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7770	dbpedia	1	25	https://kids.kiddle.co/Mitch_Daniels	en	Mitch Daniels facts for kids	https://kids.kiddle.co/i…itch_Daniels.jpg	https://kids.kiddle.co/i…itch_Daniels.jpg	[ "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-robot.svg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-search-engine.svg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/e/e4/Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg/300px-Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/f/f1/Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg/128px-Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg.png", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/2/2c/Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C39260_%28cropped%29.jpg/300px-Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C39260_%28cropped%29.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/a/a0/911-_President_George_W._Bush_with_Insurance_Representatives%2C_09-17-2001_%286124778524%29.jpg/300px-911-_President_George_W._Bush_with_Insurance_Representatives%2C_09-17-2001_%286124778524%29.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/9/92/Mitch_Daniels_for_Governor_Logo_2004.gif", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/b/ba/Mitch_Daniels_at_Camp_Arifjan%2C_Kuwait%2C_April_16%2C_2006.jpg/230px-Mitch_Daniels_at_Camp_Arifjan%2C_Kuwait%2C_April_16%2C_2006.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/8/8d/Indiana_National_Guard.jpg/300px-Indiana_National_Guard.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/7/7a/MitchDanielsOfficialHeadshot.jpg/230px-MitchDanielsOfficialHeadshot.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/3/38/FEMA_-_35668_-_FEMA_Administrator_Paulison_with_Indiana_Governor_Daniels_at_Press_Conference_in_Indiana.jpg/300px-FEMA_-_35668_-_FEMA_Administrator_Paulison_with_Indiana_Governor_Daniels_at_Press_Conference_in_Indiana.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/b/b3/Purdue_University_President_Mitch_Daniels_talks_with_Agriculture_Secretary_Tom_Vilsack_in_2014.jpg/300px-Purdue_University_President_Mitch_Daniels_talks_with_Agriculture_Secretary_Tom_Vilsack_in_2014.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/5/5f/Kids_robot.svg/60px-Kids_robot.svg.png", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-search-engine.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Learn Mitch Daniels facts for kids	en	/images/wk/favicon-16x16.png		https://kids.kiddle.co/Mitch_Daniels	Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. (born April 7, 1949) is an American academic administrator, businessman, author, and retired politician who served as the 49th governor of Indiana from 2005 to 2013. A Republican, he later served as president of Purdue University from 2013 until the end of 2022. Daniels began his career as an assistant to senator Richard Lugar, working as his chief of staff in the Senate from 1977 to 1982. He was appointed executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee when Lugar was chairman from 1983 to 1984. He worked as a chief political advisor and as a liaison to President Ronald Reagan in 1985. He then moved back to Indiana to become president of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. He later joined Eli Lilly and Company where he served as president of North American Pharmaceutical Operations from 1993 to 1997 and as senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy from 1997 to 2001. In January 2001, Daniels was appointed by President George W. Bush as the director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, where he served until June 2003. Daniels ran in Indiana's 2004 gubernatorial election after leaving the Bush administration. He won the Republican primary with 67% of the vote and defeated Democratic incumbent Governor Joe Kernan in the general election. In 2008, Daniels was reelected to a second term, defeating Jill Long Thompson. During his tenure, Daniels cut the state government workforce by 18%, cut and capped state property taxes, balanced the state budget through austerity measures and increasing spending by less than the inflation rate. In his second term, Daniels saw protest by labor unions and Democrats in the state legislature over Indiana's school voucher program, privatization of public highways, and the attempt to pass 'right to work' legislation, leading to the 2011 Indiana legislative walkouts. During the legislature's last session under Daniels, he signed a 'right-to-work law', with Indiana becoming the 23rd state in the nation to pass such legislation. It was widely speculated that Daniels would be a candidate in the 2012 presidential election, but he chose not to run. Daniels was selected by the Trustees of the Board of Purdue University, all of whom he appointed or re-appointed while Governor, to become the university president after his term as governor ended on January 14, 2013. He retired as Purdue president on January 1, 2023. Early life Family and education Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. was born on April 7, 1949, in Monongahela, Pennsylvania, the son of Dorothy Mae (née Wilkes) and Mitchell Elias Daniels. His father's parents were Syrian immigrants from Qalatiyah, Syria, of Antiochian Greek Orthodox descent. Daniels has been honored by the Arab-American Institute with the 2011 Najeeb Halaby Award for Public Service. His mother's ancestry was mostly English (where three of his great-grandparents were born). Daniels spent his early childhood years in Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Georgia. The Daniels family moved to Indiana from Pennsylvania in 1959 when his father accepted a job at the Indianapolis headquarters of the pharmaceutical company Pitman-Moore. The 10-year-old Daniels was accustomed to the mountains, and he at first disliked the flatland of central Indiana. He was still in grade school at the time of the move and first attended Delaware Trail Elementary, Westlane Junior High School, and North Central High School. In high school he was student body president. After graduation in 1967, Daniels was named one of Indiana's Presidential Scholars—the state's top male high school graduate that year—by President Lyndon B. Johnson. In 1971, Daniels earned a Bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University after completing a senior thesis titled "The Politics of Metropolitanization: City-County Consolidation in Indianapolis, Indiana". While at Princeton, he was a member of the American Whig–Cliosophic Society, where he overlapped with future Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito, who was a year below. He initially studied law at the Indiana McKinney School of Law in Indianapolis. After accepting a job with newly elected Senator Richard Lugar, he transferred to the Georgetown University Law Center, from which he earned a Juris Doctor. Early political career Daniels had his first experience in politics while still a teenager when, in 1968, he worked on the unsuccessful campaign of fellow Hoosier and Princeton alumnus William Ruckelshaus, who was running for the U.S. Senate against incumbent Democrat Birch Bayh. After the campaign, Daniels secured an internship in the office of then-Indianapolis mayor Richard Lugar, a Ruckelshaus ally. Daniels worked on Lugar's re-election campaign in 1971, and later, in 1974, he worked on Lugar's first campaign for Senate via L. Keith Bulen's Campaign Communicators, Inc, a political consultancy where Daniels served as vice president. Daniels joined Lugar's mayoral staff in December 1974. Within three years, he became Lugar's principal assistant. After Lugar was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1976, Daniels followed him to Washington, D.C., as his Chief of Staff. Daniels served as Chief of Staff during Lugar's first term (1977–1982), and, during this time, he met Cheri Herman, who was working for the National Park Service. The two married in 1978 and had four daughters. They divorced in 1993 and Cheri married again; Cheri later divorced her second husband and remarried Daniels in 1997. In 1983, when Lugar was elected chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Daniels was appointed its executive director. Serving in that position (1983–84), he played a major role in keeping the GOP in control of the Senate. Daniels was also manager of three successful re-election campaigns for Lugar. In August 1985, Daniels became chief political advisor and liaison to state and local governments for President Ronald Reagan. In 1987, Daniels returned to Indiana as president and CEO of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. In 1988, Dan Quayle was elected Vice President of the United States, and Indiana governor Robert D. Orr offered to appoint Daniels to Quayle's vacant Senate seat. Daniels declined the offer, saying it would force him to spend too much time away from his family. Daniels led the Reagan administration's response to the Supreme Court's ruling on the Fair Labor Standards Act, and advocated limiting the power of the federal government in defining overtime rules for state and local governments, summing up his position by asking "What business is it of the Federal Government to tell localities how to structure their personnel practices?". While serving as the executive director of the Senate Republican campaign committee, Daniels expressed concern about the honesty of Illinois elections saying in 1984, "ballot integrity will be the single most decisive factor in the Illinois Senate race", a theme Daniels has returned to throughout his career. Eli Lilly In 1990, Daniels left the Hudson Institute to accept a position at Eli Lilly and Company, the largest corporation headquartered in Indiana at that time. He was first promoted to President of North American Operations (1993–97) and then to Senior Vice President for Corporate Strategy and Policy (1997–2001). During his tenure Lilly pleaded guilty to two criminal misdemeanors, paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages, settled more than 32,000 personal injury claims—and copped to one of the largest state consumer protection cases involving a drug company in U.S. history. Eli Lilly experienced dramatic growth during Daniels's tenure at the company. Prozac sales made up 30–40% of Lilly's income during the mid-to-late 1990s, and Lilly doubled its assets to $12.8 billion and doubled its revenue to $10 billion during the same period. When Daniels later became governor of Indiana, he drew heavily on his former Lilly colleagues to serve as advisers and agency managers. During the same period, Daniels also served on the board of directors of the Indianapolis Power & Light (IPL). He resigned from the IPL Board in 2001 to join the federal government, and sold his IPL stock along with all other holdings in order to comply with federal ethics requirements. Later that year the value declined when Virginia-based AES Corporation bought IPL. Office of Management and Budget On December 22, 2000, President-elect George W. Bush announced that he would nominate Daniels to serve as the director of the Office of Management and Budget. and was confirmed by the United States Senate by a vote of 100–0 on January 23, 2001. In this role he was also a member of the National Security Council and the Homeland Security Council. During his time as the director of the OMB, Daniels sought to restrict congressional spending, saying Congress's motto apparently is "Don't just stand there, spend something." During his tenure he was criticized by Republicans and Democrats alike. After his first year in office Senator Ted Stevens, then the ranking member of the United States Senate Committee on Appropriations, suggested 'the best thing Daniels could do to repair relations with congress was to go back to Indiana'. Representative Bill Young, then chairman of the United States House Committee on Appropriations complained about Daniels' leadership saying ''I'm convinced the director of O.M.B. is only concerned about numbers ... and he has no concern about what those numbers do or do not do for the country, for our military, for our security." Then HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson complained that Daniels's office would reject a proposal "nine times out of 10, just to show you who the boss is". The $2.13 trillion budget Daniels submitted to Congress in 2001 would have made deep cuts in many agencies to accommodate the tax cuts being made, but few of the spending cuts were actually approved by Congress. Shortly after the invasion of Afghanistan, Daniels gave a speech to the National Press Club in which he challenged the view of those who wanted to continue typical spending while the nation was at war. "The idea of reallocating assets from less important to more important things, especially in a time of genuine emergency, makes common sense and is applied everywhere else in life," he said. Despite such efforts, during Daniels's 29-month tenure in the position, the projected federal budget surplus of $236 billion ballooned to a $400 billion deficit, due to the recession of 2001, tax cuts, the War in Afghanistan (2001–present), and Iraq War. Nobel economics Laureate Paul Krugman noted Daniels is "held up as an icon of fiscal responsibility" without having earned it. Commenting on Daniels leadership he wrote "what I can't forget is his key role in the squandering of the fiscal surplus Bush inherited. It wasn't just that he supported the Bush tax cuts; the excuses he made for that irresponsibility were stunningly fraudulent. So I just can't take his current pose of deficit hawkishness seriously." Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, Congress passed legislation authorizing the creation of the Department of Homeland Security. Just before the legislation was signed by Bush, Republican lawmakers inserted language into the bill that authorized protection from liability corporations that manufactured thimerosal, a controversial vaccine preservative that has been the subject of multiple lawsuits. Eli Lilly was once the largest maker of thimerosal and is a major target of the lawsuits. Daniels was the budget director at the time of the bill's passing and some have raised concerns over potential conflicts of interest. Congress repealed the thimerosal provision following expressions of public displeasure. Conservative columnist Ross Douthat stated in a column about Daniels's time at OMB that Daniels "carried water, as director of the Office of Management and Budget, for some of the Bush administration's more egregious budgets." But Douthat, while calling Daniels "America's Best Governor", defended Daniels against accusations that Daniels inaccurately assessed the costs of the Iraq war. In 2002, Daniels helped discredit a report by Assistant to the President on Economic Policy Lawrence B. Lindsey estimating the cost of the Iraq War at between $100-$200 billion. Daniels called this estimate "very, very high" and stated that the costs would be between $50-$60 billion. At the time Daniels would not provide specific costs for either a long or a short military campaign against Saddam Hussein, saying the administration was budgeting for both. The failure to provide long term cost estimates led opponents to claim that Daniels and the administration had suggested the entire war would cost less than $60 billion. The CBO has estimated the total cost of the war in Iraq to U.S. taxpayers will be around $1.9 trillion if it was carried on until 2017. Three months later, on March 25, 2003, five days after the start of the invasion, President Bush requested $53 billion through an emergency supplemental appropriation to cover operational expenses in Iraq until September 30 of that year. According to the Congressional Budget Office, Military operations in Iraq for 2003 cost $46 billion, less than the amount projected by Daniels and OMB. Douthat and other defenders of Daniels accuse Daniels's critics of mischaracterizing the six-month supplemental appropriation as a request to fund the entire war. The costs of the Iraq war have exceeded $800 billion. Between September 2001 and October 2012, lawmakers appropriated about $1.4 trillion for operations in both the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. On May 7, 2003, Daniels announced that he would resign as OMB director within 30 days in a move that Bush administration officials said was to prepare to run for governor of Indiana. 49th Governor of Indiana Election campaign Main article: 2004 Indiana gubernatorial election Daniels's decision to run for Governor of Indiana led to most of the rest of Republican field of candidates dropping out of the race. The only challenger who did not do so was conservative activist and lobbyist Eric Miller. Miller worked for the Phoenix Group, a Christian rights defense group. Daniels's campaign platform centered on cutting the state budget and privatizing public agencies. He won the primary with 67% of the vote. While campaigning in the general election, Daniels visited all 92 counties at least three times. He traveled in a donated white RV nicknamed "RV-1" and covered with signatures of supporters and his campaign slogan, "My Man Mitch". "My Man Mitch" was a reference to a phrase once used by President George W. Bush to refer to Daniels. Bush campaigned with Daniels on two occasions, as Daniels hoped that Bush's popularity would help him secure a win. In his many public stops, he frequently used the phrase "every garden needs weeding every sixteen years or so"; it had been 16 years since Indiana had had a Republican governor. His opponent in the general election was the incumbent, Joe Kernan, who had succeeded to the office upon the death of Frank O'Bannon. The 2004 election was the costliest in Indiana history, up until that time, with the candidates spending a combined US$23 million. Daniels won the election, garnering about 53% of the vote compared to Kernan's 46%. Kernan was the first incumbent governor to lose an election in Indiana since 1892. First term On his first day in office, Daniels created Indiana's first Office of Management and Budget to look for inefficiencies and cost savings throughout state government. The same day, he decertified all government employee unions by executive order, removing the requirement that state employees pay union dues by rescinding a mandate created by Governor Evan Bayh in a 1989 executive order. Dues-paying union membership subsequently dropped 90% among all state employees. Budgetary measures In his first State of the State address on January 18, 2005, Daniels put forward his agenda to improve the state's fiscal situation. Indiana has a biennial budget, and had a projected two-year deficit of $800 million. Daniels called for strict controls on all spending increases and reducing the annual growth rate of the budget. He also proposed a one-year 1% tax increase on all individuals and entities earning over $100,000. The taxing proposal was controversial and the Republican Speaker of the House, Brian Bosma, criticized Daniels and refused to allow the proposal to be debated. The General Assembly approved $250 million in spending cuts and Daniels renegotiated 30 different state contracts for a savings of $190 million, resulting in a budget of $23 billion. Annual spending growth for future budgets was cut to 2.8% from the 5.9% that had been standard for many years. Increase in revenues, coupled with the spending reductions, led to a $300 million budget surplus. Indiana is not permitted to take loans, as borrowing was prohibited in its constitution following the 1837 state bankruptcy. The state, therefore, had financed its deficit spending by reallocating $760 million in revenue that belonged to local government and school districts over the course of many years. The funds were gradually and fully restored to the municipal governments using the surplus money, and the state reserve fund was grown to $1.3 billion. Two of Daniels's other tax proposals were approved: a tax on liquor and beverages to fund the construction of the Lucas Oil Stadium and a tax on rental cars to expand the Indiana Convention Center. The new source of funding resulted in a state take-over of a project initially started by the city of Indianapolis and led to a bitter feud between Daniels and the city leadership over who should have ownership of the project. The state ultimately won and took ownership of the facilities from the city. In 2006, Daniels continued his effort to reduce state operating costs by signing into law a bill privatizing the enrollment service for the state's welfare programs. Indiana's welfare enrollment facilities were replaced with call centers operated by IBM. In mid-2009, after complaints of poor service, Daniels canceled the contract and returned the enrollment service to the public sector. Daylight Saving Time One of the most controversial measures Daniels successfully pushed through was the state adoption of Daylight Saving Time, which Daniels argued, in a complicated economy, was needed to end constant confusion and bring Indiana into a year-long alignment with the rest of the country. Prior to the change, the counties in the western side of the state did not observe daylight saving time, although the counties in southeastern Indiana near Cincinnati, Ohio, did observe it unofficially due to being in that city's metropolitan area. Interests for both time zones had prevented the official adoption of daylight saving since the 1960s, leading to decades of debate. Daniels pressed for the entire state to switch to Central Time, but the General Assembly could not come to terms. Ultimately after a long debate, the General Assembly adopted Eastern Daylight Saving Time in April 2005. The measure passed by one vote and put most of the state on the Eastern Time Zone, except for counties in the northwest and southwest corners that are in the Central Time Zone. Highways In 2006 the legislature enacted Daniels' controversial plan to remake the state's highways system by leasing the Indiana Toll Road. Called the Major Moves, the road was leased to Statewide Mobility Partners, a joint venture company owned by Spanish firm Cintra and Australia's Macquarie Infrastructure Group for 75 years in exchange for a one time payment of $3.85 billion and the commitment to make $4.4 billion worth of upgrades to the road. Most Democrats opposed the measure by starting an advertising campaign accusing Daniels of selling the road to foreign nations. Other critics characterized