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makes my decision no less reprehensible than it would have
been had the contaminant had more readily detectable, though
equally fatal, effects.
2. The lack of certainty that by giving money I could save a
life does reduce the wrongness of not giving, by comparison
with deliberate killing; but it is insufficient to show that not
giving is acceptable conduct. The motorist who speeds through
pedestrian crossings, heedless of anyone who might be on them,
is not a murderer. She may never actually hit a pedestrian; yet
what she does is very wrong indeed.
3. The notion of responsibility for acts rather than omissions
is more puzzling. On the one hand, we feel ourselves to be
under a greater obligation to help those whose misfortunes we
have caused. (It is for this reason that advocates of overseas aid
often argue that Western nations have created the poverty of
third world nations, through forms of economic exploitation
that go back to the colonial system.) On the other hand, any
consequentialist would insist that we are responsible for all the
consequences of our actions, and if a consequence of my spending
money on a luxury item is that someone dies, I am responsible
for that death. It is true that the person would have
died even if I had never existed, but what is the relevance of
that? The fact is that I do exist, and the consequentialist will
say that our responsibilities derive from the world as it is, not
as it might have been.
One way of making sense of the non-consequentialist view
of responsibility is by basing it on a theory of rights of the kind
proposed by John Locke or, more recently, Robert Nozick. If
everyone l:J.as a right to life, and this right is a right against others
who might threaten my life, but not a right to assistance from
others when my life is in danger, then we can understand the
feeling that we are responsible for acting to kill but not for
226
Rich and Poor
omitting to save. The former violates the rights of others, the
latter does not.
Should we accept such a theory of rights? If we build up our
theory of rights by imagining, as Locke and Nozick do, individuals
living independently from each other in a 'state of nature',
it may seem natural to adopt a conception of rights in which
as long as each leaves the other alone, no rights are violated. I
might, on this view, quite properly have maintained my independent
existence if I had wished to do so. So if I do not make
you any worse off than you would have been if I had had
nothing at all to do with you, how can I have violated your
rights? But why start from such an unhistorical, abstract and
ultimately inexplicable idea as an independent individual? Our
ancestors were - like other primates - social beings long before
they were human beings, and could not have developed the
abilities and capacities of human beings if they had not been
social beings first. In any case, we are not, now, isolated individuals.
So why should we assume that rights must be restricted
to rights against interference? We might, instead, adopt the view
that taking rights to life seriously is incompatible with standing
by and watching people die when one could easily save them.
4. What of the difference in motivation? That a person does
not positively wish for the death of another lessens the severity
of the blame she deserves; but not by as much as our present
attitudes to giving aid suggest. The behaviour of the speeding
motorist is again comparable, for such motorists usually have
no desire at all to kill anyone. They merely enjoy speeding and
are indifferent to the consequences. Despite their lack of malice,
those who kill with cars deserve not only blame but also severe
punishment.
5. Finally, the fact that to avoid killing people is normally not
difficult, whereas to save all one possibly could save is heroic,
must make an important difference to our attitude to failure to
do what the respective principles demand. Not to kill is a min-
227
Practical Ethics
imum standard of acceptable conduct we can require of everyone;
to save all one possibly could is not something that can
realistically be required, especially not in societies accustomed
to giving as little as ours do. Given the generally accepted standards,
people who give, say, $1,000 a year to an overseas aid
organisation are more aptly praised for above average generosity
than blamed for giving less than they might. The appropriateness
of praise and blame is, however, a separate issue from the rightness
or wrongness of actions. The former evaluates the agent:
the latter evaluates the action. Perhaps many people who give
$1,000 really ought to give at least $5,000, but to blame them
for not giving more could be counterproductive. It might make
them feel that what is required is too demanding, and if one is
going to be blamed anyway, one might as well not give anything
at all.
(That an ethic that put saving all one possibly can on the
same footing as not killing would be an ethic for saints or heroes
should not lead us to assume that the alternative must be an
ethic that makes it obligatory not to kill, but puts us under no
obligation to save anyone. There are positions in between these
extremes, as we shall soon see.)
Here is a summary of the five differences that normally exist
between killing and allowing to die, in the context of absolute
poverty and overseas aid. The lack of an identifiable victim is
of no moral significance, though it may play an important role
in explaining our attitudes. The idea that we are directly responsible
for those we kill, but not for those we do not help,
depends on a questionable notion of responsibility and may
need to be based on a controversial theory of rights. Differences
in certainty and motivation are ethically significant, and show