition of “substantiated,” which means that sufficient evidence existed to support the allegation of maltreatment or risk of maltreatment
- A disposition of “indicated or reason to suspect,” which means that the abuse and/or neglect could not be confirmed, but there was reason to suspect that the child was maltreated or was at risk of maltreatment
- A disposition of “unsubstantiated,” which means that no maltreatment occurred or sufficient evidence did not exist to conclude that the child was maltreated or was at risk of being maltreated
Of the two million investigated reports in 2006, the ACYF states that 60.4% were unsubstantiated. More than one-fourth (25.2%) were substantiated, and 3% were indicated. (See Figure 2.11.) Another 6.3% were alternative response cases. Dispositions that were identified “closed with no finding” referred to cases in which the investigation could not be completed because the family moved out of the jurisdiction, the family could not be found, or the needed reports were not filed within the required time limit. Such dispositions accounted for 1.7% of investigated cases.
COURT INVOLVEMENT. The juvenile or family court hears allegations of maltreatment and decides if a child has been abused and/or neglected. The court then determines what should be done to protect the child. The child may be left in the parents’ home under the supervision of the CPS agency, or the child may be placed in foster care. If the child is removed from the home and it is later determined that the child should never be returned to the parents, the court can begin proceedings to terminate parental rights so that the child can be put up for adoption. The state may also prosecute the abusive parent or caretaker when a crime has allegedly been committed.
The Debate about Family Preservation
The Adoption Assistance and Child Welfare Act of 1980 mandated: “In each case, reasonable efforts will be made (A) prior to the placement of a child in foster care, to prevent or eliminate the need for removal of the child from his home, and (B) to make it possible for the child to return to his home.” However, because the law did not define the term reasonable efforts, states and courts interpreted the term in different ways. In many cases child welfare personnel took the “reasonable efforts” of providing family counseling, respite care, and substance abuse treatment, thus preventing the child from being removed from abusive parents.
The law was a reaction to what was seen as zealousness in the 1960s and 1970s, when children, especially African-American children, were taken from their home because their parents were poor. In the twentieth-first century, however, some feel that problems of drug or substance abuse can mean that returning the child to the home is likely a guarantee of further abuse. Others note that some situations exist where a parent's live-in partner, who has no emotional attachment to the child, may also present risks to the child.
Richard J. Gelles, a prominent family violence expert and once a vocal advocate of family preservation, had a change of heart after studying the case of fifteen-month-old David Edwards, who was suffocated by his mother after the child welfare system failed to come to his rescue. Even though David's parents had lost custody of their first child because of abuse, and despite reports of David's abuse, CPS made “reasonable efforts” to let the parents keep the child. In The Book of David: How Preserving Families Can Cost Children's Lives (1996), Gelles points out that CPS needed to abandon its blanket solution to child abuse in its attempt to use reasonable efforts to reunite the victims and their perpetrators. He contends that those parents who seriously abuse their children are incapable of changing their behavior.
By contrast, in “Foster Care vs. Family Preservation: The Track Record on Safety and Well-Being” (November 4, 2007, http://www.nccpr.org/newissues/1.html), the National Coalition for Child Protection Reform (NCCPR), a nonprofit organization of experts on child abuse and foster care who are committed to the reform of the child welfare system, contends that many allegedly maltreated children are unnecessarily removed from their homes— and in fact that children are in more danger when placed in foster care than when given services to help preserve the family. The NCCPR recognizes that even though there are cases in which the only way to save a child is to remove him or her from an abusive home, in many cases providing support services to the family in crisis, while letting the child remain at home, helps ensure child safety.
Joseph J. Doyle studies in “Child Protection and Child Outcomes: Measuring the Effects of Foster Care” (American Economic Review, forthcoming) the outcomes of foster care placement on school-age children. His results suggest that children in foster care have higher delinquency rates, teen birth rates, and lower earnings compared to other children in comparable family situations. He argues that children “on the margin of placement”—in other words, in cases of neglect or abuse where removal from the home was not a clear call—would do better if they remained at home.
Child Welfare Workforce
Child welfare caseworkers perform multiple tasks in the course of their job. Among other things, they investigate reports of child maltreatment, coordinate various services (mental health, substance abuse, etc.) to help keep families together, find foster care placements for children if needed, make regular visits to children and families, arrange placement of children in permanent homes when they cannot be safely returned to their parents or caretakers, and document all details pertaining to their cases. Caseworker supervisors monitor and support their caseworkers, sometimes taking on some of the cases when there is a staff shortage or heavy caseload.
The GAO examines in Child Welfare: HHS Could Play a Greater Role in Helping Child Welfare Agencies Recruit and Retain Staff (March 2003, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d03357.pdf) the child welfare workforce and how challenges in recruiting and retaining caseworkers affect the children under their care. Among other things, the GAO focuses on exit interview documents of caseworkers who had left their jobs from seventeen states, forty counties, and nineteen private child welfare agencies. The GAO also interviewed child welfare officials and experts and conducted on-site visits to agencies in four states: California, Illinois, Kentucky, and Texas.
The GAO finds that as of 2003, CPS agencies continued to have difficulty attracting and retaining experienced caseworkers. The low pay not only made it difficult to attract qualified workers but also contributed to CPS employees leaving for better-paying jobs. Because the federal government has not set any national hiring policies, employees have college degrees that may not necessarily be related to social work. Workers whom the GAO interviewed in different states also mentioned risk to personal safety, increased paperwork, lack of supervisory support, and insufficient time to attend training as things that affected their job performance and influenced their decision to leave.
According to the GAO, in Child Welfare: Additional Federal Action Could Help States Address Challenges in Providing Services to Children and Families (May 2007, http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d07850t.pdf), the difficulties in recruiting and retaining caseworkers in 2007 had barely been addressed since the 2003 report. Child welfare officials in most states reported that caseloads per worker remained too high, caseworkers continued to have too many administrative responsibilities, and the effectiveness of caseworker supervision was poor.
SLIPPING THROUGH THE CRACKS. Some CPS workers at times fail to monitor the children they are supposed to protect. In Florida the Department of Children and Families could not account for the disappearance of a five-year-old foster child, Rilya Wilson, who had been missing for more than a year before the agency noticed her absence in April 2002. At around that time the agency had reportedly lost track of more than 530 children. Rilya's disappearance was only discovered after her case- worker was fired and the new caseworker could not locate the child. The former caseworker had reported that Rilya was fine, even though that caseworker had not visited the child at her foster home for months. Authorities discovered that her foster mother continued to receive welfare payments for the girl in her absence. Witnesses had also testified that the foster mother and her roommate abused the child before her disappearance. The women faced charges of aggravated child abuse, and her foster mother was convicted of fraud and sentenced to three years in jail. In March 2005 one of the caregivers was indicted on charges of murdering the girl. Rilya's foster mother eventually confessed to murdering Rilya, although her body has never been recovered.
New Jersey's child welfare system had also come to national attention because of its failure to protect adopted and foster children. In October 2003 four brothers of the Jackson family in Collingswood, New Jersey, aged nine, ten, fourteen, and nineteen, were removed from their adoptive parents’ home and the couple was arrested. Investigations later revealed the brothers were systematically starved over many years. They weighed no more than forty-five pounds and stood less than four feet tall. The children reportedly subsisted on peanut butter, pancake batter, and wallboard. Authorities admitted two of the boys had fetal alcohol syndrome and two had eating disorders, which were the reasons the adoptive parents gave to neighbors for the brothers’ emaciated appearance. The brothers, however, began putting on weight and height after living with other foster families.
Investigations also revealed that Division of Youth and Family Services (DYFS) workers visited the adoptive parents’ home thirty-eight times in the past to check on three other foster children but never asked about the brothers. In 1995, when DYFS was notified by the oldest boy's school that he seemed malnourished, DYFS did not require a medical examination and even agreed to the adoptive mother's decision to homeschool the brothers. DYFS policies regulating foster homes required an annual medical evaluation and interview of each household member, but these never took place. In May 2004 the adoptive parents were indicted on twenty-eight counts of aggravated assault and child endangerment.
Maureen O'Hagan reports in “Judge Demands State Keep Foster-Care Promises” (Seattle Times, July 1, 2008) that in June 2008 a judge gave the Washington Department of Social and Health Services thirty days to keep the promises the state had made four years previously in the settlement of a class-action lawsuit brought on behalf of the state's foster children. The lead plaintiff in that case had been through thirty-four foster-care placements by the time she turned twelve. The June 2008 ruling required the state to immediately make progress in several areas, including reducing caseworker loads to enable workers to make monthly visits to foster children, ensure foster children are promptly screened for health problems, and facilitate regular visits between foster children and their siblings. Should the state not comply, the plaintiffs’ lawyers can bring the state back to court, where the state could face fines or the agency could be placed under court governance.
These cases and others like them serve to focus public and media attention on the failures of CPS. Even though many departments are conscientiously and effectively doing their jobs, there are sometimes mistakes that result in great harm and even death to the children under their care.
Holding States Accountable
In 2006 the HHS released Child Welfare Outcomes 2003: Annual Report—Safety, Permanency, Well-Being (http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cwo03/cwo03.pdf), the sixth in a series of annual reports on states’ performances in meeting the needs of at-risk children who have entered the child welfare system. The HHS finds that states were succeeding in some areas and failing in others. However, there had been significant improvement in several areas between 2000 and 2003: the percentage of children who were mistreated by a foster parent declined, the percentage of children who reentered foster care within a twelve-month period declined, the percentage of adoptions of children within twenty-four-months of entering foster care increased, and the percentage of children aged twelve and younger placed in group homes or other institutions decreased. However, the percentage of children who had entered foster care at age twelve or younger who then “aged out” of the system actually increased during this period.
According to the HHS, in The AFGARS Report: Preliminary FY 2006 Estimates as of January 2008 (January 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/stats_research/afcars/tar/report14.pdf), an estimated 303,000 children entered and 289,000 exited foster care in fiscal year 2006. Of those children who exited foster care, 53% were reunited with their parents or primary caretakers, 11% went to live with relatives, 17% were adopted, and 9% were emancipated (they became legal adults). (See Table 2.16.) Two percent were transferred to another CPS agency, and another 5% were put under guardianship. Two percent of foster children had run away. Another 509 children had died. As of September 30, 2006, an estimated 510,000 children remained in foster care; 129,000 of them were waiting to be adopted.
Even though CPS agencies have had many problems and are often unable to perform as effectively as they should, many thousands of maltreated children have been identified, many lives have been saved, and many more
|TABLE 2.16 Outcomes for children who exited foster care, fiscal year 2006|
|SOURCE: “What Were the Outcomes for the Children Exiting Foster Care during FY 2006?” in The AFCARS Report, U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services, Children's Bureau, January 2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/stats_research/afcars/tar/report14.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)
|Reunification with parent(s) or primary caretaker(s)||53%||154,103|
|Living with other relative(s)||11%||30,751|
|Transfer to another agency||2%||6,683|
|Death of child||0%||509|
|Note: Deaths are attributable to a variety of causes including medical conditions, accidents and homicide.|
have been taken out of dangerous environments. It is impossible to tally the number of child abuse cases that might have ended in death; these children have been saved by changes in the laws, by awareness and reporting, and by the efforts of the professionals who intervened on their behalf.
"Detecting, Measuring, and Preventing Child Abuse." Child Abuse and Domestic Violence. 2009. Encyclopedia.com. (June 26, 2016). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-1838200008.html
"Detecting, Measuring, and Preventing Child Abuse." Child Abuse and Domestic Violence. 2009. Retrieved June 26, 2016 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-1838200008.html
Child Sexual Abuse
Child Sexual Abuse
What is Child Sexual Abuse?
How Frequent is Child Sexual Abuse?
What Makes a Victim Disclose?
Sexual Predators on the Internet
Effects of Child Sexual Abuse
The Repressed Memory Controversy
Many experts believe that sexual abuse is the most underreported type of child maltreatment. A victim, especially a young child, may not know what he or she is experiencing. In many cases the child was threatened to keep it secret. Adults who may be aware of the abuse sometimes get involved in a conspiracy of silence.
Child sexual abuse is the ultimate misuse of an adult's trust and power over a child. When the abuser is particularly close to the victim, the child feels betrayed and trapped in a situation in which an adult who claims to care for the child is assaulting him or her. Familial abuse, or incest, involves the use of a child for sexual satisfaction by a family member—a blood relative who is too close to marry legally. Extrafamilial abuse involves a person outside the family. Extrafamilial predators may be strangers, but they may also be people in a position of trust, such as family friends, teachers, and spiritual advisers.
The Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act (CAPTA) of 1974 specifically identified parents and caretakers as the perpetrators of sexual abuse. Sexual molestation by other individuals was considered sexual assault. The 1996 amendments to this law, however, included a more comprehensive definition, one that also included sexually abusive behavior by individuals other than parents and caregivers.
The CAPTA Amendments of 1996 defined child sexual abuse as:
- The employment, use, persuasion, inducement, enticement, or coercion of any child to engage in, or assist any other person to engage in, any sexually explicit conduct or simulation of such conduct for the purpose of producing a visual depiction of such conduct
- The rape, and in cases of caretaker or interfamilial relationships, statutory rape, molestation, prostitution, or other form of sexual exploitation of children, or incest with children
State Definitions Vary
The federal government has established a broad definition of child sexual abuse, but it leaves it up to state child abuse laws to specify detailed provisions. All states have laws prohibiting child sexual molestation and generally consider incest illegal. States also specify the age of consent, or the age at which a person can consent to sexual activity with an adult—generally between the ages of sixteen and eighteen. Sexual activity with children below the age of consent is considered statutory rape and is against the law. Table 4.1 summarizes current state laws regulating the age of consent.
Each year the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) collects child maltreatment data from child protective services (CPS) agencies in the fifty states and the District of Columbia, and the compiled information is released by the Administration for Children, Youth, and Families (ACYF) as Child Maltreatment. The federally mandated National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (NIS) is another source that shows the extent of child sexual abuse. As of August 2008, three national incidence studies had been conducted: NIS-1 (1980), NIS-2 (1986), and NIS-3 (1993). In 2003 the Keeping Children and Families Safe Act reauthorized CAPTA and authorized an additional $285 million for child abuse and neglect prevention programs. The act also directed the collection of data for NIS-4, which was expected to be available by the end of 2008. A third source of sexual abuse data are retrospective studies, which are surveys of adults about their childhood experience of sexual abuse.
|TABLE 4.1 Statutory rape laws by state, 2004|
|SOURCE: Asaph Glosser, Karen Gardiner, and Mike Fishman, “Table 1. State Age Requirements,” in Statutory Rape: A Guide to State Laws and Reporting
Requirements, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, December 15, 2004, http://www.hhs.gov/opa/pubs/statutory-rape-state-laws.pdf
(accessed June 2, 2008)
|State||Age of consent||Minimum age of victim||Age differential between the victim and defendant (if victim is above minimum age)||Minimum age of defendant in order to prosecute|
|Arizona||18||15||2 (defendant must be in high school and 19)||N/A|
|Arkansas||16||N/A||3 (if victim is < 14)||20 (if victim is = 14)|
|Colorado||17||N/A||4 (if victim is < 15), 10 (if victim is < 17)||N/A|
|District of Columbia||16||N/A||4||N/A|
|Florida||18||16||N/A||24 (if victim is = 16)|
|Indiana||16||14||N/A||18 (if victim is = 14)|
|Louisiana||17||13||3 (if victim is < 15), 2 (if victim is < 17)||N/A|
|Minnesota||16||N/A||3 (if victim is < 13), 2 (if victim is < 16)||N/A|
|Mississippi||16||N/A||2 (if victim is < 14), 3 (if victim is < 16)||N/A|
|Missouri||17||14||N/A||21 (if victim is = 14)|
|New Mexico||16||13||4||18 (if victim is = 13)|
|North Dakota||18||15||N/A||18 (if victim is = 15)|
|Ohio||16||13||N/A||18 (if victim is = 13)|
|Oklahoma||16||14||N/A||18 (if victim is > 14)|
|Rhode Island||16||14||N/A||18 (if victim is = 14)|
|South Carolina||16||14||Illegal if victim is 14 to 16 and defendant is older than victim||N/A|
|Virginia||18||15||N/A||18 (if victim is = 15)|
|Washington||16||N/A||2 (if victim is < 12), 3 (if victim is < 14), 4 (if victim is < 16)||N/A|
|West Virginia||16||N/A||4 (if victim is = 11)||16, 14 (if victim is < 11)|
|Note: Some states have marital exemptions. This table assumes the two parties are not married to one another.
a Engaging in sexual intercourse with someone who is less than 16 years of age is legal under certain circumstances. However, sexual contact with someone who is less than 15 years of age is illegal regardless of the age of the defendant.
b Sexual acts with individuals who are at least 16 years of age are only illegal if the defendant is 30 years of age or older.
c Intercourse with a female who is less than 18 years of age is illegal regardless of the age of the defendant. However, sexual acts not amounting to penetration are legal under certain circumstances in cases where the victim is at least 16 years of age.
d It is illegal to engage in a sexual act with someone who is less than 14 years of age regardless of the age of the defendant. However, sexual contact or sexual touching with someone who is less than 14 years of age is legal under certain circumstances.
eIt is illegal to engage in a sexual penetration with someone who is less than 16 years of age. However, sexual contact with someone who is at least 13 years of age is legal under certain circumstances.
f Sexual intercourse with someone who is less than 16 years of age is illegal regardless of the age of the defendant. However, sexual contact with someone who is at least 14 years of age is legal under certain circumstances
g Under the offense, “Debauching a minor,” it is illegal to debauch or deprave morals by lewdly inducing someone less than 17 years of age to carnally know any other person.
h It is illegal to engage in a sexual penetration with someone who is less than 13 years of age regardless of the age of the defendant. However, sexual contact with someone who is less than 13 years of age is legal under certain circumstances.
iEngaging in sexual penetration with someone who is at least 10 years of age and less than 16 years of age is legal under certain circumstances. However, sexual contact with someone who is less than 16 years of age is illegal regardless of the age of the defendant.
According to the ACYF, in Child Maltreatment 2006 (2008, http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf), the number of sexual abuse cases reported by CPS agencies in the United States in 2006 was 78,120. (See Table 2.2 in Chapter 2.) It is important to note that these numbers represent only cases that were reported and substantiated (confirmed); unknown numbers of child sexual abuse cases are undiscovered. The secrecy surrounding child abuse makes it virtually impossible to count the cases perpetrated in the family. However, retrospective studies of adults are one attempt to get a true picture of the prevalence of child sexual abuse.
In “The Victimization of Children and Youth: A Comprehensive, National Survey” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 10, no. 1, February 2005), a study of a nationally representative sample of one thousand children and youth aged two to seventeen, David Finkelhor et al. find that more than half of the children had been victimized in the previous year, either by a physical assault, a property offense, a form of child maltreatment, a sexual victimization, or a form of indirect victimization, such as witnessing an act of violence. One youth out of twelve had been sexually victimized in the study year.
Determining the Extent of Child Sexual Abuse through Retrospective Studies
David Finkelhor of the University of New Hampshire is a national authority on child sexual abuse. In “Current Information on the Scope and Nature of Child Sexual Abuse” (The Future of Children: Sexual Abuse of Children, vol. 4, no. 2, summer–fall 1994), Finkelhor notes that surveys of adults regarding their childhood experiences (called retrospective studies) probably give the most complete estimates of the actual extent of child sexual abuse. He reviews nineteen adult retrospective surveys and finds that the proportion of adults who indicated sexual abuse during childhood ranged widely, from 2% to 62% for females and from 3% to 16% for males.
Finkelhor observes that the surveys that reported higher levels of abuse were those that asked multiple questions about the possibility of abuse. Multiple questions are more effective because they provide respondents various cues about the different kinds of experiences the researchers are asking about. Multiple questions also give the respondents ample time to overcome their embarrassment. Many experts accept the estimate that one out of five (20%) American women and one out of ten (10%) American men have experienced some form of childhood sexual abuse (CSA).
One of the early landmark studies of child sexual abuse was conducted in 1978 by the sociologist Diana E. H. Russell of Mills College. Russell surveyed 930 adult women in San Francisco about their early sexual experiences and reported her findings in The Secret Trauma: Incest in the Lives of Girls and Women (1986). Russell noted that 38% of the women had suffered incestuous and extrafamilial sexual abuse before their eighteenth birthday. About 16% had been abused by a family member.
Russell's study is still frequently cited by experts who believe that much more abuse occurs than is officially reported by government studies. They suggest the high results recorded in her study reflect the thoroughness of her preparation. Whereas other studies ask one question concerning CSA, she asked fourteen different questions, any one of which might have set off a memory of sexual abuse.
In The Epidemic of Rape and Child Sexual Abuse in the United States (2000), Diana E. H. Russell and Rebecca M. Bolen revisit the prevalence rates reported in Russell's 1978 survey. Russell and Bolen believe those rates are underestimated. The 1978 survey subjects did not include two groups regarded to be highly probable victims of child sexual abuse: females in institutions and those not living at home. Russell and Bolen also find that some women were reluctant to reveal experiences of abuse to survey interviewers, whereas others did not recall these experiences.
Are Child Sexual Abuse Cases Declining?
According to CPS agencies across the United States, reported and substantiated cases of child sexual abuse have declined since 1992. Substantiated cases of sexual abuse of children dropped from a peak of 150,000 in 1992 to less than 90,000 in 2000, a decrease of 40%. (See Figure 4.1.) The ACYF indicates that substantiated child abuse cases dropped even further to 78,120 victims in 2006.
Lisa M. Jones and David Finkelhor of the University of New Hampshire examine in “The Decline in Child Sexual Abuse Cases” (Juvenile Justice Bulletin, January 2001) the possible factors responsible for this decline. They find that between 1990 and 1992 just three states experienced a decrease in cases of substantiated child sexual abuse, compared to fourteen states reporting increases of 20% or more. The decreasing trend started between 1992 and 1994, with twenty-two states reporting a decline of 20% or more, followed by eighteen states reporting declines between 1994 and 1996. From 1996 to 1998 thirteen states showed decreases of substantiated child sexual abuse cases.
According to Jones and Finkelhor, several factors may have influenced the decline in substantiated cases of child sexual abuse. (See Figure 4.2.) Since the 1990s the incidence of child sexual abuse may have been reduced by factors such as child victimization prevention programs, incarceration of sexual offenders, treatment programs for sex offenders, and other variables. These variables include female victimization by intimate partners and poverty. In other words, declining trends in these causal variables may play a role in the decreasing cases of child sexual abuse. Experts such as Amy M. Smith Slep and Susan G. O'Leary, in “Parent and Partner Violence in Families with Young Children: Rates, Patterns, and Connections” (Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, vol. 73, no. 3, June 2005), and Emiko A Tajima of the University of Washington, in “Correlates of the Co-occurrence of Wife Abuse and Child Abuse among a Representative Sample” (Journal of Family Violence, vol. 19, no. 6, December 2004), show a 30% to 60% overlap in the victimization of children and the victimization of their mothers.
Jones and Finkelhor suggest several possible factors that could account for the drop in reports of child sexual abuse from 1991 to 1998. People might be reluctant to report their suspicions because of widely publicized cases of false accusations. The public and mandated reporters, such as health care professionals, may also have learned accurate identification of the signs of abuse. In addition, the large numbers of sexual abuse cases that had surfaced as a result of increased vigilance starting in the 1980s may have been exhausted. CPS agencies might have stopped screening certain cases, such as sexual abuse by nonfamily members, and agencies with large caseloads may have investigated only cases they deemed serious enough to warrant their time.
In “Explanations for the Decline in Child Sexual Abuse Cases” (Juvenile Justice Bulletin, January 2004),
Finkelhor and Jones revisit the factors possibly influencing the decline. They examine, among other things, four states (Illinois, Minnesota, Oregon, and Pennsylvania) with large decreases in substantiated child sexual abuse, as well as extensive information from the 1990s. Finkelhor and Jones find little or no evidence that the decline resulted from CPS agencies not investigating certain cases or the diminishing number of older cases. They cannot determine whether or not fear of repercussions, such as lawsuits, had contributed to the decline in mandated reporting by physicians because the states had mixed results in physician reports.
Even though Finkelhor and Jones find “no solid and convincing explanation” for the decline of child sexual abuse in the 1990s, they offer two pieces of evidence that show the decline in sexual abuse cases. One piece of evidence includes the results of two self-reports of sexual assault (by nonfamily members) and sexual abuse (by family members). The second piece of evidence consists of the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) and the Minnesota Student Survey. The NCVS, an annual survey of eighty thousand people over age twelve, found an overall 56% decline in self-reported sexual assault against twelve- to seventeen-year-old juveniles between 1993 and 2000, with a 72% decline by family members. (See Figure 4.3.) The Minnesota Student Survey, which was administered five times between 1989 and 2001 to over one hundred thousand students in grades six, nine, and twelve, found a slight increase in the sexual abuse trend from 1989 to 1992, then a 22% decline for sexual abuse by family and nonfamily members. (See Figure 4.4.)
Rochelle F. Hanson et al. report in “Correlates of Adolescent Reports of Sexual Assault: Findings from the National Survey of Adolescents” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 8, no. 4, 2003) on the factors that contribute to the likelihood that an adolescent will disclose sexual abuse. The researchers also examine whether, among the different ethnic and racial groups, adolescents differ in the rates of disclosure and in the factors contributing to that disclosure.
Participants in the National Survey of Adolescents were a random sample of 4,023 U.S. adolescents aged twelve to seventeen. The sample was made up of 51.3% males and 48.7% females. A majority (70.2%) were white, non-Hispanics. The children were grouped into several age cohorts. Interviews were conducted by telephone, with the consent of the parent or guardian.
A total of 326 (8.1%) adolescents indicated that they had experienced child sexual abuse. Approximately four out of five (78.1%) of those reporting child sexual abuse were female, and one out of five (21.9%) were male. Most (58.2%) were white, 23.6% were African-American, and 9.4% were Hispanic. Other ethnic groups made up the remaining 8.8% of child sexual abuse victims.
Of the 326 victims, 30.7% had been raped, 26.8% reported fearing for their life during the assault, and 10% had suffered physical injuries. Alcohol or drugs were involved in 6.7% of the incidents. Single incidents were reported by about two-thirds (64.1%) of the victims. Three-quarters (76.4%) knew the perpetrator. Specifically, 4.3% identified their father or stepfather as the abuser, 17.5% named another relative, 52.8% reported an unrelated acquaintance, and 1.8% knew the perpetrator but did not identify the person. Nearly a quarter (23%) said the perpetrator was a stranger, and two victims did not name the perpetrator.
About two-thirds (68.1%) of the victims told interviewers they disclosed their sexual abuse to someone. Just 4.5% of those who disclosed first told a police officer or social worker. One-third (34.3%) told their mother or stepmother, and more than a third (39.3%) told a close friend. The other victims told another relative (6.1%), a teacher (1.8%), a father or stepfather (1.7%), or a doctor or other health professional (1.3%). About 3.4% indicated they disclosed the abuse to someone but did not say who it was. Another 3.9% would not say who they told of the abuse or could not remember who they first told. Overall, just 33.6% indicated they ever reported the abuse to police or other authorities.
More females (74%) than males (46.5%) disclosed to someone that they had been sexually abused. White victims (75.1%) were more likely than Hispanics (67.7%) and African-Americans (55.8%) to tell someone of their abuse. Those who feared for their life during the assault were especially likely to disclose the abuse (80.7%). Other factors that were related to high levels of disclosure were having experienced a penetration assault (72%), having suffered physical injury (70.6%), having used substances (68.2%), or having been assaulted once (67.9%). The likelihood of telling someone of the abuse was also influenced by the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator. Nearly nine out of ten (87.7%) of the victims who were sexually abused by a relative disclosed the incident, compared to those abused by a stranger (70.7%), an unrelated acquaintance (62.2%), or a father (57.1%).
Hanson et al. note that for some groups the gender of the adolescent is related to disclosure of sexual abuse, with girls more likely to do so. In this study African-American females were seven times more likely than their male counterparts to tell someone they had experienced sexual abuse, though white adolescents did not differ in disclosure of abuse based on gender. The researchers reiterate previous findings that males might fear being thought of as gay if the abuser was male. They also note that other studies show that African-American females are reluctant to disclose sexual abuse because of fear of not being believed. Even though no similar studies have been done of their male counterparts, Hanson et al. think the same reason might keep African-American male adolescents from reporting child sexual abuse.
Who Is Sexually Abused?
Most studies indicate that girls are far more likely than boys to suffer sexual abuse. Under the Harm and Endangerment Standards discussed by Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst in NIS-3, girls were sexually abused about three times more often than boys. (See Chapter 2 for a definition of these standards.)
In “Childhood Sexual Abuse among Black Women and White Women from Two-Parent Families” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 11, no. 3, August 2006), a retrospective study, Maryann Amodeo et al. of Boston University examine 290 African-American and white women to determine differences in prevalence of child sexual abuse. Amodeo et al. used questionnaires and face-to-face interviews, as well as interviews with siblings, to determine whether child sexual abuse had occurred. African-American women showed a higher prevalence of child sexual abuse than did white women (34.1% and 22.8%, respectively).
Sarah E. Ullman and Henrietta Filipas of the University of Illinois find in “Ethnicity and Child Sexual Abuse Experiences of Female College Students” (Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, vol. 14, no. 3, 2005) racial and ethnic differences in their retrospective study using a sample of 461 female college students. Analysis of their survey reveals that African-Americans reported more sexual abuse than other groups, followed by Hispanics, whites, and Asian-Americans.
Is Sexual Abuse of Boys Underreported?
William C. Holmes and Gail B. Slap claim that sexual abuse of boys is not only common but also underreported and undertreated. In “Sexual Abuse of Boys: Definition, Prevalence, Correlates, Sequelae, and Management” (Journal of the American Medical Association, vol. 280, no. 21, December 2, 1998), the researchers review 149 studies of male sexual abuse. These studies, conducted between 1985 and 1997, included face-to-face interviews, telephone surveys, medical chart reviews, and computerized and paper questionnaires. The respondents included adolescents (ninth through twelfth graders, runaways, non-sex-offending delinquents, and detainees), college students, psychiatric patients, Native Americans, sex offenders (including serial rapists), substance-abusing patients, and homeless men. The researchers find that, overall, one out of five boys had been sexually abused.
Holmes and Slap note that boys younger than thirteen years of age, nonwhite, of low socioeconomic status, and not living with their fathers were at a higher risk for sexual abuse. Boys whose parents had abused alcohol, had criminal records, and were divorced, separated, or remarried were more likely to experience sexual abuse. Sexually abused boys were fifteen times more likely than boys who had never been sexually abused to live in families in which some members had also been sexually abused.
Start and Duration of Abuse
In Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to Law Enforcement: Victim, Incident, and Offender Characteristics (July 2000, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/saycrle.pdf), Howard N. Snyder of the National Center for Juvenile Justice finds that 20.1% of all victims of sexual assault reported to law enforcement from 1991 to 1996 were under age twelve, with 14% under six years of age. (Some researchers distinguish between child sexual abuse as perpetrated by parents or caregivers and sexual assault as committed by other individuals. In this report the term sexual assault included child sexual abuse.)
Patricia Tjaden and Nancy Thoennes of the Center for Policy Research in Denver, Colorado, find in Extent, Nature, and Consequences of Rape Victimization: Findings from the National Violence against Women Survey (January 2006, http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/210346.pdf), a study of rape using data from the National Violence against Women Survey, that 21.6% of female rape or sexual abuse victims and 48% of male rape or sexual abuse victims were under the age of twelve when they were first raped. (See Figure 4.5.) Another 32.4% of females and 23% of males were between ages twelve and seventeen. Therefore, more than half of all female rape victims and seven out of ten male rape victims had been raped while children.
In their research on male child victims, Holmes and Slap find that sexual abuse generally began before puberty. About 17% to 53% of the respondents reported repeated abuse, with some victimization continuing over periods of less than six months and some victimization enduring for eighteen to forty-eight months.
Snyder finds that the abusers of young victims were more likely than the abusers of older victims to be family members. Sexual abusers whose victims were children five years old and younger were family members nearly half the time (48.6%), a number that decreased for those aged six to eleven (42.4%), and further decreased for victims aged twelve to seventeen (24.3%). More female victims (51.1% of those aged five years and younger and 43.8% of those aged six to eleven) were abused by family members, compared to their male counterparts (42.4% of those aged five years and younger and 37.7% of those aged six to eleven). (See Table 4.2.)
Linda Meyer Williams and David Finkelhor indicate in The Characteristics of Incestuous Fathers (1992) that, generally, incestuous fathers had lonely childhoods (82%). Almost half (47%) had not lived with their own father and had changed living arrangements (43%), perhaps as a result of parental divorce or remarriage. However, their own parents’ alcohol problem was no different from that of the nonabused comparison group. Incestuous fathers were far more likely to have been juvenile delinquents
|TABLE 4.2 Victim-offender relationship in sexual assault, by gender of victim, 1991– 96|
|SOURCE: Howard N. Snyder, “Table 7. Victim-Offender Relationship in Sexual Assault, by Victim Gender,” in Sexual Assault of Young Children As Reported to Law Enforcement: Victim, Incident, and Offender Characteristics, U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, July 2000, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/saycrle.pdf (accessed June 2, 2008)|
|Victim age||Total||Family member||Acquaintance||Stranger|
|0 to 5||100.0||51.1||45.9||3.0|
|6 to 11||100.0||43.8||51.4||4.8|
|12 to 17||100.0||24.3||65.7||10.0|
|18 to 24||100.0||9.8||66.4||23.8|
|0 to 5||100.0||42.4||54.1||3.5|
|6 to 11||100.0||37.7||57.7||4.6|
|12 to 17||100.0||23.7||68.7||7.6|
|18 to 24||100.0||10.7||68.4||20.9|
and to have been rejected by their parents. Williams and Finkelhor also find that the sex education of incestuous fathers while growing up did not come from friends or peers, but from being victims of sexual abuse. About 70% had a history of sexual abuse, with 45% having multiple abusers. Nearly three out of five were sexually abused by nonfamily adults.
Women Who Abuse
For many years, experts thought female sex abusers were uncommon. According to Craig M. Allen, in A Comparative Analysis of Women Who Sexually Abuse Children (1990), when women were involved in abuse, it was thought to be a situation in which a either a man had forced the woman to commit the abuse or the woman had a severe psychiatric disturbance. Some experts postulate that women are more maternal and, therefore, less likely to abuse a child. Women are also thought to have different attitudes toward sex. While men tie their feelings of self-worth to their sexual experiences, women are supposedly less concerned with sexual prowess and tend to be more empathetic toward others.
Comparing male and female offenders, Allen finds that the women reported more severe incidents of physical and emotional abuse in their past, had run away from home more often, were more sexually promiscuous than male offenders, and had more frequent incidents of being paid for sex. Because they perceived child sexual abuse as a great social deviance, female offenders were less likely to admit guilt. They were less cooperative than men during the investigations and were angrier with informants and investigators. Following disclosure, they also appeared to experience less guilt and sorrow than male offenders.
MOTHERS. The organization Making Daughters Safe Again explains in “Female-Perpetrated Sexual Abuse: Redefining the Construct of Sexual Abuse and Challenging Beliefs about Human Sexuality” (2008, http://mdsasupport.homestead.com/ra.html) that sexual abuse by mothers may remain undetected because it occurs at home and is either denied or never reported. Mothers generally have more intimate contact with their children, and the lines between maternal love and care and sexual abuse are not as clear-cut as they are for fathers. Furthermore, society is reluctant to see a woman as a perpetrator of incest, portraying the woman as someone likely to turn her pain inward into depression, compared to the man who acts out his anger in sexually criminal behavior. Women's sexually abusive behavior toward their children may be disguised under the pretense of caretaking for their children.
Sibling incest is another form of abuse that has not been well studied. However, some experts believe sibling sexual abuse is more common than father-daughter incest. Vernon R. Wiehe indicates in “Sibling Abuse” (Understanding Family Violence: Treating and Preventing Partner, Child, Sibling, and Elder Abuse, 1998) that the problem of sibling incest has not received much attention because of the families’ reluctance to report to authorities that such abuse is happening at home, the parents’ playing down the fact that “it” is indeed a problem, and the perception that it is normal for brothers and sisters to explore their sexuality.
In “Intrafamilial Sexual Abuse: Brother-Sister Incest Does Not Differ from Father-Daughter and Stepfather-Stepdaughter Incest” (Child Abuse and Neglect: The International Journal, vol. 26, no. 9, September 2002), Mireille Cir et al. find that there were few differences between sexual abuse perpetrated by fathers, stepfathers, or brothers in their survey of seventy-two sexually abused girls between the ages of five and sixteen. They find that penetration was much more frequent in the brother-sister incest group (70.8%) than in the stepfather-stepdaughter incest group (27.3%) or the father-daughter incest group (34.8%). They also find that nine out of ten girls abused by their brothers showed clinically significant traumatic stress. These findings indicate that sexual abuse perpetrated by a sibling should be taken seriously.
Sex between educators and students is nothing new. However, except for sensational cases, such as that of the Washington teacher Mary Kay Letourneau (1962–), who was charged with child rape of a twelve-year-old student and served a seven-and-a-half-year sentence, other cases have not received much attention. Some experts observe there seems to be a double standard in cases involving a female teacher and a male student. They point to an example in New Jersey. In 2002 the Superior Court judge Bruce A. Gaeta (1942–2008) refused to sentence Pamela Diehl-Moore (1959–) to prison for pleading guilty to sexual assault and instead ordered probation. The teacher admitted having sex for six months with a thirteen-year-old student. The judge claimed he saw no harm done to the student and that the relationship might have been a way for the boy to satisfy his sexual needs. Gaeta received public reprimand for his comments. Diehl-Moore was sentenced to three years in prison on appeal.