the deal for fundamentally changing the relationship between infrastructure and taxpayers" saying "the road intended to serve the people of Indiana now is serving the profit needs of a multinational corporation". Daniels defended the lease, claiming that the road was not earning the state money because of the historical lack of political will to raise tolls. He told a congressional committee, "…instead of making money for the state, the road had operated at a loss for 5 of the previous 7 years…Political timidity had kept tolls locked at the same price since 1985…Even if we raised the tolls, there was little reason to believe that the governors who would come after me would have the inclination or the political ability to do the same. I once asked how much it cost to collect that 15-cent toll on the road and the answer came back at 34 cents. I joked that we would have been better off with the honor system and a fishbowl for occasional donations." Daniels and an independent accounting firm believed the road was worth $2 billion at most and were surprised by the offer of nearly $4 billion in cash, plus that much in contracted improvements. Daniels called it the best deal since "Manhattan was sold for beads—except this time, the natives won." Initially, Daniels's support for the controversial legislation led to a rapid drop in his approval rating; in May 2005, a poll showed an 18-point drop in support and that only 42% of Hoosiers approved of the way he was doing his job. In the following months, many of his reforms appeared to have a positive effect and his approval ratings rebounded. The income from the lease was used to finance a backlog of public transportation projects and create a $500 million trust fund to generate revenue for the maintenance of the highway system. Local governments also received a significant windfall from the deal, including $150 million that went to Indiana's 92 counties for local roads, $240 million to seven counties for infrastructure and economic development projects, and $120 million for the Northwest Regional Development Authority for local economic development. Over the next ten years, Indiana would use the cash and interest from the deal to add or expand several major new roadways such as US 31, the Hoosier Heartland Highway, I-69, and the Ohio River bridges. It also rehabilitated 1,400 bridges and 50% of the state's roads without using tax dollars or taking on new debt. As anticipated, drivers experienced dramatic hikes in tolls after the lease, which increased the cost to travel on the public road from $4.65 to $8.80 for passenger vehicles, and semitrailer trucks from $18 to $35.20. Despite doubling toll prices, the foreign-owned operator of the toll road filed for bankruptcy in 2014, and its $3.85 billion purchase price resulted in $6 billion in debts owed by the company to its financiers. Indiana retained the $3.85 billion lump sum payment and the lease was transferred to another Australian investment company without altering the terms of the lease. An October 2014 ITR report to the Indiana Toll Road Oversight Board cited numerous deficiencies along the highway including: deficient pavements and signage at travel plazas, activities at vehicle maintenance facilities that could allow petroleum products or other chemicals into open storm water drains, and closed sewage dump stations at risk of unmonitored dumping. In response, the new lease owners pledged to invest $260 million in capital improvements. In June 2015, Ken Daley, the new CEO of the Indiana Toll Road Concession Company, announced that all of the original 1955 travel plazas would be demolished and replaced within the next five years. As of October 2015, the Booth Tarkington service area, the easternmost in Indiana, was permanently closed[citation needed] Healthy Indiana Plan In 2007, Daniels signed the Healthy Indiana Plan, which provided 132,000 uninsured Indiana workers with coverage. The program works by helping its beneficiaries purchase a private health insurance policy with a subsidy from the state. The plan promotes health screenings, early prevention services, and smoking cessation. It also provides tax credits for small businesses that create qualified wellness and Section 125 plans. The plan was paid for by an increase in the state's tax on cigarettes and the reallocation of federal Medicaid funds through a special waiver granted by the federal government. In a September 15, 2007, Wall Street Journal column, Daniels was quoted as saying about the Healthy Indiana Plan and cigarette tax increase saying, "A consumption tax on a product you'd just as soon have less of doesn't violate the rules I learned under Ronald Reagan." The plan allows low to moderate income households where the members have no access to employer provided healthcare to apply for coverage. At the time of initial implementation, the fee for coverage was calculated using a formula that resulted in a charge between 2%–5% of a person's income. A $1,100 annual deductible was standard on all policies and allowed applicants to qualify for a health savings account. The plan paid a maximum of $300,000 in annual benefits. Property tax reform See also: Taxation in Indiana In 2008, Daniels proposed a property tax ceiling of one percent on residential properties, two percent for rental properties and three percent for businesses. The plan was approved by the Indiana General Assembly on March 14, 2008, and signed by Daniels on March 19, 2008. In 2008, Indiana homeowners had an average property tax cut of more than 30 percent; a total of $870 million in tax cuts. Most money collected through property taxes funds local schools and county government. To offset the loss in revenues to the municipal bodies, the state raised the sales tax from 6% to 7% effective April 1, 2008. Fearing a future government might overturn the statute enforcing property tax rate caps, Daniels and other state Republican leaders pressed for an amendment to add the new tax limits to the state constitution. The proposed amendment was placed on the 2010 General election ballot and was a major focus of Daniels's reelection campaign. In November 2010, voters elected to adopt the tax caps into the Indiana Constitution. Daniels's successes at balancing the state budget began to be recognized nationally near the end of his first term. Daniels was named on the 2008 "Public Officials of the Year" by the Governing magazine. The same year, he received the 2008 Urban Innovator Award from the Manhattan Institute for his ideas for dealing with the state's fiscal and urban problems. Voter registration Main article: Crawford v. Marion County Election Board In the 2005 session of the General Assembly, Daniels and Republicans, with some Democratic support, successfully enacted a voter registration law that required voters to show a government issued photo ID before they could be permitted to vote. The law was the first of its kind in the United States, and many civil rights organizations, including the ACLU, opposed the bill, saying it would unfairly impact minorities, poor, and elderly voters who might be unable to afford an ID or be physically unable to apply for an ID. To partially address those concerns, the state passed another law authorizing state license branches to offer free state photo ID cards to individuals who did not already possess another type of state ID. A coalition of civil rights groups began a court challenge of the bill in Indiana state courts, and the Daniels administration defended the government in the case. The U.S. District Court granted summary judgment to the state. The petitioners appealed the bill to the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, and that body upheld the U.S. District Court decision in the case of Crawford v. Marion County Election Board. Upon appeal the United States Supreme Court also ruled in favor of the state in April 2008, setting a legal precedent. Several other states subsequently enacted similar laws in the years following. Reelection campaign See also: 2008 Indiana gubernatorial election Daniels entered the 2008 election year with a 51% approval rate, and 28% disapproval rate. Daniels's reelection campaign focused on the state's unemployment rate, which had decreased during his time in office, the proposed property tax reform amendment, and the successful balancing of the state budget during his first term. On November 4, 2008, Daniels defeated Democratic candidate Jill Long Thompson and was elected to a second term as governor with 57.8% of votes, despite Barack Obama carrying the state in the presidential race. He was re-inaugurated on January 12, 2009. Washington Post blogger Chris Cillizza named the Daniels reelection campaign "The Best Gubernatorial Campaign of 2008" and noted that some Republicans were already bandying about his name for the 2012 presidential election. Daniels garnered 20 percent of the African American vote and 37 percent of Latinos in his 2008 re-election campaign. He won with more votes than any candidate in the state's history. On July 14, 2010, at the Indianapolis Museum of Art, Daniels was on hand to help announce the return of IndyCar Series chassis manufacturing to the state of Indiana. Dallara Automobili would build a new technology center in Speedway, Indiana and the state of Indiana would subsidize the sale of the first 28 IndyCar chassis with a $150,000 discount. Daniels has been recognized for his commitment to fiscal discipline. He is a recent recipient of the Herman Kahn Award from the Hudson Institute, of which he is a former president and CEO, and was one of the first to receive the Fiscy award for fiscal discipline. A November 2010 poll gave Daniels a 75% approval rate. Second term Democrats won a majority in the Indiana House of Representatives in the 2006 and 2008 elections, resulting in Indiana having a divided government, with Democrats controlling the Indiana House of Representatives and the Republicans controlling the governor's office and the Indiana Senate. This led to a stalemate in the budget debate, which caused Daniels to call a special session of the General Assembly. Due to the national financial crisis, the state was faced with a $1.4 billion shortfall in revenue for the 2009–2011 budget years. Daniels proposed a range of spending cuts and cost-saving measures in his budget proposal. The General Assembly approved some of his proposals, but relied heavily on the state's reserve funds to pay for the budget shortfall. Daniels signed the $27 billion two-year budget into law. 2011 legislative walkout See also: 2011 Indiana legislative walkouts In the 2010 mid-term elections, Republican super-majorities regained control of the House, and took control of the Senate, giving the party full control of General Assembly for the first time in Daniels's tenure as governor. The 2011 Indiana General Assembly's regular legislative session began in January and the large Republicans majorities attempted to implement a wide-ranging conservative agenda largely backed by Daniels. Most of the agenda had been dormant since Daniels's election due to divided control of the assembly. In February, Republican legislators attempted to pass a right to work bill in the Indiana House of Representatives. The bill would have made it illegal for employees to be required to join a workers' union. Republicans argued that it would help the state attract new employers. Unable to prevent the measure from passing, Democratic legislators fled the state to deny the body a quorum while several hundred protesters staged demonstrations at the capital. Minority walkouts are somewhat common in the state, occurring as recently as 2005. While Daniels supported the legislation, he believed the Republican lawmakers should drop the bill because it was not part of their election platform and deserved a period of public debate. Republicans subsequently dropped the bill, but the Democratic lawmakers still refused to return to the capital, demanding additional bills be tabled, including a bill to create a statewide school voucher program. Their refusal to return left the Indiana General Assembly unable to pass any legislation, until three of the twelve bills they objected to were dropped from the agenda on March 28. The minority subsequently returned to the statehouse to resume their duties. Daniels was interviewed in February 2011 about the similar 2011 Wisconsin budget protests in Madison. While supporting the Wisconsin Republicans, he said that in Indiana "we're not in quite the same position or advocating quite the same things they are up in Madison." Education Following the legislative walkouts, the assembly began passing most of the agenda and Daniels signed the bills into law. Written in collaboration with Indiana Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Bennett, a series of education reform laws made a variety of major changes to statewide public schools. A statewide school voucher program was enacted. Children in homes with an income under $41,000 could receive vouchers equal to 90% of the cost of their public school tuition and use that money to attend a private school. It provides lesser benefits to households with income over $41,000. The program was gradually phased in over a three-year period and became available to all state residents by 2014. Other funds were redirected to creating and expanding charter schools and expanding college scholarship programs. The law also created a merit pay system to give better performing teachers higher wages, gave broader authority to school superintendents to terminate the employment of teachers, and restricted the collective bargaining rights of teachers. WGU Indiana was established through an executive order on June 14, 2010, by Daniels, as a partnership between the state and Western Governors University in an effort to expand access to higher education for Indiana residents and increase the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Economy Raising Hoosier incomes was a key focus of his tenure as governor. Critics argue that during his administration Indiana's per capita income dropped from 33rd to 38th among states, growing slightly slower than the national average, and the percentage of people living in poverty in Indiana rose from 10.2% to 14.9%. Supporters argue that economic progress was delayed by the Great Recession and when adjusted for Indiana's low cost of living, Hoosier incomes actually climbed following Daniels' leadership and Indiana rebounded from the recession faster than the rest of the nation in job growth and consumer spending. Main article: Indiana Economic Development Corporation Immigration On May 10, 2011, Daniels signed into law two immigration bills; one denying in-state tuition prices to illegal immigrants and another one imposing fines for employers that employed illegal immigrants. Several protestors, at least five of whom were illegal immigrants, were arrested while protesting the law at the statehouse when they broke into Daniels's office after being denied a meeting. Student leaders called for their release, while some state legislators called for their deportation. State Democratic Party leaders accused Daniels and the Republicans of passing controversial legislation only to enhance Daniels's image so he could seek the presidency. Daniels, however, denied the charges, saying he would have enacted the same agenda years earlier had the then-Democratic majority permitted him to do so. Budget cuts The state forecast continued revenue declines in 2010 that would result in a $1.7 billion budget shortfall if the state budget grew at its normal rate. Daniels submitted a two-year $27.5 billion spending plan to the General Assembly which would result in a $500 million surplus that would be used to rebuild the state reserve funds to $1 billion. He proposed a wide range of budget austerity measures, including employee furloughing, spending reductions, freezing state hiring, freezing state employee wages, and a host of administrative changes for state agencies. The state had already been gradually reducing its workforce by similar freezes, and by 2011, Indiana had the fewest state employees per capita of any state—a figure Daniels touted to say Indiana had the nation's smallest government. Daniels backed the creation of additional toll roads, expanding on his 2006 overhaul of the Indiana Toll Road system (known as "Major Moves"), in an attempt to secure an additional source of revenue for the state. But opposition from within his own party led to the bill being withdrawn by its Republican sponsor, Sen. Tom Wyss, Daniels's only significant legislative defeat during the 2011 session. The legislative walkouts delayed progress on the budget passage for nearly two months, but the House of Representatives was able to begin working on it in committee in April. The body made several alterations to the bill, including a reapportionment of education funding based more heavily on the number of students at a school, and removing some public school funding to finance the new voucher system and charter schools. Energy Daniels announced in October 2006 that a substitute natural gas company intended to build a facility in southern Indiana that would produce pipeline quality substitute natural gas (SNG). The lead investor was Leucadia National, which proposed a $2.6 billion plant in Rockport, Indiana. Under the terms of the deal endorsed by Daniels, the state would buy almost all the Rockport gas and resell it on the open market throughout the country. If the plant made money from the sale, excess profits would be split between Leucadia National's Indiana subsidiary, Indiana Gassification, and the state. If it lost money from the sale, then 100% of the losses would be passed onto Indiana consumers. Leucadia agreed to reimburse the state for any losses, up to $150 million over 30 years. Gas from the plant would make up about 17 percent of the state's supply. Critics feared that if gas prices fell over the next 30 years, the costs of the lost profits would be passed onto the bills of residents after the $150 million guarantee by Leucadia was exhausted. The deal also received criticism concerning government intrusion in the energy markets. Questions were also raised because Leucadia National hired Mark Lubbers, a former aide and close friend of Daniels, to promote the deal. The Daniels administration maintained that the plant would create jobs in an economically depressed part of the state and offer environmental benefits through an in-state energy source. The project was ultimately rejected by the state legislature in 2013. Right to Work Indiana became the first state in a decade to adopt Right to Work legislation. Indiana is home to many manufacturing jobs. The Indiana Economic Development Corp. has reported that 90 firms said the new law was an important factor in deciding to move to Indiana. Daniels signed the legislation on February 1, 2012, without much fanfare in the hopes of dispersing labor protesters before the Super Bowl in Indianapolis. 2012 presidential speculation Although Daniels had claimed to be reluctant to seek higher office, many media outlets, including Politico, The Weekly Standard, Forbes, The Washington Post, CNN, The Economist, and The Indianapolis Star began to speculate that Daniels intended to seek the Republican nomination for president in 2012 after he joined the national debate on cap and trade legislation by penning a response in The Wall Street Journal to policies espoused by the Democratic-majority Congress and the White House in August 2010. The speculation included Daniels's record of reforming government, reducing taxes, balancing the budget, and connecting with voters in Indiana. His "willingness to consider tax increases to rectify a budget deficit" was another source of contention. In August 2010, The Economist praised Daniels's "reverence for restraint and efficacy" and concluded that "he is, in short, just the kind of man to relish fixing a broken state—or country." Nick Gillespie of Reason called Daniels "a smart and effective leader who is a serious thinker about history, politics, and policy," and wrote that "Daniels, like former New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson, is a Republican who knows how to govern and can do it well." In February 2011, David Brooks of The New York Times described Daniels as the "Party's strongest [would be] candidate", predicting that he "couldn't match Obama in grace and elegance, but he could on substance." On December 12, 2010, Daniels suggested in a local interview that he would decide on a White House run before May 2011. Various groups and individuals pressured Daniels to run for office. In response to early speculation, Daniels dismissed a presidential run in June 2009, saying "I've only ever run for or held one office. It's the last one I'm going to hold." However, in February 2010 he told a Washington Post reporter that he was open to the idea of running in 2012. On March 6, 2011, Daniels was the winner of an Oregon (Republican Party) straw poll. Daniels drew 29.33% of the vote, besting second place finisher Mitt Romney (22.66%) and third place finisher Sarah Palin (18.22%), and was the winner of a similar straw poll in the state of Washington. On May 5, 2011, Daniels told an interviewer that he would announce "within weeks" his decision of whether or not to run for the Republican presidential nomination. He said he felt he was not prepared to debate on all the national issues, such as foreign policy, and needed time to better understand the issues and put together formal positions. Later in May, as the Republican field began to resolve with announcements and withdrawals of other candidates, Time said, "Even setting aside his somewhat unusual family situation, Daniels would need to hurry to put together an organization" and raise enough money if he intended to run. Daniels announced he would not seek the Republican nomination for the presidency on the night of May 21, 2011, via an email to the press, citing family constraints and the loss of privacy the family would experience should he become a candidate. In 2021 it was alleged by Max Eden, who led the Draft Daniels Student Group which provided much of the pressure for Daniels to run, that potentially damaging information was being held by some members of the Jon Huntsman campaign, chiefly John Weaver, the political advisor of the Huntsman campaign, regarding Daniels's wife. Eden also stated that Weaver had contacted him about a "seat at the table" of the Huntsman campaign, and further went on to state that Huntsman, then a potential top candidate for the Republican nomination, was himself unaware of Weaver's actions. Eden stated that the potential backlash from Weaver's information was a large contributor to Daniels's decision not to seek the Republican nomination, among other privacy concerns. 