In 2004 Charol S. Shakeshaft of Hofstra University reported that no national study of public school educators who have abused students had ever been done. In compliance with the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, the U.S. Department of Education commissioned Shakeshaft to conduct a national study of sexual abuse in schools. After identifying about nine hundred literature citations that discussed educator sexual misconduct and contacting over one thousand researchers, educators, and policy
|TABLE 4.3 Perpetrators of sexual abuse of students in school by job title, 2000|
|SOURCE: Charol Shakeshaft, “Table 7. Percent of Student Targets by Job Title of Offender,” in Educator Sexual Misconduct: A Synthesis of Existing
Literature, U.S. Department of Education, Office of the Under Secretary, June 2004, http://www.ed.gov/rschstat/research/pubs/misconductreview/
report.pdf (accessed June 2, 2008). Data from C. Shakeshaft, “Educator Sexual Abuse,” Hofstra Horizons, Spring 2003, 10-13, and American
Association of University Women, 2001.
|Other school employee||10|
makers on the issue, Shakeshaft found just fourteen U.S. and five Canadian/British empirical studies on educator sexual misconduct. (Empirical studies are based on practical observations and not theory.) With scant empirical studies on hand, she based her conclusion on two American Association of University Women Hostile Hallways surveys conducted in 1993 and 2001 involving 3,695 public school students in eighth and eleventh grades. Both were Shakeshaft's own work. In addition, Shake-shaft used her 2003 reanalysis of the surveys for additional data on educator sexual misconduct.
In Educator Sexual Misconduct: A Synthesis of Existing Literature (2004, http://www.ed.gov/rschstat/research/ pubs/misconductreview/report.pdf), Shakeshaft projects the numbers in her surveys to the whole public school system. She concludes that 9.6% of public school children, accounting for 4.5 million students, have experienced sexual misconduct—ranging from being told sexual jokes, to being shown pictures of a sexual nature, to sexual intercourse—by educators. Educators included teachers and other school officials, such as principals, coaches, counselors, substitute teachers, teacher's aides, security guards, bus drivers, and other employees.
The studies Shakeshaft analyzes do not reveal the number or proportion of educators who were perpetrators of sexual misconduct. However, Shakeshaft's surveys show that perpetrators of sexual misconduct against students in schools were 18% teachers, 15% coaches, and 13% substitute teachers. (See Table 4.3.) Principals accounted for 6%, and school counselors made up 5%. Shakeshaft observes that teachers whose jobs involve dealing with individual students, such as coaches and music teachers, are more likely than other educators to sexually abuse students. With regard to the gender of the perpetrators, the different studies Shakeshaft surveys show a range of 4% to 42.8% for female educators and a range of 57.2% to 96% for male educators.
Sexual Abusers of Boys
Holmes and Slap find that more than 90% of the abusers of boys and young male adolescents in their study were male. Male abusers of older male teenagers and young male adults, however, made up 22% to 73% of perpetrators. This older age group also experienced abuse by females, ranging from 27% to 78%. Adolescent babysitters accounted for up to half of female sexual abusers of younger boys.
More than half of those who sexually abused male children were not family members but were known to the victims. Boys younger than six years old were more likely to be sexually abused by family and acquaintances, whereas those older than twelve were more likely to be victims of strangers. Whereas male perpetrators used physical force, with threats of physical harm increasing with victim age, female perpetrators used persuasion and promises of special favors.
Public concern about sexual abuse by priests skyrocketed in the early twenty-first century as a result of a scandal surrounding abuse and cover-ups within the Catholic Church. Thomas F. Reilly (1942–), the attorney general of Massachusetts, explains in The Sexual Abuse of Children in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Boston: A Report by the Attorney General (July 23, 2003, news.findlaw.com/hdocs/docs/abuse/maag72303abuserpt.pdf) the culture of secrecy involving the sexual abuse of an estimated one thousand minors in the archdiocese of Boston since 1940. Reilly's eighteen-month investigation finds that “there is overwhelming evidence that for many years Cardinal [Bernard] Law and his senior managers had direct, actual knowledge that substantial numbers of children in the Archdiocese had been sexually abused by substantial numbers of its priests.”
Reilly started the investigation in March 2002, soon after John Geoghan (1935–2003), a former priest in the archdiocese of Boston, was sentenced to nine to ten years in prison for sexually abusing a ten-year-old boy. Reilly's investigators found that starting in 1979 the archdiocese had received complaints of child sexual abuse against Geoghan. Church documents, which had previously been sealed, revealed that the church not only moved Geoghan from parish to parish but had also paid settlements amounting to $15 million to the victims’ families. Reilly reported that the archdiocese's own files showed that 789 people had brought sexual complaints against the Boston clergy. However, Reilly believes the actual number of victims is higher. There were 237 priests and church workers who had been accused of rape and sexual assault.
EXTENT OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE BY PRIESTS. Responding to emerging allegations of sexual abuse by priests, in June 2002 the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops commissioned a study of the nature and scope of the problem of child sexual abuse in the Catholic Church. The John Jay College of Criminal Justice of the City University of New York conducted the study based on information provided by 195 dioceses, representing 98% of all diocesan priests in the United States. The researchers also collected data from 140 religious communities, accounting for about 60% of religious communities and 80% of all priests in the religious communities.
The Nature and Scope of the Problem of Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests and Deacons in the United States (2004, http://www.usccb.org/nrb/johnjaystudy/) covers the period from 1950 to 2002. Of the 109,694 priests and deacons (collectively referred to as priests) who served during this period, 4,392 (4%) allegedly abused children under age eighteen. Most (55.7%) of these priests had a single allegation of abuse. Nearly 27% had two to three allegations, 13.9% had four to nine allegations, and 3.5% had ten or more allegations.
The report shows that 10,667 individuals made allegations of child sexual abuse by priests between 1950 and 2002. About 81% of the victims were male and 19% were female. About half (50.7%) were between the ages of eleven and fourteen. More than a quarter (26.7%) were fifteen to seventeen years old, 16.5% were aged eight to ten, and 6.1% were aged seven or younger. (See Table 4.4.) The number of allegations rose steadily between 1950 and 1980 before dropping off sharply. (See Figure 4.6.)
At the time of the allegations, most of the priests were serving in the capacity of associate pastor (42.3%) or pastor (25.1%). One out of ten (10.4%) were serving as
|TABLE 4.4 Victim's age at first instance of abuse by priests, 1950–2002|
|SOURCE: “Table 4.3.2. Victim's Age at First Instance of Abuse,” in The Nature and Scope of the Problem of Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic
Priests and Deacons in the United States, United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2004, http://www.usccb.org/nrb/johnjaystudy/incident3.pdf (accessed June 2, 2008)
|Age in years||Count||% of total|
|TABLE 4.5 Location of abuse by priests, 1950–2002|
|SOURCE: “Table 4.5.3. Location of Abuse,” in The Nature and Scope of the Problem of Sexual Abuse of Minors by Catholic Priests and Deacons in the
United States, United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, 2004, http://www.usccb.org/nrb/johnjaystudy/incident5.pdf (accessed June 2, 2008)
|Place||Count||Percent of cases|
|In a hotel room||675||7.4%|
|Priest's home/Parish residence||3730||40.9%|
|Other residences (friends, family, etc.)||49||.5%|
|In victim's home||1131||12.4%|
|In the hospital||75||0.8%|
|In a car||897||9.8%|
|Outings (camp, park, pool, etc.)||757||8.3%|
|No record of location||2109||23.1%|
|Note: This is a multiple response table. The categories are not mutually exclusive since an incident of abuse may have taken place over time and in more than one place.|
resident priests. Most of the abuse occurred in the priest's home or parish residence (40.9%), in church (16.3%), and in the victim's home (12.4%). (See Table 4.5.) Nearly half (49.6%) of the priests socialized with the alleged victim's family, mostly (79.6%) in the family's home.
In “Stained Glass: The Nature and Scope of Child Sexual Abuse in the Catholic Church” (Criminal Justice and Behavior, vol. 35, no. 5, May 2008), a follow-up study, Karen J. Terry of the John Jay College of Criminal Justice finds that many victims of abuse by priests were groomed for the abuse—7.8% of children were given gifts and 17% of children were given other enticements, such as alcohol, drugs, money, or trips. Only 7.8% of victims were threatened, usually psychologically rather than physically.
The Internet gives pedophiles easy access to children. According to the U.S. Department of Justice's Office for Victims of Crime, in Internet Crimes against Children (May 2001, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/ bulletins/internet_2_2001/welcome.html), child predators who look for victims in places where children typically congregate, such as schoolyards, playgrounds, and shopping malls, now have cyberspace to commit their criminal acts. The Internet presents an even more attractive venue because predators can commit their crime anonymously and are able to contact the same child regularly. They may groom children online for the production of child pornography. Predators have been known to prey on vulnerable children, gaining their confidence online, and then meeting up with them for the purpose of engaging them in sex acts.
In Computer and Internet Use in the United States: 2003 (October 2005, http://www.census.gov/prod/2005 pubs/p23-208.pdf, Jennifer Cheeseman Day, Alex Janus, and Jessica Davis of the U.S. Census Bureau explain that in 2003, 80% of adolescents aged fifteen to seventeen used the Internet at some location. More than two-thirds (68.9%) of children aged ten to fourteen, 44.8% of children aged six to nine, and 23.4% of children aged three to five used the Internet. Females were slightly more likely than males to use the Internet (57% and 55.1%, respectively).
Julian Fantino notes in “Child Pornography on the Internet: New Challenges Require New Ideas” (Police Chief, vol. 70, no. 12, December 2003) that more and more younger children are being used in child pornography, with a large proportion being infants and preschool children. Offenders form secret clubs, sharing modes of operation and protecting one another's identity. According to Fantino, in 2003 more than one hundred thousand Web sites contained child pornography.
National Survey on the Online Victimization of Children
In Online Victimization of Youth: Five Years Later (2006, http://www.unh.edu/ccrc/pdf/CV138.pdf), a national survey on the risks children face on the Internet, Janis Wolak, Kimberly Mitchell, and David Finkelhor of the University of New Hampshire find that nearly one out of seven (13%) youths using the Internet in the last year had received an unwanted sexual solicitation or approach. Sexual solicitations involved requests to do sexual things the children did not want to do, and sexual approaches involved incidents in which people tried to get children to talk about sex when they did not want to or asked them intimate questions. In addition, 34% reported at least one unwanted exposure to sexual material (pictures of naked people or people having sex) while surfing the Internet the past year. Michele L. Ybarra and Kimberly J. Mitchell of the University of New Hampshire indicate in “Exposure to Internet Pornography among Children and Adolescents: A National Survey” (CyberPsychology and Behavior, vol. 8, no. 5, 2005) that 20% of youth between the ages of fourteen and seventeen and 8% of youth between the ages of ten and thirteen, primarily male, intentionally sought out pornographic materials on the Internet.
In a follow-up study, Kimberly J. Mitchell, Janis Wolak, and David Finkelhor of the University of New Hampshire state in “Trends in Youth Reports of Sexual Solicitations, Harassment, and Unwanted Exposure to Pornography on the Internet” (Journal of Adolescent Health, vol. 40, 2007) that the proportion of youth who reported online sexual solicitations declined between 2000 and
2005, although online harassment and unwanted exposure to pornography actually rose. The researchers find that in 2005 approximately 13% of youth were sexually solicited online, meaning that they were requested online to talk about sex—although many of these requests probably came from other youth. (See Figure 4.7.) Many of these solicitations were not intended to lure children into sexual activity. Mitchell, Wolak, and Finkelhor's best guess is that about 4% of youth were aggressively sexually solicited online, including attempts to contact the youth offline—up from 3% in 2000. (See Figure 4.8.)
However, according to Kimberly J. Mitchell, David Finkelhor, and Janis Wolak of the University of New Hampshire, in “The Internet and Family and Acquaintance Sexual Abuse” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 10, no. 1, 2005), nearly as many acquaintances and family members used the Internet to commit sex crimes against children as did adults who used the Internet to actually meet children. The follow-up study actually found that even though the percentage of youth who used the Internet rose between 2000 and 2006, the percentage of youth who spoke to people they knew only online dropped from 40% to 34%. (See Table 4.6.) This decline might be due to a heightened awareness of pedophiles on the Internet.
When youth were sexually solicited online, most were able to deal with the problem by blocking solicitors
or leaving sites. Most did not report feeling distressed by the experience, but about 4% of youth did report feeling upset or distressed as a result of the online solicitation. (See Figure 4.7.) In “Online ‘Predators’ and Their Victims: Myths, Realities, and Implications for Prevention and Treatment” (American Psychologist, vol. 63, 2008), Janis Wolak et al. of the University of New Hampshire indicate that when predatory offenders were charged with a crime, the pattern most often involved nonforcible sexual activity between young victims and adult men.
However, in 2006 parents, educators, and law enforcement officials sent out a warning about MySpace.com, a huge Web site designed to be an Internet chat room and hangout for teens and young adults, but which police say is attracting sexual predators. As many as fifty-eight million users post personal information on the site, including photos and Web logs (so-called blogs, containing journal-like postings from the user), sometimes with home addresses and phone numbers included. According to Jane Gordon, in “MySpace Draws a Questionable Crowd” (New York Times, February 26, 2006), in Connecticut police investigated several reports of sexual assaults of young girls between the ages of thirteen and fifteen that occurred after they met adult male suspects on the site. Anick Jesdanun reports in “MySpace Plans Adult Restrictions to Protect Teen Users” (Washington Post ,June 21,
|TABLE 4.6 Youth Internet use patterns, 2000 and 2005|
|SOURCE: Adapted from Janis Wolak, Kimberly Mitchell, and David Finkelhor, “Table 2. Youth Internet Use Patterns,” in Online Victimization of
Youth: Five Years Later, National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, 2006, http://www.unh.edu/ccrc/pdf/CV138.pdf (accessed June 23,
(N = 1,501)
(N = 1,500)
|Location(s) youth spent time on Internet in past yeara|
|Other place (includes library)||37%||43%|
|Last time youth used lnternet|
|Past month or longer||14%||8%|
|Number of hours youth spent on lnternet on a typical day when online|
|1 hour or less||61%||45%|
|More than l hour to 2 hours||26%||13%|
|More 2 hours||13%||23%|
|Number of days youth went on lnternet in a typical weekc|
|1 day or less||29%||8%|
|2 to 4 days||40%||42%|
|5 to 7 days||31%||49%|
|How youth used lnterneta|
|Went to web sites||94%||99%|
|Used instant messaging||55%||68%|
|Went to chat rooms||56%||30%|
|Did school assignments||85%||92%|
|Kept online journal or blog||—||16%|
|Used online dating or romance sites||—||1%|
|Who youth talked to onlined|
|People youth knew in person offline||73%||79%|
|People youth knew only online||40%||34%|
|a Multiple responses possible.
bIn Youth Internet Safety Survey-1 (YISS-1) we asked if youth used the Internet in “other households,” which included friends’ homes. In YISS-2 we specifically asked all youth if they used the Internet at friends’ homes.
cBased on youth who used the Internet in the past week or past 2 weeks.
dAnswers not mutually exclusive.
Note: Some categories do not add to 100% because of rounding and/or missing data.
2006) that by June 2006 MySpace planned new restrictions on the interactions of adults over age eighteen and children under age sixteen on the site in response to criticisms.
In “The Relative Importance of Online Victimization in Understanding Depression, Delinquency, and Substance Use” (Child Maltreatment, vol. 12, no. 4, November 2007), Kimberly J. Mitchell, Michele L. Ybarra, and David Finkelhor of the University of New Hampshire find that 23% of 1,501 youth surveyed reported being the victim of either sexual solicitation or harassment online. Nearly three-quarters of these youth reported an offline victimization as well. However, youth who had been sexually solicited online were nearly twice as likely as others to report depression and substance use, indicating the serious nature of this type of victimization.
According to the American Psychological Association (APA), in “What Are the Effects of Child Sexual Abuse?” (October 31, 2006, http://www.apa.org/releases/sexabuse/effects.html), children who have been sexually abused exhibit a range of symptoms. A child may show inappropriate sexual knowledge or exhibit sexual acting out behaviors. Other immediate effects may include regressive behaviors, such as thumb sucking and/or bed wetting; sleep disturbances; eating problems; and school problems, including misconduct, problems with performing schoolwork, and failure to participate in activities.
The APA also details long-term effects of child sexual abuse. Adult victims may suffer from depression, sexual dysfunction, and anxiety. Anxiety may manifest itself in behaviors such as anxiety attacks, insomnia, and alcohol and drug abuse. Adult survivors of CSA also report revictimization as rape victims or as victims of intimate physical abuse.
High-Risk Sexual Behaviors in Adolescent Girls
In “Sexual At-Risk Behaviors of Sexually Abused Adolescent Girls” (Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, vol. 12, no. 2, 2003), a study of sexual at-risk behaviors of 125 female adolescents aged twelve to seventeen who had experienced sexual abuse, Caroline Cinq-Mars et al. administered a self-report questionnaire that asked about the subjects’ sexual activities, not including sexual abuse experiences. Afterward, the subjects were interviewed regarding their sexual abuse experiences, including information about the perpetrator (both family and nonfamily members), frequency and duration of abuse, severity of the abuse, and whether or not they told someone of the abuse.
Among offending family members, fathers were the perpetrators in 30.4% of incidents. Stepfathers and extended family members each were responsible for 28.8% of the sexual abuse, and brothers accounted for another 9.6% of abuse. The victims experienced more than one incident of sexual abuse, with the mean (average) number of perpetrators per victim being 1.8. The mean age for the start of abuse was 9.3 years. More than one-third (36.8%) of the victims experienced sexual abuse before age eleven.
Over half (55.3%) of the participants reported being sexually active. More than half (54.5%) had their first consensual intercourse before the age of fifteen. The rate of pregnancy was 15%. Cinq-Mars et al. find three sexual abuse characteristics that were associated with the adolescents’ sexual at-risk behavior. Adolescents who experienced abuse involving penetration were more than thirteen times as likely to have been pregnant and twice as likely to have more than one consensual partner in the past year. Having been abused by more than one perpetrator (in one or more incidents) was also closely associated with at-risk behaviors: pregnancy (eight times as likely), more than one consensual sexual partner (four times as likely), and irregular condom use (three times as likely). Finally, physical coercion during abuse increased the odds of pregnancy (four times as likely), more than one consensual sexual partner (five times as likely), and irregular condom use (three times as likely).
A number of studies, such as Christiane Brems et al.'s “Childhood Abuse History and Substance Use among Men and Women Receiving Detoxification Services” (American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse, vol. 30, no. 4, November 2004), Patricia B. Moran, Sam Vuchinich, and Nancy K. Hall's “Associations between Types of Maltreatment and Substance Use during Adolescence” (Child Abuse and Neglect: The International Journal, vol. 28, no. 5, May 2004), and Cathy Spatz Widom et al.'s “Long-Term Effects of Child Abuse and Neglect on Alcohol Use and Excessive Drinking in Middle Adulthood” (Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs, vol. 68, no. 3, May 2007), show that child sexual abuse increases the risk for substance abuse later in life. In “Abnormal T2 Relaxation Time in the Cerebellar Vermis of Adults Sexually Abused in Childhood: Potential Role of the Vermis in Stress-Enhanced Risk for Drug Abuse” (Psychoneuroen-docrinology, vol. 27, no. 1–2, January 2002), Carl M. Anderson et al. of Harvard Medical School uncover how this occurs. They find that the vermis, the region flanked by the cerebellar hemispheres of the brain, may play a key role in the risk for substance abuse among adults who have experienced child abuse. The vermis develops gradually and continues to produce neurons, or nerve cells, after birth. It is known to be sensitive to stress, so that stress can influence its development.
Anderson et al. compared young adults aged eighteen to twenty-two, including eight with a history of repeated sexual abuse in childhood and sixteen others as the control group. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging technology, they measured the resting blood flow in the vermis. They find that the subjects who had been victims of sexual abuse had diminished blood flow. Anderson et al. suggest the stress experienced with repeated sexual abuse may have caused damage to the vermis, which in turn could not perform its job of controlling irritability in the limbic system. The limbic system in the center of the brain, a collection of connected clusters of nerve cells, is responsible for, among other things, regulating emotions and memory. Therefore, the damaged vermis induces a person to use drugs or alcohol to suppress the irritability.
Because the child sexual abuse subjects had no history of alcohol or substance abuse, Anderson et al. wanted to confirm their findings, which linked an impaired cerebellar vermis and the potential for substance abuse in sexual abuse survivors. After analyzing test data collected from the 537 college students recruited for the study, they find that students who reported frequent substance abuse showed higher irritability in the limbic system. They also exhibited symptoms usually associated with drug use, including depression and anger.
Robert C. Freeman, Karyn Collier, and Kathleen M. Parillo of NOVA Research Company of Bethesda, Maryland, examine in “Early Life Sexual Abuse as a Risk Factor for Crack Cocaine Use in a Sample of Community-Recruited Women at High Risk for Illicit Drug Use” (American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse, vol. 28, no. 1, February 2002) a total of 1,478 noninjecting female sexual partners of male intravenous drug users. Nearly two-thirds (63.7%) of the women reported having used crack cocaine. The researchers find that an equal proportion of the women had suffered sexual abuse before age twelve (39.5%) and during adolescence (38.8%). Overall, nearly 22% were sexually abused during both childhood and adolescence.
While Freeman, Collier, and Parillo find a relationship between child sexual abuse and lifetime crack use, they find no direct link between sexual abuse during adolescence and lifetime crack use. However, they do find some indirect connections between the two. Female teens who were victims of sexual abuse were more likely to run away, and these runaways were more likely to use crack because of the type of people with whom they associated.
Sexual Revictimization and Self-Harming Behaviors
In “Revictimization and Self-Harm in Females Who Experienced Childhood Sexual Abuse: Results from a Prospective Study” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 18, no. 12, December 2003), Jennie G. Noll et al. report on a longitudinal study (a study of the same group over a period of time) that examines the effects of child sexual abuse on female development. This was the first prospective study that followed children from the time sexual abuse was reported through adolescence and into early adulthood. Referred by CPS agencies, the participants experienced sexual abuse by a family member before the age of fourteen. The median age at the start of sexual abuse was seven to eight years, and the median duration of abuse was two years. The study consisted of eighty-four abused children and a comparison group of eighty-two nonabused children. Two yearly interviews followed the first assessment of the group. A fourth interview was conducted four to five years after the third interview.
Noll et al. note that this study was the first to provide information about the revictimization of child sexual abuse survivors not long after their abuse (seven years after the abuse when the participants were in their adolescence and early adulthood). The researchers find that participants who had been sexually abused during childhood were twice as likely as the comparison group to have experienced sexual revictimization, such as rape or sexual assault, and almost four times as likely to harm themselves through suicide attempts or self-mutilation. They also suffered 1.6 times more physical victimization, such as domestic violence. Compared to the nonabused group, the abused group reported 20% more significant lifetime traumas subsequent to being sexually abused. Significant lifetime traumas reported by the participants included separation and losses (e.g., having family or friends move away or die), emotional abuse and/or rejection by family, natural disasters, and witnessing violence.
Henrietta H. Filipas and Sarah E. Ullman of the University of Illinois, Chicago, explore in “Child Sexual Abuse, Coping Responses, Self-Blame, Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, and Adult Sexual Revictimization” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 21, no. 5, 2006) what factors make child sexual abuse survivors more vulnerable to revictimization as adults. They hypothesize that self-blame, maladaptive coping responses, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) would all make survivors more likely to be revictimized. However, Filipas and Ullman find that only the extent to which adult female victims of child sexual abuse used maladaptive coping responses such as alcohol and drug use, withdrawal from people, and sexual acting out was correlated with their vulnerability to revictimization as adults.
In “Substance Use and PTSD Symptoms Impact the Likelihood of Rape and Revictimization in College Women” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, May 2008), Terri L. Messman-Moore, Rose Marie Ward, and Amy L. Brown find that substance use and PTSD increase the likelihood that college women will be raped or otherwise revictimized. They argue that PTSD sufferers use drugs and alcohol or maladaptive sexual behavior to cope with PTSD symptoms and that these coping behaviors increase their risk of further victimization.
Noll et al. observe that child sexual abuse is the “strongest predictor of self-harm,” even when other types of abuse are present. They surmise that the victims may have negative feelings toward their own body and want to hurt it. Noll et al. write that some researchers believe victims may want to reveal internal pains through outward manifestation of self-harm. Others wish to re-experience feelings of shame in an attempt to resolve it.
Effects of Sexual Abuse by Women
In “The Long-Term Effects of Child Sexual Abuse by Female Perpetrators: A Qualitative Study of Male and Female Victims” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 19, no. 10, October 2004), Myriam S. Denov of the University of Ottawa conducted a qualitative study on the long-term effects of child sexual abuse by women. Unlike quantitative research, which involves collecting samples of quantitative data and performing some form of statistical analysis, qualitative research is based on a smaller sample of individuals and does not represent the general population. However, according to Denov, the qualitative approach “is particularly appropriate for a study of this nature as it can give depth and detail of phenomena that are difficult to convey with quantitative methods.”
The study sample consisted of seven males and seven females, who ranged in age from twenty-three to fifty-nine years. The sexual abuse occurred when they were fourteen years old or younger. All participants reported at least one incident of sexual abuse by a lone female perpetrator. Five participants reported having been sexually abused by more than one lone perpetrator. Nine participants were abused by a female relative—six by their mother, two by their mother and grandmother, and one by his mother and sister. Four participants were abused by an unrelated person—three by a babysitter and one by a nun at a local church. While the study concerns abuse perpetrated by women, half (or seven) of the participants reported having also been sexually abused by a man (in a separate incident from the abuse by women) —four by their father, two by an unrelated male babysitter, and one by his older half-brother.
The sexual abuse started, on average, at age five and ended, on average, at age twelve. It lasted about six years. Five participants were abused more than once per week, three were abused once per week, and four were abused once per month. Two participants reported a single episode of abuse. All participants reported mild abuse (e.g., kissing in a sexual way and sexual invitations). In addition, ten reported moderate abuse (genital contact or fondling [without penetration] and simulated intercourse). Nine participants experienced severe abuse (such as intercourse and penetration with fingers or objects).
Denov observes that while many effects of sexual abuse by females seem similar to that by males, female sexual abuse has long-term effects that are unique. Of the fourteen study participants, just one (a male) indicated he did not feel damaged by the sexual abuse by a woman. The other thirteen said they felt damaged by the abuse. All seven participants who were also abused by males reported that the sexual abuse by women was more damaging. The effects of child sexual abuse included substance abuse (used to “silence their rage and numb the pain”), self-injury, thoughts of suicide, depression, and rage. All victims reported a great mistrust of women and a discomfort with sexual intimacy. Most of the female victims were confused about their sense of identity and self-concept. Five out of seven said that, as young girls, they did not want to grow up to be women. Four women confessed that they continued to deny their femininity, one victim admitting that she dressed in an unwomanly fashion because she would be safest to herself and to others. Twelve participants feared they might sexually abuse their own children. In fact, two men and two women reported having sexually abused children. One man and three women decided not to have children.
Effects on Boys
MALE VICTIMS’ PERCEPTION OF CHILD SEXUAL ABUSE AND CLINICAL FINDINGS. In their review of nearly 150 studies of male sexual abuse, Holmes and Slap find that only 15% to 39% of victims who responded to the studies thought that they were adversely affected by the sexual abuse. The victims stressed that the adverse effects were linked to the use of force, to cases in which the perpetrator was much older than the victim, or to cases where the victim was very young. Holmes and Slap note, however, that negative clinical results (in contrast to what the studies’ subjects reported) included PTSD, major depression, paranoia, aggressive behavior, poor self-image, poor school performance, substance abuse, and running away from home. They surmise that the discrepancy between the respondents’ perceptions of the negative consequences of their sexual victimization and those discovered in clinical outcomes may be because of several factors: abused males may believe they have failed to protect themselves as society expects them to do, or, if they had experienced pleasure while being abused, they may be confused by their feelings about it.
Sharon M. Valente of the Research and Education Department of Veteran Affairs in Los Angeles, California, finds in “Sexual Abuse of Boys” (Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing,vol. 18, no. 1, January–March 2005) that boys who have been sexually abused display a range of psychological consequences to the traumatic experience. She finds that common responses include anxiety, denial, dissociation, and self-mutilation. Boys who have been sexually abused are at risk for running away. According to Susan Rick of Louisiana State University Health Science Center, in “Sexually Abused Boys: A Vulnerable Population” (Journal of Multicultural Nursing and Health, winter 2003), sexually abused boys have “prominent symptoms such as fear, depression, guilt, self destructive behavior and hypersexuality.”
A Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Child Sexual Abuse
In “The Effects of Child Sexual Abuse in Later Family Life: Mental Health, Parenting, and Adjustment of Offspring” (Child Abuse and Neglect: The International Journal, vol. 28, no. 5, May 2004), Ron Roberts et al. seek to determine the effects of child sexual abuse on adult mental health, parenting relationships, and the adjustment of the children of mothers who had been victims of child sexual abuse. They investigated 8,292 families, a subsample of the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children, which is a continuing study of women and their families in Avon, England. The participating women had self-reported experiences of sexual assault before adolescence. Four family groups were included:
- Single-mother families (9% of the study sample) — consist of a nonmarried woman with no partner and her children
- Biological families (79.5%) —consist of two parents and their biological children with no other children from previous relationships
- Stepmother/complex stepfamilies (4.6%) —consist of a father with at least one biological child (living in the household or visiting regularly) who is not the biological offspring of the mother
- Stepfather families (6.9%) —consist of a mother and at least one biological child (living in the household or visiting regularly) who is not the biological offspring of the father
The study reveals that more than a quarter (26%) of survivors of child sexual abuse had teen pregnancies. These women were disproportionately likely to be currently living in a nontraditional family—single-mother families (3%) and stepfather families (2.9%) —than to be living in biological families (1.3%). Roberts et al. did not have a similar finding when it came to stepmother/complex stepfamilies. In this group just 0.8% reported child sexual abuse. They surmise that a woman who has experienced child sexual abuse tends to choose a partner without children because she might feel inadequate to take care of more children.
Child sexual abuse also has consequences on the adult survivors’ mental health. Mothers who reported child sexual abuse were likely to report more depression and anxiety and lower self-esteem. These mental problems in turn affect the mothers’ relationship with their children and the children's adjustment. Mothers with a history of child sexual abuse reported less self-confidence and less positive relationships with their children. The children were hyperactive and had emotional, peer, and conduct problems.
In the early 1900s the Austrian psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) first proposed the theory of repression, which hypothesizes that the mind can reject unpleasant ideas, desires, and memories by banishing them into the unconscious. Some clinicians believe memory repression explains why a victim of a traumatic experience, such as CSA, may forget the horrible incident. Some also believe forgotten traumatic experiences can be eventually recovered.
In 1988 Ellen Bass and Laura Davis published The Courage to Heal: A Guide for Women Survivors of Child Sexual Abuse. This book became controversial because it suggested that some women may not remember incidences of childhood abuse. Bass and Davis explain that in situations of overwhelming pain and betrayal, a child might dissociate, or separate, the memory of the experiences from conscious knowledge.
Some memory researchers do not agree, explaining that children who have suffered serious psychological trauma do not repress the memory; rather, they can never forget it. They cite the examples of survivors of concentration camps or children who have witnessed the murder of a parent who never forget. Their explanation for recovered memories is that they are inaccurate. They point to studies that have demonstrated that memory is unreliable, and that it can be manipulated to “remember” events that never happened.
In the middle of this controversy are clinicians and memory researchers who believe that the workings of the mind have yet to be fully understood. They agree that, while it is possible for a trauma victim to forget and then remember a horrible experience, it is also possible for a person to have false memories.
Dissociative Amnesia for Childhood Abuse Memories
The earliest psychiatrists recognized that memory of child sexual abuse could be “split off” from consciousness. In the late 1900s Pierre Marie Felix Janet (1859–1947) connected the new diagnosis of hysteria with traumatic experiences that were separated from consciousness. Freud also studied lost traumatic memories in relation to female patients diagnosed with hysteria. In 1896 Freud theorized in The Aetiology of Hysteria that sexual abuse was the cause of hysteria. Under pressure from his psychiatric colleagues, he later recanted his theory, instead arguing that women were fantasizing rather than remembering sexual abuse. However, all of these early psychiatrists recognized that memory of traumatic experience in childhood could be lost to conscious awareness.
According to James A. Chu et al. of the Harvard Medical School, in “Memories of Childhood Abuse: Dissociation, Amnesia, and Corroboration” (American Journal of Psychiatry, vol. 156, no. 5, May 1999), even though research shows that memories can be inaccurate and influenced by outside factors such as overt suggestions, most studies show that memory tends to be accurate when it comes to remembering the core elements of important events. Chu et al. conducted a study of ninety female patients aged eighteen to sixty undergoing treatment in a psychiatric hospital.
A large proportion of patients reported childhood abuse: 83% experienced physical abuse, 82% were victims of sexual abuse, and 71% witnessed domestic violence. Those who had a history of any kind of abuse reported experiencing partial or complete dissociative amnesia (a type of dissociative disorder). The occurrence of physical and sexual abuse at an early age accounted for a higher level of amnesia.
Chu et al. note that contrary to the popular belief that recovered memory of childhood abuse typically occurs under psychotherapy or hypnosis, most of the patients who suffered complete amnesia for their physical and sexual abuse indicated first recalling the abuse when they were at home and alone. Most patients did not recover memory of childhood abuse as a result of suggestions during therapy. Just one or two participants (for each of the three types of abuse) reported first memory of abuse while in a therapy session. Nearly half (48% for physical abuse and 45% for sexual abuse) were not undergoing psychological counseling or treatment when they first remembered the abuse.
Critics of recovered memory note the lack of corroboration (confirmation that the abuse really occurred) in many instances of recovered memories. In this study, Chu et al. find that, among patients who tried to corroborate their abuse, more than half found physical evidence such as medical records. Nearly nine out of ten of those who suffered sexual abuse found verbal validation of such abuse.
Some studies look at participants with documented history of child sexual abuse to see whether any individuals have lost conscious awareness of the abuse for any period of time. In one such study, Robin S. Edelstein et al. find in “Individual Differences in Emotional Memory: Adult Attachment and Long-Term Memory for Child Sexual Abuse” (Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, vol. 31, no. 11, 2005) that whether and how well an individual “remembered” sexual abuse was mediated by the extent to which he or she was attached to others. In fact, the more severe the abuse, the less accurately individuals who were insecurely attached to others could recall its details. Therefore, children who had received emotional support from their mother in the aftermath of child sexual abuse were better able to remember the experience in their adult life. By contrast, children who were insecurely attached to their parents because their parents were the abusers would be more likely to lose conscious awareness of the abuse.
In “‘True’ and ‘False’ Child Sexual Abuse Memories and Casey's Phenomenological View of Remembering” (American Behavioral Scientist, vol. 48, no. 10, 2005), Joanne M. Hall and Lori L. Kondora review the literature on dissociative memory and find ample evidence that it is common for sexually abused children to lose conscious awareness of the abuse. The researchers point out, as have other researchers, that studies of soldiers returning from combat and World War II (1939–1945) concentration camp survivors show that people can and do fragment traumatic memory, splitting it off from daily life. They connect the debate about the authenticity of delayed sexual abuse memories with a cultural denial that sexual abuse of children occurs, because “its existence fractures cultural values about family.” Hall and Kondora argue that false memories of child sexual abuse are rare, but not impossible.
Betrayal Trauma Theory
Jennifer J. Freyd proposes in Betrayal Trauma: The Logic of Forgetting Childhood Abuse (1996) the betrayal trauma theory to explain how children who had experienced abuse may process that betrayal of trust by mentally blocking information about it. Freyd explains that people typically respond to betrayal by distancing themselves from the betrayer. However, children who have suffered abuse at the hands of a parent or a caregiver might not be able to distance themselves from the betrayer. Children need the caregiver for their survival so they “cannot afford not to trust” the betrayer. Consequently, the children develop a “blindness” to the betrayal.
Jennifer J. Freyd, Anne P. Deprince, and Eileen L. Zurbriggen report in “Self-Reported Memory for Abuse Depends upon Victim-Perpetrator Relationship” (Journal of Trauma and Dissociation, vol. 2, no. 3, 2001) on their preliminary findings relating to the betrayal trauma theory. They find that people who had been abused by a trusted caregiver reported greater amnesia, compared to those whose abusers were not their caregivers. Greater amnesia was also more likely to be associated with the fact that the perpetrator was a caregiver than with the repeated trauma of abuse.
A Longitudinal Study of Memory and CSA
In Resolving Childhood Trauma: A Long-Term Study of Abuse Survivors (2000), Catherine Cameron discusses a long-term study of child sexual abuse survivors she conducted between 1986 and 1998. Cameron interviewed seventy-two women, aged twenty-five to sixty-four, during a twelve-year period. The women consisted of a group of sexual abuse survivors who sought therapy for the first time in the 1980s. On average, it had been thirty years since their first abuse occurred (thirty-six years for those who suffered amnesia). The women were in private therapy, were better educated, and were more financially well off than most survivors. Twelve imprisoned women were included in the survey. They came from a low socioeconomic background, were serving long sentences, and had participated only in brief group therapy sessions that lasted less than a year.
Cameron sought to study amnesia as both an effect and a cause—what was it about the abuse that resulted in amnesia and how did the amnesia affect the victim later in life? Twenty-five women were amnesic and had no awareness of the abuse until recently, twenty-one were nonamnesic and unable to forget their abuse, and fourteen were partially amnesic about their abuse. The imprisoned women were not assigned a specific category because they were part of a therapy group.
About eight out of ten of the amnesic and partially amnesic women believed they did not remember the sexual abuse because the memories were too painful to live with (82%) and they felt a sense of guilt or shame (79%). More than half of each group believed the amnesia served as a defense mechanism resulting from their desire to protect the family (58%) and love for, or dependence on, the perpetrator (53%). About three-quarters (74%) thought the amnesia occurred because they felt no one would believe them or help them. More than one-third (37%) thought the amnesia had come about because they needed to believe in a “safe” world.
During the years between the abuse and the recall of the abuse, the amnesics reported experiencing the same problems as the nonamnesics, including problems with relationships, revictimization, self-abuse, and dependency on alcohol. Because the amnesics, however, had no conscious knowledge of their childhood abuse, they could not find an explanation for their problems. Cameron theorizes that the conflict between the amnesia and memories that needed release left the amnesic victims depressed and confused.
Cameron addresses the allegations that some therapists implant false memories of sexual abuse in their clients. She notes that 72% of the amnesic women in her study had begun to recall their abuse before seeking therapy. Once the survivors in her study confronted their traumatic past, they took charge of how they wanted their therapy handled. Cameron also observes that, because it is evident that recovered memories of childhood abuse are common, they should not be labeled as “false memories” nor accepted as “flawless truth,” but should instead be explored by proponents of the opposing views.
Research Supporting the Repression of Memory
As of August 2008, the best study on amnesia for childhood abuse was conducted by Linda Meyer Williams. The strength of this study lies in the fact that she interviewed adults whose sexual abuse in childhood had been documented at the time that it happened. In “Recall of Childhood Trauma: A Prospective Study of Women's Memories of Child Sexual Abuse” (Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, vol. 62, no. 6, 1994), Williams reports on detailed interviews she conducted with 129 women who, seventeen years previously, had been taken to the emergency room after being sexually abused. Williams finds that more than one out of three women did not report the sexual abuse during the interview. She concludes that most or all of these women did not remember the documented abuse. She also finds that the younger the child was at the time of the abuse, and the closer the relationship the child had with the perpetrator, the greater the likelihood that the abuse would not be remembered.
In The Myth of Repressed Memory: False Memories and Allegations of Sexual Abuse (1994), Elizabeth Loftus and Katherine Ketcham claim that repression is not normal memory and that it is empirically unproven. The researchers do not believe that the mind can block out experiences of recurrent traumas, with the person unaware of them, and then recover them years later. Their explanation for recovered memories is that they are false memories. Loftus and Ketcham and other critics of recovered memories believe therapy to “recover” repressed memories can lead people to believe they remember things that never actually happened.
Loftus and Ketcham show that false memories can be implanted fairly easily in the laboratory. Loftus recounts assigning a term project to students in her cognitive psychology class. The project involved implanting a false memory in someone's mind. One of the students chose his fourteen-year-old brother as his test subject. The student wrote about four events his brother had suppos-edly experienced. Three of the experiences really happened, but the fourth one was a fake event of his brother getting lost at the mall at age five. For the next five days the younger brother was asked to read about his experiences (written by his older brother) and then write down details that he could remember about them. The younger brother “remembered” his shopping mall experience quite well, describing details elaborately.
In “Make-Believe Memories” (American Psychologist, vol. 58, no. 11, November 2003), Loftus notes that memories can be influenced by people's imagination. She states that “imagination can not only make people believe they have done simple things that they have not done but can also lead people to believe that they have experienced more complex events.” She describes a study in which participants were told to imagine performing a common task with certain objects, such as flipping a coin. The second meeting consisted of imagining doing a task without using any object. In a subsequent meeting, participants were tested on their memory of the first day's task performance. Some participants “remembered” not only tasks they had not done but also unusual ones they had not performed.
The False Memory Syndrome Foundation was founded in 1992. It is a network of people who have been accused of CSA by their adult children. They claim the accusations of abuse, and their children's recovered memories, are false. The group coined the term false memory syndrome (not a recognized psychological disorder) and has worked to publicize the concept of false memories of childhood abuse.
"Child Sexual Abuse." Child Abuse and Domestic Violence. 2009. Encyclopedia.com. (June 26, 2016). http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-1838200010.html
"Child Sexual Abuse." Child Abuse and Domestic Violence. 2009. Retrieved June 26, 2016 from Encyclopedia.com: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G2-1838200010.html
Domestic Violence, Law Enforcement, and Court Responses to Domestic Violence
Domestic Violence, Law Enforcement, and Court Responses to Domestic Violence
Police Response to Domestic Violence
Reporting Domestic Violence to the Police
Outcome of Police Intervention
Not All Victims who Seek Police Attention are the Same
Landmark Legal Decisions
Key Domestic Violence Legislation
Difficulties in the Court System
Treatment for Male Batterers
Family disturbance calls constitute most of the calls received by police departments throughout the country. Historically, such calls were not been taken seriously, which reflects society's attitude about domestic violence at the time. For instance, in the mid-1960s Detroit police dispatchers were instructed to screen out family disturbance calls unless they suspected “excessive” violence. A 1975 police guide, The Function of the Police in Crisis Intervention and Conflict Management, taught officers to avoid arrest at all costs and to discourage the victim from pressing charges by emphasizing the consequences of testifying in court, the potential lost income, and other detrimental aspects of prosecution.
Changes in society's tolerance for domestic violence mean that these approaches to domestic violence no longer enjoy official support (although they may still influence the actions of individual officers). By 2008 every state had moved to authorize probable cause arrests (arrest before the completion of the investigation of the alleged violation or crime) without a warrant in domestic violence cases. (A warrant is a written legal document authorizing a police officer to make a search, seizure, or arrest.) Many police departments have adopted pro-arrest or mandatory arrest policies. Pro-arrest strategies include a range of sanctions from issuing a warning, to mandated treatment, to prison time.
The police are often an abuse victim's initial contact with the judicial system, making the police response particularly important. The manner in which the police handle a domestic violence complaint will likely color the way the victim views the entire judicial system. Not surprisingly, when police project the blame for intimate partner violence on victims, the victims may be reluctant to report further abuse.
In Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 Statistical Tables (December 2006, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus05.pdf), which analyzes data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) reports that in 2005, 47.4% of all violent crimes were reported to the police. Out of violent crimes reported to the police, the police came to the aid of victims in 78.2% of cases, the victim went to the police 3.2% of the time, and the police did not come 11% of the time. (See Table 9.1.) Police came to the aid of more victims of robbery (84.8%) and aggravated assault (79%), while coming less often to the aid of victims of purse snatching or pocket picking (64.2%).
The BJS notes that in 2005, 54.6% of female victims of violence had reported the crime to the police. (See Table 9.2.) However, only 38.5% of female victims of rape or sexual assault reported the crime.
It is well established that a significant amount of intimate partner violence is unreported or underreported. In the past most women did not report incidents of abuse to the police. In the 1985 National Family Violence Resurvey, Murray A. Straus and Richard J. Gelles find that only 6.7% of all husband-to-wife assaults were reported to police. When the assaults are categorized by severity as measured on a Conflict Tactics Scale, only 3.2% of minor violence cases and 14.4% of severe violence cases were reported.
The women who chose not to report their abuse cited a variety of reasons, including fear of retaliation, loss of income, or loss of their children to child protection authorities. When abuse is reported to law enforcement agencies, it is often by health care professionals from whom the woman has sought treatment for her injuries. In many states health professionals are mandated by law to report all instances of domestic violence to law enforcement authorities.
|TABLE 9.1 Police response to a reported incident, by type of crime, 2005|
|Note: Detail may not add to total shown because of rounding.
*Estimate is based on about 10 or fewer sample cases.
aIncludes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault
|SOURCE: “Table 106. Personal and Property Crimes, 2005: Percent Distribution of Police Response to a Reported Incident, by Type of Crime,” in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2006, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus05.pdf (accessed June 26, 2008)|
|Percent of incidents|
|>Type of crime||>Number of incidents||>Total||>Police came to victim||>Victim went to police||>contact with police–don't know how||>Police did not come||>Not known if police came||>Police were at the secne|
|Crimes of violence||2,100,200||100.0%||78.2%||3.2%||0.0%*||11.0%||2.9%||4.7%|
|Purse snatching/pocket picking||79,970||100||64.2||9.2*||0.0*||26.6*||0.0*||0.0*|
|Motor vehicle theft||786,800||100.0%||70.2||2.6*||0.0*||21.1||4.0*||2.0*|
|TABLE 9.2 Violent victimizations reported to police by type of crime, victim-offender relationship, and gender of victims, 2005|
|Note: Detail may not add to total shown because of rounding.
*Estimate is based on about 10 or fewer sample cases.
aIncludes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault
|SOURCE: "Table 93. Violent Crimes, 2005: Percent of Victimizations Reported to the Police, by Type of Crime, Victim-Offender Relationship and Gender of Victims," in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2006, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus05.pdf (accessed June 26, 2008)|
|>||Percent of all victimizations reported to the police|
|>||All victimizations||Involving strangers||Involving nonstrangers|
|Type of crime||Both genders||Male||Female||Both genders||Male||Female||Both genders||Male||Female|
|Crimes of violence||47.4%||42.4%||54.6%||45.9%||39.7%||59.3%||49.2%||46.8%||51.4%|
|Attempted to take property||36.4||30.9||65.2*||30.4||26.6||58.0*||71.8*||67.6*||78.3*|
|Threatened with weapon||56.0||52.2||62.5||49.7||45.6||58.0||65.2||63.3||67.6|
|With minor injury||59.0||54.4||66.0||54.8||48.4||69.3||62.4||60.8||64.2|
|Attempted threat without weapon||37.0||29.2||47.0||35.9||27.6||52.2||38.0||31.5||43.8|
Table 9.2 shows that in 2005 women who were victims of violent crime at the hands of strangers were more likely to report the crime than were women who were victimized by nonstrangers (59.3% and 51.4%, respectively). People who reported crimes of violence to the police reported various reasons for doing so, including to prevent further crimes by offender against the victim (19.6%) or anyone else (10.4%), to stop or prevent that incident (20.1%), to punish the offender (8.1%), to catch or find the offender (7.4%), or simply because it was a crime (15.1%). (See Table 9.3.)
People who did not report violent crime to the police often said it was a personal matter (20.3%), the police
|TABLE 9.3 Reasons for reporting victimizations to the police, by type of crime, 2005|
|>Type of crime||>Numbers of reasons for reporting||>Total||>Stop or prevent this incident||>Needed help due to injury||>To recover property||>To collect insurance||To prevent further crimes by offender against victims|
|All personal crimes||2,399,330||100.0%||19.7%||2.3%||3.5%||0.0%*||19.4%|
|Crimes of violence||2,292,200||100.0%||20.1||2.4||2.6||0.0*||19.6|
|Attempted to take property||121,040||100.0%||8.3*||0.0*||2.6*||0.0*||13.5*|
|Purse snatching/pocket picking||107,130||100.0%||9.7*||0.0*||23.5*||0.0*||13.8*|
|All property crimes||9,314,820||100.0%||9.0%||0.3%*||21.8%||4.4%||10.6%|
|Unlawful entry without force||1,312,720||100.0%||11.3||0.2*||21.1||3.4||13.5|
|Attempted forcible entry||275,900||100.0%||20.1||0.0*||0.0*||0.8*||13.7|
|Motor vehicle theft||1,080,350||100.0%||5.7||0.5*||34.1||8.4||7.1|
|Percent of reasons for reporting|
|>Type of crime||>To prevent crime by offender||>To punish offender||>To catch or find offender||>To improve police surveillance||>Duty to notify police||>Because it was a crime||>Some other Reasons||>Not Available|
|All personal crimes||10.5%||7.7%||7.1%||3.0%||6.2%||15.3%||3.7%||1.7%|
|Crimes of violence||10.4||8.1||7.4||3.1||6.2||15.1||3.3||1.6*|
|Attempted to take property||21.2*||5.0*||18.6*||2.6*||9.5*||13.8*||5.0*||0.0*|
|Purse snatching/pocket picking||13.1*||0.0*||0.0*||0.0*||6.7*||19.0*||10.5*||3.7*|
would not want to be bothered (5.5%) or would be ineffective or biased (4%), and fear of reprisal (3.8%). (See Table 9.4.) Reasons varied according to whether the crime was perpetrated by a stranger or a nonstranger. For example, 31.1% of rape and sexual assault victims who were violated by a nonstranger and who did not report the crime to police said they did not report the victimization because it was a private or personal matter; no one raped by a stranger gave this reason. (See Table 9.5.) Similarly, 27% of people assaulted by a nonstranger and who did not report the crime said it was because it was a private or personal matter, whereas only 15.3% of nonreporters who were assaulted by a stranger gave this reason.
Shannan Catalano of the BJS reports in Intimate Partner Violence in the United States (December 2007, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/intimate/report.htm) that in 2004–05, 62.1% of female victims of intimate partner violence and 64.3% of male victims reported the violence to police. The percentage of both men and women who reported the violence to the police had risen since 1994–95.
|TABLE 9.3 Reasons for reporting victimizations to the police, by type of crime, 2005 [CONTINUED]|
|Note: Detail may not add to total shown because of rounding.
Some respondents may have cited more than one reason for reporting victimizations to the police.
*Estimate is based on about 10 or fewer sample cases.
aIncludes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault
|SOURCE: "Table 101. Personal and Property Crimes, 2005: Percent of Reasons for Reporting Victimizations to the Police, by Type of Crime," in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2006, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus05.pdf (accessed June 26, 2008)|
|>Type of crime||>To prevent crime by offender against anyone||>To punish offender||>To catch or find offender||>To improve police surveillance||>Duty to notify police||>Because it was a crime||>some other reasons||>Not Available|
|All personal crimes||10.5%||7.7%||7.1%||3.0%||6.2%||15.3%||3.7%||1.7%|
|Unlawful entry without force||7.6||5.0||9.8||6.3||6.9||12.0||2.5*||0.4*|
|Attempted forcible entry||6.6*||0.0*||8.0*||10.8*||5.5*||25.4||6.2*||2.8*|
|Motor vehicle theft||5.0||4.6||8.5||7.1||6.3||10.6||0.6*||1.4*|
Between 2001 and 2005 African-American females were the most likely to report intimate partner violence to police (70.2%), whereas African-American males were the least likely (46.5%). (See Figure 9.1.). Hispanic males were much more likely than non-Hispanic males to report intimate partner violence (86.2% and 53.2%, respectively), whereas Hispanic females were slightly more likely than non-Hispanic females to report (66.3% and 58.6%, respectively). (See Figure 9.2.)
Male and female victims of intimate partner violence who did not report the violence to police differed in the reasons they did not report. Nearly four out of ten (39.2%) male victims said they did not report because it was a private matter, compared to 21.8% of female victims. (See Table 9.6.) By contrast, female victims were much more likely to state they feared reprisal (12.4% and 5.3%, respectively). Other reasons reported included to protect the offender, because victims viewed it as a minor crime, or because victims believed the police were ineffective or would not do anything.
In The Reporting of Domestic Violence and Sexual Assault by Nonstrangers to the Police (March 2005, http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/209039.pdf), Richard Felson and Paul-Philippe Pare´ use data from the NCVS to examine the effects of the gender of the victim and the relationship between victim and offender on the victim's decision to report or not report a physical or sexual assault to the police. They find that victims are just as likely to report assaults by intimate partners as they are to report assaults by other people they know. Sexual assaults are less likely to be reported than are physical assaults.
Marsha E. Wolf et al., in “Barriers to Seeking Police Help for Intimate Partner Violence” (Journal of Family Violence, vol. 18, no. 2, April 2003), interviewed forty-one battered women to find out what kept them from calling police. The factors cited included the idea that they must have physical proof that battering had occurred, the desire to avoid a humiliating physical examination in the case of rape or sexual abuse, cultural attitudes about domestic violence, poor self-esteem, being physically prevented from calling the police by the batterer, poor police response when battering was previously reported, and fears of possible retaliation by the batterer or removal of children from the home by child protective services. These women also came up with a “wish list” for how they wanted police to treat them when they called about domestic violence. This list, in the words of Wolf et al., “reflects the women's desires to have responsive police who treat victims with dignity, listen to them, and send appropriate messages to victims and batterers.”
In the early 1970s it was legal for the police to make probable cause arrests without a warrant for felonies, but only fourteen states permitted it for misdemeanors. Because the crime of simple assault and battery is a misdemeanor in most states, family violence victims were forced to initiate their own criminal charges against a batterer. By 2008, however, all states authorized warrantless probable cause misdemeanor arrests in domestic violence cases. However, more than half of the states have added qualifiers, such as visible signs of injury or
|TABLE 9.4 Reasons for not reporting victimizations to the police, by type of crime, 2005|
|Note: Detail may not add to total shown because of rounding.
Some respondents may have cited more than one reason for not reporting victimizations to the police.
*Estimate is based on about 10 or fewer sample cases.
aIncludes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault.
|SOURCE: “Table 102. Personal and Property Crimes, 2005: Percent of Reasons for Not Reporting Victimizations to the Police, by Type of Crime, “ in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2006.|
|Percent of reasons for not reporting||Percent of reasons for not reporting|
|>Type of crime||>Number of reasons for not reporting||>Total||>Reported to another official||>Private or personal matter||>Object recovered; offender unsuccessful||>Not important enough||>Insurance would not cover||>Not aware crime occurred until later||>Unable to recover property; no ID no.||>Lack of proof||>Police would not want to be bothered||>Police inefficient, ineffective, or biased||>Fear of reprisal||>Too inconvenient or time consuming||>Other reasons|
|All personal crimes||3,447,480||100.0 %||13.0 %||19.8 %||20.1 %||6.4 %||0.1 %*||0.8%*||0.8 %*||5.2 %||5.8 %||3.9 %||3.7 %||4.0 %||16.3%|
|Crimes of violence||3,271,670||100.0||13.2||20.3||20.1||6.4||0.1*||0.5*||0.6*||4.7||5.5||4.0||3.8||4.2||16.7|
|With injury||60,390||100.0||0.0*||0.0*||11.3*||0.0*||0.0*||11.3*||6.3*||26.9*||8.1*||6.8*||0.0 *||8.1*||21.2*|
|Attempted to take property||163,280||100.0||3.6*||18.2*||24.8||0.0*||0.0*||0.0*||2.3*||20.6*||4.1*||5.0*||0.0*||5.7*||15.6*|
|Purse snatching/pocket picking||175,810||100.0||9.6*||10.6*||21.5||6.1*||0.0*||7.8*||5.1*||16.2*||11.1*||1.8*||1.7*||0.0*||8.4*|
|All property crimes||14,073,950||100.0 %||8.6 %||5.1 %||26.7 %||3.9 %||3.0 %||5.6%||7.4 %||13.0 %||8.7 %||2.9 %||0.6 %||3.9 %||10.4%|
|Forcible entry||381,430||100.0||2.7*||4.1*||9.5*||2.3*||6.6*||5.3*||9.5*||15.9||9.5*||6.6 *||2.2*||7.0*||18.8|
|Attempted forcible entry||313,240||100.0||5.8*||0.0*||31.5||14.5||2.9*|
|Motor vehicle theft||211,600||100.0||1.3*||9.5*||31.2||0.0*||5.5*||4.8*||2.3*||9.0*||7.9*||6.2*||4.4*||4.1*||13.8*|
|TABLE 9.5 Reasons for not reporting violent victimizations to the police, by victim-offender relationship and type of crime, 2005|
|Note: Detail may not add to total shown because of rounding.
Some respondents may have cited more than one reason for not reporting victimizations to the police.
*Estimate is based on about 10 or fewer sample cases.
aIncludes verbal threats of rape and threats of sexual assault.
|SOURCE: “Table 104. Personal Crimes of Violence, 2005: Percent of Reasons for Not Reporting Victimizations to the Police, by Victim-Offender Relationship and Type of Crime, “ in Criminal Victimization in the United States, 2005 Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2006, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/cvus05.pdf (accessed June 26, 2008)|
|Percent of reasons for not reporting||Percent of reasons for not reporting|
|Relationship and type of crime||Number of reasons for not reporting||Total||Reported to another official||Private or personal matter||Object recovered; offender unsuccessful||Not important enough||Insurance would not cover||Not aware crime occurred until later||Unable to recover property; no ID no.||Lack of proof||Police would not want to be bothered||Police inefficient, ineffective, or biased||Fear of reprisal||Too inconvenient or time consuming||Other reasons|
|Crimes of violence||1,689,490||100.0%||10.4%||13.7%||24.6%||6.5%||0.2%*||0.5%*||1.1%*||7.6%||6.5%||5.4%||4.6%||5.6%||13.3%|
|Crimes of violence||1,582,190||100.0%||16.2||27.4||15.3||6.3||0.0*||0.4*||0.0*||1.5*||4.4||2.6||3||2.8||20.3|
a report of the violence within eight hours of the incident. Most state codes authorizing warrantless arrests require
|TABLE 9.6 Intimate partner violence victims who failed to report their victimization to the police, by reasons for not reporting and by gender, 2001–05|
|SOURCE: –Information is not provided because the small number of cases is insufficient for reliable estimates. *Based on 10 or fewer sample cases. Note: Detail may not add to 100% because victims may report more than one reason and because of values not shown in instances when the small number of cases in category is insufficient for reliable estimates.|
|Shannan Catalano, “Reasons for Not Reporting,” in Intimate Partner Violence in the United States, U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, December 2007, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/intimate/report.htm (accessed May 20, 2008)|
|>||Percent of victims who did not report the victimization|
|>Reason victimizations not reported||>Female victims||>Male victims|
|Private or personal matter||22.8%||39.2%|
|Afraid of reprisal||12.4||5.3*|
|Police will not do anything||7.9||–|
|Reported to another official||3.1||–*|
|Not clear a crime occurred||1.9*||8.6*|
|Don't know why I did not report it||0.6*||1.2*|
|Other reason given||22||17.1|
police to inform victims of their rights, which include the acquisition of protection orders and referral to emergency and shelter facilities and transportation.
In “Determining Police Response to Domestic Violence Victims” (American Behavioral Scientist, vol. 36, no. 5, May–June 1993), a landmark study of four precincts of the Detroit Police Department and their responses to domestic violence in 1993, Eve S. Buzawa and Thomas Austin document several factors that affected police decisions to arrest offenders:
- The presence of bystanders or children during the abuse
- The presence of guns and sharp objects as weapons
- An injury resulting from the assault
- The offender and victim sharing the same residence whether they were married or not
- The victim's desire to have the offender arrested (of the victims who expressed such a desire, arrests were made in 44% of the cases; when the victim did not want the offender arrested, arrests were made in only 21% of the cases)
Arrest gained popularity as a tactic after the publication of the first in a series of six studies funded by the National Institute of Justice known as the Spouse Assault Replication Program. All the studies were designed to explain how arrest in domestic violence cases could serve as a deterrent to future violence. Lawrence W. Sherman and Richard A. Berk, the authors of the influential first study in the series, “The Specific Deterrent Effects of Arrest for Domestic Assault” (American Sociological Review, vol. 49, 1984), find that “the arrest intervention certainly did not make things worse and may well have made things better.”
Even though Sherman and Berk caution about generalizing the results of a small study dealing with a single police department in which few police officers properly followed the test procedure, they conclude that in instances of domestic violence, an arrest is advisable except in cases where it would be clearly counterproductive. At the same time, Sherman and Berk recommend allowing police a certain amount of flexibility when making decisions about individual situations, on the premise that police officers must be permitted to rely on professional judgment based on experience.
Sherman and Berk's study had a tremendous impact on police practices, although J. David Hirschel, Ira W. Hutchison III, and Charles W. Dean explain in “The Failure of Arrest to Deter Spouse Abuse” (Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, vol. 29, no. 1, 1992) that the five other Spouse Assault Replication Program studies found arrest had little or no effect on domestic violence recurrence. Some police departments have adopted a presumptive arrest policy. This policy means that an arrest should be made unless clear and compelling reasons exist not to arrest. Presumptive arrest provisions forbid officers from basing the decision to arrest on the victim's preference or on a perception of the victim's willingness to testify or participate in the proceedings. Proponents point out that arresting an offender gives the victim a respite from fear and an opportunity to look for help. Furthermore, they claim it prevents bias in arrests.
By the 1990s as many as one out of three police precincts had adopted a mandatory arrest policy in domestic abuse cases. In “The Influence of Mandatory Arrest Policies, Police Organizational Characteristics, and Situational Variables on the Probability of Arrest in Domestic Violence Cases” (Crime and Delinquency, vol. 51, no. 4, 2005), David Eitle of the Florida International University finds that mandatory police arrest policies do result in more arrests when called to the scene of a domestic assault. In addition, he notes that these policies reduce somewhat the overrepresentation of African-Americans among those arrested. However, do these arrests reduce violence against women?
Some studies suggest that mandatory arrest policies have positive effects. For example, Jacquelyn C. Campbell et al. explain in “Risk Factors for Femicide in Abusive Relationships: Results from a Multisite Case Control Study” (American Journal of Public Health, vol. 93, no. 7, July 2003) that previous arrest for battering actually decreased women's risk of being subsequently killed by the batterer. According to Christopher D. Maxwell, Joel H. Garner, and Jeffrey A. Fagan, in “The Effects of Arrest on Intimate Partner Violence: New Evidence from the Spouse Assault Replication Program” (July 2001, http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/188199.pdf), arrest of batterers is consistently related to subsequent reduced aggression against their intimate partner.
However, Debra Houry, Sudha Reddy, and Constance Parramore of Emory University suggest in “Characteristics of Victims Coarrested for Intimate Partner Violence” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 21, no. 11, 2006) that some battered women's advocates do not support mandatory arrest. They fear that poor and minority families are treated more harshly than middle-class families and that if the police arrive and both spouses are bloodied by the fight, both will be arrested, forcing the children into foster care. In fact, Mary A. Finn and Pamela Bettis of Georgia State University state in “Punitive Action or Gentle Persuasion” (Violence against Women, vol. 12, no. 3, 2006) that “mandatory and preferred arrest policies may be resulting in a backlash for victims who are arrested along with their batterers. Officers justified arrest of both parties, citing that such was required by law and the desire to force both parties to obtain counseling for their relationship.”
In “The Voices of Domestic Violence Victims: Predictors of Victim Preference for Arrest and the Relationship between Preference for Arrest and Revictimization” (Crime and Delinquency, vol. 49, no. 2, April 2003), David Hirschel and Ira W. Hutchinson find support for a police policy of taking victim preferences into account in the decision to arrest. Victims based their preferences for arrest on the seriousness of the violence and the perpetrator's previous abusive behavior; in fact, victims proved to be good judges of the seriousness of the violence and the likelihood of it recurring. The researchers indicate that victims who wanted their abuser arrested were more likely to suffer subsequent abuse than were victims who did not want their batterer arrested. Hirschel and Hutchinson state that “based on these data, victim desire for arrest of the offender would appear to be a factor that police should take into account in determining subsequent action.”
DO MANDATORY ARREST POLICIES DISEMPOWER THE VICTIM? Paula C. Barata and Frank Schneider examine in “Battered Women Add Their Voices to the Debate about the Merits of Mandatory Arrest” (Women's Studies Quarterly, vol. 32, no. 3–4, 2004) the debate about mandatory arrest policies from a different angle: from the victim's viewpoint. They find that a large proportion of battered women actually support a mandatory arrest policy, although they “were more likely to see the benefits of mandatory arrest for other victims/survivors than for themselves.” Barata and Schneider hypothesize that battered women's support for mandatory arrest policies in their own situations was influenced by factors such as love for their battering partner, their fear of retaliatory abuse, or their worries about money.
Battered women whose partner had been arrested generally described a pattern of initial decreased violence when the batterer was removed from the home, but an increase in violence when the abuser, who was potentially angry about being arrested, returned home. Nearly four out of ten (38.5%) of the women interviewed believed the threat of another arrest would decrease the violence in the long run.
However, despite their disbelief in deterrence, a majority of women still thought that domestic violence was a crime, not a family problem, and several participants liked mandatory arrest policies because they proved to the abuser that assault is wrong and will be punished by the legal system. In fact, most of the battered women interviewed by Barata and Schneider did not view mandatory arrest policies as disempowering. The researchers argue that this is for two reasons: first, victims do not want the responsibility for deciding if their battering partner will be arrested and were relieved when the decision was taken out of their hands, and second, victims of battering do not believe they have much influence over the decision to arrest, even without a mandatory arrest policy in place. Also, the vast majority of women believed mandatory arrest policies made police take their abuse more seriously.
JoAnn Miller of Purdue University also studied victims’ perceptions of empowerment or disempowerment as a result of arrest. In “An Arresting Experiment: Domestic Violence Victim Experiences and Perceptions” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 18, no. 7, July 2003), she examined two concepts of power: personal power (control of economic and social resources) and legal power (perceived empowerment in response to police intervention). Miller finds that women did not use their sense of personal power (derived from an independent income) to end domestic violence. However, she notes that victims’ perception of legal power (derived from their satisfaction with the police action taken) could be used to feel safer and to control interactions with a violent partner in the future. In Miller's view, mandatory arrest policies tend to undermine victims’ personal power because they do not take into account victims’ needs.
Victims’ Attitudes toward Police Response
In “Perceptions of the Police by Female Victims of Domestic Partner Violence” (Violence against Women, vol. 9, no. 11, November 2003), Robert Apsler, Michele R. Cummins, and Steven Carl investigate “what female victims of domestic violence wanted from the police, the extent to which they perceived they obtained what they wanted, and how helpful they found the actions of the police.” They find that women in the study were satisfied with the police response to their call. The women believed the police had been helpful, and more than 80% of them said they would definitely call the police for help in the future. Apsler, Cummins, and Carl emphasize that the particular police department involved in the study had recently instituted policies specifically designed to help battered women.
Another study by Apsler, Cummins, and Carl points out the need for a police response tailored to individual victims’ needs. In “Fear and Expectations: Differences among Female Victims of Domestic Violence Who Come to the Attention of Police” (Violence and Victims, vol. 17, no. 4, August 2002), Apsler, Cummins, and Carl report that one-quarter of women who had come to a police department requesting intervention in a violent intimate partner dispute said they were afraid of their abuser. Another 6% were fairly afraid, 12% said they were slightly afraid, and 36% claimed they were not at all afraid of their abuser. Taken together, these latter two groups accounted for nearly half of participants reporting little or no fear of their abuser.
The results were similar in terms of participants’ expectations of future abuse. Apsler, Cummins, and Carl find that just 21% of victims thought future abuse was likely, and well over half of women surveyed said future abuse was not at all likely or only slightly likely. These findings challenge long-standing beliefs that the victims who tend to come to the attention of the police are those who most fear future abuse.
Interestingly, there were no statistically significant relationships found between victims’ expectations of future violence and whether they lived with their abuser, had children under eighteen years old, or were able to support themselves financially. A less surprising result was that victims’ expectations of future abuse strongly influenced their desired future relationship with their offender. A strong majority (90%) of the participants who thought future abuse was fairly likely or likely wanted to permanently separate from the offenders. In contrast, only about half of the women who thought further abuse was not at all likely wanted permanent separation.
Apsler, Cummins, and Carl conclude that the differences between victims of domestic violence and their varied expectations when seeking police attention point to a need for law enforcement agencies to offer a variety of police responses tailored to victims’ needs. For example, they suggest that mandatory arrest of victims’ aggressors might not help as a universally applicable strategy for all victims, especially women who do not fear further abuse. By contrast, fearful victims might be reassured and experience greater security if police maintained regular, ongoing contact with them following the incident. Apsler, Cummins, and Carl add that police follow-up might also send a powerful message to perpetrators—that they are under surveillance and that future violations will not be tolerated.
What Are They?
An abuse victim in any state may go to court to obtain a protection order. Also referred to as “restraining orders” or “injunctions,” civil orders of protection are legally binding court orders that prohibit an individual who has committed an act of domestic violence from further abusing the victim. Even though the terms are often used interchangeably, restraining orders usually refer to short-term or temporary sanctions, whereas protection orders have longer duration and may be permanent. These orders generally prohibit harassment, contact, communication, and physical proximity to the victim. Protection orders are common and readily obtained, but they are not always effective.
All states and the District of Columbia have laws that allow an abused adult to petition the court for an order of protection. States also have laws to permit people variously related to the abuser to file for protection orders. Relatives of the victim, children of either partner, couples in dating relationships, same-sex couples, and former spouses are among those who can file for a protection order in a majority of the states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico. In Hawaii and Illinois, those who shelter an abused person can also obtain a protective order against the abuser.
Petitioners may file for protection orders in circumstances other than violent physical abuse, including sexual assault, marital rape, harassment, emotional abuse, and stalking. Protection orders are valid for varying lengths of time depending on the state. In thirty states the orders are in force for six months to a year. In Illinois and Wisconsin the orders last two years, and in California and Hawaii they are in effect for three years. Furthermore, some states have extended the time during which a general or incident-specific protective order is effective. For example, a no-contact order issued against a stalker convicted in California remains in effect for ten years. In Iowa five-year protection orders are issued and additional five-year extensions may be obtained. New Jersey offers permanent protective orders, and a conviction for stalking serves as an application for a permanent restraining order. Judges in Connecticut may issue standing criminal restraining orders that remain in effect until they are altered or revoked by the court.
Protection orders give victims an option other than filing a criminal complaint. Issued quickly, usually within twenty-four hours, they provide safety for the victim by barring or evicting the abuser from the household. Statutes in most states make violating a protection order a matter of criminal contempt, a misdemeanor, or even a felony. However, this judicial protection has little meaning if the police do not maintain records and follow through with arrest should the abuser violate the order.
The “full faith and credit” provision of the Violence against Women Act was passed to establish nationwide enforcement of protection orders in courts throughout the country. States, territories, and tribal lands were ordered to honor protection orders issued in other jurisdictions— although the act did not mandate how these orders were to be enforced. According to Christina DeJong and Amanda Burgess-Proctor of Michigan State University, in “A Summary of Personal Protection Order Statutes in the United States” (Violence against Women, vol. 12, no. 1, January 2006), most states have amended their state domestic violence codes or statutes to reflect the new requirement, although the states vary widely on how easy it is for battered women to get their protection orders enforced. Courts and law enforcement agencies in most states have access to electronic registries of protection orders, both to verify the existence of an order and to assess whether violations have occurred.
Effects of Protection Orders
In “Protection Orders and Intimate Partner Violence: An 18-Month Study of 150 Black, Hispanic, and White Women” (American Journal of Public Health, vol. 94, no. 4, April 2004), Judith McFarlane et al. report on their study of the effects on intimate partner violence of the application for and receipt of a two-year protection order against abusers. The researchers interviewed 150 women over an eighteen-month period to determine whether protection orders diminished violence. Even though almost half (44%) of the women reported at least one violation of the order, McFarlane et al. find significant reductions in physical assaults, stalking, and threats of assault over time among all women who applied for a protection order, even if they had not been granted the order. McFarlane et al. hypothesize that it was not the protection order itself that led to the diminished violence but the contact with the criminal justice system that exposed the battering to public view.
Victoria L. Holt et al. come to a similar conclusion in “Do Protection Orders Affect the Likelihood of Future Partner Violence and Injury?” (American Journal of Preventive Medicine, vol. 24, no. 1, January 2003), a study of 448 female victims of intimate partner violence. The researchers measured the number of unwelcome calls or visits, threats, threats with weapons, psychological, sexual, or physical abuse, and abuse-related medical care among women who had obtained a civil protection order and those who had not. Holt et al. find that women who obtained a protection order following an abusive incident had a significantly decreased risk of contact by the abuser, threats by weapons, injury, and abuse-related medical care.
Enforcement of Orders of Protection
Robert J. Kane of the American University examines in “Police Responses to Restraining Orders in Domestic Violence Incidents” (Criminal Justice and Behavior, vol. 27, no. 5, 2000) arrest patterns of batterers who violate restraining orders. Even though all the violators in his study were required by Massachusetts state law to be immediately arrested, in reality only between 20% and 40% of violators of restraining orders were taken into custody. Kane finds that restraining orders had no significant effect on arrest rate; instead, police perception of imminent danger to the victim was the strongest predictor of arrest. He also finds that as the number of domestic violence calls from one victim to police increased, the rate of arrest decreased, regardless of whether a restraining order was in place. Kane suggests that further studies should be done into variations in arrest rates that include personal characteristics of police officers and the social contexts of the couples involved in domestic violence incidents.
The U.S. Department of Justice observes in Enforcement of Protective Orders (January 2002, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/bulletins/legalseries/bulletin4/ncj189190.pdf) that even though all the states have passed some form of legislation to benefit victims of domestic violence, and thirty-two states have integrated these rights at the constitutional level, the scope and enforcement of these rights varies. The Department of Justice calls for law enforcement agencies, prosecutors, and judges to be completely informed about the existence and specific terms and requirements of orders and to act to enforce them. Furthermore, it asserts that “unequivocal standardized enforcement of court orders is imperative if protective orders are to be taken seriously by the offenders they attempt to restrain.”
Before the 1962 landmark case Self v. Self (58 Cal. 2d 683), when the California Supreme Court ruled that “one spouse may maintain an action against the other for battering,” women had no legal recourse against abusive partners. The judicial system had tended to view wife abuse as a matter to be resolved within the family. Maintaining that “a man's home is his castle,” the federal government traditionally had been reluctant to violate the sanctity of the home. Furthermore, many legal authorities persisted in “blaming the victim,” maintaining that the wife was, to some degree, responsible for her own beating by somehow inciting her husband to lose his temper.
Yet even after Self v. Self, turning to the judicial system for help was still unlikely to bring assistance to or result in justice for victims of spousal abuse. Jurisdictions throughout the United States continued to ignore the complaints of battered women until the late 1970s.
Many victims of domestic violence have sought legal protection from their abusive partner. This section summarizes the outcomes of several landmark cases that not only helped define judicial responsibility but also shaped the policies and practices aimed at protecting victimized women.
Baker v. The City of New York
Sandra Baker was estranged from her husband. In 1955 the local domestic relations court issued a protective order directing her husband, who had a history of serious mental illness, “not to strike, molest, threaten, or annoy” his wife. Baker called the police when her husband created a disturbance at the family home. When a police officer arrived, she showed him the court order. The officer told her it was “no good” and “only a piece of paper” and refused to take any action.
Baker went to the domestic relations court and told her story to a probation officer. While making a phone call, she saw her husband in the corridor. She went to the probation officer and told him her husband was in the corridor. She asked if she could wait in his office because she was “afraid to stand in the room with him.” The probation officer told her to go to the waiting room. Minutes later, her husband shot and wounded her.