2016 presidential speculation In January 2014, the Republican National Committee sent an email to subscribers, asking them to pick their top three presidential choices. The poll included 32 potential candidates, including Daniels. In March 2015, Fortune Magazine named Daniels No. 41 on its list of the world's 50 greatest leaders, generating a new round of calls for Daniels to consider his options in 2016. Daniels was the only American university president and one of two national political figures to make the global list. President of Purdue University Student interactions Daniels consistently argued that his top priority as president was students such as in 2020 when he said: "We are only here, all of us, because of students, and to imagine that that is not our driving priority is a serious confusion..." Daniels worked out most days at the student gym and ate frequently with students in dining facilities and Greek houses. In March 2013, he joined forces with a group of engineering students to create a viral music video promoting engineering and Purdue University. Within 24 hours, the video had received over 50,000 views. Purdue home football games featured a segment entitled "Where's Mitch?", in which, the stadium video board showed the camera panning the crowd and eventually finding Daniels sitting among the fans, sometimes in the student section. Former Purdue presidents rarely left their suite in the press-box structure. In April 2019, Daniels received a T-shirt gun for his birthday that he used to shoot t-shirts with his printed picture into the student section during home basketball games. At the Spring 2021 Commencement, Daniels rode into the Purdue Football Stadium on a couch car designed by Purdue students that was often spotted on campus during that academic year. Purdue Polytechnic Indianapolis high school In 2015, Daniels announced plans to open the Purdue Polytechnic Indianapolis high school, designed to be a bridge for inner-city students to Purdue by admitting graduates directly to Purdue. Daniels described the high school as an attempt to increase the number of low-income, first-generation, and minority students who are prepared for Purdue. Purdue now operates three such high schools but as of summer 2021, only one school had existed long enough to graduate a class of seniors. Of that class, forty students were admitted to Purdue for fall 2021, more than double the average of 15 who attend Purdue from Indianapolis Public Schools. Racial equity and handling of racist incidents Daniels has been criticized by student groups and faculty for his unwillingness to take stronger stances on public displays of white supremacy on campus. In November 2016, posters appeared on campus with drawings of white people with sayings such as "We have a right to exist," and "Defending your people is a social duty, not an anti-social crime." Daniels called the posters, left by a racist organization, a "transparent effort to bait people into overreacting, thereby giving a minuscule fringe group attention it does not deserve, and that we decline to do." He also noted that the views of the organization behind the posters "are obviously inconsistent with the values and principles we believe in here at Purdue." In January 2017, students staged a sit-in of Hovde Hall, where Daniels's office is located. The occupation continued for 91 days. During that time, Daniels refused to meet the students. In 2019, Daniels met with Purdue student government leaders to discuss a controversy surrounding a Purdue student who was unable to buy cold medicine when an off-campus CVS clerk did not accept his Puerto Rican driver's license as valid. Following the scheduled meeting, Daniels had an impromptu 30-minute meeting with student activists who had various concerns about diversity at Purdue. At one point in the conversation, Daniels described his ongoing efforts to recruit an African American faculty member by calling the individual "one of the rarest creatures in America—a leading, I mean a really leading, African-American scholar". The University Senate's Equity and Diversity Committee issued a statement calling Daniels's phrasing "problematic" stating, "The idea that there is a scarcity of leading African American scholars is simply not true". In a New York Times op-ed, G. Gabrielle Starr, president of Pomona College, wrote, "In just a few sentences, Mr. Daniels seemed to question the possibility of sustained black excellence:. Following the criticism, Daniels issued an apology. "I retract and apologize for a figure of speech I used in a recent impromptu dialogue with students ... The word in question was ill chosen and imprecise". In June 2020, as the Black Lives Matter movement gained national momentum, Daniels endorsed the creation of a university system-wide task force to examine racial inequality in response to the murder of George Floyd and other incidents of racial injustice. The task force resulted in the inclusion of racial equity as one of five goals in Purdue's $260 million strategic plan update. As of May 2021, Daniels had helped Purdue raise $27 million for minority scholarship and recruitment efforts in that year, an increase of about 15% over the previous year. As president, Daniels has made the defense of free expression a priority by becoming the first public institution to adopt the Chicago principles for free speech and inquiry and one of roughly two dozen universities to receive the highest rating from the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education. Tuition freezes and cost reductions Tuition at Purdue, prior to Daniels' arrival, had increased every year since 1976. Two months after Daniels assumed his role as president, Purdue announced it would freeze tuition for two years, eventually extending the freeze for ten years, through 2023. As a result, multiple graduating classes will leave Purdue having never experienced a tuition increase. Annual student borrowing is down a third and the Purdue loan default rate is 2.2% versus 7.1% for the average borrower from a four-year public university and 5.1% for Purdue borrowers prior to the tuition freeze. The university claims that students and families will have saved over a billion dollars over the course of the ten years. No student fees have been approved since the tuition freeze was enacted, although a mandatory student wellness fee that students lobbied for prior to Daniels' arrival at Purdue was allowed to take effect but was later reduced under Daniels' direction. The total cost of attending Purdue has fallen since Daniels assumed Purdue's presidency. However, revenue per student increased modestly despite the freeze, partially because the number of foreign and out-of-state students increased, most significantly among graduate students. Daniels announced the first tuition freeze before the state had determined Purdue's funding for the next biennium. Amidst questions about the timing, Daniels argued that he didn't need to wait because "it doesn't matter what the General Assembly does. This is the right thing to do and we are going to do it" The first tuition freeze required the university to find $40 million in savings or new revenue. In order to make up for the lost revenue from tuition freezes, Daniels and the Purdue Board of Trustees focused on finding operating efficiencies such as consolidating information technology data centers, investing cash reserves, and switching to a consumer-driven health plan for employees. Daniels also reduced meal plan rates for students by 10 percent, froze housing costs, and cut the university's cooperative education fees which had previously increased every year. Due to the adjustments, the average cost of room and board at Purdue declined from the second most expensive to the most affordable in the Big Ten. In fall 2014, Daniels announced a deal with Amazon to save students on textbooks and provide students, faculty and staff with free one day shipping to locations on campus. The partnership was ended by Amazon in 2018 but the on campus stores remain in place. Purdue Moves initiatives In September 2013, Daniels announced the first major priorities of his administration, known as "Purdue Moves". The plan continued Daniels' focus on affordability but also called for new investments such as the hiring of 165 new faculty in STEM disciplines, expansion of flipped classrooms, growing summer enrollment, investments in plant science and drug discovery research, and the creation of competency-based degree programs and some three-year degree options. The Purdue Moves also emphasized commercialization of research. Under Daniels' leadership, Purdue increased the number of affiliated start-up companies by more than 400 percent and broke the university record for patents. In 2021, Daniels announced an expansion of the original moves called "Next Moves". Acquisition of Kaplan and launch of Purdue Global In 2017, Daniels and the Purdue Board of Trustees announced the intention to acquire Kaplan University for the purpose of transforming it into an online, self-sustaining, public benefit corporation, now rebranded as Purdue University Global. The acquisition has been met with both considerable praise and significant criticism. Among those who expressed favor before the deal closed included Barack Obama's Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Ted Mitchell who led Obama's crackdown on for-profit universities. Among the critics of the acquisition were Purdue faculty. At the time, the Purdue University Senate called the deal a "violation of common-sense educational practice". During the acquisition Purdue Faculty senate responded by established a Select Committee to provide oversight for the new entity. Shortly after the intended acquisition was announced, 319 signed a petition opposing the deal citing numerous concerns, including, "Purdue University is not creating new access to higher education but merely becoming the owner of a preexisting corporation, with some danger to Purdue's current reputation and operation" and "The business model of Kaplan University rests upon adult learners and is completely dependent on the federal loans that most are required to take to fund their educations." In May 2017, the Purdue University Senate passed a resolution condemning the deal between Kaplan Higher Education and Purdue University. In September 2017, Senators Dick Durbin(D-IL) and Sherrod Brown (D-OH) warned that Purdue's acquisition of Kaplan University posed major risks for Purdue University's students and reputation. They added that Kaplan has a "shameful record" as a "predatory" school. While leaders of the university senate have continued to object to the manner in which Purdue Global was acquired, the current chair of the senate has been quoted saying she is "giving Purdue Global the benefit of the doubt" and sees Global as an extension of Purdue's land grant mission "without spending $50 million building a new building to house students 10 years from now." The co-chair of the Select Committee on Global said in January 2020, "it's more a wait-and-see kind of thing". The American Association of University Professors criticized PG's (now former) arbitration requirement for students calling the policy "the stuff of predatory for-profit colleges, not a leading public research institution". In September 2018, Senators Durbin and Brown called for Purdue to get rid of that policy, which came from the Kaplan rulebook. Robert Shireman, a former deputy undersecretary at the U.S. Department of Education, also criticized the move saying the colleges merely claimed nonprofit status while continuing to enrich Kaplan, Inc., company officials. Purdue University Global In 2019, Purdue Global had lost $61 million dollars from operations. In February 2020, Graham Holdings reported that Purdue University Global owed Kaplan, Inc. $68.4 million for services and deferred fees, and $18.6 million for an advance from the Kaplan University transaction. In the first few years of operation, Purdue Global invested significantly in marketing, leading to signifiant financial losses. The details of the acquisition agreement meant Purdue Global was insulated from the losses, and even profited while the shortfalls were shifted to Kaplan, Inc. Financial results from 2021 show, Purdue Global's operating revenues exceeded operating costs for the first time that year, however, from a cumulative perspective Purdue Global has accumulated $43 million in losses due to past years' performance. Purdue Global enrollment has grown since 2018 while other "Global" style campuses have remained flat or declined. Critics have noted that if, or when, Purdue Global produces an operating profit that any operating gains from Purdue Global will be paid to Kaplan Higher Education until all losses are paid. Compensation When Daniels was hired by Purdue, he requested that his salary be less than his predecessor's, however he's accepted compensation at more than twice the levels of the previous President, including 103% of performance pay in 2019, and his raise increases far exceed those offered to Purdue faculty and staff. In 2013, Daniels' base salary of $420,000 was $135,000 less than the prior president's salary. Under the initial contract, his salary could grow to a maximum of $546,000 based on the results of a performance-bonus system—at the time this was less than his predecessor and the third lowest in the 14-member Big Ten, however since that time his salary has increased more than 200% to $902,207. Between 2014 and 2019, Daniels's total compensation rose sharply, and now ranks fourth among Big Ten presidents. His total compensation was $533,400 In 2015, $721,600 in 2016, $769,500 in 2017, $830,000 in 2018, and $902,207 in 2019 inclusive of 103% of his at-risk pay, and a $250,000 retention bonus. End of Presidency Daniels was replaced by Dr. Mung Chiang as President of Purdue University effective January 1, 2023. As Daniels left Purdue, he openly explored a run for the U.S. Senate but ultimately declined, saying in a statement, "it's just not the job for me, not the town for me, and not the life I want to live at this point ... some people seek public office to be something, others to do something. My one tour of duty in elected office involved, like those in business before and academe after it, an action job, with at least the chance to do useful things every day. I have never imagined that I would be well-suited to legislative office, particularly where seniority remains a significant factor in one's effectiveness, and I saw nothing in my recent explorations that altered that view." One month after Daniels's departure from Purdue, the university's trustees named the business school the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business. The trustees had previously announced that State Street, a major campus corridor Daniels renovated, would be named Mitch Daniels Boulevard. That announcement was made at street festival in which hundreds waited to greet Daniels and bid him farewell. Board service In February 2013, Daniels was asked to co-chair a National Research Council committee to review and make recommendations on the future of the U.S. human spaceflight program. Daniels also co-chairs a Council on Foreign Relations Task Force on NonCommunicable diseases. In March 2013, Daniels was elected to the board of Energy Systems Network (ESN), Indiana's industry-driven clean technology initiative. In June 2015, Daniels was elected to serve on the board of directors for Indiana software company Interactive Intelligence (ININ) until its sale to Genesys . In July 2015, Daniels became a co-chair of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. In November 2016, Daniels was elected to serve on the board of directors for Norfolk Southern Corporation. Electoral history Main articles: 2004 Indiana gubernatorial election and 2008 Indiana gubernatorial election Indiana gubernatorial election, 2004 Party Candidate Votes % ±% Indiana gubernatorial election, 2008 Party Candidate Votes % ±% Honors Woodrow Wilson Award, Princeton University (2013) Order of the Rising Sun, 2nd Class, Gold and Silver Star (2017) See also In Spanish: Mitch Daniels para niños
7770	dbpedia	2	70	https://www.ihaconnect.org/Quality-Patient-Safety/Pages/Medical-Error-Reporting.aspx	en	Medical Error Reporting	https://www.ihaconnect.o…s/IHA-logo-1.png	https://www.ihaconnect.o…s/IHA-logo-1.png	[ "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=117025453655174&ev=PageView&noscript=1", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/favicon.ico?rev=40", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/_layouts/15/images/spcommon.png?rev=40", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/mobile-logo.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/_layouts/15/images/searchresultui.png?rev=40", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/_layouts/15/images/searchresultui.png?rev=40", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/news-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/event-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/resource-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/about-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/contact-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/login-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/logo.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/_layouts/images/pdficon.gif", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/_layouts/images/pdficon.gif", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style%20Library/Kintivo/images/direction-arrow.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/footer-logo.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/facebook-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/linked-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/twitter-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/ytube-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/footer-logo.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/facebook-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/linked-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/twitter-ico.png", "https://www.ihaconnect.org/Style Library/Kintivo/images/ytube-ico.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/Style Library/Images/favicon.ico		https://www.ihaconnect.org:443/Quality-Patient-Safety/Pages/Medical-Error-Reporting.aspx	In 2005, former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels signed an executive order mandating public reporting of medical errors. His goal was to help consumers better understand the quality of care at the health care providers they choose and what questions to ask before treatment. Learn more about Indiana’s Medical Error Reporting program » View the 2013 Medical Error Report and IHA's response. Types of Reportable Adverse Events Today, Indiana hospitals are required to report on the National Quality Forum’s consensus list of 28 serious adverse events. Surgical Events Surgery performed on a wrong body part Surgery performed on the wrong patient The wrong surgical procedure performed on a patient Foreign objects left in a patient after surgery or other invasive procedure Death during or immediately after surgery of a normal, healthy patient (ASA Class I) Product or Device Events These include patient death or serious disability associated with: The use of contaminated drugs, devices or biologics provided by the facility The use or function of a device in patient care in which the device is used or functions other than as intended An intravascular air embolism that occurs while being cared for in a facility Patient Protection Events An infant discharged to the wrong person Patient death or serious disability associated with patient elopement (i.e. disappearance) Patient suicide or attempted suicide resulting in serious disability while being cared for in a health care facility Care Management Events These include patient death or serious disability: Associated with a medication error Associated with a hemolytic reaction due to incompatible blood or blood products Associated with hypoglycemia, the onset of which occurs in the facility Associated with hyperbilirubinemia in newborn infants As well as the following: Due to joint movement therapy Maternal death or serious disability associated with labor or delivery in a low-risk pregnancy while being cared for in the hospital Stage 3 or 4 pressure ulcers acquired after admission to a facility Artificial insemination with the wrong donor sperm or wrong egg Environmental Events These include patient death or serious disability associated with: An electric shock while being cared for in a facility A burn incurred while being cared for in a facility The use of restraints or bedrails while being cared for in a facility A fall while being cared for in a facility Any incident in which a line designated for oxygen or other gas to be delivered to a patient contains the wrong gas or is contaminated by toxic substances Criminal Events These include any instance of care ordered by or provided by someone impersonating a physician, nurse, pharmacist or other licensed health care professional, including: Abduction of a patient of any age Sexual assault on a patient within or on the grounds of a facility Death or significant injury of a patient or staff member resulting from a physical assault that occurs within or on the grounds of a facility When to Report Once a hospital’s quality assessment and improvement program determines a serious adverse event has taken place, it must be reported to the Indiana State Department of Health (ISDH) within 15 days. The data elements being reported are name of the hospital, type of event and quarter of the year in which it occurred. These data are filed electronically with the ISDH. Data is made publically available annually. Adverse Events vs. Errors Most of the 28 reportable events are preventable medical errors that result in death, serious disability or significant injury. Others events, such as abduction or sexual assault, simply shouldn't happen, regardless of whether they result in death or serious disability.