Baker sued the city of New York, claiming that the city owed her more protection than she was given. The New York State Supreme Court Appellate Division, in Baker v. The City of New York (1966), agreed that the city of New York failed to fulfill its obligation. The court found that she was “a person recognized by order of protection as one to whom a special duty was owed . . . and peace officers had a duty to supply protection to her.” Neither the police officer nor the probation officer had fulfilled this duty, and both were found guilty of negligence. Because the officers were representatives of the city of New York, Baker had the right to sue the city.
Another option desperate women have used in response to unchecked violence and abuse is to sue the police for failing to offer protection, alleging that the police violated their constitutional rights to liberty and equal protection under the law. The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment provides that no state shall “deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” This clause prohibits states from arbitrarily classifying individuals by group membership. If a woman can prove that a police department has a gender-based policy of refusing to arrest men who abuse their wives, she can claim that the policy is based on gender stereotypes and therefore violates the equal protection law.
THURMAN V. CITY OF TORRINGTON. Between October 1982 and June 1983 Tracey Thurman repeatedly called the Torrington, Connecticut, police to report that her estranged husband was threatening her life and that of her child. The police ignored her requests for help no matter how often she called or how serious the situation became. At one point her husband attacked her in view of the police and was arrested. Thurman obtained protection and restraining orders against him after this incident. However, when her husband later came to her home and threatened her again, in violation of his probation and the court orders, police refused to intervene.
On June 10, 1983, Thurman's husband came to her home. She called the police. He then stabbed her repeatedly around the chest, neck, and throat. A police officer arrived twenty-five minutes later but did not arrest her husband, despite the attack. Three more police officers arrived. The husband went into the house and brought out their child and threw him down on his bleeding mother. The officers still did not arrest him. Even though his wife was on the stretcher waiting to be placed in the ambulance, he came at her again. Only at that point did police take him into custody. Thurman later sued the city of Torrington, claiming she was denied equal protection under the law.
In Thurman v. City of Torrington (595 F. Supp. 1521 [D. Conn. 1984]), the U.S. District Court for Downstate Connecticut agreed, stating:
City officials and police officers are under an affirmative duty to preserve law and order, and to protect the personal safety of people in the community. This duty applies equally to women whose personal safety is threatened by individuals with whom they have or have had a domestic relationship as well as to all other people whose personal safety is threatened. . . . A police officer may not . . . automatically decline to make an arrest simply because the assailant and his victim are married to each other. Such inaction on the part of the officer is a denial of the equal protection of the laws.
There could be no question, the court concluded, that the city of Torrington, through its police department, had “condoned a pattern or practice of affording inadequate protection or no protection at all, to women who complained of having been abused by their husbands or others with whom they have had close relations.” Therefore, the police had failed in their duty to protect Tracey Thurman and deserved to be sued.
The Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment provides that no state can “deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” It does not, however, obligate the state to protect the public from harm or provide services that would protect them. Rather, a state may create special conditions in which that state has constitutional obligations to particular citizens because of a special relationship between the state and the individual. Abused women have used this argument to claim that being under a protection order puts them in a special relationship.
MACIAS V. HIDE. During the eighteen months before her estranged husband, Avelino Macias, murdered her at her place of work, Maria Teresa Macias had filed twenty-two police complaints. In the months before her death, Avelino Macias sexually abused his wife, broke into her home, terrorized, and stalked her. The victim's family filed a wrongful death lawsuit against the Sonoma County Sheriff's Department in California, accusing the department of failing to provide Macias equal protection under the law and of discriminating against her as a Hispanic and a woman.
The U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California dismissed the case because Judge D. Lowell Jensen (1928–) said there was no connection between Macias's murder and how the sheriff's department had responded to her complaints. In Macias v. Hide (No. 99-15662 ), the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit reversed the earlier decision and ruled that the lawsuit could proceed with the discovery phase and pretrial motions. Judge Arthur L. Alarcon (1935–) of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit conveyed the unanimous opinion of the court when he wrote, “It is well established that ‘there is no constitutional right to be protected by the state against being murdered by criminals or madmen.’ There is a constitutional right, however, to have police services administered in a nondiscriminatory manner—a right that is violated when a state actor denies such protection to disfavored persons.”
After this decision the case proceeded to trial. In June 2002 Sonoma County agreed to pay $1 million to the Macias family to settle the case. The settlement agreement did not include an admission of any wrongdoing by the county. Nevertheless, domestic violence activists lauded the result.
TOWN OF CASTLE ROCK V. GONZALES. The U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed in 2005 that governments are not required to offer citizens protection from violent abusers. According to the case Town of Castle Rock, Colorado v. Gonzales (000 U.S. 04-278 ), Jessica Gonzales's three children were taken from her home by her estranged husband in violation of an order of protection. When she alerted the police and repeatedly asked them for assistance, they made no effort to find the children or enforce the state's mandatory arrest law. The children were killed later that night. Gonzales sued the town, arguing that by failing to respond to her calls the police had violated her right to due process of law, and the case eventually reached the U.S. Supreme Court. In its review, the Court found in June 2005 that “Colorado law has not created a personal entitlement to enforcement of restraining orders” and that the state's law did not really require arrest in all cases, but actually left considerable discretion in the hands of the police. So even though the Castle Rock police made a tragically incorrect decision in this case, they did not do so in violation of Gonzales's due process rights. The American Civil Liberties Union subsequently filed the case with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, arguing that domestic violence victims have the right to be protected by the state from their abuser. The commission heard the case in March 2007. In October 2007 the commission decided to admit the case. In the next phase, the commission will decide whether the human rights of Gonzales and her children were violated.
Even though appealing to the judicial system for help will not solve all the problems an abused woman faces, the reception a battered woman can expect from the system— police, prosecutors, and courts—improved markedly in the late twentieth century. The Violence against Women Act, signed into law by President Bill Clinton (1946–) in September 1994, did much to help. The act simultaneously strengthened prevention and prosecution of violent crimes against women and provided law enforcement officials with the tools they needed to prosecute batterers. Even though the system is far from perfect, legal authorities are far more likely to view abuse complaints as legitimate and serious than they had in the past.
The Violence against Women Act
A key provision in the Violence against Women Act, the civil rights provisions of Title III, declares that violent crimes against women motivated by gender violate victims’ federal civil rights—giving victims access to federal courts for redress. In 2000 the civil rights section of the act was tested in the U.S. Supreme Court. Christy Brzonkala, an eighteen-year-old freshman at Virginia Polytechnic Institute, was violently attacked and raped by two men, Antonio Morrison and James Crawford, on September 21, 1994. Brzonkala did not immediately report the rape, and no physical evidence of the rape was preserved. Two months later, she filed a complaint with the school; after learning that the college took limited action against the two men, she withdrew from the school and sued her assailants for damages in federal court.
Brzonkala's case reached the Supreme Court in 2000. Briefs in favor of giving victims of gender-based violence access to federal courts were filed by dozens of groups (such as the American Medical Women's Association, the National Association of Human Rights Workers, the National Coalition against Domestic Violence, and the National Women's Health Network) as well as by law scholars and human rights experts. However, in May 2000 five of the Supreme Court justices decided in United States v. Morrison et al. (529 U.S. 598) that Congress could not enact a law giving victims of gender-motivated violence access to federal civil rights remedies. The majority opinion emphasized that “the Constitution requires a distinction between what is truly national and what is truly local” —and it ruled that the violent assault of Christy Brzonkala was local.
In October 2000 Congress responded to the Supreme Court decision by passing new legislation, the Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act. The new statute included these titles: Strengthening Law Enforcement to Reduce Violence against Women, Strengthening Services to Victims of Violence, Limiting the Effects of Violence on Children, and Strengthening Education and Training to Combat Violence against Women. The act allocated $3.3 billion over five years to fund traditional support services along with prevention and education about dating violence, rape, and stalking via the Internet, as well as new programs for transitional housing and expanded protection for immigrant women. The new act did not mention women's civil rights. The Violence against Women Act was reauthorized in 2005, providing funding to programs through 2009.
Domestic Violence Gun Ban
Federal law includes batterers convicted of domestic violence crimes or those with domestic violence protection orders filed against them among the people who are prohibited from owning or carrying guns. Since 1994, most people attempting to purchase guns in the United States have had to pass a background check first. In Background Checks for Firearm Transfers, 2006 Statistical Tables (March 19, 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/pdf/bcft06st.pdf), the BJS states that between 1994 and 2006, 78.5 million applications for firearm permits or transfers were subjected to background investigations by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and state and local agencies. (See Table 9.7.) Of these applications, close to 1.5 million (1.9%) were rejected. A substantial proportion of these rejections were because of previous domestic violence convictions. In 2006, 12.4% of applications rejected by the FBI, 10.4% of applications rejected by the state, and 11.1% of applications rejected by local authorities were rejected because of a domestic violence misdemeanor conviction. (See Table 9.8.) After prior felony convictions and other criminal history, domestic violence was the third-leading reason for rejecting applicants’ gun permit requests.
Loopholes in state and federal laws allow batterers to purchase guns despite the federal ban. In many states private gun owners can sell their firearms without back-
|TABLE 9.7 Number of applications and estimates of denials for firearm transfers or permits, 1994–2006|
|Note: Counts are rounded to the nearest 1,000.
aFrom March 1, 1994 to November 29, 1998, background checks on applicants were conducted by state and local agencies, mainly on handgun transfers.
bThe National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) began operations. Checks on handgun and long gun transfers are conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and by state and local agencies. Totals combine Firearm Inquiry Statistics (FIST) estimates for state and local agencies with actual transactions and denials reported by the FBI.
cNovember 30 to December 31, 1998. Counts are from the NICS Operations Report for the period and may include multiple transactions for the same application.
|SOURCE: "Table 1. Number of Applications and Estimates of Denials for Firearm Transfers or Permits since the Inception of the Brady Act, 1994–2006," in Background Checks for Firearm Transfers, 2006– Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, March 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/html/ bcft06st/table/bcft06st01.htm (accessed July 3, 2008)|
|Number of applications|
|Brady interim perioda|
ground checks. In addition, many states keep incomplete records of domestic violence offenders and orders of protection. Still other evidence suggests that some gun dealers knowingly allow people who are not legally eligible to purchase firearms to buy them through a third party. However, Elizabeth Richardson Vigdor and James A. Mercy report in “Do Laws Restricting Access to Firearms by Domestic Violence Offenders Prevent Intimate Partner Homicide?” (Evaluation Review, vol. 30, no. 3, June 2006) that female intimate partner homicide declines by 7% after a state passes a law restricting access to firearms by individuals subject to a restraining order, although they see no decline in homicides resulting from restricting access of those convicted of a misdemeanor to firearms.
An appeal to the U.S. judicial system should be an effective method of obtaining justice. For battered women, however, this has not always been the case. In the past ignorance, social prejudices, and uneven attention from the criminal justice system all tended to underestimate the severity and importance of battering crimes against women. Even though society has become significantly less tolerant of domestic violence, and laws in many states criminalize behavior previously considered acceptable, old attitudes and biases continue to plague intimate partner violence and spouse abuse cases in the courts.
Intimate partner abuse cases are often complicated by evidence problems, because domestic violence usually takes place behind closed doors. The volatile and unpredictable emotions and motivations influencing the behav-
|TABLE 9.8 Reasons for rejection of firearm transfer applications, 1999–2006|
|aIncludes state prohibitions, multiple DUI's, non-NCIC (National Crime Information Center) warrants, and other unspecified criminal history disqualifiers.
bIncludes juveniles, persons dishonorably discharged from the Armed Services, persons who have renounced their U.S. citizenship, and other unspecified persons.
|SOURCE: “Table 4. Reasons for Denial of Firearm Transfer Applications by Checking Agencies, 1999–2006,” in Background Checks for Firearm Transfers, 2006 – Statistical Tables, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, March 2008, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/pub/html/bcft06st/table/bcft06st04.htm (accessed July 3, 2008)|
|>Reason for denial||>FBI||>State||>Local||>FBI||>State||>Local|
|Other criminal historya||28.5||—||—||19.4||—||—|
|State law prohibition||—||6.1||1.3||—||6.9||14.2|
|Mental illness or disability||0.6||5.7||3.5||0.4||1.8||4.1|
|Local law prohibition||—||0||2.7||—||0||5.8|
|Note: Reasons for denials are based on 18 U.S.C. 922 and state laws.|
|—Not available or Not applicable.|
ior of both the abuser and victim may not always fit neatly into the organized and systematic framework of legal case presentation. Finally, the varying training mandates to ensure that prosecutors and judges are better informed about the social and personal costs of domestic violence, along with society's changing attitudes toward abuse, influence the responses of the judicial system.
The victim-offender relationship is an important factor in determining how the offender is treated by the criminal justice system. On the one hand, strangers are treated more harshly because stranger offenses are considered more heinous and the true targets of the justice system. As a result, criminal law is strictly enforced against them. On the other hand, the justice system has traditionally perceived nonstranger offenses as a victim's misuse of the legal system to deal with a strained interpersonal relationship.
Willingness of Victims to Prosecute
One of the most formidable problems in prosecuting abusers is the victim's reluctance to cooperate. Even though many abused women have the courage to initiate legal proceedings against their batterer, some are later reluctant to cooperate with the prosecution because of their emotional attachment to their abuser. Other reasons for their reluctance are fear of retaliation, mistrust or lack of information about the criminal justice system, or fear of the demands of court appearances. These reasons are among the findings by Lisa Goodman, Lauren Bennett, and Mary A. Dutton in “Obstacles to Victims’ Cooperation with the Criminal Prosecution of Their Abusers: The Role of Social Support” (Violence and Victims, vol.14, no. 4, winter 1999) and by JoAnn Miller of Purdue University in “An Arresting Experiment: Domestic Violence Victim Experiences and Perceptions” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 18, no. 7, July 2003). A victim's fear and ambivalence about testifying, and the importance of her behavior as a witness, can undoubtedly discourage some prosecutors from taking action.
However, a victim might choose not to move forward with the prosecution because the violence ceases temporarily following the arrest while the batterer is in custody. In most cases, a woman does not want her husband to go to jail with the attendant loss of income and community standing. She simply wants her husband to stop beating her.
Religious convictions, economic dependency, and family influence to drop the charges place great pressure on victimized women. Consequently, many prosecutors, some of whom believe abuse is a purely personal problem and others who believe winning the case is unlikely, test the victim's resolve to make sure she will not back out. This additional pressure drives many women to drop the charges because after being controlled by their husband, they feel that the judicial system is repeating the pattern by abusing its power. Hence, the prosecutors’ fears contribute to the problem, creating a self-perpetuating cycle.
Goodman, Bennett, and Dutton explore the reasons many domestic violence victims refuse to cooperate in the prosecution of their abuser. Surprisingly, the researchers find that the relationship between the emotional support and the cooperation with prosecutors was not significant. Similarly, institutional support, whether from police or victim advocates, was also unrelated to cooperation. Neither the level of depression nor the degree of emotional attachment to the abuser had an effect. These findings refute the common perception that the battered woman is too depressed, helpless, or attached to the abuser to cooperate in his prosecution. Instead, Goodman, Bennett, and Dutton's findings show that many domestic violence victims persevere in the face of depression and the sometimes complex emotional attachment to their partner.
Consistent with findings from earlier studies, Goodman, Bennett, and Dutton note that the more severe the violence, the more likely the abused women were to cooperate with prosecutors. Participants rearing children with the abuser were also more likely to cooperate, perhaps because these women hoped that the criminal justice system would force the abuser into treatment. In contrast, women with substance abuse problems were less than half as likely as other women to cooperate with the prosecution. Goodman, Bennett, and Dutton conclude that the women who used alcohol or drugs believed that the abuse was partly their fault or that a judge would not take them seriously. Some also feared that their substance abuse might negatively affect the court proceedings and possibly even lead to criminal charges or the loss of their children.
Factors Associated with Prosecutors’ Charging Decisions in Domestic Violence Cases
In “Modeling Prosecutors’ Charging Decisions in Domestic Violence Cases” (Crime and Delinquency, vol. 52, no. 3, 2006), John L. Worrall, Jay W. Ross, and Eric S. McCord investigate what factors influenced the decisions of prosecutors to charge a batterer and what factors influenced the decisions of prosecutors to pursue a misdemeanor or a felony charge. They collected data on 245 domestic violence cases filed by police officers, examined the impact of characteristics of the victim, offender, and the offense, and determined how these characteristics influenced the prosecutors’ charging decisions.
Worrall, Ross, and McCord find that prosecutors were more likely to charge offenders if they had been arrested or if they had inflicted serious injuries on the victim. The researchers indicate that criminal charges were more likely to be filed against a male batterer than against a female batterer. They also note that if the victim supported prosecution, felony charges were more likely to be filed against the batterer.
Rather than serving a prison term, many convicted batterers enter treatment programs. As a requirement of probation, most courts will order a batterer into an intervention program. Regardless of an intervention program's philosophy or methods, program directors and criminal justice professionals generally monitor offenders’ behavior closely. Most batterers enter intervention programs after having been charged by the police with a specific incident of abuse.
The criminal justice system categorizes offenders based on their potential danger, history of substance abuse, psychological problems, and risk of dropout and rearrest. Ideally, interventions focus on the specific type of batterer and the approach that will most effectively produce results, such as linking a substance abuse treatment program with a batterer intervention program. Other program approaches focus on specific sociocultural characteristics, such as poverty, race, ethnicity, and age. Shelly Jackson argues in “Analyzing the Studies” (Shelly Jackson et al., Batterer Intervention Programs: Where Do We Go from Here? June 2003, http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/195079.pdf) that the effectiveness of batterer intervention programs might improve if the programs were seen “as part of a broader criminal justice and community response to domestic violence that includes arrest, restraining orders, intensive monitoring of batterers, and changes to social norms that may inadvertently tolerate partner violence.”
Batterers leave the program either because of successful completion or because they are asked to leave. The reasons for termination include failure to cooperate, non-payment of fees, revocation of parole or probation, failure to attend group sessions regularly, or violation of program rules. Successful completion of a program means that the offender has attended the required sessions and accomplished the program's objectives. With court-mandated clients a final report is also made to probation officials. To be successful, batterer intervention programs must have the support of the criminal justice system, which includes coordinated efforts between police, prosecutors, judges, victim advocates, and probation officers.
Program Dropout Rates
Dropout rates in battering programs are high, even though courts have ordered most clients to attend. Several studies, such as that by Jennifer Rooney and R. Karl Hanson in “Predicting Attrition from Treatment Programs for Abusive Men” (Journal of Family Violence, vol. 16, no. 2, 2001), record varying dropout rates, some finding that as many as 90% of the men who begin short-term treatment programs do not complete them.
High dropout rates in batterer intervention programs make it difficult to evaluate their success. Evaluations based on men who complete these programs focus on a select group of highly motivated men who likely do not reflect the composition of the group when it began. Because a follow-up is not conducted with program dropouts—the men most likely to continue their violence—research generally fails to accurately indicate the success or failure of a given treatment program.
Certain characteristics are generally related to drop-out rates. Bruce Dalton of the University of South Carolina indicates in “Batterer Characteristics and Treatment Completion” (Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 16, no. 12, 2001) that the level of threat that the batterer perceived from the referral source (e.g., the court) was, surprisingly, not related to program completion. Unemployment was the one characteristic most consistently related to dropping out of treatment. Dalton theorizes that these men have both trouble paying for the treatment and a lower investment in the “official social order.” Loretta J. Stalans and Magnus Seng of Loyola University find similar results in “Identifying Subgroups at High Risk of Dropping out of Domestic Batterer Treatment: The Buffering Effects of a High School Education” (International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology, vol. 51, no. 2, 2007). The following groups had a 60% dropout rate or higher: batterers who were aggressive in general, not only in the family setting; high school dropouts who were also ordered into substance abuse treatment; and unemployed offenders who were also ordered into substance abuse treatment.
Rooney and Hanson explain that factors influencing completion rates of batterer intervention programs include youth, not being legally married, low income and little education, unstable work histories, criminal backgrounds, and excessive drinking or drug abuse. Voluntary clients, especially those with college educations, remain in treatment longer. Some researchers, such as Edward W. Gondolf of Indiana University of Pennsylvania in “A Comparison of Four Batterer Intervention Systems: Do Court Referral, Program Length, and Services Matter?” Journal of Interpersonal Violence, vol. 14, no. 1, 1999), find better attendance among college-educated men, regardless of whether their enrollment in a program is court ordered or voluntary.
Recidivism (the tendency to relapse to old ingrained patterns of behavior) is a well-documented problem among people in intimate partner violence treatment programs. In “Predictors of Criminal Recidivism among Male Batterers” (Psychology Crime and Law, vol. 10, no. 4, December 2004), R. Karl Hanson and Suzanne Wallace-Capretta examine the risk factors associated with the recidivism of 320 male batterers within a five-year follow-up period. Of those men, 25.6% recidivated with a battering offense. Risk factors included being young, having an unstable lifestyle, being a substance abuser, and having a criminal history. Batterers were not deterred by expectations of social or legal negative consequences. However, maintaining positive relationships with community treatment providers was associated with deterrence of future battering. Rodney Kingsnorth of California State University, Sacramento, notes in “Intimate Partner Violence: Predictors of Recidivism in a Sample of Arrestees” (Violence against Women, vol. 12, no. 10, October 2006) that risk factors for recidivism during an eighteen-month period included use of a weapon, prior arrests (for domestic violence or other offenses), and the presence of a protective order.
According to Matthew T. Huss and Anthony Ralston of Creighton University, in “Do Batterer Subtypes Actually Matter? Treatment Completion, Treatment Response, and Recidivism across a Batterer Typology” (Criminal Justice and Behavior, vol. 35, no. 6, June 2008), men who only expressed violent behaviors in the context of their families were much more likely to complete batterer intervention programs than men who were generally violent or antisocial or who had personality disorders. Because of the higher treatment completion rates, these men were less likely to batter again. However, all men who completed treatment reported reductions in violence toward their partner.
In “The Effects of Domestic Violence Batterer Treatment on Domestic Violence Recidivism” (Criminal Justice and Behavior, vol. 30, no. 1, 2003), Jill A. Gordon and Laura J. Moriarty of Virginia Commonwealth University study the effect of batterer treatment on recidivism. The researchers find that attending treatment had no impact on recidivism when comparing the treatment group as a whole with the experimental group. Christopher I. Eckhardt et al., in “Intervention Programs for Perpetrators of Intimate Partner Violence: Conclusions from a Clinical Research Perspective” (Public Health Reports, vol. 121, no. 4, July–August 2006), concur in their review of the literature concerning batterer intervention programs and recidivism rates. However, Gordon and Moriarty also find that among the treatment group, the more sessions a batterer completed, the less likely he was to batter again. Batterers who completed all sessions were less likely to be rearrested for domestic violence than were batterers who had not completed all sessions.
Still, as Huss and Ralston note, “even small reductions in rates of domestic violence can have a substantial impact in tens of thousands of women's lives.” Therefore, research continues into how to identify batterers who are most likely to benefit from batterer intervention programs.
"Domestic Violence, Law Enforcement, and Court Responses to Domestic Violence." Child Abuse and Domestic Violence. 2009. Encyclopedia.com. 26 Jun. 2016 <http://www.encyclopedia.com>.
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Causes and Effects of Child Abuse
Causes and Effects of Child Abuse
Child abuse is primarily a problem within families. Even though abuse by nonfamily members does occur, most victims are abused by one or more of their parents. For this reason, much of the research into the causes of child abuse has focused on families and the characteristics and circumstances that can contribute to violence within them.
The 1975 National Family Violence Survey and the 1985 National Family Violence Resurvey, conducted by Murray A. Straus and Richard J. Gelles, are the most complete studies of spousal and parent-child abuse yet prepared in the United States. Unlike most studies of child abuse, the data from these surveys came from detailed interviews with the general population, not from cases that came to the attention of official agencies and professionals. Therefore, Straus and Gelles had a more intimate knowledge of the families and an awareness of incidences of child abuse that were not reported to authorities or community professionals.
Straus and Gelles believe that cultural standards permit violence in the family. They incorporated research from the two surveys and additional chapters into the book Physical Violence in American Families: Risk Factors and Adaptations to Violence in 8,145 Families (1990).
Understanding Factors that Contribute to Child Abuse
The factors contributing to child maltreatment are complex. In Third National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (NIS-3 ; 1993), the most comprehensive federal source of information about the incidence of child maltreatment in the United States, Andrea J. Sedlak and Diane D. Broadhurst find that family structure and size, poverty, alcohol and substance abuse, domestic violence, and community violence are contributing factors to child abuse and neglect.
Even though these and other factors affect the likelihood of child maltreatment, they do not necessarily lead to abuse. It is important to understand that the causes of child abuse and the characteristics of families in which child abuse occurs are only indicators. Most parents, even in the most stressful and demanding situations, and even with a personal history that might predispose them to be more violent than parents without such a history, do not abuse their children.
Murray A. Straus and Christine Smith note in “Family Patterns and Child Abuse” (Straus and Gelles, Physical Violence in American Families ) that a combination of several factors is more likely to result in child abuse than is a single factor alone. Also, the sum of the effects of individual factors taken together does not necessarily add up to what Straus and Smith call the “explosive combinations” of several factors interacting with one another. Nonetheless, even “explosive combinations” do not necessarily lead to child abuse.
It is impossible to determine whether child maltreatment will occur, but generally a family may be at risk if the parent is young, has little education, has had several children born within a few years, and is highly dependent on social welfare. According to Judith S. Rycus and Ronald C. Hughes, in Field Guide to Child Welfare (1998), a family at high to moderate risk includes parents who do not understand basic child development and who may discipline inappropriately for the child's age, those who lack the necessary skills for caring for and managing a child, those who use physical punishment harshly and excessively, and those who do not appropriately supervise their children. They find that families under stresses such as divorce, death, illness, disability, unemployment, or incarceration are more likely to abuse or neglect children. Small stresses can have a cumulative effect and become explosive with a relatively minor event. For potentially abusive parents, high levels of ongoing stress, coupled with inadequate coping strategies and limited resources, produce an extremely high-risk situation for children involved.
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention explains in the fact sheet “Understanding Child Maltreatment” (2008, http://www.cdc.gov/ncipc/pub-res/CMFactsheet.pdf) that a family may also be at risk if:
- A child in the family is age four or younger
- The family is socially isolated
- The family has a history of violence, drug or alcohol use, or chronic health problems
- The family is poor
- The surrounding community is particularly violent
Psychological abuse can cause great harm to children but tends to be less well recognized than physical or sexual abuse or neglect. In “Family Dynamics Associated with the Use of Psychologically Violent Parental Practices” (Journal of Family Violence, vol. 19, no. 2, April 2004), Marie-He´le`ne Gagne´ and Camil Bouchard identify four family characteristics that are likely to result in parental psychological violence. The first involves a scapegoat child, who may be different from other family members by his or her unattractiveness, disability, having been adopted, or being the child of a former spouse. This child is typically neglected by the parents, treated harshly, and excluded from family intimacy. The second type of family has a domineering father, who intimidates the children and may even turn physically violent. The mother herself may be a victim of spousal violence. The authoritarian mother typifies the third family characteristic leading to parental psychological abuse. She controls the household, and the children are expected to do as she bids. The fourth family characteristic involves the “broken parent,” who has not attained maturity and a feeling of self-worth because of a difficult past. This type of parent takes care of the children when things are going smoothly, but falls apart when difficulties arise.
Single-parent families appear to be at greater risk of child maltreatment. Sedlak and Broadhurst find in NIS-3 that under the Harm Standard, children in single-parent households were at a higher risk of physical abuse and all types of neglect than were children in other family structures in 1993. (See Chapter 2 for a definition of the Harm and Endangerment Standards.) Children living with only their fathers suffered the highest incidence rates of physical abuse and emotional and educational neglect. (See
Figure 3.1.) Under the Endangerment Standard higher incidence rates of physical and emotional neglect occurred among children living with only their fathers than among those living in other family structures. (See Figure 3.2.)
The Problem of Substance Abuse
Child protective services (CPS) workers are faced with the growing problem of substance abuse among families involved with the child welfare system. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), in Children Living with Substance-Abusing or Substance-Dependent Parents (June 2, 2003, http://www.oas.samhsa.gov/2k3/children/children.pdf), approximately 70 million children under age eighteen lived with at least one parent in 2001; about 6.1 million (9%) of these children lived with one or more parents with past-year substance abuse or dependence. About one-fifth were five years old or younger (9.8% of three- to five-year-olds and 9.8% of children younger than three). (See Table 3.1.) Among these children, about 4.5 million lived with an alcoholic parent, an estimated 953,000 lived with a parent with an illicit drug problem, and approximately 657,000 lived with parents who abused both alcohol and illicit drugs. (See Figure 3.3.) The HSS notes that fathers (7.8%) were more likely than mothers (4%) to report past-year substance abuse or dependence.
|TABLE 3.1 Children age 17 or younger living with one or more parents with past-year substance abuse or dependence, by number and
|SOURCE: “Table 2. Estimated Numbers (in Thousands) and Percentages of Children Aged 17 or Younger Living with One or More Parents with Past
Year Substance Abuse or Dependence: 2001,” in Children Living with Substance-Abusing or Substance-Dependent Parents, U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Office of Applied Studies, June 2, 2003, http://www.oas.samhsa.gov/2k3/children/children.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)
|Ages of children (years)||Estimated numbers (in thousands)||Percentage|
|Younger than 3||1,078||9.8|
|3 to 5||1,115||9.8|
|6 to 11||1,816||7.5|
|12 to 17||2,100||9.2|
|Notes: Children include biological, step, adoptive, or foster. Children aged 17 or younger who were not living with one or more parents for most of the quarter of the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (NHSDA) interview are excluded from the present analysis. According to the 2000 Current Population Survey, this amounts to approximately 3 million or 4 percent of children aged 17 or younger.|
The 2004 National Survey on Drug Use and Health surveyed parents about different forms of “household turbulence” in the past year. The survey found that households in which there was past-year alcohol dependence or abuse were more likely to report turbulence. For
example, 40.4% of households containing children in which there was alcohol dependence or abuse reported that people often insulted or yelled at each other, compared to 27.3% of households with no past-year alcohol dependence or abuse. (See Figure 3.4.) Nearly a third (29.8%) of the households with alcohol problems reported that people in the household had serious arguments, compared to 18.2% of people in households with no alcohol problems. Parents in households with alcohol problems (9.9%) were also more likely than parents with no alcohol problems (3.6%) to report that one spouse hit or threatened to hit the other at least once in the past year. In other words, children living in homes where alcohol dependence or abuse was a problem were more likely to be exposed to domestic violence than children living in homes where alcohol abuse was not a problem.
Sedlak and Broadhurst note that the increase in illicit drug use since the Second National Incidence Study of Child Abuse and Neglect (1986) may have contributed to the increased child maltreatment incidence reported in NIS-3. Children whose parents are substance abusers
are at high risk of abuse and neglect because of the physiological, psychological, and sociological nature of addiction.
According to the Child Welfare Information Gateway, in “Substance Abuse and Child Maltreatment” (2003, http://www.childwelfare.gov/pubs/factsheets/subabuse_childmal.cfm), about one-third to two-thirds of substantiated child maltreatment reports (those having sufficient evidence to support the allegation of maltreatment) involve substance abuse. Younger children, especially infants, are more likely to be victimized by substance-abusing parents, and the maltreatment is more likely to consist of neglect than abuse. Many children experience neglect when a parent is under the influence of alcohol or is out of the home looking for drugs. Even when the parent is at home, he or she may be psychologically unavailable to the children.
SUBSTANCE ABUSE AMONG PREGNANT WOMEN. Illicit drug use among pregnant women continues to be a national problem. Each year the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, formerly known as the National House-hold Survey on Drug Abuse, asks female respondents aged fifteen to forty-four about their pregnancy status and illicit drug use the month before the survey. In Results from the 2006 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: National Findings (September 2007, http://www.oas.samhsa.gov/nsduh/2k6nsduh/2k6Results.pdf), the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration's Office of Applied Studies states that in 2005–06, 4% of pregnant women, compared to 10% of nonpregnant women, reported using illicit drugs during the past month. (See Table 3.2.) Pregnant teens were much more likely to use illicit drugs than were older pregnant women; 15.5% of pregnant women aged fifteen to seventeen reported illicit drug use the previous month, compared to just 1.8% of pregnant women aged twenty-six to forty-four. Among pregnant women, more African-Americans (6.1%) than whites (4.7%) and Hispanics (1.4%) reported using illicit drugs the previous month.
CHILDREN AT ILLICIT DRUG LABS. The rapid growth of methamphetamine use in the United States has resulted in the establishment of clandestine methamphetamine laboratories (meth labs) in many places. In years past large-scale operations, particularly in California and Mexico, produced large quantities of drugs, which were then distributed throughout various areas in the country. With more demand for methamphetamines, many small-scale businesses have started operating. Because methamphetamines can be produced almost anywhere using readily available ingredients, nearly anyone can set up a temporary laboratory, make a batch of drugs, then dismantle the apparatus. Authorities have found makeshift laboratories in places inhabited or visited by children, including houses, apartments, mobile homes, and motel rooms.
As more children are found living in or visiting home-based meth labs, CPS personnel have to deal with those children who have been exposed not only to potentially abusive people associated with the production of methamphetamines but also to dangers such as fire and explosions. Melinda Hohman, Rhonda Oliver, and Wendy Wright report in “Methamphetamine Abuse and Manufacture: The Child Welfare Response” (Social Work, vol. 49, no. 3, July 1, 2004) that hazardous living conditions in these labs include unsafe electrical equipment, chemical ingredients that can cause respiratory distress and possibly long-term effects such as liver and kidney disease and cancers, syringes, and the presence of firearms and pornography. Police find meth homes with defective plumbing, rodent and insect infestation, and without heating or cooling. Children living in meth labs are also likely to be victims of severe neglect and physical and sexual abuse. According to Karen Swetlow, in Children at Clandestine Methamphetamine Labs: Helping Meth's Youngest Victims (June 2003, http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/ovc/publications/bulletins/children/197590.pdf),
|TABLE 3.2 Illicit drug use in the past month among females, by age, pregnancy status, and Hispanic origin and race, 2003–04 and 2005–06|
|SOURCE: “Table 7.52B. Illicit Drug Use in the Past Month among Females Aged 15 to 44, by Pregnancy and Demographic Characteristics: Percentages, Annual Averages Based on 2003–2004 and 2005–2006,” in Results from the 2006 National Survey on Drug Use and Health: Detailed Tables, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, Office of Applied Studies, September 2007, http://www.oas.samhsa.gov/NSDUH/2k6nsduh/tabs/Sect7peTabs51to58.pdf (accessed May 20, 2008)|
|Hispanic origin and race|
|Not Hispanic or Latino||10.6||10.2||4.5||4.8||10.8||10.4|
|Black or African American||9.4||9.3||7.8||6.1||9.4||9.4|
|American Indian or Alaska Native||17.8c||10.5||*||*||18.6b||10.0|
|Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander||*||6.0||*||*||*||6.4|
|Two or more races||20.3||14.6||*||*||20.8||14.6|
|Hispanic or Latino||6.9||7.5||5.0c||1.4||7.0||7.9|
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According to the United Nations, the world’s population will pass the 7 billion mark at the end of this month, and there will be much tutting and shaking of heads over its prediction that we will be 10 billion by the end of the century. But almost nobody will have the temerity to point out that this is almost entirely an African problem.
The United Nations Population Fund’s own numbers tell the story. Africa has one-seventh of the world’s people: just over 1 billion. But during the rest of the century, the UN agency predicts, this single continent will add an extra 2.6 billion people, more than tripling in population, while all the rest of the world adds just half a billion.
If it weren’t for the African population boom, the world’s population would never exceed 7.5 billion. That is still probably twice as many people as the planet’s resources could support comfortably for more than a couple of generations – but birth rates are falling to below replacement level in most places. If that were happening in Africa too, the global population could be headed back down well before 2100.
The problem is that replacement level is 2.2 children per woman. Africa may well reach that level by late in the century, but the population growth will continue for a further 30-40 years, until the last generation from the baby-boom days has grown up and had its own 2.2 children per family. So a total African population of 3.6 billion by the end of the century – a third of the human race – is probably as good as it is going to get.
What will the African population boom mean for the rest of the world, and for Africa itself? It may be a surprisingly self-contained disaster.
An Africa that more than triples its population during the rest of this century will certainly still be the world’s poorest continent at the end of it.
Even the current improvement in economic growth rates in many African countries is largely cancelled out by population growth: few countries are seeing significant rises in per capita income.
If Africans stay poor, their impact on the rest of the world will be slight. They will not become major consumers of resources imported from elsewhere, because they cannot afford them.
Even their impact on the global environment, while not negligible, will be limited. It is high-income consumers of energy, manufactured goods and processed foods who really count when it comes to global issues like climate change.
Three hundred million Americans have more effect on the global environment than would three billion Africans living more or less in their present style. Subsistence farmers mostly affect the local environment, even when there are a lot of them. If they degrade their land, pollute their rivers and destroy their forests, the damage they do is mostly to themselves.
If no miracle intervenes, the African continent is going to have a very hard time in this century. It is already the only continent to experience recurrent famines, and they will probably get much worse. Civil wars and massacres are already more frequent in Africa than anywhere else, and that too will get worse, because people under great pressure rarely behave well.
What, if anything, can be done about this? Even a big push to make contraception available to the hundred million African women who do not now have easy access to it would not substantially change the outcome at this point. Only a brutally enforced one-child policy like China’s could do that, and it is simply impossible to believe this could be done in any African state.
Africans have done nothing wrong, nor indeed is their birth-rate higher than those on other continents at various past times. But there is only a limited time available to get the birth-rate down once modern medicine and sanitation have brought the death-rate down.
Grow fast enough economically, and your people will have smaller families as they get more prosperous. Stay poor for too long, and population growth will overwhelm you.
For various reasons, none of them their own fault, Africans have stayed poor for too long. Individual countries can still save themselves, and some will, but the continent as a whole probably cannot.