7770	dbpedia	0	69	https://www.goacta.org/2018/10/purdue-university-president-honored-with-acta-merrill-award/	en	Purdue University President Is Honored with ACTA’s Merrill Award	https://www.goacta.org/w…Graph2023@2x.png	https://www.goacta.org/w…Graph2023@2x.png	[ "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/themes/acta/assets/images/ACTA-Header.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/img_Excellence.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/img_Freedom.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/img_Accountability.jpeg", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/themes/acta/assets/images/ACTA-Footer.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/themes/acta/assets/images/temp/ACTA_PoweredBy@2x.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Doug Sprei" ]	2018-10-16T19:27:00+00:00	WASHINGTON, DC—The American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA) announced that Purdue University President Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. was honored with its most prestigious award, recognizing his extraordinary leadership in promoting academic freedom, academic excellence, and cost-effective, efficient administration. On October 12, 2018, ACTA presented President Daniels with the 2018 Philip Merrill Award for Outstanding Contributions to […]	en	https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/favicon.ico	American Council of Trustees and Alumni	https://www.goacta.org/2018/10/purdue-university-president-honored-with-acta-merrill-award/	WASHINGTON, DC—The American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA) announced that Purdue University President Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. was honored with its most prestigious award, recognizing his extraordinary leadership in promoting academic freedom, academic excellence, and cost-effective, efficient administration. On October 12, 2018, ACTA presented President Daniels with the 2018 Philip Merrill Award for Outstanding Contributions to Liberal Arts Education. The selection of President Daniels, recommended by a committee of distinguished educators and civic leaders from around the country, specifically recognizes his instrumental role in promoting uncompromising freedom of expression on campus; maintaining rigorous academic standards; creating the Purdue Polytechnic High School—an innovative STEM preparatory charter school in Indianapolis; and managing a tuition freeze for all undergraduates at Purdue University for seven consecutive years, from the 2012-13 academic year through at least 2019-20. Daniels is the 12th president of Purdue University and the former governor of Indiana. In recognition of his leadership in both offices, he was named among the World’s 50 Greatest Leaders by Fortune magazine in 2015. As a result of President Daniels’s vision and guidance, tuition at Purdue has been held in check at a time when elsewhere, national higher education costs and student debt loads have escalated out of control. Through at least 2020, students at Purdue will pay less in tuition and fees than in 2012, and five graduating classes will have earned their Purdue degrees without ever experiencing a tuition increase. President Daniels was also highly influential in building a culture of freedom of expression at Purdue, making it the first public university to adopt the Chicago Principles, forging a lasting partnership on this issue between students and University leaders, and becoming the first public university to earn the top rating for the protection of free speech from the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE). ACTA President Michael Poliakoff observed, “Mitch Daniels has demonstrated how, with strong leadership and vision, a great university can reach new heights of excellence in teaching and learning, safeguard freedom of expression, expand opportunities for disadvantaged students, and still succeed in keeping college affordable. He inspires colleges and universities to see that both excellence and affordability can be within reach.” The Merrill Award was presented to President Daniels on October 12 at an evening gala following ACTA’s annual ATHENA Roundtable conference at the Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center in Washington, DC. The award reflects and honors the legacy of the late Philip Merrill, a distinguished public servant, publisher, businessman, and philanthropist who served as a trustee of numerous universities and cultural institutions. Throughout his career, Mr. Merrill was a passionate proponent of academic excellence and an articulate spokesman for the importance of liberal education in a free society. Paying tribute at the Gala to President Daniels were his good friends Erskine Bowles, the former President of the University of North Carolina, along with former Florida Governor Governor Jeb Bush; author and political scientist Charles Murray; and former ACLU President Nadine Strossen. Previous Merrill Award recipients are: 2017—Robert Zimmer, president of the University of Chicago 2016—Niall Ferguson, senior fellow, Hoover Institution at Stanford University, & Ayaan Hirsi Ali, human rights advocate and former member of the Dutch Parliament 2015—Hank Brown, former U.S. senator and president emeritus of the University of Colorado and University of Northern Colorado 2014—Louise Mirrer, president and CEO of the New-York Historical Society 2013—Gary W. Gallagher, John L. Nau III Professor in the History of the American Civil War at the University of Virginia 2012—Thomas M. Rollins, founder of The Teaching Company 2011—David McCullough, Pulitzer Prize-winning historian and author 2010—Benno Schmidt, past president of Yale University and past chairman of the Board of Trustees of the City University of New York (CUNY) 2009—Robert “KC” Johnson, distinguished scholar of 20th century history and professor at Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center 2008—Donald Kagan, author of the magisterial four-volume history of the Peloponnesian War and Sterling Professor Emeritus of History and Classics at Yale University 2007—Gertrude Himmelfarb, professor emerita of history at the CUNY Graduate Center 2006—Harvey C. Mansfield, William R. Kenan, Jr., Professor of Government at Harvard University 2005—Robert P. George, McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence and director of the James Madison Program in American Ideals and Institutions at Princeton University. -###- CONTACT: Doug Sprei, dsprei@goacta.org ACTA is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to academic freedom, academic excellence, and accountability in higher education. We receive no government funding and are supported through the generosity of individuals and foundations. For more information, visit GoACTA.org.
7770	dbpedia	0	87	https://socialistworker.org/2012/06/27/union-hater-goes-to-purdue	en	A union-hater goes to Purdue	http://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/images/2012/06/1800089240_36e8cde73a_z-a.jpg	http://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/images/2012/06/1800089240_36e8cde73a_z-a.jpg	[ "https://socialistworker.org/themes/custom/revolution/images/logos/logo.svg", "https://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/styles/medium/public/images/2012/06/1800089240_36e8cde73a_z-a.jpg?itok=sOm_iQ8M", "https://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/styles/320w/public/images/2019/12/support_sw_archive-ad.png?itok=W--YlSWh", "https://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/styles/320w/public/images/2018/05/haymarket-standard_size.jpg?itok=4d-8FI3u" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2012-06-27T00:00:00	The corporate university gained another foothold with the appointment of Mitch Daniels as Purdue University's president.	en	/themes/custom/revolution/favicon.ico	SocialistWorker.org	https://socialistworker.org/2012/06/27/union-hater-goes-to-purdue	THE CORPORATE university gained another foothold last week with the appointment of Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels as the new president of Purdue University in January 2013 when his term as governor ends. The Purdue Board of Trustees, comprised entirely of business and corporate representatives, eight of whom were appointed by Daniels, ended a clandestine search for a new president with a unanimous vote in his favor. Daniels made a fortune--he lists his net worth as $15.7 million--with Indiana pharmaceutical giant Eli Lilly before becoming head of the Office of Budget and Management under George W. Bush. He later ran for governor of his home state and took office in 2005 One of Daniels' first acts as governor was to strip public-sector and state employees of collective bargaining rights--the inspiration for similar campaigns like State Bill 5 in Ohio (later overturned by voters) and Gov. Scott Walker's attacks in Wisconsin. Last year, he spearheaded the passage of right-to-work legislation in Indiana, in spite of mass protests of as many as 15,000 workers at the state Capitol. As governor, Daniels has led a vicious attack on public education and teachers unions. He has cut more than $150 million from higher education and more than $300 million from public schools. He has championed state vouchers for private schools. He has attacked unions as "privileged elites" and tried to gut the rights of Indiana teachers to have a say, through collective bargaining, on working conditions and curriculum development. These accomplishments made Daniels a poster boy for austerity government in the late 2000s and inspired many Republicans to encourage him to run for president, since he would be a "new face." But Daniels is no newcomer. He is the product of the neoconservative boom of the late 1990s that attempted to restore the glory of the Reagan years. For example, Daniels has been a board member and trustee of the Bradley Foundation, an ultra-right "philanthropic" group based in Milwaukee. Bradley's founders, millionaires Lynde and Harry Bradley, were staunch anti-unionists. Harry was a charter member of the John Birch Society and referred to labor organizers as "communists." Bradley CEO Michael Grebe chaired Scott Walker's campaign for governor, and the foundation helped to bankroll his election. Earlier, the Bradley Foundation was also a major financial contributor to the Project for a New American Century, the neoconservative cabal that formulated Bush Jr.'s strategy for a new American "hegemony" and guided the U.S. into wars for oil in the Persian Gulf and later Iraq. The Bradley Foundation has made a conscious effort to make inroads into American universities by establishing endowed chairs and funding right-wing scholarship. Among their benefactors is Charles Murray, author of the deeply racist tract The Bell Curve, which argued for the genetic and intellectual inferiority of African Americans. Daniels has openly praised Murray and recommended his books to others. And now Purdue's board of trustees is putting Daniels in charge of a state university with more than 1,300 African American students. Daniels expresses other right-wing views shaped by his allegiance to Bradley, such as skepticism about climate change research. Bradley has published an entire book trying to debunk climate change science. Daniels is also anti-abortion and anti-gay marriage. As governor, he tried to eliminate the use of state funds by Planned Parenthood. DANIELS' SELECTION as Purdue president reveals anew how higher education in general and public education in particular have become a battleground for neoliberal policies. The scramble by many universities to raise tuition, privatize services, expand international campuses, slash labor costs and smash graduate student and faculty unions are all efforts to strip the vast majority of people of their right to a decent education. This is complemented by a concerted attack on all forms of protest by students and faculty. Our generation is not likely to forget the images of the police pepper-spraying peaceful students at the University of California Davis. Protest against Daniels' hiring emerged almost immediately. A protest organized mainly by current and former Purdue students and community members against his appointment has been called for June 30 on the Purdue campus. A petition challenging Daniels' appointment had gathered more than 700 signatures by the weekend after it was announced. The protest and petition point out that an Indiana law pushed through by Daniels himself requires state employees to undergo a one-year "cooling-off" period before taking employment with a different state entity. It also points out that eight of the 10 Purdue trustees who voted on Daniels were appointed by him, in conflict with the trustees' own bylaws. Most importantly, they criticize the board of trustees and its president Michael Berghoff for using corporate logic to appoint a businessman with no academic experience as president. Real resistance to Daniels agenda will require mass action and organizing by students linking their struggle to other similar fights by trade unionists, public school teachers and community activists who have been beaten back by years of right-wing attack. Solidarity in the face of attack is our method, and actions such as ones taken by the Chicago teachers and the students in Québec and Latin America are our tools to dismantle the corporate university.
7770	dbpedia	0	68	https://hunt-institute.org/programs/hunt-kean-leadership-fellows-program/	en	Kean Leadership Fellows · The Hunt Institute	https://hunt-institute.o…5-1hkfellows.jpg	https://hunt-institute.o…5-1hkfellows.jpg	[ "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/HK-FELLOWS-LOGO-Transparent-CMYK-0618-300x162.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/GovernorHuntAndKean.jpg", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/GovernorHuntAndKean.jpg", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/HKF-BROCHURE-072020-Reader-Spr_Page_01-191x300.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/HKF-BROCHURE-072020-Reader-Spr_Page_01-191x300.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-logo-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-logo-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-logo-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-logo-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-logo-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-logo-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-sanford-blue-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-sanford-blue-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-sanford-blue-laptop-2x.png", "https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/footer-sanford-blue-laptop-2x.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2020-08-14T14:58:44+00:00	We help state-level policymakers develop a concise vision for education improvement, and help cultivate smart, effective education agendas.	en	https://hunt-institute.org/wp-content/themes/hunt/images/favicon.ico	The Hunt Institute	https://hunt-institute.org/programs/hunt-kean-leadership-fellows-program/	Both Democrat Jim Hunt and Republican Tom Kean are uniquely qualified for the title “Education Governor.” As the state’s only four-term governor, Governor Hunt led North Carolina through an unprecedented period of educational improvement and economic growth. With a particular focus on early childhood development and improving the quality of teaching in America, Governor Hunt is ranked with U.S. presidents and secretaries of education as one of the 10 most influential people in American education. As a former teacher, education policy was of special importance to Governor Tom Kean, who propelled change in New Jersey following the report, A Nation at Risk. Governor Kean proposed, among other things, raising beginning teacher salaries, instituting statewide high school graduation tests, and adopting new approaches to education in urban schools. He, too, has been rated among America’s most effective state leaders. Whether blazing audacious trails in early childhood education, establishing national teacher certification, connecting education and economic development, making historic NAEP gains, or fighting to raise teacher salaries, these governors understood the essential components of a coherent education policy agenda, how to establish and articulate a long-term vision, and how to use the bully pulpit to inform and move public policy. Governors Hunt and Kean define what it takes to become gubernatorial legend. The Fellowship includes two in-person sessions – six days total – where Fellows engage with leading minds in education, policy, and politics. Throughout the program, Fellows interact with outstanding educators and school leaders, as well as participate in an intensive site visit of an area school. The curriculum is designed to equip participants with the knowledge, relationships, and inspiration they need to engage in critical conversations about equity and lead on education in their current roles and as they pursue higher office. Fellows, educators, and experts engage in critical dialogue about key education issues such as prenatal to three years, early childhood, teacher policies, school leadership, school choice, standards and assessments, school accountability, postsecondary education, and the workforce. Fellows are afforded a wide range of learning experiences, including: Policy Discussions featuring experts who probe Fellows’ thoughts on the challenges and policy implications of the topics at hand and provide additional knowledge building as needed. Study Groups allowing Fellows to gain a deeper understanding about an issue. Fellows break into small groups to engage in a facilitated in-depth discussion, case study analysis, or examination of model policy. They also participate in a deep-dive session where they have the time to present a current education issue that is important to them, share their position on the issue, and receive constructive feedback. Strategy Breakouts featuring former governors, which allows Fellows to consider political and strategy implications in an intimate setting. Site Visits and Classroom Perspective which provide Fellows a chance to see various issues firsthand and hear points of view from current practitioners. Fellows are equipped with the tools they need to conduct future site visits in their home states. A Personalized, In-State Session guided by Hunt Institute staff. Fellows delve into specific policy areas in a private setting, which allows time for individual consultation. Monthly Webinars which provide Fellows a venue to discuss timely education policy activities. Regional Site Visits where Fellows from across multiple Cohorts participate in small groups to see innovative models in action.
7770	dbpedia	3	85	https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mitchdanielscpac2011.htm	en	American Rhetoric: Mitch Daniels			[ "https://www.americanrhetoric.com/images/ARLogoSpeechBanksubs.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "mitch daniels cpac speech", "mitch daniels cpac audio" ]	null	[ "Michael E. Eidenmuller" ]	null	Complete text transcript and video of Mitch Daniels 2011 CPAC Speech				null	Need I illustrate? Surely the consequences, to prosperity, world influence, and personal freedom itself are as clear to this audience as to any one could appear before. Do I exaggerate? Id love to be shown that I do. Any who think so please see me in the hallway afterward, and bring your third grade math books. If a foreign power advanced an army to the border of our land, everyone in this room would drop everything and look for a way to help. We would set aside all other agendas and disputes as secondary, and go to the ramparts until the threat was repelled. That is what those of us here, and every possible ally we can persuade to join us, are now called to do. It is our generational assignment. It is the mission of our era. Forgive the pun when I call it our raisin' debt.1 Every conflict has its draft dodgers. There are those who will not enlist with us. Some who can accept, or even welcome, the ballooning of the state, regardless of the cost in dollars, opportunity, or liberty, and the slippage of the United States into a gray parity with the other nations of this earth. Some who sincerely believe that history has devised a leftward ratchet, moving in fits and starts but always in the direction of a more powerful state. The people who coined the smug and infuriating term -- have you heard it? -- The Reagan Interruption. The task of such people is now a simple one. They need only play good defense. The federal spending commitments now in place will bring about the leviathan state they have always sought. The health care travesty now on the books will engulf private markets and produce a single-payer system or its equivalent, and it wont take long to happen. Our fiscal ruin and resulting loss of world leadership will, in their eyes, be not a tragic event but a desirable one, delivering the multilateral world of which theyve dreamed so long. Fortunately, these folks remain few. They are vastly outnumbered by Americans who sense the presence of the enemy, but are awaiting the call for volunteers, and a credible battle plan for saving our Republic. That call must come from this room, and rooms like it. But we, too, are relatively few in number, in a nation of 300 million. If freedoms best friends cannot unify around a realistic, actionable program of fundamental change, one that attracts and persuades a broad majority of our fellow citizens, big change will not come. Or rather, big change will come, of the kind that the skeptics of all centuries have predicted for those naïve societies that believed that government of and by the people could long endure. We know what the basic elements must be. An affectionate thank you to the major social welfare programs of the last century, but their sunsetting when those currently or soon to be enrolled have passed off the scene. The creation of new Social Security and Medicare compacts with the young people who will pay for their elders and who deserve to have a backstop available to them in their own retirement. These programs should reserve their funds for those most in need of them. They should be updated to catch up to Americans increasing longevity and good health. They should protect benefits against inflation but not overprotect them. Medicare 2.0 should restore to the next generation the dignity of making their own decisions, by delivering its dollars directly to the individual, based on financial and medical need, entrusting and empowering citizens to choose their own insurance and, inevitably, pay for more of their routine care like the discerning, autonomous consumers we know them to be. Our morbidly obese federal government needs not just behavior modification but bariatric surgery. The perverse presumption that places the burden of proof on the challenger of spending must be inverted, back to the rule that applies elsewhere in life: Prove to me why we should. Lost to history is the fact that, in my OMB assignment, I was the first loud critic of Congressional earmarks. I was also the first to get absolutely nowhere in reducing them: first to rail and first to fail. They are a pernicious practice and should be stopped. But, in the cause of national solvency, they are a trifle. Talking much more about them, or waste, fraud, and abuse, trivializes what needs to be done, and misleads our fellow citizens to believe that easy answers are available to us. In this room, we all know how hard the answers are, how much change is required. And that means nothing, not even the first and most important mission of government, our national defense, can get a free pass. I served in two administrations that practiced and validated the policy of peace through strength. It has served America and the world with irrefutable success. But if our nation goes over a financial Niagara, we wont have much strength and, eventually, we wont have peace. We are currently borrowing the entire defense budget from foreign investors. Within a few years, we will be spending more on interest payments than on national security. That is not, as our military friends say, a robust strategy. I personally favor restoring impoundment power to the presidency, at least on an emergency basis. Having had this authority the last six years, and used it shall we say with vigor, I can testify to its effectiveness, and to this finding: Youd be amazed how much government youll never miss. The nation must be summoned to General Quarters in the cause of economic growth. The friends of freedom always favor a growing economy as the wellspring of individual opportunity and a bulwark against a domineering state. But here, doctrinal debates are unnecessary; the arithmetic tells it all. We dont have a prayer of defeating the Red Threat of our generation without a long boom of almost unprecedented duration. Every other goal, however worthy, must be tested against and often subordinated to actions that spur the faster expansion of the private sector on which all else depends. A friend of mine attended a recent meeting of the NBA leadership, at which a small-market owner, whom I wont name but will mention is also a member of the U.S. Senate, made an impassioned plea for more sharing of revenue by the more successful teams. At a coffee break, Mr. Prokhorov, the new Russian owner of the New Jersey Nets, murmured to my friend, We tried that, you know. It doesnt work. Americans have seen these last two years what doesnt work. The failure of national economic policy is costing us more than jobs; it has begun to weaken that uniquely American spirit of risk-taking, large ambition, and optimism about the future. We must rally them now to bold departures that rebuild our national morale as well as our material prosperity. Here, too, the room abounds with experts and good ideas, and the nation will need every one. Just to name three: its time we had, in Bill Simons words a tax system that looks like someone designed it on purpose. And the purpose should be private growth. So lower and flatter, and completely flat is best. Tax compensation but not the savings and investment without which the economy cannot boom. Second, untie Gulliver. The regulatory rainforest through which our enterprises must hack their way is blighting the future of millions of Americans. Todays EPA should be renamed the Employment Prevention Agency. After a two-year orgy of new regulation, President Obamas recent executive order was a wonderment, as though the number one producer of rap music had suddenly expressed alarm about obscenity. In Indiana, where our privatization of a toll road generated billions for reinvestment in infrastructure, we can build in half the time at two-thirds the cost when we use our own money only and are free from the federal rulebook. A moratorium on new regulation is a minimal suggestion; better yet, move at least temporarily to a self-certification regime that lets America build, and expand, and explore now and settle up later in those few instances where someone colors outside the lines. Finally, treat domestic energy production as the economic necessity it is and the job creator it can be. Drill, and frack, and lease, and license, unleash in every way the jobs potential in the enormous energy resources we have been denying ourselves. And help our fellow citizens to understand that a poorer country will not be a greener country, but its opposite. It is freedom and its fruits that enable the steady progress we have made in preserving and protecting Gods kingdom. If this strikes you as a project of unusual ambition, given the state of modern politics, you are right. If it strikes you as too bold for our fellow Americans to embrace, I believe you are wrong. Seven years as a practitioner in elective politics tells me that historys skeptics are wrong. That Americans, in a vast majority, are still a people born for self-governance. They are ready to summon the discipline to pay down our collective debts as they are now paying down their own; to put the future before the present, their childrens interest before their own. Our proposals will be labeled radical, but this is easy to rebut. Starting a new retirement plan for those below a certain age is something tens of millions of Americans have already been through at work. Opponents will expect us to be defensive, but they have it backwards. When they call the slightest spending reductions painful, we will say If government spending prevents pain, why are we suffering so much of it? And If you want to experience real pain, just stay on the track we are on. When they attack us for our social welfare reforms, we will say that the true enemies of Social Security and Medicare are those who defend an imploding status quo, and the arithmetic backs us up. They will attack our program as the way of despair, but we will say no, Americas way forward is brilliant with hope, as soon as we have dealt decisively with the manageable problems before us. 2010 showed that the spirit of liberty and independence is stirring anew, that a growing number of Americans still hear Lincolns mystic chords of memory. But their number will have to grow, and do so swiftly. Change of the dimension we need requires a coalition of a dimension no one has recently assembled. And, unless you disbelieve what the arithmetic of disaster is telling us, time is very short. Here I wish to be very plainspoken: It is up to us to show, specifically, the best way back to greatness, and to argue for it with all the passion of our patriotism. But, should the best way be blocked, while the enemy draws nearer, then someone will need to find the second best way. Or the third, because the nations survival requires it. Purity in martyrdom is for suicide bombers. King Pyrrhus is remembered, but his nation disappeared. Winston Churchill set aside his lifetime loathing of Communism in order to fight World War II. Challenged as a hypocrite, he said that when the safety of Britain was at stake, his conscience became a good girl. We are at such a moment. I for one have no interest in standing in the wreckage of our Republic saying I told you so or You shouldve done it my way. We must be the vanguard of recovery, but we cannot do it alone. We have learned in Indiana, big change requires big majorities. We will need people who never tune in to Rush or Glenn or Laura or Sean. Who surf past C-SPAN to get to SportsCenter. Who, if theyd ever heard of CPAC, would assume it was a cruise ship accessory. The second worst outcome I can imagine for next year would be to lose to the current president and subject the nation to what might be a fatal last dose of statism. The worst would be to win the election and then prove ourselves incapable of turning the ship of state before it went on the rocks, with us at the helm. So we must unify America, or enough of it, to demand and sustain the Big Change we propose. Here are a few suggestions: We must display a heart for every American, and a special passion for those still on the first rung of lifes ladder. Upward mobility from the bottom is the crux of the American promise, and the stagnation of the middle class is in fact becoming a problem, on any fair reading of the facts. Our main task is not to see that people of great wealth add to it, but that those without much money have a greater chance to earn some. We should address ourselves to young America at every opportunity. It is their futures that todays policies endanger, and in their direct interest that we propose a new direction. We should distinguish carefully skepticism about Big Government from contempt for all government. After all, it is a new government we hope to form, a government we will ask our fellow citizens to trust to make huge changes. I urge a similar thoughtfulness about the rhetoric we deploy in the great debate ahead. I suspect everyone here regrets and laments the sad, crude coarsening of our popular culture. It has a counterpart in the venomous, petty, often ad hominem political discourse of the day. When one of us I confess sometimes it was yours truly got a little hotheaded, President Reagan would admonish us, Remember, we have no enemies, only opponents. Good advice, then and now. And besides, our opponents are better at nastiness than we will ever be. It comes naturally. Power to them is everything, so theres nothing they wont say to get it. The public is increasingly disgusted with a steady diet of defamation, and prepared to reward those who refrain from it. Am I alone in observing that one of conservatisms best moments this past year was a massive rally that came and went from Washington without leaving any trash, physical or rhetorical, behind? A more affirmative, better angels approach to voters is really less an aesthetic than a practical one: with apologies for the banality, I submit that, as we ask Americans to join us on such a boldly different course, it would help if they liked us, just a bit. Lastly, critically, I urge great care not to drift into a loss of faith in the American people. In speech after speech, article upon article, we remind each other how many are dependent on government, or how few pay taxes, or how much essential virtues like family formation or civic education have withered. All true. All worrisome. But we must never yield to the self-fulfilling despair that these problems are immutable, or insurmountable. All great enterprises have a pearl of faith at their core, and this must be ours: that Americans are still a people born to liberty. That they retain the capacity for self-government. That, addressed as free-born, autonomous men and women of God-given dignity, they will rise yet again to drive back a mortal enemy. Historys assignment to this generation of freedom fighters is in one way even more profound than the tests of our proud past. We are tasked to rebuild not just a damaged economy, and a debt-ridden balance sheet, but to do so by drawing forth the best that is in our fellow citizens. If we would summon the best from Americans, we must assume the best about them. If we dont believe in Americans, who will? I do believe. Ive seen it in the people of our very typical corner of the nation. Ive seen it in the hundred Indiana homes in which I have stayed overnight. Ive seen it in Hoosiers resolute support of limited government, their willingness, even insistence, that government keep within the boundaries our constitutional surveyors mapped out for it. Ive always loved John Adams diary entry, written en route to Philadelphia, there to put his life, liberty, and sacred honor all at risk. He wrote that it was all well worth it because, he said, Great things are wanted to be done. When he and his colleagues arrived, and over the years ahead, they practiced the art of the possible. They made compacts and concessions and, yes, compromises. They made deep sectional and other differences secondary in pursuit of the grand prize of freedom. They each argued passionately for the best answers as they saw them, but they never permitted the perfect to be the enemy of the historic good they did for us, and all mankind. They gave us a Republic, citizen Franklin said, if we can keep it. Keeping the Republic is the great thing that is wanted to be done, now, in our time, by us. In this room are convened freedoms best friends but, to keep our Republic, freedom needs every friend it can get. Lets go find them, and befriend them, and welcome them to the great thing that is wanted to be done in our day.
7770	dbpedia	3	9	https://www.arabamerica.com/arabamericans/mitchell-daniels/	en	Mitchell Daniels	https://i0.wp.com/www.ar…=140%2C172&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/www.ar…=140%2C172&ssl=1	[ "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/themes/arabamerica/assets/img/logo.png", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/themes/arabamerica/assets/img/logo-big.png", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/gluten-free-turkish-takeaway-falafel-228x155.jpg", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/plugins/wp-polls/images/loading.gif", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Mitchell-Daniels.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/94/Mitch_Daniels.jpg/340px-Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ea/Mitch_Daniels_during_Indianapolis_Navy_Week_Aug_2006.jpg/340px-Mitch_Daniels_during_Indianapolis_Navy_Week_Aug_2006.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5f/Entrance_to_the_office_of_the_Governor_of_Indiana%2C_Indiana_Statehouse%2C_Indianapolis%2C_Indiana.jpg/440px-Entrance_to_the_office_of_the_Governor_of_Indiana%2C_Indiana_Statehouse%2C_Indianapolis%2C_Indiana.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/8d/Indiana_National_Guard.jpg/440px-Indiana_National_Guard.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/fe/StateCapitolIndiana.jpg/440px-StateCapitolIndiana.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2015-06-02T20:03:14+00:00	Mitchell Daniels: Arab American academic administrator and former politician who was Governor of Indiana from 05' to 13'. A member of the Republican Party.	en	https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/themes/arabamerica/assets/img/favicon.ico	Arab America	https://www.arabamerica.com/arabamericans/mitchell-daniels/
7770	dbpedia	3	93	https://www.hoover.org/research/politics-and-policy-mitch-daniels	en	Politics and Policy with Mitch Daniels	https://www.hoover.org/s…pg?itok=A4RSGcwg	https://www.hoover.org/s…pg?itok=A4RSGcwg	[ "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/SUSig_red.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/company-logo.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/search.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/410x410/public/publication/2022-07/BooksbyFellows1700px.jpg?h=21dd7f47&itok=_5WUwu7u", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/410x410/public/publication/2022-07/EconWorkingPapers_1700px.jpg?h=a123bc17&itok=0dIJ3cmL", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/410x410/public/publication/2022-07/education-initiative_square.jpeg?itok=MsT5QItO", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/search_red.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/search_red.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/search_red.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/myaccount/towericon.jpeg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/sign-up-tab/google_icon.png", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/myaccount/towericon.jpeg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/sign-up-tab/google_icon.png", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/SUSig_red.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_white.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/dist/images/close_icon_black.svg", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/publications/series-logo/2022-06/uncommon_knowledge_0.png", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/410x410/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=J9WWu5Nq", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/410x550/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=-BSHp7GM", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/850x640/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=_eKqdOhN", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/630x420/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=g69sPOJL", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/340x370/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=rIQonwU5", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/630x300/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=CjYOIwdD", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/700x480/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=BSyHdOvT", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/styles/facebook/public/uploads/images/mitch-daniels201103141030.jpg?itok=A4RSGcwg", "https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/content/block/footer_cta/field_image/2022-02/footer_cta.jpg", "https://www.hoover.org/themes/hoover/templates/assets/images/footer-logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Mitch Daniels is the forty-ninth governor of Indiana. He served as political liaison to President Ronald Reagan and as director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush.	en	/themes/hoover/favicon.ico	Hoover Institution	https://www.hoover.org/research/politics-and-policy-mitch-daniels	What is MyHoover? MyHoover delivers a personalized experience at Hoover.org. In a few easy steps, create an account and receive the most recent analysis from Hoover fellows tailored to your specific policy interests. Watch this video for an overview of MyHoover. Create Account What is MyHoover? MyHoover delivers a personalized experience at Hoover.org. In a few easy steps, create an account and receive the most recent analysis from Hoover fellows tailored to your specific policy interests. Watch this video for an overview of MyHoover. Create Account
7770	dbpedia	0	2	https://www.mdlfindiana.org/mitch-daniels	en	Mitch Daniels — Mitch Daniels Leadership Foundation	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/t/631b80d176912a2dc99a551d/1662746833398/2.png?format=1500w	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/t/631b80d176912a2dc99a551d/1662746833398/2.png?format=1500w	[ "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579009156269-6IEOUK0H0SF4MSLSVIX2/Asset+1%404x.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579009156269-6IEOUK0H0SF4MSLSVIX2/Asset+1%404x.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579915590780-2K03OXTFO7IE3PTCKVGR/Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/b2ab93cd-095c-4f38-969b-aa84ff0fe631/White+MDLF+letter+logo.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/382a19f8-cef1-42c0-9c2e-befbfc05298c/in-indiana+small.png", "https://px.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=1736594&fmt=gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1580351922990-BPYN3ULE13DFBHTJM1GT/favicon.ico?format=100w	Mitch Daniels Leadership Foundation	https://www.mdlfindiana.org/mitch-daniels	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. served as a two-term governor of the state of Indiana from 2004 to 2012 and as the 12th president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. He currently serves a Distinguished Scholar and Senior Advisor at the Liberty Fund. He was elected governor in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected with more votes than any candidate in the state's history. At Purdue, Daniels prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the university’s strengths. He ended 36 straight years of rising prices by freezing tuition and mandatory fees at 2012 levels for all students. The freeze is still in place today. As a result, the total cost of attendance is lower today than in 2012, even without adjusting for inflation and aggregate student borrowing has declined 37%. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. He also was the CEO of the Hudson Institute and had an 11-year career as an executive at Eli Lilly and Company. Daniels earned a bachelor's degree from Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and a law degree from Georgetown. He is the author of three books and a contributing columnist in the Washington Post. He and his wife Cheri have four daughters and eight grandchildren. At Purdue, President Daniels launched a series of initiatives called Purdue Moves that provide bold answers to some of the greatest challenges facing higher education today. The pillars of Purdue Moves leverage Purdue's historic strengths and promote investment in new ideas, guiding the University in its mission to deliver higher education at the highest proven value. Daniels has made student affordability and student success top priorities, pledging to keep a Purdue education within reach for students and families. Breaking with a 36-year string of increases, Purdue commenced a series of tuition freezes in 2013 that will last through at least the 2022-23 academic year. During that same time, room and board costs were cut by five percent and have remained steady since 2013, resulting in an overall decrease in the cost of attending Purdue since President Daniels took office that year. A first-of-its-kind partnership with online retailer Amazon.com is also saving Purdue students an average of 31 percent on their textbooks each year. Thanks to these and other efforts to reduce student costs where feasible, Purdue student borrowing has dropped 32 percent — leaving graduates and their families with some $59 million to invest in other dreams. Daniels also has called for greater accountability in higher education, launching the Gallup-Purdue Index, a new method for measuring the value of a college degree. Other top priorities include accelerating growth in three areas that are key to the national economy and that support Purdue's strengths (engineering, technology and computer science); infusing resources in selected areas of research, particularly plant sciences to feed the world; and facilitating commercialization of research. Often called a "man of the students," President Daniels can often be found eating dinner in a dining court, exercising alongside students at the campus recreational center or chatting with students outside on a nice day. He also teaches a course each semester for students in the Honors College on one of his favorite topics, The Great War and Its Continuing Aftermath. Daniels came to Purdue University at the conclusion of his term as the 49th Governor of Indiana. He was elected Governor in 2004, in his first bid for any elected office. He was re-elected in 2008, receiving more votes than any governor in the state's history. During his first term, Governor Daniels spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. These changes and a strong emphasis on performance measurement have led to many state agencies, including the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, Department of Child Services and Department of Correction winning national awards. In 2005, he led the state to its first balanced budget in eight years and, without a tax increase, transformed the nearly $800 million deficit he inherited into an annual surplus of $370 million within a year. The governor also repaid hundreds of millions of dollars the state had borrowed from Indiana's public schools, state universities and local units of government in previous administrations, and reduced the state's overall debt by 40 percent. Governor Daniels left Indiana with a budget in surplus, reserve funds equal to nearly 15 percent of annual spending, and its first AAA credit rating. Daniels' first legislative success created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation to replace a failing state bureaucracy in the mission of attracting new jobs. In its first four years of existence, the agency broke all previous records for new jobs in the state and was associated with more than $18 billion of new investment. In 2008, Site Selection Magazine and CNBC both named Indiana the Most Improved State for Business in the country. In 2012, Indiana became the 23rd "right-to-work" state. Indiana now ranks favorably in every national ranking of business attractiveness and job creation. Governor Daniels' innovations include the 2006 lease of the Indiana Toll Road. This is the largest privatization of public infrastructure in the United States and generated nearly $4 billion for Major Moves, the state's record-breaking 10-year transportation and infrastructure program. The Healthy Indiana Plan was enacted in 2007 to provide healthcare coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults, and comprehensive property tax reforms in 2008 resulted in the biggest tax cut in Indiana history. Both initiatives received overwhelming bipartisan support, and Indiana remains among states with the lowest property taxes in the nation. In 2011, under his guidance, Indiana passed the most sweeping education reforms in the country, including the nation's first statewide school choice voucher program. Because of these reforms, Indiana is dramatically expanding charter schools, providing parents with more school choice, revising teacher evaluations and expanding full-day kindergarten funding. In 2010, he established WGU Indiana, a partnership between the state and Western Governors University aimed at expanding access to higher education for Hoosiers and increasing the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Daniels first became interested in public service while serving as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar. He has also served as a senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. On his first day in office as Governor, Daniels created Indiana’s first Office of Management and Budget. Daniels has been called to testify before Congress on numerous occasions. In recognition of his leadership both as Governor and as president of Purdue University, Fortune Magazine named President Daniels to its list of the top 50 world leaders in March 2015. In June 2016, he was named a Living Legend by the Indiana Historical Society. Many other organizations also have recognized his leadership. In 2008, Governing magazine named him Public Official of the Year. In October 2010, Daniels received The Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation's inaugural Medal for Distinguished Service to Education for his efforts to reform education. In January 2011, he was one of three recipients selected to receive the first-ever Fiscy Award, presented for leadership and commitment to responsible financial stewardship by the nonpartisan Fiscy Awards Committee. In May 2012, the Manhattan Institute presented the governor with its Alexander Hamilton Award for his achievements in state government — including health care improvements, landmark education reforms and fiscal responsibility. The governor's conservation efforts set aside record acreages of protected wetlands and wildlife habitats. In March 2011, Daniels was a recipient of the Wetland Conservation Achievement Award from the national conservation organization Ducks Unlimited, for "making land conservation a top priority and for preserving thousands of invaluable acres across the state for future generations." In January 2012, he received the Chancellor Award for Conservation and Wildlife Protection from the Weatherby Foundation, and in March 2012, he also was awarded the Theodore Roosevelt Award from the Indiana Wildlife Federation. His efforts earned him the nickname "The Teddy Roosevelt of Indiana" by the Nature Conservancy. Daniels received the Woodrow Wilson Award from Princeton University in February 2013. The award recognizes an alumnus whose career embodies the call to duty in Wilson's famous speech, "Princeton in the Nation's Service." He was also the recipient in June 2013 of the Bradley Prize from the Milwaukee-based Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. The award recognizes accomplishments that "strengthen American institutions." In announcing the prize, the foundation stated that Daniels "established himself as an economic reformer who guided Indiana through the recession with a budget surplus and a firm foundation for economic growth." In recognition of his economic and fiscal leadership as Governor, Daniels received the inaugural Savas Award from the Concord Coalition in June 2015. Daniels is also the author of three books, including best-seller "Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans." He is a contributing columnist in the Washington Post, and his writings are regularly featured in other publications. He earned a bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979. President Daniels and his wife, Cheri, have four daughters — Meagan, Melissa, Meredith, and Maggie — and seven grandchildren.