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Being outside is one of my favourite things to do with my children, because no matter what the season, there are always opportunities for sensory and creative activities. Fall is no exception. The leaves are changing colour and falling and the air is sweet with the smell of sun dried plants, fungi and earth. It’s hard not to pass a deciduous tree with pretty leaves and bend down to pick up a few. Some will be wet and smooth, others dry and crinkly. All can be saved for leaf art projects.
Over the years as my kids have grown, we have enjoyed making art out of the leaves we’ve collected. When they were toddlers I gave them a large piece of blank newsprint and some glue and let them glue the different leaves to the paper. We also did (and still do), leaf rubbings.
Leaf rubbings are best done when the leaf is dry but in its natural crinkly state. Just put your leaves under a sheet of paper, grab your favourite coloured crayon, and rub it on the leaf until you can see its imprint. This craft is great for toddlers (maybe with help from mom or dad) and pre-schoolers, but older kids will like it too.
Other kinds of leaf art are best done with flat* leaves.
Leaf Window Hanging
A window hanging works best with flattened leaves because the wax paper will stick to itself better. Make sure you use the right kind of wax paper though. When we tried this the first time we couldn’t make the paper stick, no matter how hot the iron was. This craft is suitable for toddlers and older children. Make sure a grown up does the ironing!
What you will need:
- Flattened leaves
- wax paper
- ribbon or tape
Luckily I had the tiniest bit of wax paper from another roll and it worked.
Place the leaves on one piece of wax paper and place another sheet on top. Use your iron on a low-warm setting with a cloth underneath to protect your working surface, and press down until the wax has adhered to itself. Cut out your desired shape and place in a window,.
It’s nice when you can use ribbon to hang them up with but beware that wax paper is very fragile and thread or ribbon will often rip right through it. (That’s why I had to use tape).
This the coolest leaf art project we’ve done so far. Probably best done with kids ages 5 and up.
What you will need:
- Many different shapes and sizes of flattened leaves.
- large paper
Decide on an animal. Then, using your leaves – and your imagination – create the animal with the different leaves. Trim the stems for legs or even the eyes, noses and mouths. Cut parts of your leaves for other features like ears or beaks.
*To flatten a leaf, carefully rub any dirt off and dry it. Then place it between the pages of a large book. A phone book works well. Then, place something heavy on top of the book – I used a cutting board – and leave it there for at least two days.
What other kinds of leaf art or crafts have you done? Please share so we can get some new ideas!
Photo credits: Melodie
Melodie is the mom of two girls (ages 3 and 6) and the author of Breastfeeding Moms Unite! where she talks a lot about breastfeeding a pre-schooler, but also provides tips and education about breastfeeding in general. She is also passionate about mom-to-mom support, natural/attachment parenting, real food, and vegetarianism. Melodie is also home schooling her oldest daughter, and has just returned to her mental health career after 6 years of being a SAHM.
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An old health myth surfaces every winter during common cold and influenza season: Antibiotics can help.
From frazzled parents to individuals who can't afford days away from work or school, people think that antibiotics will cure colds and flu.
They bring sniffles, sneezes, and sore throats to the doctor's office, often expecting to exit with an antibiotic prescription. Many insist and get one, even though doctors know the truth.
Viruses cause colds and flu. Antibiotics don't kill viruses. They treat infections with bacteria.
The result? Millions of unnecessary antibiotic prescriptions each year, according to the U. S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). Over-prescribing of antibiotics has been going on for years. The CDC got up in arms over the situation last year, launching a consumer education program to make patients more aware that antibiotics don't kill viruses.
Experts are concerned about over-prescribing of antibiotics because it is one factor in a huge global health problem. That's the emergence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria, new strains of bacteria that shrug off antibiotics.
Over-prescribing gives bacteria more exposure to antibiotics, and they evolve, mutate, and develop defense mechanisms. The greater the exposure, the faster the emergence of resistant strains.
CDC and health groups sponsoring the education campaign - which uses the slogan, "Get Smart: Know When Antibiotics Work" -- want to enlist patients in the society-wide battle against antibiotic resistance. The program, of course, also aims to help patients avoid inappropriate medical treatment, since viruses shrug off antibiotics.
Consumers are smart enough to know that unnecessary prescriptions are just one reason for the problem with antibiotic-resistant bacteria. Livestock producers are another.
About 70 per cent of the antibiotics produced in the United States are given to cattle, chickens, and other livestock. Antibiotics boost "feed efficiency," so that livestock gain more weight on less feed and farmers save money. In animals like chickens, antibiotics also may reduce the levels of bacteria that can cause food poisoning in people who eat improperly prepared meat.
However, those agricultural uses of antibiotics also foster the emergence of antibiotic-resistant bacteria.
Doctors can have difficulty telling whether a patient has a viral infection or bacterial infection. Although it is not widely known, bacteria do cause a small percentage of common colds. One 1998 study put the figure at 3 percent -- 3 cases in 100. For the rest, antibiotics would be a waste.
Make that a waste of money, too. Even patients lucky enough to have prescription drug insurance may face stiff out-of-pocket payments for each prescription.
There may be some situations in which a request for an antibiotic is smart. People who can't afford to miss school or more days off from work without pay, for instance, may want a "just-in-case" prescription to take until test results are in.
Never demand a prescription for an antibiotic or any other drug. Discuss your personal circumstances with the doctor, why your case is an exception, and negotiate.
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A Libya with nuclear weapons would have presented an entirely different and dangerous challenge to the current coalition. Most likely it would have blocked it. By some estimates Libya was only seven years away from possessing a usable nuclear weapon when it agreed to end its program in 2003. Given the Colonel's erratic and megalomaniacal behavior, who knows what he might have done?
Ridding Tripoli of its nuclear program was one of the great, if relatively unheralded, successes of non-proliferation in the atomic age. In hindsight this outcome through highly sensitive and secret negotiations changed history.
Within months of seizing power in a military coup, Gaddafi sought to purchase nuclear weapons from China (1969-71), France (1976), India (1978) and the Soviet Union in the 1970s. Unsuccessful, he placed funds in a Swiss bank for purchasing "loose nukes" or fissionable materials from individuals or "below the horizon" groups. Still unable to make the purchases he sought, he opted for the construction of a complete nuclear fuel cycle with overtures to Argentinean, French and American companies and the recruitment of Egyptian scientists. Eventually he found a fully willing partner in A.Q. Kahn, the notorious head of the Pakistani nuclear program and leader of a clandestine network to sell technology.
Gaddafi's quest for nuclear weapons lasted 34 years with shifting motivations. Prestige and the wish to be seen as a leader in the Arab world was an early one, which when lacking in impact was repackaged into becoming an African potentate. Libya, he argued, had the military assets and political independence to lead the continent. Pointing to Israel's nuclear capabilities, he offered an "Islamic bomb" as part of a regional balance. At the same time, Libya was purchasing Mig-23 fighters and Scud missiles from the Soviet Union and was increasingly engaged in terrorist activities in Western Europe, such as the 1986 attack upon American servicemen at La Belle discotheque in Berlin, which led President Reagan to order the dropping of bombs in Tripoli, including on Gaddafi's personal residence. Following the downing in 1998 of Pan Am 103, resulting in the death of 270, the U.N. imposed economic and travel restrictions on Libya, reinforcing earlier American ones. Nevertheless, the Colonel Gaddafi was viewed in parts of the Middle East and Africa as someone who bravely stood up to the West.
So why did the supposedly erratic and unpredictable Libyan leader negotiate away his chemical, biological and nuclear programs?
First, the limitations on oil exports, upon which Tripoli was highly dependent, hurt. Revenue from these exports financed 95 percent of the nation's import of food, technology and equipment. The nation's economic stagnation and political isolation grew. The costs of the armament programs became a matter of concern. This was particularly true for Gaddafi's influential son, a British educated engineer, who came to believe that the nation's interests could better be served by giving up the nuclear quest.
Second, the technology required continued to depend not on indigenous acquisition but imports of uncertain reliability. The interdiction of the German-owned BBC China, a cargo ship on its way from Malaysia to Libya via Dubai and found to be carrying thousands of centrifuge parts obtained through the A.Q. Kahn network, changed thinking with the Libyan scientific community. Perhaps the nuclear program would demand too great a commitment and cost given other national needs.
Third, after the American attack on Saddam Hussein, Gaddafi in spite of his rhetorical bravado was said to have become concerned for his personal safety. Voice was given to worries that Libya could be vulnerable to the same fate as Iraq.
Fourth, special credit must be given to the quiet, professional and secret diplomacy of a small group of foreign affairs and intelligence officials in London, where the negotiations were located, Washington and Tripoli. Ostensibly and successfully dealing with compensation for the families of the Pan Am 103 victims, the Libyan's were put on notice that there would be no agreement and termination of the sanctions without the dismantling of their entire program of weapons of mass destruction. Wisely, the Anglo-Saxons told the leader of the Libyan delegation Musa Kusa, the foreign minister who recently defected, that the dismantlement would involve "verification" but not "inspections" the term used earlier by UNSCOM in Iraq. Libya was allowed to save face, especially important in the Arab world.
Within the Gaddafi regime there had been a gradual realization that nuclear weapons would not enhance Libya's power and prestige, nor be worth the economic costs. Not long after the December 2003 nuclear renunciation, the charismatic colonel went to Brussels, the first trip to Europe in fifteen years. "Libya, which has led the liberation movements of the Third World" he declared, has now decided to lead the peace movements. The first step taken out of my own volition is to discard all weapons of mass destruction".
Does he regret this today?
Andrew J. Pierre is at the U.S. Institute of Peace writing a book Getting to 'No': Why Nations Decide Not to Develop Nuclear Arms
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|Multimedia copper melting cast|
|Venetie MD by Jacopo de' Barbari (1500)|
Venice also has nearly 50 miles of ancient documents stored in the State Archive over at the Frari -- Venetians documented everything for centuries -- and research indicated that Geto was the area where the waste from the old copper smelter was dumped, which later morphed into the Ghetto Nuovo.
|The Geto before the Ghetto|
|Parochet - Classic damask green silk - second half of 16th century|
Venice had allowed Jews to enter the city as war refugees after they were expelled from Spain in 1492 -- the same time that Christopher Columbus set off to discover the New World -- and Portugal in 1496. They also implemented a deliberate strategy of welcoming other religious and national communities like Germans, Orthodox Greeks, Albanians, Persians and Turks, communities that were important for the republic's economic activities. Each of the foreign communities was assigned a zone in which to operate.
|Gilt leather panel - late 16th-early 17th century|
The exhibition is divided into ten sections:
- Before the Ghetto
- Cosmopolitan Venice
- The Cosmopolitan Ghetto
- Jewish Culture and the Role of Women
- Trade in the 17th and 18th Century
- Tales of the Ghetto. The Shadow of Shylock
- Napoleon: the Opening of the Gates and Assimilation
- Treves Room - Collecting & Collectors
- The Twentieth Century
Rabbino N. 2
1914 – 1922
olio su tela
cm 104 x 84
Venezia, Ca’ Pesaro - Galleria Internazionale d’Arte Moderna
©Fondazione Musei Civici di Venezia, Archivio Fotografico
In 1914, while visiting Vitebsk (now Belarus), where he was born, Chagall realized that the traditions he had grown up with were disappearing, and he wanted to document them. He paid a beggar to pose in his father's prayer clothes. He had intended to return to Paris, but was stuck in Russia until 1923 after World War I and the Russian Revolution broke out. Then, in 1923, he brought the painting with him to Paris and found out that much of the work he had left there had disappeared during the war.
So, before he left his studio, he made two more paintings of The Praying Jew after the original 1914 composition -- that is how serious he was about the record he wanted to leave. The original is now in the Kunstmuseum in Basel; the other 1923 painting is in the Art Institute in Chicago; the 1923 painting here in Venice is normally on display at Ca' Pesaro, but is now happily inside the Doge's Apartment at Palazzo Ducale as long as Venice, the Jews and Europe is running.
Go see the Chagall.
|Ghetto in Venice today|
Ciao from Venezia,
Venetian Cat - The Venice Blog
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Researchers create housecat-inspired robot
By now, you've all seen the amazing robotic cheetah from Boston Dynamics that was able to smash Usain Bolt's speed record. Well, it looks like that big cheetah bot now has a little brother called the "cheetah-cub robot" that is more closely modeled after a house cat. The scientists at Switzerland's École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne (EPFL) created the feline robot to mimic the speed and agility of cats with the eventual purpose of helping to create search and rescue missions which would require quick action over uneven terrain.
A press release from EPFL, the biorobotics experts who also brought us the amphibious robotic salamander, explains that this all comes downs to a cat's legs. "The machine's strengths all reside in the design of its legs. The researchers developed a new model with this robot, one that is based on the meticulous observation and faithful reproduction of the feline leg. The number of segments – three on each leg – and their proportions are the same as they are on a cat. Springs are used to reproduce tendons, and actuators – small motors that convert energy into movement – are used to replace the muscles."
The cheetah-cub robot can run seven times its body length in a second, and while already pretty agile, the researchers are working to improve it's stability.
You can watch a video of the cheetah-cub robot in action below.
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Explains how to write an exponential function that models a depreciated value using an exponential function. It also shows how to use logarithms to determine when the value will be half of the initial value.
BasicStudents matched to this level have a partial mastery of prerequisite knowledge and skills fundamental for proficient work.
At Grade (Proficient)Students matched to this level have demonstrated competency over challenging subject matter, including subject matter knowledge, application of such knowledge to real-world situations, and analytical skills appropriate to subject matter.
AdvancedStudents matched to this level are ready for material that requires superior performance and mastery.
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CORVALLIS - A federal review panel recently commended the combination of applied and fundamental ecological research being done at the H.J. Andrews Experimental Forest.
University and federal agency scientists at this Cascade Range forest near Blue River, Ore., study forests, soils, and streams as part of the nation's Long Term Ecological Research, or LTER program, and this summer were reviewed by a panel of the National Science Foundation, the program's main funding agency.
The panel commended the work on the ecological links between forests and streams, and for the usefulness of its science in helping to solve forest management problems.
"It was a good report card," says Art McKee, director of the research program. "They were full of praise, and we're satisfied that we're mostly on track. I was pleased that they felt we strike a good balance between basic and applied science, and that we've developed a good relationship with resource managers."
The H.J. Andrews is administered jointly by Oregon State University and the U.S.D.A. Forest Service. It is one of 21 long-term ecological research centers sponsored by the National Science Foundation in the United States, and the site of several influential studies on the workings of the temperate conifer forests of the Pacific Northwest.
About 40 scientists from 13 OSU departments are on the team, conducting research on forest geology, soils, streams, trees and other plants, wildlife, fungi, and insects, as well as the social and economic aspects of forest management.
The positive review should assure that the Andrews program will continue to be funded, officials say. The NSF provides about $600,000 a year in funding, the Forest Service about $500,000, and OSU provides about $100,000 in direct funding and another $250,000 in the form of faculty salary for research, McKee said.
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Sausages and bacon made from pigs from farms in the Republic of Ireland have been removed from supermarket shelves across the UK after health worries.
Pork products from Northern Ireland have been included too. Experts think the meat may have to be taken out of shops in 25 different countries now.
It's thought some pigs ate feed containing dangerous things called dioxins which affected the meat.
Experts say the health risk to people is low but they are being careful.
They are telling people not to worry and say that if you've eaten a few infected sausages or bits of bacon, it will not damage your health.
It's only if a lot of infected meat is eaten over a long period of time that there is a risk.
Ireland sends pork to lots of different countries including Germany, France, Russia and the Netherlands. In fact, nearly 130,000 tonnes of Irish pork was exported across the world in 2007.
The meat will probably be taken off the shelves in all of the countries that it gets sold to.
Irish Prime Minister Brian Cowen said his government was doing all they could to sort out the problem.
He said officials were now investigating the place where they think the infected feed came from - a factory in the Republic of Ireland which makes pig feed for lots of farmers.
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SplenomegalySpleen enlargement; Enlarged spleen; Spleen swelling
Splenomegaly is a larger-than-normal spleen.
The spleen is an organ that is a part of the lymph system. The spleen filters the blood and maintains healthy red and white blood cells and platelets.
Many health conditions can affect the spleen. These include:
- Diseases of the blood or lymph system
- Liver disease
Symptoms of splenomegaly include:
- Inability to eat a large meal
- Pain on the upper left side of the abdomen
Splenomegaly can be caused by any of the following:
- Liver diseases
- Blood diseases
It is important to prevent injury that might cause the spleen to rupture. You should avoid contact sports.
Your doctor or nurse will tell you what else you need to do to take care of yourself and any medical condition.
When to Contact a Medical Professional
There are usually no symptoms from an enlarged spleen. Some people have pain in the left upper part of the belly area (abdomen). You should seek medical help right away if it is severe or gets worse when you take a deep breath.
What to Expect at Your Office Visit
The health care provider will ask about your symptoms and medical history.
A physical exam will be done. This will include feeling your abdomen. The health care provider will tap along the left upper part of your abdomen and feel in that same area, especially just under the rib cage.
Tests that may be done include:
- Abdominal x-ray, ultrasound, or CT scan
- Blood tests, such as a CBC and tests of your liver function
Armitage JO. Approach to the patient with lymphadenopathy and splenomegaly. In: Goldman L, Schafer AI, eds. Goldman's Cecil Medicine. 24th ed. Philadelphia, Pa: Saunders Elsevier; 2011:chap 171.
Review Date: 2/24/2014
Reviewed By: Todd Gersten, MD, Hematology/Oncology, Florida Cancer Specialists & Research Institute, Wellington, FL. Review provided by VeriMed Healthcare Network. Also reviewed by David Zieve, MD, MHA, Isla Ogilvie, PhD, and the A.D.A.M. Editorial team.
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Follow us:Follow Us on Twitter Like Us on Facebook Follow Us on Google+ Watch videos on our Youtube channel
Arthroscopy is a minimally invasive approach to diagnosing and treating many joint conditions.
During the procedure, a fiber-optic instrument with a lighted tip - an arthroscope - is inserted into a small incision near the joint. Through the instrument, your Cedars-Sinai orthopedic surgeon can see inside the joint.
In some cases, repairs or reconstruction of cartilage or torn ligaments can be done arthroscopically. Using miniature tools inserted in small incisions adjacent to the where the arthroscope has been inserted, the surgeon can do surgery while watching the images from the arthroscope.
The advantage of this type of minimally invasive procedure is typically there is less pain, faster healing and it often allows you to return to your regular activities more quickly.
While arthroscopy is commonly used to treat many joint conditions, it is less frequently used in other situations. Arthroscopy is used to:
- Repair cartilage tears. Using arthroscopy, an orthopedic surgeon can remove torn pieces of cartilage or sew torn pieces together (this is done in some younger people).
- Treat hip conditions, including arthritis of the hip. This is less common than other types of arthroscopic surgery and usually only done in special centers such as the Cedars-Sinai Orthopaedic Center. The surgery is difficult and often requires special equipment. It can be used to diagnose the source of hip pain. It is a less painful way to sew a torn acetabluar labrum back together or to remove pieces of the labrum that cannot be repaired.
- Remove bone spurs, loose bits of bone or cartilage or the diseased lining of a joint (the synovium). This can be used to treat both rheumatoid arthritis and osteoarthritis.
- Treat chondromalacia by smoothing the surface of the cartilage in the knee joint and removing any fragments of cartilage that may be catching in the joint when you bend or straighten your knee.
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'The Gates of Hell' is a massive sculpture work created by the famous French artist Auguste Rodin. The imagery of the sculpture is based on a scene from Dante's "The Inferno" and the gates stand roughly 6 meters high and 4 meters wide.
Of the 180 figures in the sculpture, many were later cast into separate effigies, and some are well known on their own. The most famous of these is "The Thinker," the well-known image of the contemplative man seated and resting his chin in his palm.
The sculpture was commissioned in 1880 and was originally to be completed in five years, but Rodin worked on 'The Gates of Hell' for some 37 years until his death in 1917. Rodin labored on his sculpture on the ground floor of the Hotel Biron, which, a few years after his death, opened up as Musée Rodin, displaying 'The Gates of Hell' and his other works.
This exquisite piece of sculptural art has had a few casts made of it, but only six copies exist including the one in Musée Rodin in Paris. This one is on the Stanford University campus in the B. Gerald Cantor Rodin Scultpure Garden. The garden has 200 works by Rodin, most of which are cast in bronze, though the university has others in wax and terra cotta.
Be sure to check around the back for the Back Door to Hell, a small maintenance door at the back of the freestanding wall, through which you can check out some of the internal construction of this massive bronze monument (assuming you can find someone who can let you have a peak...)
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The National Cyber Security Alliance (NCSA) and McAfee today, in coordination with the kick-off of National Cyber Security Awareness Month, announced the results of a comprehensive consumer online security research study. The report reveals a significant gap between consumers' perceptions that they -- and their computers -- are protected from various Internet threats used by cyber criminals, while in reality, people were either unprotected or under-protected. The McAfee-NCSA Online Safety Study shows that while consumers think they are protected (93 percent feel safe from viruses), they are actually at risk because of outdated security software on their computer that doesn't protect them from new malware created everyday.
"The good news is that our survey reveals a growing awareness of the need for online security," said Todd Gebhart, senior vice president and general manager, McAfee Consumer, Mobile and Small Business. "Unfortunately, there are still many consumers who remain vulnerable to threats like spyware, phishing, hackers and risky Web sites that can infect their computers with a wide range of malicious software. Clearly we have a long way to go to educate consumers about online security to prevent them from being victims of cybercriminals, identity thieves and other dangerous threats."
Nearly all consumers (98 percent) who responded to the survey agreed keeping online security up-to-date is important. To address these concerns, consumers told researchers they had taken the following measures:
While nearly every survey respondent (98 percent) acknowledged the importance of having up to date security on their computer, nearly half of all scanned computers (48 percent) had not been updated within the month. Survey respondents also acknowledged they had been infected with malware:
When researchers were able to conduct a remote scan of consumers' computers, their findings revealed a significant gap between perception versus reality, where consumers thought they were protected, when in fact, they were not. In particular, the following results illustrate this disparity:
"These results show a tremendous need to educate consumers about online security," said Ron Teixeira, executive director, National Cyber Security Alliance. "That's why we're asking consumers to 'protect themselves before they connect themselves' this October, and take a few minutes to find ways to better secure their identities, computers and our nation's infrastructure from cyber threats. If consumers incorporate a few simple steps and use the right security technology, they can bridge the cyber security perception vs. reality gap and feel more confident that they have the tools they need to stay safe online."
"This research clearly shows a need to educate consumers that updated, comprehensive security is a must," said Bari Abdul, vice president of Worldwide Consumer Marketing at McAfee. "The fact that the computer scans show so many PCs with out of date protection indicates people do not understand that the security software included with the purchase of their PC is usually a trial version that will expire if the user does not purchase a subscription. Further, when people think they have protections, but do not, they may not realize that the basic security software installed on their PC does not include anti-phishing and anti-spam protection. The education initiatives happening throughout National Cyber Security Awareness Month in October are a must because Internet users need to understand the dos and don'ts of cyber security to protect themselves from the potential risks of the Internet and being online."
Both the survey and the scan revealed additional examples that demonstrate how consumers remain ill-informed about online security.
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This tree shows the results of heavy infection by European brown rot. (Courtesy George Sundin)
Infection starts in the flowers, then moves into shoots, which wilt and die. These dead shoots provide the source of new infection the following year. (Courtesy George Sundin)
Tart cherry growers in Michigan got a surprise last year when European brown rot appeared in their orchards.
“The extent of infection observed in some orchards was surprising on Montmorency,” said Dr. George Sundin, Michigan State University tree fruit pathologist. “It will take growers two to three years of intense activity to reduce inoculum levels in orchards that were affected.”
Overwhelmingly, the U.S. tart cherry industry is dominated by the red-skinned, white-fleshed Montmorency variety. Some growers have diversified, adding the European-type, dark-fleshed, less-sour Balaton variety. Montmorency is more resistant to European brown rot than is Balaton.
“Balaton was hammered in 2013 by European brown rot,” Sundin said. “It is not usually an issue on Montmorency, so it’s likely that conditions last year were super-optimal for infection.”
Unlike American brown rot (Monilinia fructicola), European brown rot (M. laxa) is not a problem on the fruit—at least under Michigan conditions—but it does attack flowers and spurs. “The lack of fungal sporulation activity closer to harvest is a huge bonus for growers. In Europe, it does go to the fruit,” Sundin said.
“The European brown rot pathogen is very highly sensitive to environmental conditions,” he said.
It takes a wetting event, followed by relative humidity above 80 percent for more than 16 hours for infection to occur. Trees with light freeze damage may be more sensitive to infection, he said. Infection occurs more frequently in orchards that are surrounded by windbreak trees that result in slow drying conditions, and also in low spots and other sites affected by colder temperatures and fog.
The organism can grow and sporulate in cold conditions—temperatures in low 40s—so it is active prior to bloom and then infects flowers, spurs, and shoots, resulting in shoot dieback as well as dead flowers. Last year, the affected orchards had very warm temperatures leading up to bloom, then very cold conditions from white bud through bloom, Sundin said.
Both American and European brown rots attack the flowers, but the European brown rot fungus moves through flowers into spurs. That is a key difference between the two, he said.
“In 2014, Indar (fenbuconazole) will be the fungicide of choice in affected orchards,” Sundin said. He recommends a rate of six fluid ounces per acre and two applications, at white bud and seven days later.
Testing of European brown rot isolates for fungicide sensitivity began last fall. Sundin will test Topsin M (thiophanate-methyl), Topsin M plus captan, captan alone, and possibly Vanguard (cyprodinil) for European brown rot control next year in Balaton cherries and hopes to know by spring what growers can use.
For now, they are being advised to prune, remove, and burn dead shoots that were infected last year because these will be the source of inoculum for this year.
“It doesn’t take a ton of overwintering sites to cause infection next year,” he told growers during the tart cherry educational session at the Great Lakes Fruit, Vegetable, and Farm Market Expo in December. •
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by Staff Writers
Washington DC (SPX) Feb 04, 2016
While rhino species evolved and increased in size over 50 million years, their bones may have strained to support their massive and active bodies, according to a study published February 3, 2016 in the open-access journal PLOS ONE by Kelsey Stilson from the University of Chicago and colleagues from the University of Oregon.
The signs of bone health issues, like bone degeneration, inflammation, and infection have been observed in the bones of many extinct North American and living African and Asian rhino species. Scientists are interested in exploring the relationship between animal size, bone health, and bone function in an evolutionary context.
The authors of this study evaluated seven physical indicators of bone health, rhino mass, and bone structure in six extinct and one living rhinoceros species from 50 million years ago to the present. For context, non-avian dinosaurs went extinct around 65 million years ago.
The authors found the incidence of osteopathology increased from 28% to 65-80% as new species evolved. The only living species in this study, the black rhino, displayed 50% fewer osteopathologies than the more derived extinct taxa. The researchers also found that with increasing body mass, indicators of disease in the bones also significantly increased.
The authors suggest these results may reflect a part of the complex system of adaptations in rhinos over millions of years, where increased mass, running, and/or increased life span are selected for, to the detriment of long-term bone health. The authors say this work has important implications for the future health of hoofed animals and possibly even humans.
Research paper: Stilson KT, Hopkins SSB, Davis EB (2016) Osteopathology in Rhinocerotidae from 50 Million Years to the Present. PLoS ONE 11(2): e0146221. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0146221
Explore The Early Earth at TerraDaily.com
|The content herein, unless otherwise known to be public domain, are Copyright 1995-2016 - Space Media Network. All websites are published in Australia and are solely subject to Australian law and governed by Fair Use principals for news reporting and research purposes. AFP, UPI and IANS news wire stories are copyright Agence France-Presse, United Press International and Indo-Asia News Service. ESA news reports are copyright European Space Agency. All NASA sourced material is public domain. Additional copyrights may apply in whole or part to other bona fide parties. Advertising does not imply endorsement, agreement or approval of any opinions, statements or information provided by Space Media Network on any Web page published or hosted by Space Media Network. Privacy Statement All images and articles appearing on Space Media Network have been edited or digitally altered in some way. Any requests to remove copyright material will be acted upon in a timely and appropriate manner. Any attempt to extort money from Space Media Network will be ignored and reported to Australian Law Enforcement Agencies as a potential case of financial fraud involving the use of a telephonic carriage device or postal service.|
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Almost half of the nearly 5 trillion dollars in medical and health care related activities can be accounted for in the US. It is obvious that our country has well trained professionals, outstanding technology and a vast array of medication designed to address health concerns. Yet, why is medical care so costly and problematic for so many individuals to receive?
The Growth of Medical Care
For most of the worlds more developed countries the medical field is one of their largest industries. If you count the money generated by medication sales, diagnostics, nursing homes, hospitals, physicians, and other ancillary activities it is quite easy to see why the medical industry accounts for 10-20% of a country’s gross production.
In the US alone there are nearly 800,000 medical doctors, more than 5000 hospitals and millions of health care workers. One of every dozen US citizens works in health care now and this number is expected to grow. Still there are not enough workers and facilities to handle the 20 million outpatients that are currently being seen every day. This staggering amount of outpatient visits does not include the average daily count of 4 -5 million hospitalized patients.
The vast, complex health care industry in the United States is one that attracts people from around the globe. Switzerland and Germany both have large medical industries, but these countries run their health care differently from the US. Could it be possible that our nation’s health care will soon be undergoing a radical type of change?
Answers are Difficult to Find
Is the answer to the current health care dilemma as simple as nationalizing health care for all? Will this possibility only make the situation worse? How will the medical resources be allocated among the various segments of our society? These are only a few of the questions that are waiting to be answered.
Today medical health has become a controversial subject among many groups of citizens. There is talk of overhauling the medical system as we now know it. We are also hearing predictions that the government will try to restructure the nation’s health care system. Although much of this rhetoric has been publicized for a number of years it seems that people are becoming more polarized by the possible changes that are now constantly making headlines.
The Senior Citizens Have their own Concerns
The elderly population in the US is keeping a close eye on what is being proposed because health care and medication issues are of great concern to them. Medical and insurance coverage for people 65 and older have undergone many changes since the 1980s. Most senior citizens are very vocal about their displeasure with the way Medicare is addressing the problems, and they are also worried about what the future might hold. The costs of health care and medication needs are extremely high for senior citizens as a whole. Every year they are fearful of having their benefits cut even further, and now they have new worries regarding medical care.
Groups at Risk
It has been just a few short weeks since Governor Sara Palin galvanized many citizens with her predictions and comments about “death panels” and nationalized health care. While there were many people who rallied around her statements, the mere possibility of such radical notions began sending shock waves through the nation. This was particularly unnerving to a large percentage of our elderly population. It was also causing concern among advocates for the poor and disabled. Even parents and caretakers of people with physical and mental challenges were becoming alarmed, and feeling threatened.
Future Allocation of Health Care Resources?
Could it be possible that Medical professionals would possibly agree to form commissions that would allocate health care resources to those they deemed most deserving? This thought was both frightening and “Orwellian” in prospect. A careful review showed that there was no written documentation that actually stated such possibilities, but this did not alleviate the fear and worry of many ordinary citizens. Just the idea that access to hospitalization or medication needs might one day be restricted was enough to generate small scale panic in many communities across the nation.
Problems, Problems, Problems
Medical concerns, health care and affordable medication plans are major sources of worry for everyone today. Insurance coverage is very expensive. There is a growing trend among companies to provide less employee and family benefits in order to cut costs. In some cases this is making it difficult for employees to participate in the insurance plans being offered by their employers. However a growing number of families are too cash strapped to afford health insurance premiums on their own. This is creating a “Catch 22” type of environment with people unable to afford the cost of becoming sick as well as the cost of being insured.
The Answer is Cooperation
It is hard to know where the main problems are within the health industry. Some people want to find fault with the high paid physicians and medical specialists and others point the finger of blame at hospitals that seem to be pulling in billions of dollars annually, yet are constantly complaining having too little money. Malpractice lawyers, government regulations and insurance companies have also played a part in today’s health care woes. The answer is not going to be easy to find, and every group associated with the medical industry will need to step up to the plate and help out.
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On this site, I explain handmade thinking and share some ways students have used drawing to improve their responses to reading.
What is handmade thinking?
Handmade thinking is a term I’ve coined to describe a subcategory of visual thinking that involves drawing images by hand to capture and present ideas.
How is handmade thinking different from visual thinking?
Visual thinking can be divided into a number of processes itself, including the analysis, manipulation, and creation of images. For example, when we read a map, we are using our visual thinking skills to discover where we are and where we want to go. Selecting appropriate colors for a bedroom or cutting and pasting clip art images into a presentation would also be considered visual thinking.
Handmade thinking, however, is a creative process, the drawing of new images by hand in order to respond to a specific experience or to show our thinking to others.
What is the relationship between handmade thinking and improved reading comprehension?
Many state education standards in English Language Arts and Reading expect students to create sensory images to support the development of reading comprehension. Handmade thinking and the 21 visual formats introduced on this site and explained further in my book provide teachers clear guidance on how to help students become more engaged and critical readers through drawing.
I also offer workshops on handmade thinking, and I look forward to talking to you more about how you and your colleagues might use handmade thinking in your classrooms with your students. See brochure here.
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|Flags of Neighboring Countries|
Equatorial Guinea Flag
Republic of the Congo Flag
The national flag of the Gabonese Republic comprises three horizontal stripes of green (top), yellow (middle), followed by the blue stripe.
Gabon was originally an overseas territory of France and the country adopted its indigenous flag when the country gained independence from the French rule, on August 17, 1960.
The present flag was designed in 1959 but at the time the French tricolor was imposed on the flag. This was later removed after independence.
Official Name: Gabonese Republic
Flag Proportion: 3:4
Designed by: Louis Muhlemann
Location: Located in Central Africa; Bordered by Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon, and Republic of the Congo
Capital City: Libreville
Major Cities:Estuaire, Nyanga, Ngounie
Area: 103,347 square miles
Currency: Central African Franc (XAF)
Official Language: French
National Anthem: The Concord
Fact about Gabon flag
|Adopted||August 9, 1960|
|Design and Colors||A horizontal triband of green, gold and blue|
Last updated on : December 22, 2015
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The purpose of education is to share our knowledge with others. A great teacher can impart a deep understanding of a subject to students effectively and with passion and hope, in turn, that in doing so those young people will be inspired to teach others. The Victorian artist and critic, John Ruskin, wrote that ‘the moment we use our possessions to any good purpose ourselves, the instinct of communicating that use to others rises side by side with our power. If you can read a book rightly, you will want others to hear it; if you can enjoy a picture rightly, you will others to see it’. It sounds so obvious, and we see it every day in every school in the country. Teachers, obviously, share every day, giving their students the benefit of their experience, insights, expertise and understanding; ideally, that that spreads outwards across the community, into other classroom, homes, and on across endless networks.
Perhaps nowhere is this commitment to sharing more deeply embedded in the culture of a school than in
Phillips Exeter Academy, a private school in New Hampshire. Here, the Harkness philosophy of teaching acts as its pedagogical foundation in every lesson, and in every classroom.
Edward Harkness was an extraordinary man. Although not as well known as other American philanthropists (such as the Rockerfellers and Andrew Carnegie) Harkness gave away much of his inherited wealth, and a considerable proportion of this went into education. Harkness wanted his money to make a difference: he wanted to challenge unquestioned – and unfulfilling – teaching methods that so dominated – and diminished – the lives of young people then. In 1930 he wrote:
What I have in mind is a classroom where students could sit around a table with a teacher who would talk with them and instruct them by a sort of tutorial or conference method, where each student would feel encouraged to speak up. This would be a real revolution in methods.
Go into a classroom in Phillips Exeter today and you will see a large oval table occupying much of its space. The students sit around the table, with the teacher among them, but in no ‘prime’ position. All students can make eye contact with each other, and for much of the lesson they lead the discussion with the teacher contributing at key moments to add structure and direction. Importantly, the students come to the lesson having completed ‘prep’ in advance: they do the work independently, and then they share. Others learn, including the teacher.
Nothing more profoundly challenges a teacher’s view of his role than to remain quiet, and to trust the students to learn from each other. Imagine a lesson in which perhaps 80% of the talking is done not by the adult, but by the students. When it works well it is liberating for all involved. But of course not every school has the resources of Phillips Exeter, nor do they have such small class sizes. But what they probably all have is students who rarely contribute, who are not trusted as teachers themselves, and also teachers who, for various reasons, feel they have to ‘own’ their classrooms, both in time and space. Talking still too often is confused with teaching.
As an inspector, every outstanding lesson I have observed has an almost palpable sense of mutual respect, between students and teacher, running from start to finish. When that relationship is found across the school community then it is probably an outstanding school: a place where teachers want to teach, and students want to learn. Such schools should share their expertise with other schools, creating new connections, and promoting an on-going debate about teaching and learning. The Wellington College Teaching School Partnership, is typical of the teaching school initiative in that it includes 14 schools and two higher education partners; what is unusual about this is that it includes an independent school, but that is likely to change as more schools from this sector join with other partnerships.
The shared aims of this partnership is to offer school-to-school support, both for staff and students, to spread good practice, to use technology in a meaningful (and cost-effective way), and to use evidence-based research to underpin approaches to teaching and learning. And, fundamentally, to learn from each other. For some in the independent sector sharing might mean a weakening, a dilution, (and it is perhaps this defensive position that Sir Michael Wilshaw recently attacked in his address to the
annual HMC conference); but for those of us in the partnership sharing means the opposite: a strengthening, an adding to, a nourishing. The practice of sharing, which we should model in every classroom, in every school, should be heard in every discussion about education. Only in doing so will we learn, and then, perhaps, will have fulfilled our purpose as teachers.
Dr David James
Director, Sunday Times Education Festival
Co-Director, Wellington College Teaching School Partnership
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Wednesday, April 29, 2015
The 2015 Nepal earthquake (also referred to as the Himalayan earthquake) occurred at 11:56 NST on 25 April with a moment magnitude (Mw) of 7.8 or 8.1Ms and a maximum Mercalli Intensity of IX (Violent). Its epicenter was approximately 34 km (21 mi) east-southeast of Lamjung, Nepal, and its hypocenter was at a depth of approximately 15 km (9.3 mi).