7770	dbpedia	1	32	https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/08/text/20010822-1.html	en	Press Briefing by OMB Director Mitch Daniels (Text Only)			[]	[]	[]	[ "tax", "$3.1 trillion", "social security", "medicare", "surplus", "budget" ]	null	[]	2001-08-22T00:00:00	"The report we've issued this morning confirms that the nation has entered an era of solid surpluses. Surpluses on the order of $160 billion, despite an economy that has been week now for over a year and in decline for that time. This is the second largest surplus in American history, in the face of that weak economy, a phenomenon that should strike all Americans as very positive."	en			null	President \| Vice President \| First Lady \| Mrs. Cheney \| News & Policies History & Tours \| Kids \| Your Government \| Appointments \| Jobs \| Contact \| Graphic version Email Updates \| Español \| Accessibility \| Search \| Privacy Policy \| Help Printer-Friendly Version Email this page to a friend For Immediate Release Office of the Press Secretary August 22, 2001 Press Briefing by OMB Director Mitch Daniels Presidential Hall 10:00 A.M. EDT MR. DANIELS: I'll make some very, very brief summary comments, and we'll go straight to questions. The comments will be brief because, in part, because so much is already known. This must be what hosting a movie premier is like when the entire audience has been to the sneak preview already. So let me just say a few quick things. The report we've issued this morning confirms that the nation has entered an era of solid surpluses. Surpluses on the order of $160 billion, despite an economy that has been week now for over a year and in decline for that time. This is the second largest surplus in American history, in the face of that weak economy, a phenomenon that should strike all Americans as very positive. The 10-year forecast that we have projected is $#.1 trillion, again an astonishing number, vastly more than the amount of publicly held debt that it will be possible to repay over that time period. And this number reflects new commitments since the April budget of $198 billion in the first installment of the President's program to repair and rebuild our national defenses, and also a revised increased estimate for Medicare reform including prescription drug coverage for our senior citizens, up from $153 billion to $190 billion. Let me make certain you note that the $153 billion was over 10 years, the $190 billion is over only eight years. So an upward revision from the area of $15 billion a year -- (microphone dies) -- (laughter.) Let me roll the tape back a minute, then. The $3.1 trillion of surpluses over 10 years is after new commitments since the April budget of $198 billion as a first installment on defense repair and rebuilding, and $37 billion in an upward revision for Medicare reform and prescription drug coverages. Again, that new figure of $190 billion divides only -- over only 8 years as opposed to 10. In 2002, we forecast a growing, a larger surplus, $173 billion. I think it's very noteworthy that in 2002, we will pass an important landmark -- interest costs -- the debt burden on the federal Treasury will drop below a dime on the dollar down to 9 cents of each dollar of federal revenue. That's the lowest interest burden in a quarter century since 1976, and it's headed down very quickly. Finally, I would simply note that economic growth is the key to continuing this very strong fiscal picture. It is growth that produces surpluses, not vice-versa. And a return to economic growth will be the focus of the President and the administration in the months ahead. Economists have agreed unanimously that the single-best hope the economy has for a quick recovery is the tax relief, which is now in the process of beginning, but we'll all be very watchful on economic trend data on which our surpluses, the trust funds of our entitlement programs, and all our hopes for continued meeting of the nation's priorities ultimately depends. Questions? And I'm advising you to wait for a microphone to ask your question. Down here in front. Q The interest-cost thing -- the year in which there is enough money to repay debt exceeds redeemable debt is pushed back -- 2010 from 2008, which -- doesn't that hurt your efforts to reform Medicare and Social Security in terms of debt paydown -- MR. DANIELS: No, really not at all. The, I think, very important fact that all the debt that can practically be repaid, will be repaid within the space of this budget period, is one that remains very central to our future success. And it's completely independent of Medicare, as are the trust funds, themselves, completely independent of the size of these surpluses. What matters to Medicare is economic growth that continues to grow those trust funds. They'll grow by $30-some-billion this year alone, and more fundamentally, reform of those programs, as the President has proposed. I'll try to pick people who are close to a microphone in the back there. Q I'm confused as to whether the on-budget surplus is $2 billion or $1 billion. And also, how does -- I'm just not familiar enough with this -- how does the $3.1-trillion estimate compare to your April forecast? MR. DANIELS: The on-budget surplus is $2 billion, Francine. We did clarify that because the Postal Service is losing a lot of money, $1.3 billion this year, for those who are particularly interested in a precisely accurate accounting of the Social Security surplus, you wouldn't want to penalize the Social Security surplus with that $1-billion loss experienced by the Postal Service. So the on-budget surplus is $2 billion, but the surplus above and beyond Social Security is $1 billion. On the $3.1 trillion, this reflects the effects of, first of all, tax relief. Tax relief, as passed by the Congress, was smaller than that contemplated by the President, so the effects of tax relief on the April forecast have been brought down somewhat. It also reflects the new investments I mentioned in defense and in Medicare in particular. And what it does show is that there remains after the government has paid all the debt that it can practically pay, we continue to see $1-trillion-plus of uncommitted funds, and these could be used for entitlement reform, growth of necessary programs, further restoration of defense, and so forth. Q Sir, I still have the question of what was the actual forecast in April for 10 years? MR. DANIELS: The forecast was 5.6 before the President's tax relief, and these other programs were subtracted. Q The prior administration, if I'm not mistaken, projected paying down the entire federal debt by about 2011, if I'm not mistaken. Is that something that you believe we cannot afford now, or is that a conscious decision, a policy decision that you feel is more prudent to maintain that and use funds for other programs? MR. DANIELS: It was never a serious proposal. It would have involved wiping out the savings bond programs, state and local bonds, which they're required investments to protect taxpayers in the states and localities, and it overlooked the fact that beyond a point, you would be paying exorbitant premiums, prepayment premiums, to wealthy bond holders, 36 percent of whom, incidentally, are foreign banks. So it was never a serious policy proposal, and upon closer inspection, one finds the happy outcome that between $2 trillion and $2.2 trillion can be paid off. This will pay debt down to levels we haven't seen in a century or since about 1917, and this is really the most that I think any administration would ever finally do in the real world. Q You list in this document examples of potential further requirements for spending; among them are expiring tax provisions, farm bill, so forth. The document also discusses the fact that the defense number in here is the first installment. We have never learned the cost of the future installments. So I'm wondering if you could explain, given the numbers you have here today, how the President intends to pay for potential further requirements in these areas, while at the same time trying to constrain the Congress from spending money? MR. DANIELS: Outlays on the baseline that you're looking at go up about 5.5 percent next year. So it's quite a lot of money; over $100 billion. And that will accommodate a lot of growth. The Congress will have to decide where that growth is apportioned, and the President will have the priorities you just mentioned very high on his list. But there will be ample room, particularly if we at last become proficient in Washington at redeploying funds from obsolete, non-performing and duplicative programs to more important uses and the uses of tomorrow -- you named several of them. Q Just to clarify. The tax bill, as written, terminates in 2010. When you do your revenue estimates for 2011, do you assume continuation of the tax bill, or do you assume that it just stops, and, therefore, you have additional revenue in that year? MR. DANIELS: By budget convention, we can only assume those things which are now in law. And so unless and until it's extended, we won't assume it. Q Do you have any -- can you give some clarification as to how much additional revenue would be required in that year to keep the tax bill going? MR. DANIELS: Glen, I'll try after we're done, but if we've made a projection, I don't have it with me. Q If you look at the tax receipts, the different -- after 2004, you're actually expecting corporate and individual income taxes to be higher than you were expecting in April. You're also expecting additional tax receipts from estate and gift taxes beyond 2005, although the estate and gift tax will begin being cut dramatically under the tax bill. Is this dynamic scoring, or exactly how is this change being foreseen? MR. DANIELS: No, it's not dynamic scoring, Jonathan. In fact, I think the revenue estimates we're using are pretty cautious throughout. For instance, we're only forecasting a little over 3 percent revenue growth next year. Essentially, what we're seeing for this year, a very anemic year for revenues. So we've tried to be very careful on both the economic assumption side and the technical assumption side, which are supplied by our colleagues at Treasury, to be guarded about the amount of new revenue coming in. Q Will you be able to afford a $33.5 billion in tax credits under the energy bill in this budget? Can you accommodate that? And also, some Democrats are saying what about the tax consequences flowing from a prescription drug benefit bill, is that all affordable? MR. DANIELS: It is affordable. The tax credits in at least some versions of the energy plans in Congress are higher than those that the President suggested, but I think they'd still be affordable if it's the will of Congress to move them up there. This $33 billion is not a small number, but it is a 10-year number and it does phase in. So particularly the early year consequences of any of the plans that I've looked at are very small. And on prescription drugs, once again there is ample room; it's a high priority of the President's to get to a comprehensive Medicare reform, including prescription drugs. And as I've said, we have raised the estimate within the numbers within this review, raised the estimate significantly. This comports with the more specific framework for Medicare reform that the President released last month. Q One of the changes since the tax bill was passed, the cost of delaying the payment of estimated corporate tax was supposed to be $32 billion, and I see in your calculations today it's $28 billion. What's happened? MR. DANIELS: Folks at Treasury believe that some folks will go ahead and pay it in fiscal '01 anyway. Didn't get the memo, I guess, but that's the answer. The amount of money totally expected in the corporate revenues is identical. Q -- -- (inaudible) -- MR. DANIELS: Well, it's crucial if you're into one-year snapshots, maybe. But that's their best guess, that although that much money is entitled to be held over into the next week, that some businesses might go ahead and pay it on the original schedule. And that accounts for the difference. Q Let me just be sure I understand what you just said. The Treasury is assuming that about $5 billion of the corporate tax payments will be made this year? MR. DANIELS: I believe that's correct. We'll double-check that for you. When I asked this same question, and it's been a few weeks, I think that as the reason, as opposed to any further reestimate of how much was finally going to be paid. But $28 billion is the amount now seen to be moving from year to year. Q So that -- I know that you don't like one-year snapshots, but for those people who do like one-year snapshots, if it were not for the fact that corporations would be paying taxes earlier than they have to, we would be into the Social Security surplus this year, is that correct? MR. DANIELS: Well, first of all, we're into the Social Security surplus every year. It's only a question of what we use it for -- do we use it for debt repayment or for any other purpose. I know you're aware of that, however. Q Let's be more specific. Payroll taxes, excess payroll taxes would be used to make these numbers work this year. MR. DANIELS: Yes. Congress -- and the parentage of this seems to be lost to history -- but someone in Congress proposed that delay. As a factor affecting this one-year snapshot, its' only about half as big, I would note, as the spending run-up of last December, which raised spending $50 billion over the year 2000. Now, in retrospect, for those snapshot aficionados in the audience, I suspect that they now wish that that explosion in spending last December had been a little more temperate. And therefore, this year's surplus -- let's remember we are dealing with the last Clinton budget and the budget passed in the last Congress when we measure these numbers for 2001. Q You say these numbers depend on a return to sustained economic growth. How will a prolonged economic slowdown affect or change these numbers? Do you have a specific date when you expect the economy will be back on track for these numbers to work? MR. DANIELS: Like most forecasters, Angela, and our forecasts are in the mainstream of those that are out there, we are expecting a return to economic growth at the end of this year or the first of next year, and sort of back on a reasonable growth track from then on. You shouldn't overestimate the effect. If these numbers were off by a full percentage point -- let me be more graphic; let's say they were off by two full percentage points -- in other words, growth was less than half what we're forecasting -- you'd still be looking at a surplus next year well over a $100 billion. So the nation is awash in extra money, and it's going to be. The real issue we're engaging in are how to maintain that kind of momentum and, of course, how to apportion that extra money most prudently for the long-term benefit of working Americans. Q Just a quick question about the long-term outlook. In 2011, you've got the various trust funds' debt owed of about $6 trillion, plus entitlements at about two out of every three dollars going to the federal government. I was wondering what the administration thinks about -- does that have any real economic effect for the country, and does the administration have any plans on addressing those issues? MR. DANIELS: Your question is a fundamental one and it's a helpful one because it begins with the correct premise. All that is in these trust funds is promises, IOUs, government bonds. They're solemn promises and they have to be met, but that's what's there, no cash. And that's why, as now I think all editorialists in the country have finally come to understand, there is no such thing as a dip or a raid or a drain. Yes, the $6 trillion figure you mentioned should serve as a reminder to all of us of the enormous build-up of obligations in those programs, and it is precisely the reason that the President is determined to reform them before the taxpayers of tomorrow, our children, are forced to redeem them through ruinously high taxation. So, yes, it's of great importance and it's a reason that reform of Medicare and Social Security should happen sooner, not later. The political process in Washington is not always good at acting before a crisis is near, but here, with presidential leadership, let's hope that it does. Q Though the overall surplus is the second largest, the actual spending surplus that you have to work with is relatively small, given what was projected earlier in the year. What do you, as you look at what some have called the evaporation of the on-budget surplus, what do you attribute that to? What are the factors and how would you spell it out? MR. DANIELS: Going into this year, we saw, before the presidential policy applied, about 14 cents on the federal dollar, about 14 cents as the, let's say, potential surplus. Of that, about 2 cents has not materialized because of a weak economy. About 2 cents has been shared with taxpayers by the President and Congress in a bipartisan way, first for fairness reasons, but secondly to get about the business of economic recovery. About a half a cent was used on urgent defense needs and also farm income support. And the other one-and-a-half cents was referenced earlier, and it was sort of moved around the corner -- it's still there. It will be available in fiscal '02. That leaves about 8 cents on the federal revenue dollar, a very large surplus. And that's what's going to be used essentially for debt reduction. Q Your inflation forecasts are much more aggressive than Fed policy pretends to like, and I'm wondering, is this rate of growth inflation administration policy? Is that the target that the administration would like to see over the long-term? You're talking -- MR. DANIELS: -- 2-2 for next year, Jim, or are you talking about a long-term number? Q Long-term. I think you're talking over 2 percent for inflation. That's beyond the Fed's time frame. MR. DANIELS: Well, again, we try to pick these numbers very carefully with reference to other forecasters. That one has not struck me as particularly an outlier at all. It wouldn't -- inflation is not unimportant in changing the surplus picture, but it's not as big a driver as many others. So if it turns out to be off, it's not going to change the picture in any fundamental way. I'd be glad to have a closer look at it and talk to you afterward. Q I just wanted to follow up on the evaporative concept and thank you for breaking it down to the penny for us; it's helpful for newspaper reporters here. But as you know -- MR. DANIELS: I was sort of thinking of the TV people, Bob, when I did that. (Laughter.) Q As you know, there are Democrats on the Hill who have, pretty much all summer long, had a steady drum beat that the Republican administration has squandered $120 billion in surplus, a drum beat that is expected to grow louder in the months ahead. And I think Senator Conrad has said, this presents you with a political fiasco moving into the fall. What's the counter to that? MR. DANIELS: Well, the word, "bunk" comes to mind. I mean, it's interesting, some of the same people who have loosely thrown around these terms advocated a larger tax rebate this year than what was actually provided. And so it's a bit of an argument with themselves to say that this year's surplus isn't large enough. Many of them -- most of them, frankly, voted for that expending explosion just 8 months ago that I referred to a little while back. So I think the fundamental answer, though, has to be that the -- keep our eye on the big picture. I mean, this is a recess and you all know what happens at recess; the kids go out to roughhouse, and a little political horseplay is in order. But the grown-up conversation this fall ought to be about how we get growth going again; how we recognize that we have enormous resources to deal with that the federal government, even at a time of economic weakness, is taking in vastly more money than it needs to pay its bills; and the way to sustain that over time is to make sure that growth returns. Q Could you talk a little bit more about the extenders this fall, and are you changing your position, and is our position one that's essentially advocating a tax increase now, because some of these extenders will expire this year? MR. DANIELS: Right. No, John, there's a little over a billion dollars of various extenders. The text of the report of the review emphasizes that we would like to work with Congress to see most or all of these continued. Again, budget convention requires that we not assume in our baselines acts that -- of Congress that haven't occurred yet, so we chose not to do that here. It's a fairly small number, I think manageable. And some of these things definitely need to be dealt with. Q The President's Social Security Commission is going to meet later today and discuss private accounts. You said there was $1 trillion in the future surplus above and beyond Social Security. It would take at least that much to pay for the President's proposal or expected proposal of 2 percent private accounts. Are you willing to make a commitment that that's what that surplus would be used for, to fund the private accounts? MR. DANIELS: First, Bob, let me clarify. What I said was that there is $1 trillion, maybe $1.1 trillion beyond what is necessary or what is the maximum debt that we can retire over the time period. About half of that is extra Social Security receipts, and the other half would be from general receipts. With regard to Social Security reform, no one knows what the transition costs may be. I've heard numbers as high as the $1 trillion you used, but I don't think anybody knows that yet, and I think the President wants to await the report of the commission and work that's going on within the administration before we can really cost out a plan. Q I wanted to ask a sort of simple question. If the growth estimates that the administration has put forward, which are higher than the consensus blue chip -- 3.2 percent versus 2.8 -- do not pan out, and you've said that adjusting the tax cut is off the table, and you've said that you're not going to dip into the Social Security or Medicare trust funds, if the good news does not come forward, what are the policy adjustments that the President would consider to adjust the administration's policies with real growth? MR. DANIELS: First of all, let me say that the 3.2 figure that we have -- and I hasten to add, the effect of this should not be -- this is the growth figures -- should not be overstated, it has to be married with technical assumptions about income composition and so forth, and you get the final product that matters, which is how much additional revenue do we forecast. And that number is pretty moderate. But taking your question on its face, Alexis, our 3.2 number is certainly well within the band of the blue chip. It happens to be the same as last year's most accurate forecast, which was by the conference board. It happens to be less than the blue chip's best forecaster of the year before that, Evans-Carroll, who are at 3.5. So nobody knows. And we've tried to take the best advice we could in coming to this number. If, based on the data we have and the forecasts we've made, we can and intend to bring a budget for Fiscal '03 that provides for reasonable spending growth, protects the tax cuts that are now scheduled from being rated by those who would like to claw that money back into federal hands, and will allow us to meet the nation's priorities very well. So that's the import of the review we put out today. Q But basically, you're saying that you're only leaving yourself room in the spending. That's the only place you would have to adjust. MR. DANIELS: Well, and adjustments, you know, can be made there. This is not unthinkable. But remember that outlays on the -- in the numbers you're looking at grow by 5.5 percent. There's a lot of room there in the event that circumstances show us that we have a little less money to work with. Q But considering the reality that you just described on the Hill, how realistic is that in terms of adjusting spending down below what has become a larger growth number than the President wanted in the first place? MR. DANIELS: Well, if you're asking are we defeatists that things in Washington can't be changed, I would say that the President's already demonstrated that they can. And so I'm sure we'll have a spirited budget debate next year. But I think these are much more likely to work out well in an era of giant surpluses. We do have, as I say, a budget that's in great shape, an economy that's not, and I think that eventually, attention will focus on the real problem and we'll be able to work together cooperatively. Q In these times of economic surpluses, there has been some criticism that the government isn't investing enough in its own work force, which is facing a human capital crisis. What's your response to that? MR. DANIELS: The President has assigned us as an administration, and OMB in particular, the job of implementing the most aggressive management agenda probably that Washington has seen. It will be released very shortly, but they have -- basic elements are out there already, and human capital is one of the five leading elements. So it is quite clear that we need major changes, that we have too many people in some places, too few probably in others, and most importantly, a skill mismatch between the work force, much of which grew up over two and three decades ago, and the needs of public service today. So this is a very important issue, and the President has ordered us to move actively on it. Q And you're still sticking by the 3.6 percent recommendation for a pay raise? MR. DANIELS: Yes. Q Who exactly are you blaming for the December explosion in spending? The Clinton White House or the Republican leadership in the Hill? MR. DANIELS: I'm not inclined, and I'm sure the President would say the same thing -- talk about blame at all. We took note of that explosion in the April budget, but we didn't talk in terms of blame. You know, hindsight's 20/20. But I do simply observe for the benefit of those who want to know, as one questioner did, what factors went together to narrow the on-budget surplus that this was the largest of them. So no blame to be assigned, but it does, I think, reflect the care that we need to take with spending increases. They are -- they do tend to be the single-biggest threat to our future surpluses in fiscal health. Q The report says that the administration is prepared where necessary to extend the principle of restraint to its own high priority initiatives. And you mentioned delaying effective dates on some tax proposals and other things. Could you be a little more specific about which tax proposals you would extend the effective dates on, and what other initiatives you would be willing to pare back or delay in order to stay within the budget? MR. DANIELS: No, Dick; not today. Because no decisions have been made, and the President hasn't given us any specific guidance yet. But I thought a candid statement might be in order that in order to maintain a balanced policy of large-scale debt reduction on the order of the Social Security surpluses, protecting tax relief from those who would raise taxes and take it back and maintaining -- in order to make both those things possible, maintaining moderate spending growth, that really all kinds of ideas will need to be on the table. And that's what that statement meant, and all we can say today. Q The review says that training and employment programs are expected to spend more slowly in 2001 and 2002, but pick up in 2003. I was wondering if that meant federal employee training programs and why they are expected to spend more slowly in the next two fiscal years. MR. DANIELS: I think it refers not the federal employee training, but to the 140 or 150-some job training programs that we have spread across the federal government. We have multiple agencies involved in them and in the aggregate, it amounts to a lot of money. This is, by the way, an area that we'll be looking at, I think, for potential management reform. It could be that -- it surely must be that some of those programs are working very well and ought to be strengthened, that some of those 100-plus programs are working less well, and ought to be eliminated so that the funds can be used where they get the most positive effect. END 10:40 A.M. EDT Printer-Friendly Version Email this page to a friend
7770	dbpedia	3	11	https://www.mdlfindiana.org/mitch-daniels	en	Mitch Daniels — Mitch Daniels Leadership Foundation	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/t/631b80d176912a2dc99a551d/1662746833398/2.png?format=1500w	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/t/631b80d176912a2dc99a551d/1662746833398/2.png?format=1500w	[ "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579009156269-6IEOUK0H0SF4MSLSVIX2/Asset+1%404x.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579009156269-6IEOUK0H0SF4MSLSVIX2/Asset+1%404x.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579915590780-2K03OXTFO7IE3PTCKVGR/Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/b2ab93cd-095c-4f38-969b-aa84ff0fe631/White+MDLF+letter+logo.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/382a19f8-cef1-42c0-9c2e-befbfc05298c/in-indiana+small.png", "https://px.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=1736594&fmt=gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1580351922990-BPYN3ULE13DFBHTJM1GT/favicon.ico?format=100w	Mitch Daniels Leadership Foundation	https://www.mdlfindiana.org/mitch-daniels	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. served as a two-term governor of the state of Indiana from 2004 to 2012 and as the 12th president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. He currently serves a Distinguished Scholar and Senior Advisor at the Liberty Fund. He was elected governor in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected with more votes than any candidate in the state's history. At Purdue, Daniels prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the university’s strengths. He ended 36 straight years of rising prices by freezing tuition and mandatory fees at 2012 levels for all students. The freeze is still in place today. As a result, the total cost of attendance is lower today than in 2012, even without adjusting for inflation and aggregate student borrowing has declined 37%. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. He also was the CEO of the Hudson Institute and had an 11-year career as an executive at Eli Lilly and Company. Daniels earned a bachelor's degree from Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and a law degree from Georgetown. He is the author of three books and a contributing columnist in the Washington Post. He and his wife Cheri have four daughters and eight grandchildren. At Purdue, President Daniels launched a series of initiatives called Purdue Moves that provide bold answers to some of the greatest challenges facing higher education today. The pillars of Purdue Moves leverage Purdue's historic strengths and promote investment in new ideas, guiding the University in its mission to deliver higher education at the highest proven value. Daniels has made student affordability and student success top priorities, pledging to keep a Purdue education within reach for students and families. Breaking with a 36-year string of increases, Purdue commenced a series of tuition freezes in 2013 that will last through at least the 2022-23 academic year. During that same time, room and board costs were cut by five percent and have remained steady since 2013, resulting in an overall decrease in the cost of attending Purdue since President Daniels took office that year. A first-of-its-kind partnership with online retailer Amazon.com is also saving Purdue students an average of 31 percent on their textbooks each year. Thanks to these and other efforts to reduce student costs where feasible, Purdue student borrowing has dropped 32 percent — leaving graduates and their families with some $59 million to invest in other dreams. Daniels also has called for greater accountability in higher education, launching the Gallup-Purdue Index, a new method for measuring the value of a college degree. Other top priorities include accelerating growth in three areas that are key to the national economy and that support Purdue's strengths (engineering, technology and computer science); infusing resources in selected areas of research, particularly plant sciences to feed the world; and facilitating commercialization of research. Often called a "man of the students," President Daniels can often be found eating dinner in a dining court, exercising alongside students at the campus recreational center or chatting with students outside on a nice day. He also teaches a course each semester for students in the Honors College on one of his favorite topics, The Great War and Its Continuing Aftermath. Daniels came to Purdue University at the conclusion of his term as the 49th Governor of Indiana. He was elected Governor in 2004, in his first bid for any elected office. He was re-elected in 2008, receiving more votes than any governor in the state's history. During his first term, Governor Daniels spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. These changes and a strong emphasis on performance measurement have led to many state agencies, including the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, Department of Child Services and Department of Correction winning national awards. In 2005, he led the state to its first balanced budget in eight years and, without a tax increase, transformed the nearly $800 million deficit he inherited into an annual surplus of $370 million within a year. The governor also repaid hundreds of millions of dollars the state had borrowed from Indiana's public schools, state universities and local units of government in previous administrations, and reduced the state's overall debt by 40 percent. Governor Daniels left Indiana with a budget in surplus, reserve funds equal to nearly 15 percent of annual spending, and its first AAA credit rating. Daniels' first legislative success created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation to replace a failing state bureaucracy in the mission of attracting new jobs. In its first four years of existence, the agency broke all previous records for new jobs in the state and was associated with more than $18 billion of new investment. In 2008, Site Selection Magazine and CNBC both named Indiana the Most Improved State for Business in the country. In 2012, Indiana became the 23rd "right-to-work" state. Indiana now ranks favorably in every national ranking of business attractiveness and job creation. Governor Daniels' innovations include the 2006 lease of the Indiana Toll Road. This is the largest privatization of public infrastructure in the United States and generated nearly $4 billion for Major Moves, the state's record-breaking 10-year transportation and infrastructure program. The Healthy Indiana Plan was enacted in 2007 to provide healthcare coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults, and comprehensive property tax reforms in 2008 resulted in the biggest tax cut in Indiana history. Both initiatives received overwhelming bipartisan support, and Indiana remains among states with the lowest property taxes in the nation. In 2011, under his guidance, Indiana passed the most sweeping education reforms in the country, including the nation's first statewide school choice voucher program. Because of these reforms, Indiana is dramatically expanding charter schools, providing parents with more school choice, revising teacher evaluations and expanding full-day kindergarten funding. In 2010, he established WGU Indiana, a partnership between the state and Western Governors University aimed at expanding access to higher education for Hoosiers and increasing the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Daniels first became interested in public service while serving as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar. He has also served as a senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. On his first day in office as Governor, Daniels created Indiana’s first Office of Management and Budget. Daniels has been called to testify before Congress on numerous occasions. In recognition of his leadership both as Governor and as president of Purdue University, Fortune Magazine named President Daniels to its list of the top 50 world leaders in March 2015. In June 2016, he was named a Living Legend by the Indiana Historical Society. Many other organizations also have recognized his leadership. In 2008, Governing magazine named him Public Official of the Year. In October 2010, Daniels received The Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation's inaugural Medal for Distinguished Service to Education for his efforts to reform education. In January 2011, he was one of three recipients selected to receive the first-ever Fiscy Award, presented for leadership and commitment to responsible financial stewardship by the nonpartisan Fiscy Awards Committee. In May 2012, the Manhattan Institute presented the governor with its Alexander Hamilton Award for his achievements in state government — including health care improvements, landmark education reforms and fiscal responsibility. The governor's conservation efforts set aside record acreages of protected wetlands and wildlife habitats. In March 2011, Daniels was a recipient of the Wetland Conservation Achievement Award from the national conservation organization Ducks Unlimited, for "making land conservation a top priority and for preserving thousands of invaluable acres across the state for future generations." In January 2012, he received the Chancellor Award for Conservation and Wildlife Protection from the Weatherby Foundation, and in March 2012, he also was awarded the Theodore Roosevelt Award from the Indiana Wildlife Federation. His efforts earned him the nickname "The Teddy Roosevelt of Indiana" by the Nature Conservancy. Daniels received the Woodrow Wilson Award from Princeton University in February 2013. The award recognizes an alumnus whose career embodies the call to duty in Wilson's famous speech, "Princeton in the Nation's Service." He was also the recipient in June 2013 of the Bradley Prize from the Milwaukee-based Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. The award recognizes accomplishments that "strengthen American institutions." In announcing the prize, the foundation stated that Daniels "established himself as an economic reformer who guided Indiana through the recession with a budget surplus and a firm foundation for economic growth." In recognition of his economic and fiscal leadership as Governor, Daniels received the inaugural Savas Award from the Concord Coalition in June 2015. Daniels is also the author of three books, including best-seller "Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans." He is a contributing columnist in the Washington Post, and his writings are regularly featured in other publications. He earned a bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979. President Daniels and his wife, Cheri, have four daughters — Meagan, Melissa, Meredith, and Maggie — and seven grandchildren.