It was the most powerful disaster to strike Nepal since the 1934 Nepal–Bihar earthquake. As of 28 April 2015, more than 10,000 people were believed to have died as a result, with casualties reported in Nepal and adjoining areas of India, China, and Bangladesh. Within minutes of the earthquake, the Government of India, via the Indian Armed Forces, initiated Operation Maitri (English: Operation Amity), a massive humanitarian mission with the primary objective of conducting relief and rescue operations in Nepal. The Indian government also evacuated Indian and foreign citizens from Nepal.
The earthquake triggered an avalanche on Mount Everest, killing at least 19. The death toll surpassed that of the2014 Mount Everest avalanche, making it the most lethal day on the mountain. It triggered another huge avalanche in Langtang valley, where 250 are now missing. Centuries-old buildings were destroyed at UNESCO World Heritage sites in the Kathmandu Valley, including some at the Kathmandu Durbar Square, the Patan Durbar Square and theBhaktapur Durbar Square. Nepal's government has declared three days of mourning after the quake.
Geophysicists and other experts had warned for decades that Nepal was vulnerable to a deadly earthquake, particularly because of its geology, urbanization, and architecture.
Continued aftershocks occurred throughout Nepal, with one shock reaching a magnitude of 6.7 on 26 April at 12:54:08NST. The country is at continued risk of landslides as well.
The earthquake occurred on 25th April 2015 at 11:56am NST (06:11:26 UTC) at a depth of approximately 15 km (9.3 mi) (which is considered shallow and therefore more damaging than quakes that originate deeper in the ground), with its epicenter approximately 34 km (21 mi) east-southeast of Lamjung, Nepal, lasting approximately twenty seconds. The earthquake was initially reported as 7.5 Mw by the United States Geological Survey (USGS) before it was quickly upgraded to 7.9 Mw and finally downgraded to 7.8 Mw. The China Earthquake Networks Center (CENC) reported the earthquake's magnitude to be 8.1 Ms. The India Meteorological Department (IMD) said two powerful quakes were registered in Nepal at 06:11 UTC and 06:45 UTC. The first quake measured 7.9 Mw and its epicenter was identified at a distance of 80 km to the northwest of the capital Kathmandu. The second earthquake was somewhat less powerful at 6.6 Mw. The seismic focus lay at a depth of 10 km (6.2 mi) below the earth's surface. Bharatpur was the nearest major city to the main earthquake, 53 km (33 mi) from the epicenter. The second earthquake occurred 81 km (50 mi) northwest of Kathmandu, the capital of Nepal. Over thirty-five aftershocks of magnitude 4.5 Mw or greater occurred in the day following the initial earthquake, including the one of magnitude 6.6 Mw.
According to the USGS, the temblor was caused by a sudden thrust, or release of built-up stress, along the major fault line where the Indian Plate, carrying India, is slowly diving underneath the Eurasian Plate, carrying much of Europe and Asia. Kathmandu, situated on a block of crust approximately 120 km (75 miles) wide and 60 km (37 miles) long, reportedly shifted 3 m (10 ft) to the south in just 30 seconds.
The risk of a large earthquake was well known beforehand. In 2013, in an interview with seismologist Vinod Kumar Gaur, The Hindu quoted him as saying, "Calculations show that there is sufficient accumulated energy [in the MFT], now to produce an 8 magnitude earthquake. I cannot say when. It may not happen tomorrow, but it could possibly happen sometime this century, or wait longer to produce a much larger one." According to Brian Tucker, founder of a nonprofit organisation devoted to reducing casualties from natural disasters, some government officials had expressed confidence that such an earthquake would not occur again. Tucker recounted a conversation he had had with a government official in the 1990s who said, "We don't have to worry about earthquakes anymore, because we already had an earthquake"; the previous earthquake to which he referred occurred in 1934.
Nepal lies towards the southern limit of the diffuse collisional boundary where the Indian Plate underthrusts the Eurasian Plate, occupying the central sector of the Himalayan arc, nearly one third of the 2,400 km (1,500 mi) long Himalayas. Geologically, the Nepal Himalayas are sub-divided into five tectonic zones from north to south, east to west and almost parallel to sub-parallel. These five distinct morpho-geotectonic zones are: (1) Terai Plain, (2) Sub Himalaya (SivalikRange), (3) Lesser Himalaya (Mahabharat Range and mid valleys), (4) Higher Himalaya, and (5) Inner Himalaya (Tibetan Tethys). Each of these zones is clearly identified by their morphological, geological, and tectonic features.
The convergence rate between the plates in central Nepal is about 45 mm (1.8 in) per year. The location, magnitude, andfocal mechanism of the earthquake suggest that it was caused by a slip along the Main Frontal Thrust.
The earthquake's effects were amplified in Kathmandu as it sits on the Kathmandu Basin, which contains up to 600 m (2,000 ft) of sedimentary rocks, representing the infilling of a lake.
Based on a study published in 2014, of the Main Frontal Thrust, on average a great earthquake occurs every 750 ± 140 and 870 ± 350 years in the east Nepal region. A study from 2015 found a 700-year delay between earthquakes in the region. The study also suggests that because of tectonic stress buildup, the earthquake from 1934 in Nepal and the 2015 quake are connected, following a historic earthquake pattern.
According to "Did You Feel It?" (DYFI?) responses on the USGS website, the intensity in Kathmandu was IX (Violent).Tremors were felt in the neighboring Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Assam, West Bengal, Sikkim, Uttarakhand,Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, in the Indian capital region around New Delhi and as far south as Karnataka. Many buildings were brought down in Bihar. Minor cracks in the walls of houses were reported in Odisha. Minor quakes were registered as far as Kochi in the southern state of Kerala. The intensity in Patna was V (Moderate). The intensity was IV (Light) in Dhaka, Bangladesh. The earthquake was also experienced across southwestern China, ranging from the Tibet Autonomous Region to Chengdu, which is 1,900 km (1,200 mi) away from the epicenter. Tremors were felt inPakistan and Bhutan.
A major aftershock of magnitude 6.7 Mw occurred on 26 April 2015 in the same region at 12:55 NST (07:09 UTC), with an epicenter located about 17 km (11 mi) south of Kodari, Nepal. The aftershock caused fresh avalanches on Mount Everest and was felt in many places in northern India including Kolkata, Siliguri, Jalpaiguri and Assam. The aftershock caused a landslide on the Koshi Highway which blocked the section of the road between Bhedetar and Mulghat.
A model of GeoGateway, based on a United States Geological Survey mechanism of a near-horizontal fault as well as location of aftershocks showed that the fault was an 11° dip striking at 295°, 50 km (31 mi) wide, 150 km (93 mi) long, and had a dip slip of 3 m (9.8 ft). The USGS says the aftershock on Sunday registered at a shallow depth of 10 km (6.2 mi).
Assuming that this earthquake is the largest event in this seismic episode, Nepal can expect more than 30 aftershocks greater than magnitude 5 over the next month.
UNICEF announced that close to 1 million children were "severely affected" by the disaster. On 27 April, The Himalayan Times reported that as many as 20,000 foreign nationals may have been visiting Nepal at the time of the earthquake. As reports come in from isolated villages, it is possible that total deaths may reach or exceed the more than 10,000 killed in the 1934 earthquake. Hundreds of people are still considered missing and more than 450,000 are displaced.
As of 4:14 p.m. 27 April in India, Home Minister Rajnath Singh confirmed that 56 people died in the state ofBihar, 12 in Uttar Pradesh, 3 in West Bengal and 1 in Rajasthan.
The death toll in Nepal has now crossed 5,000. The Nepal Prime Minister, Sushil Koirala has said that the number could reach 10,000.
Avalanches on Mount Everest
Main article: 2015 Mount Everest avalanches
This earthquake caused many avalanches on Mount Everest. At least 19 climbers, including Google executive Dan Fredinburg, are dead, with dozens injured or missing.
Avalanche in the Langtang valley
In the Langtang valley, around 250 people have been reported missing after a huge avalanche that resulted in the village of Langtang itself being wiped out.
The Tribhuvan International Airport serving Kathmandu was closed immediately after the quake, but was re-opened later in the day for relief operations, with commercial flights planned to resume on April 26. It has since shut down operations sporadically due to aftershocks, and many workers are not at their posts, either from becoming earthquake casualties or because they are dealing with its aftereffects.
Buildings in Kathmandu Durbar Square, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, collapsed, as did the Dharahara tower, built in 1832; the collapse of the latter structure killed at least 180 people, Manakamana Temple in Gorkha was also destroyed. The northern side of Janaki Mandir has been reported to be damaged. Several temples, includingKasthamandap, Panchtale temple, the nine-storey Basantapur Durbar, the Dasa Avtar temple and two dewals located behind the Shiva Parvati temple were demolished by the quake. Few other monuments, including the Kumari Temple and the Taleju Bhawani Temple, among others, have partially collapsed.
The top of the Jay Bageshwori Temple in Gaushala and some parts of the Pashupatinath Temple, Swyambhunath, BoudhanathStupa, Ratna Mandir, inside Rani Pokhari, and Durbar High School have been destroyed. Telephone service in Kathmandu has been sporadic since the quake, as has electricity.
In Patan, the Char Narayan Mandir, the statue of Yog Narendra Malla, a pati inside Patan Durbar Square, the Taleju Temple, the Hari Shanker, Uma Maheshwor Temple and the Machhindranath Temple in Bungmati were destroyed. In Tripureshwor, the Kal Mochan Ghat, a temple inspired by Mughal architecture, was completely destroyed and the nearby Tripura Sundari also suffered significant damage. In Bhaktapur, several monuments, including the Fasi Deva temple, the Chardham temple and the 17th century Vatsala Durga Temple, were fully or partially destroyed.
Outside the Valley, the Manakamana Temple in Gorkha, the Gorkha Durbar, the Palanchowk Bhagwati, in Kavrepalanchowk District, the Rani Mahal in Palpa District, the Janaki Mandir in Janakpur, the Churiyamai in Makwanpur District, the Dolakha Bhimsensthan inDolakha District, and the Nuwakot Durbar were partially destroyed.
Historian Prushottam Lochan Shrestha stated, "We have lost most of the monuments that had been designated as World Heritage Sites in Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur District, Nepal. They cannot be restored to their original states."
Coverage on social media"This is a very catastrophic event in a very poor nation. The cost of reconstruction over the next few years will be massive. Rebuilding costs could easily exceed USD$5 billion, which would be about 20 percent of Nepal's gross domestic product. Massive international disaster relief and rescue efforts will be needed urgently, as well as large-scale international financial and technical assistance for long-term reconstruction of the economy." said Rajiv Biswas, chief Asia-Pacific economist at Colorado-based consultancy services IHS Inc.Nepal, with a total GDP of $19.921 billion (according to a 2012 estimate), is one of Asia's poorest countries, and has little ability to fund a major reconstruction effort on its own. Even before the quake, the Asian Development Bank estimated that it would need to spend about four times more than it currently does annually on infrastructure through 2020 to attract investment. The U.S. Geological Survey initially estimated economic losses from the temblor at 9 percent to 50 percent of gross domestic product, with a best guess of 35 percent. "It’s too hard for now to tell the extent of the damage and the effect on Nepal’s GDP", according to Hun Kim, an Asian Development Bank (ADB) official. The ADB said on the 28th that it would provide a USD$3 million grant to Nepal for immediate relief efforts, and up to USD$200 million for the first phase of rehabilitation.
The earthquake has received extensive coverage on social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter. Close to 5 million tweets related to Nepal was published during the first three days following the disaster.. Official Nepal government social media profiles also have been used by the Nepal Police, the Office of the Prime Minister of Nepal Prime Minister's Disaster Relief Fund and the National Emergency Operation Centre.. A group of popular Nepalese accounts on social media, such as @KanakManiDixit @Ekendra and @salokya, have been constantly providing rescue and relief information to the world. The hashtag #NepalEarthquake is in popular use, and on reddit a subreddit titled /r/NepalEarthquake has been created.
International humanitarian response
Main articles: Humanitarian response to the 2015 Nepal earthquake and Operation Maitri
Within 15 minutes of the earthquake on April 25, 2015, the Government of India, via the Indian Armed Forces, initiated Operation Maitri (English: Operation Amity), with the primary objective of conducting relief and rescue operations in Nepal. On Sunday April 26, 2015, International aid agencies and governments mobilized to respond to the earthquake in Nepal, saying they faced challenges in getting assistance to the country and distributing it amid the widespread devastation there.The global response is being coordinated by the Nepalese government through its National Emergency Operation Center.[
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What to Look For: A Shared Vision of Powerful Learning
This blog is part one in a four part series sponsored by Pearson Education focused around the key indicators of success in a digital learning program. Throughout the series we will give details about the four "look fors" in online and blended environments.
Making the #ShiftToDigitalEd benefits your school and your students in a variety of ways: it unlocks the potential of high engagement personalized learning, it extends learning time and options, it powers professional quality work products, and boost collaboration.
We're living through a profound shift in human development: a shift from print to digital, from cohort to individual, from year end test to continuous feedback, from time to learning. It's a shift from passive learning, teach it, turn it in, and test it, to active learning, playlists, projects, presentation, publications, and portfolios. The shift includes new broader outcomes, real measures of college and career readiness including creativity, critical thinking, collaboration, and habits of success.
Broader aims and powerful learner experiences means a new list of things to "look for" in a learning environment. Over the next couple of weeks we'll be sharing the four "look fors" in digital learning environments.
Evidence of a Shared Vision
This first sign of success is a shared vision. A graduate profile and a picture of learning should guide planning and implementation. Your vision should answer two key questions:
- Aims: What should young people know and be able to do?
- LX: What powerful learning experiences will help develop the desired knowledge, skills and dispositions?
Community conversations should consider how the world is changing, how jobs are changing, and how civic participation is changing. What's really important for graduate success?
Following are six systems getting it right:
- Houston ISD worked with the community, businesses and HigherEd partners to develop a Global Graduate Profile that defines the knowledge, skills and characteristics they believe are critical for student success. The district uses the goals set in the graduate profile to properly align their district and PowerUp initiatives. "We are working together to use technology so that our classrooms remain student-centered and students become critical thinkers, problem-solvers, and leaders -- all traits of the Global Graduate" said former superintendent Terry Grier.
- Marion City Schools recently defined and realized their personalized learning vision. A discussion with teachers helped determine their understanding of personalized learning which then led to identifying the differences between teaching for achievement and teaching for growth. MCS also partnered with their community to create a " Portrait of a Graduate". This vision was built upon what a graduate should know and be able to do based on the needs of the community and given what the world may look like in a few years.
- Highline Public Schools (south of Seattle) developed a strategic plan that includes a community vision for student success and strategies to get there. At Highline all students are "known by name, strength and need, and graduates ready for college career and citizenship." A few of their goals for students include core subject mastery by grade 3, success in algebra, graduating students prepared to chose and be successful in their future, graduate students who are bilingual/biliterate and graduate students who are tech-savvy/tech-literate. Highline's four pillars, equitable access, results focused professional learning, strong family partnerships and being a culturally responsive organization, support their instructional vision and guide their professional practices.
- Danville Schools (south of Lexington) demonstrates that Good Schools Start With Good Goals. Carmen Coleman (now working with Gene Wilhoit, National Center for Innovation in Education) led community conversations that resulted in a Deeper Learning agenda. See the the Danville Diploma for a compelling vision of opportunities and outcomes.
- Aiken Virtual Program serves a diverse population and offers anytime, anywhere learning for students who have challenges that make a brick and mortar school schedule difficult. AVP's vision is to serve their diverse population and enable personalized learning in a 21st-century learning environment that prepares students for future success. In 2012 AVP implemented Pearson's digital learning solution GradPoint, allowing teachers to differentiate instruction with multiple learning pathways and allowing students work at their own pace while taking ownership over their learning.
- Denver Public Schools has created a powerful picture of what each student should capable of which includes actively engaging in his or her development, growth and goals, working with teachers to co-create customized learning plans to reach content mastery leveraging his or her strengths and accessing engaging and standards-aligned curricula that supports academic, social and emotional needs. The DPS Team believes, "Effective personalized learning will create lifelong learners that graduate prepared for success in college and career."
Several national organizations offer useful summaries of student learning outcomes
- New Tech Network, a national network of project-based schools, focuses on include Collaboration, Oral Communication, and Agency, in addition to Knowledge and Thinking and Written Communication.
- Summit Public Schools, an innovative California network of secondary schools, defines student outcomes as content knowledge, cognitive skills, habits of success, and expeditions.
- NGLC developed MyWays, a synthesized definition and toolset to map a student's current readiness and then plan to attain that deeper/richer definition of success. Building on work by David Conley, Summit, and others, MyWays surfaced 20 competencies arranged in four general areas: Content Knowledge, Creative Know How, Habits of Success and Wayfinding.
There are a number of national organization that offer useful learner experience advice:
Clayton Christensen Institute
: Blended learning involves leveraging the Internet to afford each student a more personalized learning experience, including increased student
control over the time, place, path, and/or pace of learning. The definition of blended learning is a formal education program in which a student
- at least in part through online learning, with some element of student control over time, place, path, and/or pace;
- at least in part in a supervised brick-and-mortar location away from home;
- and the modalities along each student's learning path within a course or subject are connected to provide an integrated learning experience. (Watch this video to learn more.)
- The Learning Accelerator: Blended learning is the strategic integration of in-person learning with technology to enable real-time data use, personalized instruction, and competency-based progression. (See their framework here.)
- iNACOL: Personalization includes student agency, differentiated instruction, immediate instructional interventions, on-demand supports, flexible pacing, individual student profiles, deeper learning and problem solving to develop meaning, frequent feedback from instructors and peers, standards-based, world-class knowledge and skills, anywhere, anytime learning, and performance-based assessments.
Highlander Institute: blended learning is:
- The strategic integration of teaching, technology, and data to increase personalization, engagement, and mastery of all essential skills for all students.
- A movement away from teacher-centered lecturing and testing to a student-centered learning environment in which students of all ages have increased choice over the path, pace, time, and place that their learning happens.
- A spirit of learning that creates space for innovation, experimentation, and design thinking for educators and students to incorporate 21st century and real-world skills.
Have a powerful way to describe what grads should know and be able to do? Have a useful description of the desired learner experience? We want to hear from you! Tweet to #ShiftToDigitalEd, #IMadeTheShift, or show us your vision statement in action on Instagram #DigitalImpact
This blog series is written in partnership with Pearson Education as part of their Shift to Digital Learning Campaign. Learn how Pearson supports the digital transformation of education with online and blended learning, elearning, and digital solutions to improve results, by checking out their Shift to Digital Campaign page.
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Monday, April 03, 2006
Diambil dari http://www.abc.net.au/science/news/stories/s225249.htm
A team of Japanese scientists has found that germinating brown rice by soaking it for several hours before it is cooked - enhances its already high nutritional value.
The findings were presented last week at the 2000 International Chemical Congress of Pacific Basin Societies.
Germinated rice contains much more fibre than conventional brown rice, say the researchers, three times the amount of the essential amino acid lysine, and ten times the amount of gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), another amino acid known to improve kidney function.
The researchers also found that brown rice sprouts - tiny buds less than a millimetre tall - contain a potent inhibitor of an enzyme called protylendopetidase, which is implicated in Alzheimer's disease.
They determined that germination activates enzymes that liberate additional nutrients.
"The birth of a sprout activates dormant enzymes in the brown rice all at once to supply the best nutrition to the growing sprout," explained Dr Hiroshi Kayahara, the lead investigator on the project, and a biochemist from Shinshu University in Nagano, Japan.
Rice, whether brown or white, is a major part of most Asian diets, often eaten with nearly every meal, however the Western diet tends to contain a lot less rice.
To make the rice sprout, the researchers soaked it in water at 32 degrees C for 22 hours. The outer bran layer softened and absorbed water easily, making the rice easier to cook. Cooked sprouted rice has a sweet flavor, the researchers report, because the liberated enzymes break down some of the sugar and protein in the grain.
White rice will not germinate using this process, notes Kayahara.
China, India and Indonesia - home to nearly half of the world's people - are the world leaders in rice production. Expanding populations throughout Asia will require rice production to increase by about a third over the next 20 years, according to the Rice Foundation.
The weeklong International Chemical Congress is sponsored jointly by the American Chemical Society, the Chemical Society of Japan, the Canadian Society of Chemistry, the Royal Australian Chemical Institute, and the New Zealand Institute of Chemistry.
Keterangan cara membuat Beras Kecambah :
1. Siapkan beras pecah kulit (beras merah atau beras coklat)yang sama sekali tidak mengalami penyosohan. Beras pecah kulit tersedia di Gasol.
2. Rendam beras dengan air pada suhu ruang selama 24 jam. Setelah 12 jam, air rendaman akan sedikit berbusa dan beraroma ragi, ganti air dengan air bersih.
3. Cuci bersih beras dan bisa langsung dimasak. Bila akan disimpan maka lanjutkan dengan :
4. Tiriskan beras dan jemur sampai agak lembab
5. Simpan dalam wadah terbuka dan masukkan ke dalam lemari pendingin.
Bagi berminat membuat beras kecambah secara cepat, tersedia juga rice cooker untuk membuat nasi dari beras kecambah.
Merk Zojirushi HBQ18 : 1.8 liter dan HBQ10 : 1 liter.
Untuk keperluan membuat beras kecambah silahkan hubungi kami di 021-782-7963
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Murray DAR hosts Daniel Boone Scholar Talk
Against a backdrop of the Progressive Era, including presidential elections, campaigns for equal suffrage, war in Europe and opening the Panama Canal, Daughters of the American Revolution in North Carolina initiated a project to mark the trail of Daniel Boone that enabled America's Western Movement. Daniel Boone Scholar, Randell Jones, wrote "Trailing Daniel Boone - Marking Daniel Boone's Trail 1912 to 1915." The Captain Wendell Oury Chapter of the DAR invited Mr. Jones to Murray to learn more about his book. Mr. Jones speaks with Kate Lochte.
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“Eggmont is realistic. "To live together in harmony we can't tolerate any nonsense here," he said. While most of Eggmont's neighbours understand that, now and then one of them gets awfully silly. That's when Eggmont displays his anger, and that's when heads roll!
The expression heads roll
means that someone is being punished. In a job situation, the person is dismissed or demoted! "I warn you," the boss said to the sales force. "If anyone fails to meet the sales quota this month, heads
© 2015 John B. & Ching Yee Smithback
* IDIOMS IN CATEGORIES
One of the problems about learning English is that the sort of thing you find in textbooks or in the classroom is usually "correct usage," whereas in real life you may think
you know English -- but then you turn on television, read a newspaper or hear people talking and discover you only understand half of what's going on.
* FUN WITH IDIOMS
If something is the cat's pajamas,
would that make you want to hurry out to paint the town red?
Or if you are bored to tears
and can't find your feet,
is that because you're a glutton for punishment?
These are idioms, and unless you know them they can make your head spin!
Yet expressions like these are an essential part of our language, adding color, vibrancy and punch to the way we speak and write.
* FUN WITH PROVERBS
What is a proverb? It is a succinct phrase that, through the years, has been used to express a meaning or a shade of meaning. Through the use of lighthearted illustrations and quirky prose, the husband and wife team of John and Ching Yee Smithback demonstrate the proverbs that have developed in the English language over hundreds of years.
**Read about John & Ching Yee 亞 莊 & 清 儀
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PEOPLE who take calcium supplements to prevent and treat osteoporosis have a 30 per cent increased risk of heart attacks, an analysis has shown.
Researchers said the use of supplements should be reassessed in light of the analysis, published in the British Medical Journal yesterday.
They said that because supplements were widely used, the ''modest'' increase in heart attack risk could translate into a large burden of disease in the community.
The researchers, led by Dr Mark Bolland of the University of Auckland, analysed five studies of more than 8000 patients, half of whom were on calcium.
Of the patients who took calcium supplements, 143 had heart attacks compared to 111 on a placebo.
The researchers said that previous studies had found no increased risk of heart attacks with higher calcium intake from food, and their analysis suggested the hazard was associated with supplements.
Endocrinologist Peter Ebeling, who is medical director of Osteoporosis Australia, said the patients in the analysis had total calcium intakes of up to 2400 milligrams a day - far higher than the recommended intake of 1000 to 1300 milligrams.
He said people should not panic about the analysis, which had some limitations.
Professor Ebeling cited recent Australian research involving 1450 patients that showed no increase in heart attacks for women on calcium supplements at a dose of 1200 milligrams a day.
He said there was good evidence that calcium played an important role in reducing fractures.
More than 2 million Australians have osteoporosis.
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Guest Author - Connie Krochmal
Europe is home to many kinds of succulents and cacti, both native and naturalized. This article will focus on species that are commonly seen in the Mediterranean region.
Several species of the ice plants are native to the Mediterranean. These arenít the Delospermas, which are also known as ice plants. They are members of the Aizoaceae or Mesembryanthemum family.
Ice plant (Mesembryanthemum crystallinum) is native to the Mediterranean. This plant features flat, oval foliage. The ice plant is named for the shiny swellings that look like ice. It has large, conspicuous flowers that are over an inch wide.
Mesembryanthemum nodiflorum is an annual species of ice plant. This is found throughout the Mediterranean. Tolerant of salt, it grows along shores. Its oblong leaves are shiny. The coating on the plant is not as uniform or prevalent as it is on the perennial ice plant.
There are two species of Hottentot figs that have naturalized in Europe. These were originally native to South Africa. Red Hottentot fig (Carpobrotus acinaciformis) is a trailing perennial with a spreading growth habit. Its shiny, tapered leaves appear in pairs and can fuse together at the base. This is named for its large, colorful red blossoms, which can be nearly five inches in diameter. Its stamens are vivid purple.
Prickly pear (Opuntia ficus-indica)
Also known as Barbary fig, this was originally native to tropical America. It has naturalized in the Mediterranean and Portugal. This shrubby plant, over nine feet in width, has many branches. Its spiny green pads are flattened. During June and July, the golden yellow blooms open along the edges of the upper pads. These are nearly three inches across.
A rather tender species of the houseleek (Aeonium arboreum) was originally native to North Africa. This has now naturalized in parts of Europe, including the Mediterranean. This perennial is a member of the Crassulaceae or Stonecrop family, which makes it a relative of the Sedums and Sempervivums. It features a stout, branched stem up to three feet or more in height. This woody stem is marked with noticeable leaf scars. At the tips are rosettes of fleshy leaves that overlap like those of hen and chicks. The flat oblong foliage has bristles at the tips. From December to March the sunny yellow blooms open. They are nearly an inch in diameter. These appear in dense, rounded clusters.
The century plant (Agave americana) is a native of Mexico that has become naturalized throughout most of the Mediterranean. This plant is known for its large, spiny-tipped foliage. Six feet or so in length, these are lance-like. They form an oversized rosette over 12 feet in diameter. When the plants are about ten years or so in age, they produce a gigantic flower stalk. This can be over 30 feet in height. This features yellow blooms opening in spike-like clusters along the length of the flower stalk.
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Researchers from Harvard School of Public Health found that limiting protein or amino acid intake several days before surgery may reduce the risk of surgical complications.
According to the School of Public Health study, published in Science Translational Medicine, dietary intake of amino acids and protein before surgery might increase chances of health complications such as heart attack or stroke.
“We were interested in picking apart...what’s missing in the diet,” said James R. Mitchell, assistant professor of genetics and complex diseases at the School of Public Health. “What are we eating that we shouldn’t be eating?”
Previous studies over the past few decades have suggested that long-term dietary restrictions can extend longevity and slow the aging process. A recent study also demonstrated the benefits of restricting protein with fruit flies.
“What we found was that a brief dietary intervention in a mouse could protect against [surgical complications],” Mitchell said. “We wanted to know what the nutritional and genetic basis of that protection is.”
Researchers analyzed two groups of mice, with one group allowed to eat normally for 6 to 14 days while the other group ate an amino acid or protein-free diet.
When both groups were placed under surgical stress, 40 percent of the mice with a normal diet died. All of the mice with amino acid and protein-free diets survived.
According to Mitchell, he said he plans to further elucidate the nutritional basis and the underlying genetic mechanisms behind the study’s discovered link.
“Currently, there are no nutritional guidelines in and around the time of surgery. It’s just not a part of medical management specifically,” Mitchell said. “We think this might be an opportunity that, if this works in people...we can reduce stress resistance in the human body by a simple dietary restriction.”
Mitchell said that before this research can be translated to the clinical level, his team of researchers still needs to determine the optimal diet—and how long it should be maintained—for it to be effective.
-Staff writer Cynthia W. Shih can be reached at email@example.com.
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Robert Owen was openly critical of certain aspects of Christianity and made many enemies in this respect. In 1823 he suggested to his school teachers that the pupils would learn more from geography than the Bible. He deemed the Scottish Sabbath a day of 'superstitious gloom and tyranny over the mind', and 'the most destructive intemperance and licentiousness.'
He was otherwise tolerant towards religious practices. He encouraged church going, which he believed promoted responsibility and good behaviour.
Owen's secularism and socialism provoked suspicion among conservative thinkers.
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Faroese stamp depicting the begining of Ragnarök
In Norse mythology, Ragnarök (meaning "fate of the gods") refers to the eschatological battle that will end the current cosmic order. It will be waged between the Aesir, led by Odin, and the forces of chaos (Loki and his monstrous children, as well as, among others, the Jötnar). Not only will most of the gods, giants, and monsters perish in this apocalyptic conflagration, but almost everything in the universe will be torn asunder.
The specifics of this eschatological conflict (the omens prefiguring it, the individual confrontations, and the fates of the participants) were oft-discussed in Nordic sagas and skaldic poetry. The pertinence of these accounts is was amplified by the central role that martial conflict played in Norse culture and self-identity (discussed below).
What seems eschatologically unique about Ragnarök is the central role of precognition amongst the participants, as the gods (specifically Odin and Frigg) know through prophecy exactly what is going to happen (even such particulars as when the event will occur, who will be slain by whom, and so forth). However, though they realize that they are powerless to prevent Ragnarök, they are still described as facing their bleak destiny with both bravery and defiance.
This unavoidable conflict is thought by many scholars to represent the ordered world (the Æsir) eventually succumbing to the unavoidable forces of chaos and entropy (the giants). This is similar to the representation of the monstrous children of Uranus in Greek mythology and the monstrous creations of Tiamat in the Enuma Elish as the primordial forces of chaos.
Ragnarök in a Norse Context
The world-sundering battle of Ragnarök belongs to a complex religious, mythological and cosmological belief system shared by the Scandinavian and Germanic peoples. This mythological tradition, of which the Scandinavian (and particularly Icelandic) sub-groups are best preserved, developed in the period from the first manifestations of religious and material culture in approximately 1000 B.C.E. until the Christianization of the area, a process that occurred primarily from 900-1200 C.E.. The tales recorded within this mythological corpus tend to exemplify a unified cultural focus on physical prowess and military might.
Within this framework, Norse cosmology postulates three separate "clans" of primary deities: the Aesir, the Vanir, and the Jotun. The distinction between Aesir and Vanir is relative, for the two are said to have made peace, exchanged hostages, intermarried and reigned together after a prolonged war. In fact, the most significant divergence between the two groups is in their respective areas of influence, with the Aesir representing war and conquest, and the Vanir representing exploration, fertility and wealth. The Jotun, on the other hand, are seen as a generally malefic (though wise) race of giants who represented the primary adversaries of the Aesir and Vanir. Over and above these three, there also existed races of secondary supernatural spirits, including the alfár (elves) and the dwarves (craftsmen for the Aesir).
Ragnarök likely holds such an exalted place in Norse mythology because of the Scandinavian/Germanic cultural focus on conflict, warfare and martial valor. On one hand, this perspective supports an oppositional world-view, where the forces of order (represented by the Aesir) must, at some point, violently contend with the forces of chaos. On the other hand, this warlike stance also extended to their cosmological vision, where the best possible afterlife for Viking males was to be selected from the battlefield dead by the Valkyries and ushered off to Odin's hall, Valhalla. Once there, the deceased warriors "were to feast on board and mead, engaging in battle every day and healing miraculously afterward." However, the purpose of this constant struggle was not simply to engage in never-ending conflict. Instead, these human heroes (the einherjar ("lone fighters")) were training to fight alongside the All-Father in the final cataclysm. Thus, the fates of individual human warriors were intimately connected to the ultimate fate of the universe. In both cases, the general tenor of Norse culture can be seen to have intimately colored their eschatological beliefs.
Given that the events of Ragnarök were foreseen by Odin (in at least two mythic accounts), it is not surprising that the tradition contained descriptions of various portents that would foreshadow the eventual demise of the world-order. Four of the most important include –
- The birth of three monstrous offspring to Loki and Angrboda (his giantess wife): Jörmungandr (the Midgard Serpent), Fenrir (the supernaturally potent wolf) and Hel (the goddess of the underworld). Commenting on their births, the Gylfaginning states: "But when the gods learned that this kindred was nourished in Jotunheim [(the realm of the Giants)], and when the gods perceived by prophecy that from this kindred great misfortune should befall them; and since it seemed to all that there was great prospect of ill - (first from the mother's blood, and yet worse from the father's) - then Allfather sent gods thither to take the children and bring them to him." Once this foul brood was collected, each was imprisoned (and would remain so until the advent of the end times).
- The unjust death of Baldr and the binding of Loki: Rather overtly, the Prose Edda notes that, after he is bound under the surface of the earth, the trickster god shall lay "in bonds till the Weird [fate] of the Gods [i.e. Ragnarök]." Likewise, in one of his consultations with the spirit of a sibyl, Odin is informed that Loki's imprisonment will further set the stage for the apocalypse:
- "For no one of men | shall seek me more
- Till Loki wanders | loose from his bonds,
- And to the last strife | the destroyers come."
- The arrival of Fimbulvetr (Fimbulwinter - the "terrible winter"): While the previous two events occurred in the mythic past, this third will take place sometime in the mythic future. The term refers to a frigid and unending winter, whose dreadful impact will cause human society to collapse:
- There shall come that winter which is called the Awful Winter: in that time, snow shall drive from all quarters; frosts shall be great then, and winds sharp; there shall be no virtue in the sun. Those winters shall proceed three in succession, and no summer between; but first shall come three other winters, such that over all the world there shall be mighty battles. In that time brothers shall slay each other for greed's sake, and none shall spare father or son in manslaughter or and in incest; so it says in Völuspá:
- Brothers shall strive | and slaughter each other;
- Own sisters' children | shall sin together;
- Ill days among men, | many a whoredom:
- An axe-age, a sword-age | shields shall be cloven;
- A wind-age, a wolf-age, | ere the world totters.
- The subversion of the cosmic order: After the arrival of Fimbulvetr and the resultant demise of human morality, the natural order also becomes disrupted. First, enormous wolves devour the sun and moon, extinguishing the stars and plunging the earth into an impenetrable darkness. Next, "all the earth shall tremble so, and the crags, that trees shall be torn up from the earth, and the crags fall to ruin; and all fetters and bonds shall be broken and rent." As described, this massive earthquake looses all bonds, thus freeing Loki and the Fenris wolf - two intractable enemies of the Aesir. Their newfound freedom marks the beginning of the next stage in the cataclysm: the formation of the armies of the Aesir and their multifarious opponents.
The Massing of forces
An illustration of the massed forces of order (the Aesir and Vanir) and chaos (the Jotun, beasts, fire giants, and the souls of the dead).
With preternatural acuity, three separate cocks, belonging to the Aesir, the Jotun, and the dead (in Hel) (respectively), perceive these events and crow blaringly - notifying their respective owners that the end times are near. Meanwhile, Jörmungandr, the Midgard serpent, and Loki's other monstrous offspring will rise from the deep ocean bed to proceed towards the land, twisting and writhing in fury on their way, causing the seas to rear up and lash against the land. With every breath, the serpent will spew venom, staining the earth and the sky with poison.
Heeding these portents, the various races of deities and supernatural beings begin to amass at Vigrid (the "Field of Battle" described in the Vafthruthnismol). From the east, the army of Jotuns, led by Hrym, will leave their home in Jotunheim and sail towards the battleground in the grisly ship Naglfar (made from the nails of dead men). From the north, a second ship will also set sail towards Vigrid, with Loki, now unbound, as the helmsman and general of an army of undead soldiers from Hel's domain. Amid this turmoil, the fire Giants of Muspelheim, led by Surtr, will advance from the south, tearing apart the sky itself as they too close in on Vigrid. As this host of malignant beings traverses Bifröst, the rainbow bridge will crack and break behind them. And so Fenrir, Jörmungandr, all the Jotun, the inmates of Hel, and Surtr and the blazing sons of Muspelheim, will gather on Vigrid, all but filling the hundred-league plain.
Meanwhile, Heimdall, the watchman of the Aesir, blows the Gjallarhorn, sounding a blast that will be heard throughout the nine worlds. At this, all the Gods (both Aesir and Vanir) wake and meet in council, after which point they (and their host of human champions (the Einherjar)) will don their battle dress. This vast army of men and gods then marches towards Vigrid, with Odin riding at their head, wearing a golden helmet and a shining hauberk, brandishing Gungnir (his magical spear).
The Final Battle
Once the army of gods reach the charnel fields, the battle begins at once.
Each of the gods immediately squares off with his respective nemesis: Odin faces off with Fenrir; Thor with Jörmungandr; Freyr with the lord of the fire giants, Surtr; Tyr with the dread-wolf Garm; and Heimdall with the malevolent Loki. Freyr is the first to fall, having lent his magical sword to his servant Skírnir. Soon after, Tyr and Garm slay each other.
Though Thor succeeds in killing Jörmungandr with his hammer (Mjollnir), he then succumbs to the serpent's venom and falls dead himself. Odin defends himself valiantly against Fenrir, but is final devoured by his opponent. To avenge his father, Vidar immediately comes forward, places one foot on the wolf's lower jaw and one hand on the wolf's upper jaw, and tears its throat asunder, killing it at last. Finally, Heimdall and Loki both perish as a result of their evenly matched encounter
Then, brandishing his terrible sword, Surtr burns all Nine worlds with fire, destroying himself in the conflagration. Death will come to all manner of things. Fumes will reek and flames will burst, scorching the sky with fire. The earth will sink into the sea.
- The sun turns black, | earth sinks in the sea,
- The hot stars down | from heaven are whirled;
- Fierce grows the steam | and the life-feeding flame,
- Till fire leaps high | about heaven itself.
Faroese stamp depicting the return of Baldur and Hodur
This apocalypse does not mark the end of time, merely the end of the current cosmic era. The lands scoured by Surtr's fire will become tremendously fruitful, allowing barley to ripen in fields that were never sown. A new sun is born in the heavens, lighting these expanses of lush field land.
Further, a few gods will survive the ordeal: Odin's brother Vili, Odin's sons Vidar and Váli, Thor's sons Móði and Magni, who will inherit their father's magic hammer Mjollnir, and Hœnir, who will cast lots and foretell what is to come. Balder and his ill-fated brother Höðr (who both died prior to Ragnarök) will be reborn and meet in Odin's former hall, Valhalla. These surviving gods will sit down together, discuss their hidden lore, and talk over many things that had happened, including the events surrounding the final rise of Jörmungandr and Fenrir.
Two humans will also escape the destruction of the world by hiding themselves deep within Yggdrasil, which even Surtr's sword could not destroy. These two survivors (Lif and Lifthrasir) are described in the Vafthruthnismol:
- Othin spake:
- "Much have I fared, | much have I found,
- Much have I got of the gods:
- What shall live of mankind | when at last there comes
- The mighty winter to men?"
- Vafthruthnir spake:
- "In Hoddmimir's wood | shall hide themselves
- Lif and Lifthrasir then;
- The morning dews | for meat shall they have,
- Such food shall men then find."
Emerging from their shelter, they will live on morning dew and will repopulate the human world. They will worship their new pantheon of gods, led by Balder. In this new world, misery will no longer exist and gods and men will live together in peace and harmony.
Though not mentioned in the Voluspa version of the tale, Snorri's account concludes with an account of the posthumous fate of the combatants (both good and evil):
- In that time the good abodes shall be many, and many the ill; then it shall be best to be in Gimlé in Heaven. Moreover, there is plenteous abundance of good drink, for them that esteem that a pleasure, in the hall which is called Brimir: it stands in Ókólnir. That too is a good hail which stands in Nida Fells, made of red gold; its name is Sindri. In these halls shall dwell good men and pure in heart.
- On Nástrand is a great hall and evil, and its doors face to the north: it is all woven of serpent-backs like a wattle-house; and all the snake-heads turn into the house and blow venom, so that along the hall run rivers of venom; and they who have broken oaths, and murderers, wade those rivers, even as it says here:
- I know a hall standing far from the sun,
- In Nástrand: the doors to northward are turned;
- Venom-drops fall down from the roof-holes;
- That hall is bordered with backs of serpents.
- There are doomed to wade the weltering streams
- Men that are mansworn, and they that murderers are.
- But it is worst in Hvergelmir:
- There the cursed snake tears dead men's corpses.
One should recognize that Ragnarök is not simply a moral conflict between dualistic notions of good and evil like the Christian notion of Armageddon, but rather it is the result of extended, intricate conflict between the Æsir and those allied with chaos.
In the pagan world view, Ragnarök is merely the end of one expression of creation, and with the death of the old Gods, the opportunity of the birth of a new world.
Given the enormity of the events described in this account, it is unsurprising that connections have been drawn between them and various other epics and eschatologies. For example, both Dumézil and Eliade note the similarities between the battle at Vigrid (between the Aesir and the forces of chaos (most notably the Jotun)) and the epic conflict at Kurukshetra (between the Pandavas and the Kauravas) detailed in the Mahabharata. Likewise, Christian overtones can be seen in the details of the tale, from Heimdall's horn (and its resonances with the archangel Michael's instrument), to the specific cosmic effects of the end times and the depiction of various heavens found in Snorri's account. While the specific sources for this mythic account are lost in the hermeneutically-opaque mists of time, such similarities, if nothing else, indicate the universality of the themes and concerns discussed in the tale.
- ↑ Though earlier sources used the term Ragnarök (as mentioned above), Snorri Sturluson in the Prose Edda spelled it Ragnarøkr (sometimes "Ragnarøkkr"), which means "Twilight of the Gods." This mistranslation was perpetuated by Richard Wagner, who used it as the title of the Ring Cycle's final opera, "Götterdämmerung," and Friedrich Nietzsche, whose "Twilight of the Idols" was titled in a punning allusion to Wagner's work. See John Lindow. Handbook of Norse mythology. (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2001. ISBN 1576072177), 254.
- ↑ The Völuspá—prophecy of the völva (sybil), the first (and arguably most important) lay of the Poetic Edda, dating from about the year 1000 C.E.—spans the history of the old gods, from the beginning of time to Ragnarök, in 65 stanzas. The Prose Edda, put in writing some two centuries later by Snorri Sturluson, describes in detail what takes place before, during, and after the battle. In his introduction to the former text, Bellow notes that, with sufficient study, a modern reader "can begin to understand the effect which this magnificent poem must have produced on those who not only understood but believed it" (Völuspá, 1).
- ↑ See, for example, Georges Dumézil. Gods of the Ancient Northmen, Edited by Einar Haugen; Introduction by C. Scott Littleton and Udo Strutynski. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973. ISBN 0520020448), 61-64; Mircea Eliade. The Myth of the Eternal Return, Translated from the French by Willard R. Trask. (New York: Pantheon Books, 1954. ISBN 0691017778), 113, 115; Gabriel Turville-Petre. Myth and Religion of the North: The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia. (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. ISBN 0837174201), 280-282.
- ↑ Lindow, 6-8. Though some scholars have argued against the homogenizing effect of grouping these various traditions together under the rubric of “Norse Mythology,” the profoundly exploratory/nomadic nature of Viking society tends to overrule such objections. As Thomas DuBois cogently argues, “[w]hatever else we may say about the various peoples of the North during the Viking Age, then, we cannot claim that they were isolated from or ignorant of their neighbors…. As religion expresses the concerns and experiences of its human adherents, so it changes continually in response to cultural, economic, and environmental factors. Ideas and ideals passed between communities with frequency and regularity, leading to an interdependent and intercultural region with broad commonalities of religion and worldview.” Thomas A. DuBois. Nordic Religions in the Viking Age. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999. ISBN 0812217144), 27-28.
- ↑ More specifically, Georges Dumézil, one of the foremost authorities on the Norse tradition and a noted comparitivist, argues quite persuasively that the Aesir / Vanir distinction is a component of a larger triadic division (between ruler gods, warrior gods, and gods of agriculture and commerce) that is echoed among the Indo-European cosmologies (from Vedic India, through ancient Rome and into the Germanic North). Further, he notes that this distinction conforms to patterns of social organization found in all of these societies. See Georges Dumézil's Gods of the Ancient Northmen, (especially xi-xiii, 3-25) for more details.
- ↑ Lindow, 99-101; 109-110.
- ↑ DuBois, 80.
- ↑ Andy Orchard. Cassell's Dictionary of Norse Myth and Legend. (London: Cassell; New York: Distributed in the United States by Sterling Pub. Co., 2002. ISBN 0304363855), 96.
- ↑ The first is his consultation with a deceased seeress, an encounter that comprises the entirety of the Völuspá in The Poetic Edda. The second is the sacrifice of one eye to Mimir, in return for insight into of the ultimate fate of the Aesir (see Turville-Petre, 63; Gylfaginning XV (Brodeur, 27)).
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning XXXIV (Brodeur 42).
- ↑ Here, the word "Weird" is used in the sense of 'fate' (as in the case of the Weird Sisters). Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning L (Brodeur 77).
- ↑ "Baldr's Draumar," in the Poetic Edda, translated by Bellows and accessed online at sacred-texts.com. 199-200.
- ↑ Orchard, 109-110.
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LI (Brodeur 77-78). In the Bellows translation, the Völuspá verse quoted above reads: "Brothers shall fight | and fell each other, And sisters' sons | shall kinship stain; Hard is it on earth, | with mighty whoredom; Axe-time, sword-time, | shields are sundered, Wind-time, wolf-time, | ere the world falls; Nor ever shall men | each other spare." Völuspá, 19-20.
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LI (Brodeur 78).
- ↑ The Poetic Edda, VOLUME I. Lays of the Gods. VOLUSPO, The Wise-Woman's Prophecy, Völuspá 42-43, 18-19. sacred-texts.com.
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LI (Brodeur 78).
- ↑ In this poem, Odin (in his precognitive wisdom) describes the field as follows: "Vigrith is the field | where in fight shall meet || Surt and the gracious gods; || A hundred miles | each way does it measure. || And so are its boundaries set." Poetic Edda, "Vafthruthnismol" 18, p. 73.
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LI (Brodeur 78-79). Völuspá 47-52, p. 20-22.
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LI (Brodeur 79).
- ↑ Völuspá 57, p. 24.
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LII (Brodeur 83).
- ↑ "Vafthruthnismol" (44-45), in the Poetic Edda, accessed online at sacred-texts.com. 80-81. Similar to the Biblical tale of Noah, these two survivors will then be left to repopulate the human world (as mentioned in Turville-Petre, 283).
- ↑ Snorri Sturluson, Gylfaginning LI (Brodeur 82).
- ↑ Dumézil, 61-64; Eliade, 113, 115.
- ↑ "Many readers have found the holy watchman, blowing his horn at the end of the world, alien to Norse heathendom. He is reminiscent of the Archangel Michael, who, according to a Christian legend widespread in the early Middle Ages, will awaken the dead with the blast of his trumpet." Turville-Petre, 154.
- ↑ Turville-Petre, 145, 282; Orchard, 284-286; DuBois, 80.
- Davis, Kenneth C. Don't Know Much About Mythology. New York: HarperCollins, 2005. ISBN 006019460X.
- DuBois, Thomas A. Nordic Religions in the Viking Age. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999. ISBN 0812217144.
- Dumézil, Georges. Gods of the Ancient Northmen, Edited by Einar Haugen; Introduction by C. Scott Littleton and Udo Strutynski. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973. ISBN 0520020448.
- Eliade, Mircea. The Myth of the Eternal Return, Translated from the French by Willard R. Trask. New York: Pantheon Books, 1954. ISBN 0691017778.
- Lindow, John. Handbook of Norse mythology. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2001. ISBN 1576072177.
- Munch, P. A. Norse Mythology: Legends of Gods and Heroes. In the revision of Magnus Olsen; translated from the Norwegian by Sigurd Bernhard Hustvedt. New York: The American-Scandinavian foundation; London: H. Milford, Oxford University Press, 1926.
- Orchard, Andy. Cassell's Dictionary of Norse Myth and Legend. London: Cassell; New York: Distributed in the United States by Sterling Pub. Co., 2002. ISBN 0304363855.
- Sturluson, Snorri. The Prose Edda, Translated from the Icelandic and with an introduction by Arthur Gilchrist Brodeur. New York: American-Scandinavian foundation, 1916. Available online at http://www.northvegr.org/lore/prose/index.php.
- Turville-Petre, Gabriel. Myth and Religion of the North: The Religion of Ancient Scandinavia. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1964. ISBN 0837174201.
- "Völuspá" in The Poetic Edda, Translated and with notes by Henry Adams Bellows. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1936. Accessed online at sacred-texts.com.
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Sometimes people like to panic when their computer's resources seem to be maxed out. While CPUs and hard disks may suffer from high usage, RAM doesn't necessarily slow down your computer when it appears to be running low.
When you have a bunch of programs open, your computer's running slowly, and your RAM is maxed out, you're experiencing the bad side of high memory usage. Chances are your computer is caching to disk instead of RAM and that's just slow in general. If this is the case, you may need more RAM. That said, your RAM may still appear to be in full use even if your computer is running just fine. This is good, as your computer is simply filling your RAM up with cache files. How-To Geek explains:
Whether your RAM is full of cached files or completely empty, it's all available for programs that really need it. Cached data in your RAM is marked as low-priority, and it's instantly discarded as soon as the memory is needed for something else. Because this data can be instantly discarded when necessary, there's no disadvantage to using the RAM for cache. (The one potential disadvantage is users who don't understand what's going on becoming confused.)
Empty RAM is useless. It's not any faster for the computer to write data to empty RAM, nor does empty RAM use less power. In fact, assuming you're launching a program that may already be present in your RAM's file cache, programs will load much faster when your RAM is used rather than when it's empty.
Basically, don't worry if your RAM is full unless your computer's running slow. For an in-depth look at the subject, read the full post over on How-To Geek.
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Make-Believe World of Darwinian Evolution
O. R. Adams Jr., 2010
(BACK TO ARTICLES)
(Pictures similar to this are common in scientific textbooks, museum exhibits, and scientific journals and magazines. They are used to show people the evolution of man from an ape or ape-like creature. It is a prime example of unproved theory being falsely taught as scientific fact.)
If I had a world of my own, everything would be nonsense. Nothing would be what it is, because everything would be what it isn’t. And contrarywise, what is, it wouldn’t be. And what it wouldn’t be, it would. You see? —
in Wonderland Alice
When scientific decisions are influenced by what is "politically
correct," it is no longer science. It is a make-believe
world very similar to that of
The April, 2010, article, The Make-Believe World of Global Warming, presented evidence of the exaggerations, misrepresentations, and falsifications in recent global warming propaganda. The same thing has been going on in the field of Darwinian Evolution, and for a much longer time.
When I use the term, Darwinian Evolution, I am referring to what is generally taught in our schools these days as evolution, which takes the theories much further than even Darwin did in his On the Origin of the Species. It includes the unproved and improvable premise that life on earth began by mere accident in some kind of "primeval soup" resulting in a one cell amoeba, from which all plant and animal life evolved. Although it cannot be proved, the evolutionists make the illogical and unfounded assumption that God does not exist. That assumption is illogical and contrary to good science, because a matter that cannot be proved should not be assumed to be true or false. Neither should there be a scientific assumption that God does exist, because that likewise cannot be proved. The general conception of the existence of God must be accepted on faith.
Also when I use the words evolution or evolutionists in this paper, I am generally speaking of Darwinian evolution, and not of provable evolution, or those who believe in it. Evidence of provable evolution is all around us, just as there is infinite evidence of intelligent design in nature. We have historical factual evidence of how dogs, horses, and people have evolved within their species. It appears to me that on the average people have gotten larger and better looking, during my lifetime. But I know of no satisfactory evidence that any species of animal has changed into another species – much less that any plant has changed to an animal or vice versa – or that roses and elephants evolved from a common ancestor. Even such an idea is illogical. And evolutionists make such claims for only one reason – because they believe that the assumption is necessary for their theory that life came about merely by accident and that there was no purposeful design or creation. They make believe that there is no intelligent design in nature for the same reason, when such evidence is all around us.
What is interesting is that nature itself has its own barriers to different species of animals interbreeding and having offsprings, which could possibly result in a new species. For example, there are even such barriers within species. A donkey and a horse are both equines, and a male donkey can be bred to a mare horse, and get a mule offspring. But it stops there, mules do not reproduce. If it were not for those barriers of nature between breeding different species of animals – which appears to me to be another example of intelligent design, we would already have had crossbreeding of apes and humans. It has been tried, and of course failed. Under the auspices of the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin an attempt was made to cross apes and humans. "The project was supported by The American Association for the Advancement of Atheism because it was seen as 'proof of human evolution and therefore of atheism.'" Apes are not even close enough to the family of humans for crossbreeding. This in itself tends to refute the teaching that man descended from apes or ape-like creatures. There is of course no evidence to support the theory in the first place.
nevertheless guard their turf with the same ferocity as the "global
warmers," and have used very similar methods. Stephen C. Meyer, who has a
Ph.D. in Philosophy of Science from
... For years, Darwin-doubting scientists have complained of precisely such abuses, committed by
Darwinzealots in academia. ...
... One instance involved a distinguished astrophysicist at Iowa
State University, Guillermo Gonzalez, who broke ranks with colleagues in his department over the issue of intelligent design in cosmology. Released under the Iowa Open Records Act, e-mails from his fellow scientists at ISU showed how his department conspired against him, denying Dr. Gonzales tenure as retribution for his views. ...
In 2004, a peer-reviewed biology journal at the Smithsonian Institution published a technical essay of mine presenting a case for intelligent design. Colleagues of the journal’s editor, an evolutionary biologist, responded by taking away his office, his keys and his access to specimens, placing him under a hostile supervisor and spreading disinformation about him. Ultimately, he was demoted, prompting an investigation of the Smithsonian by the U.S. Office of Special Counsel. ...
But what about the
Darwindebate? We are told that the consensus of scientists in favor of Darwinian evolution means the theory is no longer subject to debate. In fact, there are strong scientific reasons to doubt Darwin’s theory and what it allegedly proved.
For example, contrary to Darwinian orthodoxy, the fossil record actually challenges the idea that all organisms have evolved from a single common ancestor. Why? Fossil studies reveal “a biological big bang” near the beginning of the Cambrian period (520 million years ago) when many major, separate groups of organisms or “phyla” (including most animal body plans) emerged suddenly without clear precursors. ...
how bad can it get for those who do no follow the politically correct line of
the liberals? It can mean the end of their careers. Professor Jeffrey Koperski, Ph.D.,
states in his article, TWO BAD WAYS TO ATTACK
INTELLIGENT DESIGN AND TWO GOOD ONES:
How many scientists would come out of the closet if there were no risk to their careers? By my estimation, there are hundreds who would like to make a contribution, who believe that there is something critically flawed about the neo-Darwinian paradigm and that design is a better explanation for what they observe. Yet they withhold their professional opinions because of what it would mean for their careers in the present climate.
When scientists have to face such harsh dogmatism, there is no search for truth – the field has indeed become the land of make-believe.
Climategate, there have long been many exaggerations, misrepresentation, and
fraudulent falsifications in efforts to support
There still is no real evidence to support the transition of an ape or an ape-like creature to modern man. Nevertheless, the beat goes on in the textbooks, in the magazines, and in the nature movies, speaking of apes as our ancestors or "cousins," and using the fraudulent pictures in support of those ideas. Wells in his book referred to above, explains many other frauds and misrepresentations used to try to prove links between different species of animals. I have yet to see any satisfactory evidence of any transition from one species of animal to another. As explained above, if Darwinian theories of evolution were true, a graph of life on earth would be similar to a cone, and there should be abundant solid evidence of transitions of one species to another, but the real evidence is still missing. This in itself is strong evidence against those theories, but we are continually bombarded with their propaganda teaching their illogical theories as proven facts.
Another thing that evolutionists cannot explain is why humans are the only ones pondering these problems of evolutionary theory? Why aren't apes and monkeys and other animals doing the same thing? Why is it that only humans have evolved to where they write books, paint pictures, invent boats, automobiles, airplanes, and computers? Yet humans are comparative newcomers to this world. When I was in high school, I heard the theory advanced that it was because people walked upright and had well developed thumbs. The evolutionists seem to have left those theories and tried to develop ideas and theories on humans having a rather sudden and large increase in their brain sizes. But why? And how? None of them really answer these questions at all. There is only one explanation that I have ever found that fits the facts, and it is not science at all. It is the following from Genesis, 1:27-28, King James Version of the Bible:
So God created man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; male and female created he them.
And God blessed them, and God said unto them, Be fruitful, and multiply, and replenish the earth, and subdue it: and have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over every living thing that moveth upon the earth.
There is also abundant evidence that completely disproves the basic Darwinian premise that life on earth came about by accident. That is the evidence all around us of the intelligent design in nature. Most, if not all, of the greatest minds in recorded history have recognized this intelligent design. But the evolutionists fight the idea, and fight the teaching of intelligent design in science courses, because they know it is the death knell of Darwinian evolution. This would completely disrupt their turf – their control of education, grants, peer reviewed publications, and their complete evolution hierarchy. They know that evidence of purposeful design indicates one or more designers, and this is an idea that is fatal to both the basis of Darwinian evolution, and to atheism – the companion of evolution. Some even admit the design in nature, but illogically argue that the design came about by accident. This of course is contrary to the very definition of design – it is mere desperation. It should also be pointed out that the word, design, when used in conjunction with something constructed for a purpose, necessarily includes the premise of intelligence behind the design. The word, intelligent, when used along with the word, design, could be considered superfluous. Recognizing this, most evolutionists merely take the false position that there is no purposeful design in nature.
Great Scientists and Intelligent Design
I have selected eight of those who I consider the greatest scientific minds of the last 500 years. Each of them clearly recognized the intelligent design in nature. Some were devout Christians, who necessarily recognized that design, because they believed that God created the heavens and the earth as a part of their religion. But that of course did not prevent them from recognizing the plain evidence of that design in nature. In recognizing the purposeful design in nature, they necessarily recognized that there would have been one or more designers; and many took it a step further. They attributed the design to God, which was consistent with their religion; although this last step was necessarily by faith, as there is no evidence to prove that assumption. Take mathematics, for example – some said that mathematics was the "language of God," and others said mathematics was the "language of nature." They were both talking about the same mathematics. I will cover the eight selected scientists in the chronological order of their birth.
1. Johannes Kepler. (1571-1630) Without question, Kepler was the greatest mathematician and scientist of his time, and perhaps of all time. He "discovered fundamental laws of nature that have stood the test of time and are still widely used today. He advanced mathematics in science to new heights, including the first use of logarithms for astronomy and the foundation for integral calculus. He made useful inventions. He was a major force in moving science away from its subservience to authority and onto an empirical foundation, and from superstition to mathematical law. He helped mankind understand how the universe works. When the great Isaac Newton expressed that his ability to see farther than others was due to “standing on the shoulders of giants,” he most certainly had Kepler in mind." "Kepler is considered the Father of Celestial Mechanics." He was also a devout Christian. "To him, the God of the Scriptures was the great Mathematician. Kepler’s signature work, the Harmony of the World described his conception of the heavenly bodies making a kind of celestial 'music of the spheres' as the outworking of the mind of God, perfect in geometric harmony. It expressed his belief that the world of nature, the world of man and world of God all fit together into a harmonious system that could be explored by science." Kepler said:
chief aim of all investigations of the external world should be to discover the
rational order and harmony which has been imposed on it by God and which He
revealed to us in the language of mathematics.
2. Sir Isaac Newton. (1642-1727) "That the greatest scientist of all time was a Christian and a creationist should give any Darwinian pause. Co-inventor of the calculus, discoverer of the law of universal gravitation and the three laws of motion, analyzer of white light split into colors by means of a prism, inventor of the reflecting telescope and author of the most important book of the scientific revolution (the Principia Mathematica), Sir Isaac Newton is unexcelled in the roll call of great scientists." He said:
This most beautiful system
of the sun, planets, and comets, could only proceed from the counsel and
dominion of an intelligent Being. (Wikipedia)
3. Leonhard Euler. (1707-1783) I consider Euler to probably be the greatest scientific genius of all time. He greatly advanced calculus, and he derived several direct formulas for determining Pi (the relationship between the circumference and the diameter of a circle).
"According to math professor Howard Anton, he 'made major contributions to virtually every branch of mathematics as well as to the theory of optics, planetary motion, electricity, magnetism, and general mechanics.'" "Euler was so smart it’s almost scary. In his thick textbook Calculus, Howard Anton includes brief biographies of famous mathematicians; his entry on Euler sounds like an episode from Ripley’s 'Believe It or Not' –
Euler was probably the most prolific mathematician who ever lived. It has been said that, “Euler wrote mathematics as effortlessly as most men breathe.” .... Euler’s energy and capacity for work were virtually boundless. His collected works form about 60 to 80 quarto sized volumes and it is believed that much of his work has been lost. What is particularly astonishing is that Euler was blind for the last 17 years of his life, and this was one of his most productive periods! Euler’s flawless memory was phenomenal. Early in his life he memorized the entire Aeneid by Virgil and at age 70 could not only recite the entire work, but could also state the first and last sentence on each page of the book from which he memorized the work. His ability to solve problems in his head was beyond belief. He worked out in his head major problems of lunar motion that baffled Isaac Newton and once did a complicated calculation in his head to settle an argument between two students whose computations differed in the fiftieth decimal place."
In his later life, Euler became blind. "Undeterred by misfortune,
upheaval and disability, Euler continued his work. With only his mind’s eye,
he worked through detailed algorithms and dictated them to his sons. Dan
Graves said that his work actually became clearer and more concise. An
online biography at Ryerson Polytechnic Institute states that 'He was apparently
able to do extensive and complex calculations in his head, remembering every
step so that he could recite them for his sons to record. ... he published more
than 500 books and papers during his lifetime, with another 400 appearing
posthumously'. Another online biography claims that his death in 1783 left
a vast backlog of articles that the St. Petersburg
The following are quotations from the online book on Euler, Leonhard
Euler – His Life and His Faith, by Dr. George W. Benthien, who has a Ph.D.
in mathematics from Carnegie-Mellon
Euler was a committed Christian and frequently expressed awe at the works of the Creator. Euler was particularly impressed by the design of the eye. Here is one statement that he made concerning the eye:
though we are very far short of perfect knowledge of the subject, the little we do know of it is more than sufficient to convince us of the power and wisdom of the Creator. We discover in the structure of the eye perfections that the most exalted genius could not have imagined.
Concerning the calculus of variations he wrote:
for the fabric of the universe is most perfect and the work of a most wise creator, nothing at all takes place in the universe in which some rule of the maximum or minimum does not appear. – Leonhard Euler, Methodist Inveniendi Unius Curvus, 1st Addition, Art. 1 (1744).
4. Michael Faraday. (1791-1867)
Though a religious "nonconformist," Michael Faraday was a devout
Christian. "He became the world’s greatest experimental physicist.
To this day he is often admired as such, notwithstanding the ultra-tech toys
modern chemists and physicists have at their possession. The president of
the Institution for Electrical Engineers (IEE), for instance, at the unveiling
of a Michael Faraday statue in 1989, said, 'His discoveries have had an
incalculable effect on subsequent scientific and technical development. He
was a true pioneer of scientific discovery.' ... His contemporaries would have
concurred with the praise Lord
"Encyclopedia Britannica summarizes some of his important discoveries:
Faraday, who became one of the greatest scientists of the 19th century, began his career as a chemist. He wrote a manual of practical chemistry that reveals the mastery of the technical aspects of his art, discovered a number of new organic compounds, among them benzene, and was the first to liquefy a “permanent” gas (i.e., one that was believed to be incapable of liquefaction). His major contribution, however, was in the field of electricity and magnetism. He was the first to produce an electric current from a magnetic field, invented the first electric motor and dynamo, demonstrated the relation between electricity and chemical bonding, discovered the effect of magnetism on light, and discovered and named diamagnetism, the peculiar behaviour of certain substances in strong magnetic fields. He provided the experimental, and a good deal of the theoretical, foundation upon which James Clerk Maxwell erected classical electromagnetic field theory."
"Faraday could take a simple household object, a candle, and draw out of it all the diverse wonders of nature. That’s a prime illustration of Muir’s Law:
'Any time we try to isolate something by itself, we find it hitched to everything else in the universe.'"
Faraday, as indicated above, recognized "the unity of the forces of nature," which is an important element of intelligent design. And Faraday said:
"To admit, indeed, that force may be destructible or can altogether disappear, would be to admit that matter could be uncreated...."
Faraday's views on the forces of nature being indestructible coincide with a very important law of nature that shows its balance and design, which is the First Law of Thermodynamics: The first law of thermodynamics, an expression of the principle of conservation of energy, states that energy can be transformed (changed from one form to another), but cannot be created or destroyed. (The same applies to matter.) Faraday's beliefs of the unity of nature, and that man could neither create nor destroy the forces of nature necessarily recognized the intelligent design of nature, as did all of these great scientists.
Louis Pasteur. (1822-1895)
Louis Pasteur was a devout
Christian. Some consider him the greatest biologist of all time whose work saved
more human lives than that of any other scientist. He was also a chemist. He
developed the germ theory of disease, and he developed the "pasteurization"
of milk and other foods and products. He developed treatment and inoculation for rabies.
"Though best known for discoveries in medicine, Pasteur was a chemist. One of his early discoveries still baffles evolutionists today. While studying crystals under polarized light, he found that certain molecules come in left- and right-handed forms that are mirror-images of each other, a phenomenon now known as chirality. Even more remarkable, he found that living things use entirely one hand. Most natural substances are composed of fifty-fifty 'racemic' mixtures of both hands, the 'stereoisomers' of a given chiral molecule, but for some reason living things were 100% pure of one hand. Pasteur recognized this as a defining characteristic of life, and it remains a mystery to this day.
"We now know that proteins, which are made up of 100% pure left-handed amino acids, could not function if they were racemic (mixtures of both hands), but how did life get started with just one hand, when both are equally probable? This appears to be a clear evidence of intelligent design, because the probability of getting just one hand in a chain of amino acids is vanishingly small, like flipping a coin and getting heads a hundred times in a row. Pasteur certainly considered this an evidence of a Creator, but today evolutionists are continuing to struggle with this observational fact, looking for some natural process that would yield even a hopeful majority to one hand or the other. To this day, none has succeeded. They know that close enough is not good enough; only a 100% pure chain would work. The problem is compounded by the discovery that RNA and DNA contain sugar molecules that are 100% right-handed."
The idea that life came about by accident in some kind of "primeval soup" is completely contrary to Pasteur's work and findings. Pasteur demonstrated that microorganisms do not develop from nonorganic matter.
"Today, believers in spontaneous generation are back with a vengeance. They are called astrobiologists and chemical evolutionists. Their slant is that spontaneous generation does not happen quickly, but can over millions of years, not from nutrient broth, but from primordial soup– organic molecules known to be formed naturally, like some amino acids. They believe that, given enough time and the right circumstances, life arose from simple molecules and evolved into every living thing, seahorses, giraffes, dinosaurs, roses, and humans. Do they have any evidence for this? Absolutely not. Pasteur’s Law of Biogenesis, that only life begets life, stands as firm as it did in 1862. Pasteur’s judgment on those who violate that law should be sternly proclaimed from the lecterns of today’s Astrobiology conferences as he proclaimed it in person: 'Those who maintain this view are the victims of illusions, of ill-conducted experiments, blighted with errors that they have either been unable to perceive or unable to avoid.'" [Emphasis added.]
The more I study nature, the more I stand amazed at the work of the Creator.
6. James Clark Maxwell. (1831-1879)
Certainly Maxwell stands tall among the greatest scientists in history. He was
also a devout Christian, and clearly recognized the intelligent design inherent
"Do you use a cell phone? A pager? A remote control for your TV? A radio? Television? You owe these inventions in large part to Maxwell. Radar, satellite, spacecraft and aircraft communications – any and every means of transferring information through thin air or the vacuum of space, comes out of his work. The inventors of all these devices all built on Maxwell’s exceptional discoveries in electromagnetism, discoveries that required the best in experimental method with the best in mathematics and theory. Maxwell discovered many things, as we shall see, but his crowning achievement was the summation of all electromagnetic phenomena in four differential equations, appropriately named Maxwell’s Equations in his honor. These equations, that express natural laws, not only brought together all the work of Faraday, Ohm, Volta, Ampere, and everyone else who had studied the curious properties of electricity and magnetism, but made an absolutely astounding and important prediction: that light itself was an electromagnetic wave, and through manipulation of electromagnetic waves, it might be possible to transmit information through empty space. Thus, our modern world. The importance of these equations can hardly be overstated. Dr. Richard Feynman, Nobel laureate and influential 20th-century modern physicist, paid his respects this way: “From a long view of the history of mankind–seen from, say, ten thousand years from now– there can be little doubt that the most significant event of the 19th century will be judged as Maxwell’s discovery of the laws of electrodynamics.” Electricity and magnetism, mere curiosities when explored by Faraday and explained by Maxwell, turned out to generate more economic wealth than the entire British stock exchange. Our modern world is inconceivable without the experimental and theoretical foundation laid by these two great Christians and scientists who harnessed mysterious laws of nature for human benefit." [Emphasis added.]
Maxwell understood that his equations expressed "natural law" – the laws of nature. These mathematical equations are the tools with which we are able to harness and use those laws of nature. It is indeed odd that there are people who call themselves scientists, that recognize that mathematics and the equations by which we work with the laws and forces of nature are intelligently designed, because this mathematical language of nature was developed by humans; yet they seem unable to recognize that the laws of nature themselves, which are the bases of all mathematics, are intelligently designed. Without the laws of nature, the whole idea of mathematics would be completely meaningless. I explain this in detail in the article on this website, The Bases of Mathematics are Intelligently Designed. In that article, I also refer to a number of other scientists and mathematicians who clearly understood this. Albert Einstein explained it rather succinctly in his statement: "Our experience up to date justifies us in feeling sure that in nature is actualized the idea of mathematical simplicity."
Happy is the man who can recognise in the work of To-day a connected portion of the work of life, and an embodiment of the work of Eternity.
"In his new
book 'Signature in the Cell: DNA and the Evidence for Intelligent Design' (HarperOne),
my Discovery Institute colleague Stephen Meyer writes about his days as a Ph.D.
student at Cambridge University, contemplating the entrance to the great
Cavendish Laboratory where Watson and Crick elucidated the structure of DNA’s
double helix. In 1871, Christian physicist James Clark Maxwell had instructed
that the great door be ennobled by an inscription in Latin from the book of
Psalms: 'Great are the works of the Lord,
sought out by all who take pleasure therein.'"
The last two scientists I have selected were certainly not Christian, and their ideas of God were primarily based on nature and its intelligent design.
7. Thomas Alvin Edison. (1847-1931) "Edison is considered one of the most prolific inventors in history,
holding 1,093 U.S. patents in his name, as well as many patents in the United
Kingdom, France, and Germany. He is credited with numerous inventions that
contributed to mass communication and, in particular, telecommunications. His
advanced work in these fields was an outgrowth of his early career as a
You have misunderstood the whole article, because you jumped to the conclusion that it denies the existence of God. There is no such denial, what you call God I call Nature, the Supreme intelligence that rules matter.
I do not believe in the God of the theologians; but that there is a Supreme Intelligence I do not doubt.
8. Albert Einstein. ((1879-1955) Einstein "was a German-born Swiss-American theoretical physicist, philosopher and author who is widely regarded as one of the most influential and best known scientists and intellectuals of all time. He is often regarded as the father of modern physics. He received the 1921 Nobel Prize in Physics 'for his services to Theoretical Physics, and especially for his discovery of the law of the photoelectric effect.'
"His many contributions to physics include the special and general theories of relativity, the founding of relativistic cosmology, the first post-Newtonian expansion, explaining the perihelion advance of Mercury, prediction of the deflection of light by gravity and gravitational lensing, the first fluctuation dissipation theorem which explained the Brownian movement of molecules, the photon theory and wave-particle duality, the quantum theory of atomic motion in solids, the zero-point energy concept, the semiclassical version of the Schrödinger equation, and the quantum theory of a monatomic gas which predicted Bose–Einstein condensation."
As to mathematics and nature, Einstein stated in a
lecture, "Geometry and Experience," before the
One reason why mathematics enjoys special esteem, above all other sciences, is that its propositions are absolutely certain and indisputable, while those of all other sciences are to some extent debatable and in constant danger of being overthrown by newly discovered facts. ... But there is another reason for the high repute of mathematics, in that it is mathematics, which affords the exact natural sciences a certain measure of certainty, to which without mathematics they could not attain.
Einstein also said:
Our experience up to date justifies us in feeling sure that in nature is actualized the idea of mathematical simplicity. (Albert Einstein, Le Matin, March 29,1922, quoted in Abraham Pais, Einstein Lived Here, 1994)
In his essay, "The World as I See It," Einstein wrote "of the Reason that manifests itself in nature." (Albert Einstein, Ideas and Opinions, New York, 1954, p. 11.)
That Einstein clearly considered these aspects of nature to be of intelligent design is shown by his following statement:
You will hardly find one among the profounder sort of scientific minds without a peculiar religious feeling of his own . . . . His religious feeling takes the form of a rapturous amazement at the harmony of natural law, which reveals an intelligence of such superiority that, compared with it, all the systematic thinking and acting of human beings is an utterly insignificant reflection. (Albert Einstein, Ideas and Opinions, New York, 1954, p. 40.)
You cannot get a clearer statement of intelligent design in nature than Einstein's above statement. The people today who fight to keep the teaching and research of intelligent design in nature out of our science and biology classes are mental midgets compared to the eight scientific geniuses referred to above, all of whom clearly recognized intelligent design in nature.
There are many other
great scientists of history that recognized intelligent design in nature. Many
are discussed on the website, The Worlds
Greatest Creation Scientists – from Y1K to Y2K, by David. F. Coppedge.
Today there are a number of reputable scientists that present arguments for
intelligent design in nature; many of whom are connected with the Discovery
Institute, whose main purpose is the exploration of design in nature and the
universe. However, although they are certainly important to the concept, I think
that many of the papers get too complicated for the average person to grasp or
to really try to understand. The explanations of "irreducible
complexity" and "specified complexity" can get rather
complicated. However there are simple examples all around us of intelligent
design in nature. Anyone who does not have a mental block in that area, and who
studies the makeup and functions of the eye, can readily see, as Leonhard Euler
did, that it was designed for the purpose of seeing; and that it works for the
purpose for which it was designed. Evolutionists wish to ignore that design, and
theorize on how it could have come about by evolution. They just cannot face the
fact that even though a particular kind of eye of a particular animal may have
sometime been affected by evolution, when the eye first appeared, it could have
been for no other purpose than seeing. That was the obvious purpose of its
design and makeup. Common sense tells us that. Must
the study of evolution be devoid of common sense?
If a person examines a camera, and learns its parts and use, common sense tells him that one or more people designed it. He merely observes how the parts work together to accomplish a purpose. Why cannot this reasoning be applied to the examination of the eye in the same way? It of course can, except by those who have a biased mental block as to such things. Their mental block is because they know that the designer or designers were not human, and they would have to forsake their unfounded assumption that an intellect capable of designing the eye has never existed. There is no way that their unfounded assumption can be proved. And even worse they ignore the evidence that is directly contrary to their unfounded assumption.
Another intentionally false argument that evolutionists make to keep intelligent design in nature from being taught or explored in science classes in our schools is that it is merely "disguised religious creationism." Both they and the liberal judges that accept such arguments have to know that they are false. Such arguments are made and accepted only because they know that the acceptance of the truth of intelligent design spells the end of modern Darwinism. Although the examination of something like an eye or a camera shows evidence of design for a purpose, and the implication would be that there were one or more designers, the evidence does not show who the designer or designers were nor how many there may have been. This claim of "religious creationism" is just one more area of the make-believe world of Darwinian evolutionists. The last thing they want is an objective examination of their claims.
The things that have always been quite intriguing to me, and that clearly establish the purposeful design in nature, are the many types of plant and animal reproductive designs. Even the most simple form of life could not continue to exist without something designed for its reproduction.
Let us consider the reproduction of humans and a number of animals. It requires a male and a female. Each has organs that are designed to work with the organs of the other sex. The female has additional organs for the formation and nurture of a baby. Then there is something that is altogether in a different place, but it is still a necessary element. That is a desire to use the organs, and the satisfaction in the use. That is probably connected with the brain of each sex. All of these elements work together for successful reproduction. Anyone who cannot see in all of this a plan and design for the purpose of reproduction has closed his or her mind to the facts.
The reproduction of certain plant life is equally interesting in the way different elements in nature work together. In the article on this website, Evidence of Intelligent Design in Nature, I have some pictures of the Devil's Claw plant. It has a seed pod in the middle, and two long horn like claws that are hooked and sharp on the end. If you become familiar with how this setup operates, the purposeful design is obvious. It also has worked well for ages. The claws are designed so that one will hang onto a passing object such as an animal or a blowing tumbleweed. The other claw grasps at things as it moves along and is brought in contact with them. Two things are accomplished – the seed pods are spread around the country, and the pulling apart of the two claws releases the seeds. When anyone looks at this plant, and learns how well it works, the purposeful design for reproduction is obvious. What is particularly interesting to me, is how so many unconnected elements in nature work together for the purpose of reproduction of this little plant. This plant does not have a mind by which it could plan this design itself. And "natural selection" is no answer. This plant has had that design ever since it was known to exist – it is in its DNA. The "natural selection" speculation – and speculation is all that it is – provides no satisfactory answer. The DNA, from the outset, had to have contained a design for the plant to produce a seed and the nature of the seed, as do all plants. Although we have no proof of it, perhaps through evolution there could have been some improvement or change in the plant, but the design for reproduction had to have been there from the outset, or the plant could never have reproduced.
Another example is the seed of the cottonwood tree. The seed is in a very light material designed so that when matured and dry it catches the wind and floats in the air, and the seeds are thus spread around the country by the wind. Another example is blackberries, which are attractive food for birds. The seeds are made so that the birds do not digest them, and they spread the seeds around to other places. There are more methods of reproduction in nature than we can count or know about, yet they all successfully work for the same purpose – reproduction of the species. For all of these different and complicated designs to have come about by the accident of "natural selection" is beyond belief to anyone with an open thinking mind. That evolutionist idea is supported by no evidence at all.
All of these things work in harmony just as our solar system works in harmony, and by which the earth, the moon and the sun are kept in their orbits. The greatest minds of history have recognized these things throughout history. Those people did not close their minds to the facts.
Evolutionists even say that there is no evidence of intelligent design. They apparently do not even know what evidence is. Evidence is merely a set of facts or circumstances, or acceptable statements tending to establish such facts or circumstances, from which a reasonable inference can be drawn in support of a point in question. The parts and makeup of the eye, the elements of various systems of reproduction, and the manners in which they operate and accomplish their purposes are well established facts. To say that a reasonable inference may not be drawn that these things were designed to accomplish what they are accomplishing is contrary to any reason and common sense. Many scientists readily admit that there is the "appearance" of design. This appearance itself is evidence. When we look at all of these things together – such operational things in nature as the eye, the various reproductive systems, and the operation and balance of the solar system – the evidence of purposeful design is overwhelming, and there is no evidence to the contrary. All there is to the contrary is merely misguided illogical speculation.
True evolution should be taught in our schools. Objective research should be done. Darwin's theory should be taught only as theory, along with all of the valid criticisms. Along with it should be taught and explored the intelligent design in nature and the universe.
I believe that the
teaching of Darwinian evolution in our schools has been the most destructive
thing that has ever happened in
The following are other articles on this website that relate to this subject and are more detailed on various relevant matters:
of Intelligent Design in Nature
Design Should be Taught in Biology Classes
Bases of Mathematics are Intelligently Designed
Immoral Religions of Atheism and Evolution
Human-Ape Hybridization: A Failed
Attempt to Prove Darwinism, by Jerry Bergman, Ph.D. http://www.icr.org/article/human-ape-hybridization-failed-attempt/
Jonathan Wells, Icons of Evolution – Science or Myth, Regnery (2000)
(BACK TO ARTICLES)
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• The novel opens with Catherine McKenna ready to board a plane for Ireland.
• She is returning to Ireland for her father's funeral and is trying to block out the thoughts of her baby, Anna.
• She has fond memories of her father from when she was a child which make her sad.
• Once she leaves the plane she gets on a bus which takes her through her hometown.
• She looks for familiar things and remembers listening to the Orangemen's drumming contests.
• Catherine's father told her that the Orangemen were Protestants who played loudly and hard so that they could feel superior to the Catholics. He says it is bigotry on the part of the Protestants.
• Her father thinks the drumming is just a bunch of noise, while Catherine thinks it is thrilling and can feel the beat in her chest.
• Catherine is surprised by some of the changes...
This section contains 1,800 words
(approx. 6 pages at 300 words per page)
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How to Become an Animator
Animators are the artists who create the animations we see in film, television, video games, and on the Internet. Animators produce a sequence of images that when rapidly displayed create the illusion of a moving image. These images can be hand drawn, stop motion, computer generated, 2-D or 3-D. Animators write a story, create the characters and objects, and bring everything to life with animation.
Animator Education Requirements
While there are no specific education requirements to become an animator, most animators do participate in some type of formal training program. A bachelor’s degree in animation would be most beneficial to those who are looking to pursue a career in this field. A bachelor’s degree program will provide students with both academic and hands on experiences. Students will also learn to use the important technology and effects that make animation so complex.
Individuals who are interested in pursuing a career as an animator need to develop a professional portfolio to showcase their talents and abilities. Drawings, computer generated images, and a couple minutes worth of animations should be included in the portfolio. Some animators also choose to build their own websites to better display their work.
Job Opportunities for Animators
Graduates of an animation degree program will be qualified to work in various fields. Animation degree holders often find work in production studios, video game companies, and architectural design firms to name a few. Employment opportunities are also available in advertising, graphic design, motion pictures, software publishing, and computer systems design, among others.
The Bureau of Labor Statistics reports that job growth in the arts and animation industry should grow by 16 percent through 2016. In 2007, multimedia artists and animators earned a median annual salary of $54,550, with the top earning animators having earned over $98,000. The most talented animators who possess the most skills will earn the highest wages. Animation degree programs can help you further develop your artistic abilities and push you and your career to the top.
Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor, Occupational Outlook Handbook, 2008-2009 Edition
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The brown banded cockroach is named for two wide stripes running side to side on its thorax and abdomen. Males are usually yellowish brown in color and females are darker brown.
What Do Brown Banded Cockroaches Eat?
Brown banded cockroaches prefer starchy materials but will eat anything that possesses organic matter including book and cabinet glues.
What Do Brown Banded Cockroaches Do?
This roach species is found primarily indoors, where it may be as common in dry areas of the structure as it is in the kitchen or bathrooms. It has a low moisture requirement, allowing it to survive in many locations. It often hides in cracks and voids. It comes out under cover of night to search for food and water.
How Do Brown Banded Cockroaches Reproduce?
Females stick their light brown egg capsules to a hidden surface such as closet corners, behind drawers, within corrugated cardboard, or behind objects on the wall. Each egg capsule contains an average of 15 eggs, and development from egg to mature adult takes about six months. Because of the manner of hiding the egg capsules on materials, this species is easily relocated to new habitats.
Interesting Facts About Brown Banded Cockroaches:
Males have wings that completely cover the abdomen, while the females wings are shorter, exposing the last few segments of the abdomen. Both sexes can fly. Brown banded cockroaches are often found in apartments, motels, and long-term care facilities. Because brown banded cockroaches can survive in both moist and dry environments, they are difficult to control.
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Recently I asked the SA when we would be allowed to recycle sewage to avoid wasting nutrients – and they said it’s all down to European regulations on organic standards. It’s great that they are now campaigning to do just that.
– Jason Ball
“A radical rethink of how we farm, what we eat and how we deal with human excreta, so that adequate phosphorus levels can be maintained without reliance on mined phosphate, is crucial for ensuring our future food supplies.”
Dr Isobel Tomlinson, Soil Association policy and campaigns officer and author of the report ‘A rock and a hard place: Peak phosphorus and the threat to our food security’, November 2010
A new report from the Soil Association reveals that supplies of phosphate rock are running out faster than previously thought and that declining supplies and higher prices of phosphate are a new threat to global food security. ‘A rock and a hard place: Peak phosphorus and the threat to our food security’ highlights the urgent need for farming to become less reliant on phosphate rock-based fertiliser.
The Times (27 Nov)
Press release: New threat to global food security as phosphate supplies become increasingly scarce
Download the report here
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Bai Tu Long National Park is a protected area zone in northeastern Vietnam. It was established in 2001, succeeding from the former Ba Mun National Conservation Zone. It is one of seven Vietnamese amphibian national parks which has both terrestrial zone and aquatic zone.
It is located within Bai Tu Long bay, which with Ha Long Bay forms an impressive scenery of sea and islands. Including thousands of islands and rocks, they create one of the most beautiful bays in the World.
The National Park includes five kinds of ecosystems : Rain Broad Leaves Forest, Limestone Forest, Littoral Forest, Coral Area and Shallow Water Area.
There are countless species of plants and trees, some with giant trunks. This forest is also home to many rare animals such as chamois, deer and monkeys. It is said that many years ago tigers, panthers and elephants once resided on the island. In order to help preserve the forest, on January 24, 1997, the government recognised it as a Bai Tu Long National Park.
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lake can be sectioned into large portions known as "lake
zones". These zones are not easily defined and indeed are
very generalized in comparison to geographic features such as
break lines, channels and flats.
The three main zones of a lake are:
Littoral Zone. The lakes littoral zone is the area around
the lake edges where sunlight penetrates to a depth where aquatic
plant life (water weed and phytoplankton) are no longer present.
The aquatic weed and phytoplankton are the basis of the aquatic
foodchain which supports the most diverse life forms ranging from
aquatic plant life, zeoplankton, crustacean and fish.
Zone. The centre of a large lake basin is not dissimilar to
the middle of an ocean. Water depths are great and there is no
significant structure near the water surface. Aquatic life is
adapted to suspending or floating on or near the surface of the
lake. Small plankton build up significant numbers to create the
base of another foodchain with ultimately larger fish species
at the top.
Benthic Zone. Only a few organisms are capable of premanent
residency in this zone. Due to lack of oxygen and light at these
depths the aquatic weed and fish life are non existent. There
are some organisms that assist in the decomposition of dead matter
that finds its way down to these dark depths.
East Queensland has seasonal weather patterns that are generally
predicatable such as wet and dry seasons, as in many other parts
of Australia. Impoundments were built as important water storage
facilites for rural or domestic use. As consumers, we have regular
patterns of water consumption, water levels are controlled or
manipulated by the water board who monitor and distibute the resource
accordingly. A dams water level will rise and fall periodically
over a season and in some instances it may remain static for several
months or years.
The volume of influx (water coming into the catchment) versus
consumption (water being taken out by consumers) affects mainly
the littoral zone. The lakes littoral zone is the most transient
of all three zones, the area around the lakes edges ebbs to and
fro with water levels significantly altering fish habits.
littoral zone is seldom static due to changing water levels, and
it is this major factor that reflects how anglers fish a dam.
Basically many impoundments will fish differently in high water
conditions and in low conditions.
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Somerset County Council (UK) is responsible for water management in Somerset in the south of England. In the DROP project, the Council contributes to the nature pilot. The region has the greatest variety of soils in England. How to adapt to drought therefore asks for a soil-based, holistic approach that incorporates area-wide modelling. In the DROP project, the vulnerability of soils are studied, area water level management plans developed, and innovative habitat restoration measures in nature areas tested. Each of the studies and measures are innovative approaches that can be applied to other areas to secure a more sustainable future for the water management and ecological networks in the face of climate change. Awareness raising is another important aspect of the pilot and focuses on farmers and drought and climate change education and outreach.
Pitch of Stephen Dury – project manager
The following actions are foreseen:
- Explore the vulnerability of soils (and their related ecosystem services) to drought, and test the measures needed on a landscape-scale to safeguard these soils so they can support productive agriculture and retain stored carbon and biodiversity interests in times of drought.
- Create an Area Water Level Management Plan that will assess the current standards of water level management and watercourse conditions, consider existing and future pressures from drought, as well as development and agriculture.
- Enhance drought resilience and mitigate drought in nature areas, among others, through land use changes and risk assessments,
- Improve farm water management by exchanging knowledge, developing plans and enhancing efficient water use and water conservation.
- Development and application of an education program for school children en communities on drought and climate change
The nature pilot is implemented with Water Authority Vechtstromen (the Netherlands) and with two sub-partners: the Royal Society for Protection of Birds (RSPB) and Farming & Wildlife Advisory Group (FWAG). Drought experts of both organizations participate in six exchanges during which potential measures are designed, discussed and evaluated. The governance team of the DROP project will visit the region twice to define and evaluate the regional governance setting for drought adaptation measures.
For more information about this partner, visit the website of Somerset County Council www.somerset.gov.uk.
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Bicycle injury rates are highest between the ages of 5-15. Remember these tips for safety when riding your bike:
- Wear a helmet at all times. Make sure the helmet fits your head. Always try it on before you buy it. Adjust the chin strap firmly. The helmet should not move around on your head. Wear the helmet low on your forehead, just above your eyebrows.
- Obey all traffic rules. Ride on the right side of the road in the same direction as the traffic. Stop at all signs. Yield the right of way to pedestrians. Learn and use hand signals.
- Keep your bike in good working order. Check your brakes, tires and handle bars for loose nuts and screws.
- Ride in a straight line and never ride with more than two abreast.
- Wear bright clothing to be visible to other drivers.
- Make sure your bike has reflectors. Remember that from 1/2 hour before sunset to 1/2 hour after sunrise, your bike must be equipped with a white light visible 500 feet in the of the bike and a red light or reflector visible from 500 feet on the rear of the bike.
- Make sure motorists are aware of your presence before crossing a street, turning a corner, or changing lanes.
- Avoid heavily congested areas.
- Be courteous to other drivers.
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Codes and Ciphers :: One-time Pad
The one-time pad is a long sequence of random letters. These letters are combined with the plaintext message to produce the ciphertext. To decipher the message, a person must have a copy of the one-time pad to reverse the process. A one-time pad should be used only once (hence the name) and then destroyed. This is the first and only encryption algorithm that has been proven to be unbreakable.
To encipher a message, you take the first letter in the plaintext message and add it to the first random letter from the one-time pad. For example, suppose you are enciphering the letter S (the 19th letter of the alphabet) and the one-time pad gives you C (3rd letter of the alphabet). You add the two letters and subtract 1. When you add S and C and subtract 1, you get 21 which is U. Each letter is enciphered in this method, with the alphabet wrapping around to the begining if the addition results in a number beyond 26 (Z).
To decipher a message, you take the first letter of the ciphertext and subtract the first random letter from the one-time pad. If the number is negative you wrap around to the end of the alphabet.Example
plaintext : SECRETMESSAGE one-time pad: CIJTHUUHMLFRU ciphertext : UMLKLNGLEDFXY
Table of Contents
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BA Social Policy and Crime
This Information is for 2017 entry only - to see the information for 2016 entry please see this page
In this Section:
This course explores how crime has come to be viewed as a social problem and how the institutions of the modern state seek to address it.
Throughout the course you’ll study crime in depth, as well as gaining a broad understanding of education, health, housing and poverty. You’ll learn about why some activities are seen as deviant or criminal, why some members of society negotiate the justice system more easily than others and social and criminal justice responses to crime.
At the same time, you’ll explore the causes of social problems and inequalities and the historical, social and cultural dimensions of policy-making. Using examples from around the world, you’ll examine education, housing and urban policies to see how states provide for people’s welfare, and consider the experiences of people who receive welfare services. A wide range of optional modules reflecting our diverse research interests will also allow you to explore topics such as gender, racism or youth crime.
You’ll learn to think sociologically about various social issues and problems from the start of Year 1. A set of core modules will equip you with the research skills to study social policy and an understanding of the techniques used in social research. You’ll also explore key issues in crime and deviance and how crime is controlled in society, along with the formation of social policy in Britain and how social inequalities have been created.
In the following year you’ll develop your research skills through a compulsory module which helps to prepare you for your final-year dissertation. At the same time, you’ll examine theories in the sociology of crime with a focus on issues around class, gender, ‘race’ and age as well as policing and the regulation and prevention of crime. Around this you’ll choose from a set of modules related to major social issues such as drugs or public policy around the world. You’ll also be able to choose from a broader range exploring topics from racism and ethnicity studies to victims and restorative justice.
The dissertation you complete in your final year allows you to examine a topic of your choice in depth. Around this module, you’ll choose from social policy modules on topics such as education or childhood studies, as well as selecting from a more diverse range in areas such as gender studies, citizenship and identity or protest movements.
These are typical modules/components studied and may change from time to time. Read more in our Terms and conditions.
- Understanding and Researching the City 20 credits
- Understanding and Researching Contemporary Society 20 credits
- Crime and Deviance 20 credits
- Identities, Inequalities and Policy in Contemporary Society 20 credits
- Social Policy: Poor Laws to the Present 20 credits
- Sociology and Social Policy Research Methods 20 credits
- Crime, Law and Regulation 20 credits
- Key Debates in Social Policy 20 credits
- Victims, Crime and Victimology 10 credits
- Victims, Crime and Justice 20 credits
- Youth Crime and Justice 20 credits
- War Crimes and Genocide 20 credits
- Disability Studies: An Introduction 20 credits
- The Sociology of Gender 20 credits
- Sociology of Health and Illness 20 credits
- Crime, Race and Ethnicity 20 credits
- Debates in Childhood and Youth 20 credits
- Sociology of Work 20 credits
- Racism, ethnicity, migration and decolonial studies 20 credits
- Urban Disorders, Social Divisions and Social Control 20 credits
- Social and Public Policy beyond the Universtiy 20 credits
- Dissertation 40 credits
- Policing 20 credits
- Critical Mixed Race Studies - Global Perspectives 20 credits
- Governing Cultures, Identities and Emotions 20 credits
- Citizenship, Identity and Social Change 20 credits
- Postcolonialism and Critical Muslim Studies 20 credits
- Disability Rights and the International Policy Context 20 credits
- Education, Culture and Society 20 credits
- State Crime and Immorality 20 credits
- Contemporary Children, Young People and Families 20 credits
- Data and Society 20 credits
- Gender, Technologies and the Body 20 credits
- Class in Everyday Life 20 credits
- Protest and Social Movements 20 credits
- Sex Work: Theory, Policy and Politics 20 credits
- Understanding Interpersonal Violence 20 credits
Broadening your academic horizons
At Leeds we want you to benefit from the depth and breadth of the University's expertise, to prepare you for success in an ever-changing and challenging world. This course gives you the opportunity to broaden your learning by studying discovery modules. Find out more on the Broadening webpages.
Learning and teaching
We use a range of teaching and learning methods to help you gain diverse skills. These will include seminars and workshops where you can discuss in more depth the topics set out in traditional lectures. We emphasise the importance of participation, presentation skills and group work.
The teaching structure varies depending on your level of study – for example, in Year 1 you might expect to have six or seven lectures and three or four seminars per week. However, independent study is also a vital element of the course, as it allows you to develop your research and critical skills while preparing for taught sessions.
You’ll also have a personal tutor – one of our academics – who will be on hand to offer you guidance and support on academic issues, such as module choices, as well as career and personal matters.
Modules will use a variety of assessment methods. As well as traditional exams, you could also be asked to complete projects based on essays and case studies, policy briefs, group presentations, work logs, research briefs, project proposals or development agency reviews. In your final year you’ll also submit a 12,000 word dissertation.
Our graduates secure employment with some of the biggest UK companies in human resources, communications management, broadcasting and advertising. They are also ideally equipped to work in the public and third sector including in the civil service, teaching, youth work, fostering/children’s services, probation services, social work, prison service, housing and homelessness prevention.
Graduates from this programme are well prepared for postgraduate study across a range of disciplines. Our recent graduates have gone on to study sociology, social Policy, teacher training, journalism, occupational therapy, human resources, marketing, town planning, social work, criminal justice studies and social research.
We encourage you to prepare for your career from day one. Thats one of the reasons Leeds graduates are so sought after by employers.
Leeds for Life is our unique approach to helping you make the most of University by supporting your academic and personal development. Find out more at the Leeds for Life website.
The Careers Centre and staff in your faculty provide a range of help and advice to help you plan your career and make well-informed decisions along the way, even after you graduate. Find out more at the Careers website.
On this course you have the opportunity to apply to spend time abroad, usually as an extra academic year. The University has partnerships with more than 400 universities worldwide and popular destinations for our students include Europe, the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Singapore, Hong Kong, South Africa and Latin America.
Find out more at the Study Abroad website.
Practical work experience can help you decide on your career and improve your employability. On this course you have the option to apply to take a placement year module with organisations across the public, private and voluntary sectors in the UK, or overseas.
Find out more about work experience on the Careers website.
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What is a 911 Emergency Call?
An immediate threat to a person’s life or well-being, a crime in progress, a fire and/or medical emergency, and any unknown type of call.
What should you do when you call 911?
STAY ON THE LINE with the 9-1-1 operator unless doing so will put you or others in danger. Staying on the line and answering the 9-1-1 operator’s questions will allow the 9-1-1 operator provide updated information to the responding officers. Staying on the line will not delay police response, if fact, it will only enhance the chances of an apprehension.
The 5 W's to remember when calling 911
- Where: Where is the emergency occuring? At your location or another location?
- What: What is going on? Why is this happening?
- When: When did the emergency occur?
- Who: Who is involded, give a description of suspects and/or vehicle including license plate
- Weapons: Are there any weapons involved? What type of weapon and who has the weapon?
What if I call 911 from a wireless phone?
Be ready to provide the following information:
- Where is the emergency? Use the highway name, direction of travel, mile marker, nearest intersection, or landmark.
- What number are you calling from? Be ready to provide the telephone number of the phone you are calling from and always give the area code.
- What exactly has happened? Clearly describe what has happened for you to call 9-1-1. Examples are: Is it a fire, is a person unconscious, or was a crime committed?
Cell phones, depending on the information provided by the cell phone company, will either hit off of the nearest cell phone tower from where the person is calling from (Phase 1) or provide an approximate location using X,Y, coordinates. (Phase 2) The X,Y, coordinates is only an estimate and not the actual location of the caller.
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<urn:uuid:165360c6-6c35-4d9c-a169-bc496f647ac1>
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CC-MAIN-2016-26
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http://www.columbuspolice.org/HintsTips/styling.html
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| 0.906656
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Gibson, Chris and Crawford, Jordan
A new synoptic survey of Northern Ireland lakes: sampling from the air.
Freshwater Forum, 19,
Northern Ireland has approximately 1670 lakes, which cover 4.4% of the land surface. However, most of the water area is accounted for by the large lakes such as Lough Neagh (385 km2) and Lower Lough Erne (109.5 km ). The majority of lakes are less than 100 hectares in area. They tend to be
distributed towards the south and west of the Province, where extensive drumlin swarms are rich in small waterbodies.
In 1988-1991, 610 of the 708 lakes between one and 100 hectares were sampled by the Northern Ireland Lake Survey. The objective was to assess their conservation status based on their aquatic macrophyte flora, but in addition to extensive plant surveys, the water of each lake was analysed for a range of chemical variables. This article reports on a full-scale survey carried out in early March 2002. The survey was taken with help of two helicopters. The authorise summarise the results of the chemical analysis of the survey.
||A new synoptic survey of Northern Ireland lakes: sampling from the air
|Journal or Publication Title:
||Freshwater Biological Association
||Aerial Surveys, Freshwater Lakes; Chemical analysis; Northern Ireland
Hardy B Schwamm
||13 Dec 2010 13:56
||29 Sep 2011 16:06
Actions (login required)
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<urn:uuid:b4056fb9-99b9-4ccb-9d9e-f13edce8625c>
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CC-MAIN-2016-26
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http://aquaticcommons.org/4663/
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| 0.880315
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| 3
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Click images to view
Remington was not the first American manufacturer to introduce a center-fire semi-automatic rifle. But, the gun that became the Remington Model 8 was a fully realized semi-automatic rifle capable of reliably cycling powerful center-fire cartridges.
Originally introduced as the Remington Autoloading Rifle in 1906, (and its European counter part the FN 1900 which wasn’t produced until 1910 by Fabrique Nationale) the name was changed to the Remington Model 8 in 1911, even though the rifle itself was essentially unchanged. The saying goes “no two model 8’s are the same”.
Designed by John Moses Browning while he was working on his first semi-automatic shotgun, eventually the Browning Auto-5; the new rifle used the same long-stroke recoil operating system as his new shotgun. It had a 22” jacketed barrel, five-round fixed box magazine that could be filled by means of five-round stripper clips (for the 25, 30, 32 Remington and four rounds for the 35 Remington) just like military rifles of the day. Additionally, four unique rounds for the Model 8 were introduced…first it was chambered in 35 Remington, followed by the 30 Remington in 1907 (called the 30-30 Remington at first) then the 32 Remington and the 25 Remington (called the 25-35 Remington at first) were developed for the Remington Model 8.
It was the first mass-produced semi-automatic rifle chambered for a round more powerful than the most popular deer cartridge of the day, the .30-30 Win. Remington was not shy about using the unique power of its semi-automatic rifle as a selling point. Remington ads from 1907 touted the ability of a Remington Autoloading Rifle in .35 Rem. to pierce a 5/16″ steel plate. Promotional artwork portrayed outdoorsmen face to face with bear, wolves and other dangerous animals. Remington’s message was clear; the Model 8 is a gun you can rely on in close-quarters life or death situations.
During the 1930s, both large and small manufacturers were forced to cease production of a number of interesting, unique and desirable firearms. Several firearm manufacturers went under as well, but DuPont’s purchase of Remington in 1934 provided re-energized leadership and an infusion of capital and that kept Remington afloat through those hard times. The Model 8 survived thanks to a timely redesign that streamlined production and lowered costs. Remington also added a thicker wrist and fore-end to better absorb the gun’s stout recoil. The new gun, dubbed the Model 81 “ Woodsmaster”, debuted in 1936.
All in all the Remington Model 8 has stood the test of time. They are still carried in the field every year hunting in the year 2009; a 103 years after John Browning first patented it. So what has made this rifle so popular? Is it the rifle itself or the quest for the past that keeps this one hundred and three year old rifle in the woods? Or is that good ideas never loose their usefulness? Everyone has their reason for the love of their Model 8 and everyone has a story why they love these great old work horses of the woods.
Whatever the reason these rifles have weathered 103 years of use and have been preserved in the memories of men, in deer camps , books, pictures, and art and will be remembered until the end of time as one of the greatest rifles ever designed. I, like so many of you that have collected and shot these great rifles, will always have a spot in the safe for at least one. I hope you have enjoyed this brief introduction into the Model 8.
For God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not perish, but have everlasting life.
Glory to God in all things.
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http://thegreatmodel8.remingtonsociety.com/?page_id=8
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Recent spatially resolved X-ray spectroscopy of young supernova remnants (SNRs) has led to the solution of a century-old mystery – the source of Galactic cosmic rays. SN 1006, the remnant of the brightest supernova explosion ever observed, provided the original evidence that diffusive shock acceleration in supernova remnants produces cosmic rays to TeV energies, possibly as high as the “knee” in the cosmic ray spectrum at ~10^15 eV. Shock acceleration is now established as a ubiquitous process in historical SNRs. Shock morphologies measured in X-rays have indicated that a substantial fraction of the shock energy might be diverted into particle acceleration, and provided insight into the strength and the structure of magnetic field behind the SNR blast wave. Because of its large extent and the dominance of synchrotron emission from relativistic particles in its X-ray spectrum, SN 1006 continues to serve as one of the best laboratories for probing shock acceleration. This presentation will summarize what we have learned about cosmic ray acceleration from X-ray observations of supernova remnants, using SN 1006 as a focal point, and in particular the results from a recently completed mapping program of it using Chandra.
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<urn:uuid:593d21b9-8a60-49ee-8027-e6724455703c>
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http://www.lsa.umich.edu/astro/eventsoutreach/eventlisting/ci.astronomycolloquiumthu31jan2013_ci.detail
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| 0.916556
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By Jeffrey Norris, UCSF Science Cafe | November 9, 2010
CT scans to detect lung cancer early can save lives, according to a study of 53,456 current and former smokers ages 55 to 74.
The study findings were announced by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) -- which funded the massive study -- on Novembers 4.
The study, called the National Lung Screening Trial (NLST), marks the first time a screening test for lung cancer has been shown to improve the odds of survival. The study demonstrated that a low-dose, helical computed tomography (CT) exam -- lasting from seven to 15 seconds -- is significantly better than an X-ray for detecting life-threatening lung cancers at an earlier stage when treatment often is more successful.
During the course of the study there were 442 deaths in the group that received X-rays, compared to 354 deaths among those who received CT exams. So far, participants' health has been tracked for up to seven years.
"The results were pretty striking," says Rebecca Smith-Bindman, MD, a UCSF radiologist and epidemiologist. "They showed a decrease in lung cancer mortality of 20 percent and a decrease in overall mortality of 7 percent. I think that's really exciting."
Just as they are used to detect breast cancer through X-ray mammograms, X-rays also can be used to detect many lung tumors. However, earlier studies on the costs and benefits of X-ray screening for smokers led to the rejection of X-rays for use in routine diagnostic screening for this group.
According to the trial design, the study was ended by an independent monitoring panel, because the life-saving benefit of CT screening already had become significant despite the fact that the trial was not yet completed.
"This is an enormous step forward for improving outcomes for lung cancer patients and for preventing thousands of deaths that would occur without screening," says UCSF thoracic surgeon and lung cancer specialist David Jablons, MD. "CT screening of the appropriate population of patients saves lives in real time today."
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<urn:uuid:1ac7a358-d627-404f-919e-220c66a2054a>
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http://cancer.ucsf.edu/news/2010/11/09/ct-screening-for-lung-cancer-among-heavy-smokers-saves-lives.555
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-26/segments/1466783395166.84/warc/CC-MAIN-20160624154955-00004-ip-10-164-35-72.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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| 0.97502
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We all know the importance of fall maintenance in the yard and garden. Did you know proper fall maintenance helps prevent disease in the spring? That's right. If you don't properly clean up your garden in the fall, you could be asking for trouble when the snow melts. Here's some steps you can take in the fall to be sure your spring garden has a fresh, disease free start.
Remove all fallen fruit.
Fruit that falls from your trees should not be allowed to rot on the ground. Maintaining fruit trees doesn't stop after the harvest. Not only that, you may have to rake bad fruit up several times throughout the fall. Be sure you remove it periodically. Leaving it sitting allows fruit rot to spread. This causes disease and other issues in the spring.
Practice crop rotation.
Keep pathogens and fungus guessing where you will put their favorite vegetables. Make sure your fall clean up includes planning and preparing the garden area for next year's crop rotations. When garden produce sits in the same place, year after year, disease knows exactly where to find the plants and produce that nourish them best.
Completely remove and bag diseased plants.
Got late blight tomatoes? Get rid of those plants pronto. Don't leave them sitting on the ground all winter. Doing so allows spores to spread throughout your garden. The same holds true for other diseased plants. Remove and bag them, roots and all for disposal as soon as you notice there is a problem.
Never compost diseased plants.
It might seem like a good idea to at least get some use out of diseased vegetables and plants. After all, they didn't produce anything harvest-able. You might be tempted to compost them to get some return on your investment. Don't do it. Disease can spread though compost to infect the plants it's fertilized with. That means next year, you'll lose even more money.
Don't be negligent with your raking.
What's the quickest way to ruin your spring lawn? Let leaves and grass clippings sit on it over the winter. Your lawn needs air, even in winter. If you don't rake up all those leaves and clippings, you're smothering your grass. Not only that, leaf rot and mold may eat away your lawn, leaving bare spots. You're wasting good compost material. That free fertilizer saves you money. Fall maintenance is vital for preventing disease in next year's garden. Have you done yours?
Portions of this article were previously published by this author on a now closed Yahoo property.
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<urn:uuid:511b85db-7ff5-4020-a57f-c852fb51d512>
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http://www.examiner.com/article/prevent-disease-with-fall-garden-maintenance
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-26/segments/1466783396106.25/warc/CC-MAIN-20160624154956-00096-ip-10-164-35-72.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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| 0.952812
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By Shawn Lafferty-Oracle on Mar 01, 2013
Have you ever wanted to show actual values vs. remaining on the same line using different colors for each? This can be a very tricky exercise in OBI. First, you have to create 2 separate date sets, one set of dates that represent time before the data date for actual values, and another set of dates after the data date for whatever is remaining. After this, you want to make sure that you can clearly show the data date so it is known where the actual values end and where the remaining begin <see chart below>. After you have created the time separation, you can begin to assemble your graph. In OBI, the order in which you place your lines matters for the simple fact of which bar will overlay the other. Since our actual bar will stop at the data date, we want this bar to "appear" on top of our remaining, so we will see actual values up to the data date, then remaining after the data date. The last part of this involves the display of the data date. I accomplished this by placing a large number in a field that I used for the data date. This value represents the height of the bar essentially, so when you try this in your environment, you may need to adjust the value according to your projects values.
If you want to see the analysis (OBI 22.214.171.124.7), download the files here
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<urn:uuid:82bdeb86-5ce9-4c4c-99a0-ebcbf23ec835>
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CC-MAIN-2016-26
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https://blogs.oracle.com/P6Analytics/date/20130301
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| 0.892214
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| 3.078125
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Introduction to pressure - psi and Pa - online pressure units converter
The pressure in a fluid is defined as
"the normal force per unit area exerted on a imaginary or real plane surface in a fluid or a gas"
The equation for pressure can be expressed as:
p = F / A (1)
p = pressure (lb/in2 (psi) or lb/ft2 (psf), N/m2 or kg/ms2 (Pa))
F = force (1), N)
A = area (in2 or ft2, m2)
The absolute pressure - pabs - is measured relative to the absolute zero pressure - the pressure that would occur at absolute vacuum. All calculations involving the gas law requires pressure (and temperature) to be in absolute units.
A gauge is often used to measure the pressure difference between a system and the surrounding atmosphere. This pressure is often called the gauge pressure and can be expressed as
pg = ps - patm (2)
pg = gauge pressure
ps = system pressure
patm = atmospheric pressure
Atmospheric pressure is the pressure in the surrounding air at - or "close" to - the surface of the earth. The atmospheric pressure varies with temperature and altitude above sea level.
Standard Atmospheric Pressure
The Standard Atmospheric Pressure (atm) is normally used as the reference when listing gas densities and volumes. The Standard Atmospheric Pressure is defined at sea-level at 273oK (0oC) and is 1.01325 bar or 101325 Pa (absolute). The temperature of 293oK (20oC) is sometimes used.
In imperial units the Standard Atmospheric Pressure is 14.696 psi.
- 1 atm = 1.01325 bar = 101.3 kPa = 14.696 psi (lbf/in2)= 760 mmHg =10.33 mH2O = 760 torr = 29.92 inHg = 1013 mbar = 1.0332 kgf/cm2 = 33.90 ftH2O
Since 1 Pa is a small pressure unit the unit hectoPascal (hPa) is widely used, especially in meteorology. The unit kiloPascal (kPa) is commonly used in the design of technical applications - like HVAC systems, piping systems and similar.
- 1 hectoPascal = 100 Pascal = 1 millibar
- 1 kiloPascal = 1000 Pascal
Some Pressure Levels
- 10 Pa - the pressure below 1 mm of water
- 1 kPa - approximately the pressure exerted by a 10 g of mass on a 1 cm2 area
- 10 kPa - the pressure below 1 m of water, or the drop in air pressure when moving from sea level to 1000 m elevation
- 10 MPa - nozzle pressure in a "high pressure" washer
- 10 GPa - pressure enough to form diamonds
Some Alternative Units of Pressure
- 1 bar - 100,000 Pa
- 1 millibar - 100 Pa
- 1 atmosphere - 101325 Pa
- 1 mm Hg - 133 Pa
- 1 inch Hg - 3386 Pa
A torr (often used in vacuum applications) is named after Torricelli and is the pressure produced by a column of mercury 1 mm high - equals to 1 / 760th of an atmosphere.
- 1 atm = 760 torr = 14.696 psi
Pounds per square inch (psi) was commonly used in the U.K. but is now replaced in almost every country except in the U.S. by SI units. Since atmospheric pressure is 14.696 psi - a column of air on a area of one square inch area from the Earth's surface to the space - weights 14.696 pounds.
The bar (bar) is common in the industry. One bar is 100,000 Pa, and for most practical purposes can be approximated to one atmosphere even if
1 Bar = 0.9869 atm
There are 1000 millibar (mbar) in one bar, a unit common in meteorology and weather applications.
1 millibar = 0.001 bar = 0.750 torr = 100 Pa
- free apps for offline use on mobile devices.
Online Pressure Units Calculator
The calculator below can used to convert between some common pressure units:
- en: pressure pa lbf
- es: lbf pa presión
- de: Druck pa lbf
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<urn:uuid:ba50c7f4-4b83-42d2-b975-0f3a2b0a4723>
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CC-MAIN-2016-26
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http://www.engineeringtoolbox.com/pressure-d_587.html
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| 0.822995
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