7770	dbpedia	0	13	https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/speakers/24.html	en	Speaker Details			[ "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/logo-small.png", "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/logo-small.png", "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/twitter.gif", "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/headshots/daniels-square.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/purdue-logo.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/Convos_logo.png", "https://www.purdue.edu/dawnordoom/archive/2014/img/itap-logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null					null	Bio: Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. was unanimously selected by the Purdue Board of Trustees on Thursday, June 21, 2012, to be the university's 12th president. Daniels assumed that role in January 2013, at the conclusion of his term as Governor of the State of Indiana. He was elected as the 49th governor of Indiana in 2004, in his first bid for any elected office. He was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state's history. President Daniels came from a successful career in business and government, holding numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His work as CEO of the Hudson Institute and President of Eli Lilly and Company's North American Pharmaceutical Operations taught him the business skills he brought to state government. He also served as Chief of Staff to Senator Richard Lugar, Senior Advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. Daniels' first legislative success created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation to replace a failing state bureaucracy in the mission of attracting new jobs. In its first four years of existence, the agency broke all previous records for new jobs in the state and was associated with more than $18 billion of new investment. In 2008, Site Selection Magazine and CNBC both named Indiana as the Most Improved State for Business in the country. In 2012, Indiana became the 23rd Right-to-Work state. Indiana is now near the top of every national ranking of business attractiveness and is the top job-creating state in the nation. On his first day in office, Governor Daniels created the first Office of Management and Budget to look for efficiencies and cost savings across state government. In 2005, he led the state to its first balanced budget in eight years and, without a tax increase, transformed the nearly $800 million deficit he inherited into an annual surplus of $370 million within a year. The governor also repaid hundreds of millions of dollars the state had borrowed from Indiana's public schools, state universities and local units of government in previous administrations, and reduced the state's overall debt by 40 percent. The second biennial budget replicated this fiscal discipline and built reserves equal to 10 percent of annual spending. Today Indiana has a AAA credit rating (the first in state history) and the fewest state employees per capita in the U.S. During his first term, Governor Daniels spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. These changes and a strong emphasis on performance measurement have led to many state agencies, including the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, Department of Child Services and Department of Correction winning national awards. Governor Daniels' innovations include the 2006 lease of the Indiana Toll Road. This is the largest privatization of public infrastructure in the United States and generated nearly $4 billion for Major Moves, the state's record-breaking 10-year transportation and infrastructure program. The Healthy Indiana Plan was enacted in 2007 to provide healthcare coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults, and comprehensive property tax reforms in 2008 resulted in the biggest tax cut in Indiana history. Today Indiana has the lowest property taxes in the nation. Both initiatives received overwhelming bipartisan support. In 2011, under his guidance, Indiana passed the most sweeping education reforms in the country. Because of these reforms, Indiana is dramatically expanding charter schools, providing parents with more school choice, revising teacher evaluations and expanding full-day kindergarten funding. In 2010, he established WGU Indiana, a partnership between the state and Western Governors University aimed at expanding access to higher education for Hoosiers and increasing the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Many organizations have recognized the governor's leadership. In October 2010, Daniels received The Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation's inaugural Medal for Distinguished Service to Education for his efforts to reform education. In January 2011, the governor was one of three recipients selected to receive the first-ever Fiscy Award, presented for leadership and commitment to responsible financial stewardship by the non-partisan Fiscy Awards Committee. Daniels also received the '2011 Friend of the Family Award' from the Indiana Family Institute, which recognized him for his strong record of pro-family, pro-life and pro-faith actions taken as Indiana's chief executive. In May 2012, the Manhattan Institute presented the governor with its Alexander Hamilton Award for his achievements in state government; including healthcare improvements, landmark education reforms and fiscal responsibility. The governor's conservation efforts have set aside record acreages of protected wetlands and wildlife habitats. In March 2011, Daniels was a recipient of the Wetland Conservation Achievement Award from the national conservation organization, Ducks Unlimited, for 'making land conservation a top priority and for preserving thousands of invaluable acres across the state for future generations.' In January 2012, he received the Chancellor Award for Conservation and Wildlife Protection from the Weatherby Foundation and in March 2012, he also was awarded the Theodore Roosevelt Award from the Indiana Wildlife Federation. His efforts earned him the nickname 'The Teddy Roosevelt of Indiana' by the Nature Conservancy. Daniels received the Woodrow Wilson Award from Princeton University in February 2013. The award recognizes an alumnus whose career embodies the call to duty in Wilson's famous speech, 'Princeton in the Nation's Service.' The award was presented during Alumni Day activities on February 23, 2013. He was also the recipient in June 2013 of the Bradley Prize from the Milwaukee-based Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. The award recognizes accomplishments that âstrengthen American institutions.â In announcing the prize, the foundation stated that Daniels 'established himself as an economic reformer who guided Indiana through the recession with a budget surplus and a firm foundation for economic growth.' In August 2013, it was announced that Daniels was named the 2013 recipient of the Excellence in Innovation Award by Centricâs Indiana Innovation Network. The award recognizes âthose individuals and organizations who are successfully leading the innovation charge in their state.â In February 2013, Daniels was asked to co-chair a National Research Council committee to review and make recommendations on the future of the U.S. human spaceflight program. The appointment to the Committee on Human Spaceflight runs through June 30, 2014. In March 2013, Daniels was elected to the board of Energy Systems Network (ESN), Indianaâs industry-driven clean technology initiative. Daniels, who is also the author of the best-selling book 'Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans,' earned a bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971, and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979. Governor Daniels and his wife Cheri have four daughters: Meagan, Melissa, Meredith and Maggie.
7770	dbpedia	2	0	https://www.mdlfindiana.org/mitch-daniels	en	Mitch Daniels — Mitch Daniels Leadership Foundation	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/t/631b80d176912a2dc99a551d/1662746833398/2.png?format=1500w	http://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/t/631b80d176912a2dc99a551d/1662746833398/2.png?format=1500w	[ "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579009156269-6IEOUK0H0SF4MSLSVIX2/Asset+1%404x.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579009156269-6IEOUK0H0SF4MSLSVIX2/Asset+1%404x.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1579915590780-2K03OXTFO7IE3PTCKVGR/Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/b2ab93cd-095c-4f38-969b-aa84ff0fe631/White+MDLF+letter+logo.png", "https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/382a19f8-cef1-42c0-9c2e-befbfc05298c/in-indiana+small.png", "https://px.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=1736594&fmt=gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	https://images.squarespace-cdn.com/content/v1/5e0e24732d86ab357f299039/1580351922990-BPYN3ULE13DFBHTJM1GT/favicon.ico?format=100w	Mitch Daniels Leadership Foundation	https://www.mdlfindiana.org/mitch-daniels	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. served as a two-term governor of the state of Indiana from 2004 to 2012 and as the 12th president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. He currently serves a Distinguished Scholar and Senior Advisor at the Liberty Fund. He was elected governor in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected with more votes than any candidate in the state's history. At Purdue, Daniels prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the university’s strengths. He ended 36 straight years of rising prices by freezing tuition and mandatory fees at 2012 levels for all students. The freeze is still in place today. As a result, the total cost of attendance is lower today than in 2012, even without adjusting for inflation and aggregate student borrowing has declined 37%. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. He also was the CEO of the Hudson Institute and had an 11-year career as an executive at Eli Lilly and Company. Daniels earned a bachelor's degree from Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and a law degree from Georgetown. He is the author of three books and a contributing columnist in the Washington Post. He and his wife Cheri have four daughters and eight grandchildren. At Purdue, President Daniels launched a series of initiatives called Purdue Moves that provide bold answers to some of the greatest challenges facing higher education today. The pillars of Purdue Moves leverage Purdue's historic strengths and promote investment in new ideas, guiding the University in its mission to deliver higher education at the highest proven value. Daniels has made student affordability and student success top priorities, pledging to keep a Purdue education within reach for students and families. Breaking with a 36-year string of increases, Purdue commenced a series of tuition freezes in 2013 that will last through at least the 2022-23 academic year. During that same time, room and board costs were cut by five percent and have remained steady since 2013, resulting in an overall decrease in the cost of attending Purdue since President Daniels took office that year. A first-of-its-kind partnership with online retailer Amazon.com is also saving Purdue students an average of 31 percent on their textbooks each year. Thanks to these and other efforts to reduce student costs where feasible, Purdue student borrowing has dropped 32 percent — leaving graduates and their families with some $59 million to invest in other dreams. Daniels also has called for greater accountability in higher education, launching the Gallup-Purdue Index, a new method for measuring the value of a college degree. Other top priorities include accelerating growth in three areas that are key to the national economy and that support Purdue's strengths (engineering, technology and computer science); infusing resources in selected areas of research, particularly plant sciences to feed the world; and facilitating commercialization of research. Often called a "man of the students," President Daniels can often be found eating dinner in a dining court, exercising alongside students at the campus recreational center or chatting with students outside on a nice day. He also teaches a course each semester for students in the Honors College on one of his favorite topics, The Great War and Its Continuing Aftermath. Daniels came to Purdue University at the conclusion of his term as the 49th Governor of Indiana. He was elected Governor in 2004, in his first bid for any elected office. He was re-elected in 2008, receiving more votes than any governor in the state's history. During his first term, Governor Daniels spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. These changes and a strong emphasis on performance measurement have led to many state agencies, including the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, Department of Child Services and Department of Correction winning national awards. In 2005, he led the state to its first balanced budget in eight years and, without a tax increase, transformed the nearly $800 million deficit he inherited into an annual surplus of $370 million within a year. The governor also repaid hundreds of millions of dollars the state had borrowed from Indiana's public schools, state universities and local units of government in previous administrations, and reduced the state's overall debt by 40 percent. Governor Daniels left Indiana with a budget in surplus, reserve funds equal to nearly 15 percent of annual spending, and its first AAA credit rating. Daniels' first legislative success created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation to replace a failing state bureaucracy in the mission of attracting new jobs. In its first four years of existence, the agency broke all previous records for new jobs in the state and was associated with more than $18 billion of new investment. In 2008, Site Selection Magazine and CNBC both named Indiana the Most Improved State for Business in the country. In 2012, Indiana became the 23rd "right-to-work" state. Indiana now ranks favorably in every national ranking of business attractiveness and job creation. Governor Daniels' innovations include the 2006 lease of the Indiana Toll Road. This is the largest privatization of public infrastructure in the United States and generated nearly $4 billion for Major Moves, the state's record-breaking 10-year transportation and infrastructure program. The Healthy Indiana Plan was enacted in 2007 to provide healthcare coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults, and comprehensive property tax reforms in 2008 resulted in the biggest tax cut in Indiana history. Both initiatives received overwhelming bipartisan support, and Indiana remains among states with the lowest property taxes in the nation. In 2011, under his guidance, Indiana passed the most sweeping education reforms in the country, including the nation's first statewide school choice voucher program. Because of these reforms, Indiana is dramatically expanding charter schools, providing parents with more school choice, revising teacher evaluations and expanding full-day kindergarten funding. In 2010, he established WGU Indiana, a partnership between the state and Western Governors University aimed at expanding access to higher education for Hoosiers and increasing the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Daniels first became interested in public service while serving as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar. He has also served as a senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. On his first day in office as Governor, Daniels created Indiana’s first Office of Management and Budget. Daniels has been called to testify before Congress on numerous occasions. In recognition of his leadership both as Governor and as president of Purdue University, Fortune Magazine named President Daniels to its list of the top 50 world leaders in March 2015. In June 2016, he was named a Living Legend by the Indiana Historical Society. Many other organizations also have recognized his leadership. In 2008, Governing magazine named him Public Official of the Year. In October 2010, Daniels received The Woodrow Wilson National Fellowship Foundation's inaugural Medal for Distinguished Service to Education for his efforts to reform education. In January 2011, he was one of three recipients selected to receive the first-ever Fiscy Award, presented for leadership and commitment to responsible financial stewardship by the nonpartisan Fiscy Awards Committee. In May 2012, the Manhattan Institute presented the governor with its Alexander Hamilton Award for his achievements in state government — including health care improvements, landmark education reforms and fiscal responsibility. The governor's conservation efforts set aside record acreages of protected wetlands and wildlife habitats. In March 2011, Daniels was a recipient of the Wetland Conservation Achievement Award from the national conservation organization Ducks Unlimited, for "making land conservation a top priority and for preserving thousands of invaluable acres across the state for future generations." In January 2012, he received the Chancellor Award for Conservation and Wildlife Protection from the Weatherby Foundation, and in March 2012, he also was awarded the Theodore Roosevelt Award from the Indiana Wildlife Federation. His efforts earned him the nickname "The Teddy Roosevelt of Indiana" by the Nature Conservancy. Daniels received the Woodrow Wilson Award from Princeton University in February 2013. The award recognizes an alumnus whose career embodies the call to duty in Wilson's famous speech, "Princeton in the Nation's Service." He was also the recipient in June 2013 of the Bradley Prize from the Milwaukee-based Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. The award recognizes accomplishments that "strengthen American institutions." In announcing the prize, the foundation stated that Daniels "established himself as an economic reformer who guided Indiana through the recession with a budget surplus and a firm foundation for economic growth." In recognition of his economic and fiscal leadership as Governor, Daniels received the inaugural Savas Award from the Concord Coalition in June 2015. Daniels is also the author of three books, including best-seller "Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans." He is a contributing columnist in the Washington Post, and his writings are regularly featured in other publications. He earned a bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979. President Daniels and his wife, Cheri, have four daughters — Meagan, Melissa, Meredith, and Maggie — and seven grandchildren.
7770	dbpedia	3	31	https://importantville.substack.com/p/exclusive-the-mitch-daniels-interview	en	Exclusive: The Mitch Daniels interview	https://substackcdn.com/image/youtube/w_728,c_limit/OSAmkDUi4PQ	https://substackcdn.com/image/youtube/w_728,c_limit/OSAmkDUi4PQ	[ "https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/w_96,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F90d4dfd7-11f5-4781-9b10-ff061a42940f_256x256", "https://substackcdn.com/image/youtube/w_728,c_limit/OSAmkDUi4PQ", "https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/w_80,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Feb5c1b3a-7345-4c71-8ebe-92395d4c934f_702x1007.jpeg", "https://substackcdn.com/image/youtube/w_728,c_limit/OSAmkDUi4PQ", "https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/w_1456,c_limit,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fbucketeer-e05bbc84-baa3-437e-9518-adb32be77984.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F52c1e785-49e3-4bae-9ef5-08ae70f28295_1800x1800.jpeg", "https://substackcdn.com/image/youtube/w_728,c_limit/OSAmkDUi4PQ", "https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/w_64,h_64,c_fill,f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep,g_auto/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack.com%2Fimg%2Favatars%2Flogged-out.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube-nocookie.com/embed/OSAmkDUi4PQ?rel=0&autoplay=0&showinfo=0&enablejsapi=0" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Adam Wren" ]	2022-08-19T14:15:34+00:00	The outgoing Purdue University president on the Trump era, whether he has a future in politics, and Indiana's best tenderloin.	en	https://substackcdn.com/…h-icon-57x57.png		https://importantville.substack.com/p/exclusive-the-mitch-daniels-interview	WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind.—The last time a national audience heard from Mitch Daniels on political matters was his 2012 State of the Union response to then-President Barack Obama, a typically writerly speech of his in which he began by arguing it was the “loyal opposition’s” responsibility to “show respect for the presidency and its occupant, to express agreement where it exists.” (Yes, people actually talked like that a decade ago.) That year, Daniels, the term-limited Indiana governor, had such an inside lane on his party’s nomination that many of his Republican megadonors believed he would run. Instead, he chose to get out of politics altogether. By 2013, he was president of Purdue University, his official off-ramp from politics. Ten years and a political era later, Daniels has refashioned himself into a national leader on higher education reform; he famously held tuition at Purdue at the same price for that same amount of time. Sitting in his office in Hovde Hall, Daniels and I spoke for more than an hour about his political future, the young Republican senator he’s most excited about, and more. THE HIGHLIGHTS: On whether his brand of conservatism could survive in the current moment, should he run for a third term as governor: “I don’t know. I’ve been in isolation and quarantine for 10 years. In one way I think about it, maybe I haven’t been infected by the viruses that are running around on both sides.” On recent criticism of his economic development approach as governor: “It’s just totally misguided, and basically, the fundamental flaw is nobody ever said that this “better sandbox” would solve every problem for all time. It was necessary but not sufficient.” On Trump’s election and the ensuing era: I’ve got friends of mine who were mortified at the 2016 outcome, people who are passionate members of the Democratic Party who ask me, “How could this happen?” I said, “It’s not complicated. If you look down your nose at someone long enough, one day they will punch you in it.” And I think that’s what happened. On whether 80 is too old to be president: “I think it probably is. I haven’t been 80, so I can’t say for sure. I know there are people who think it is a very iffy thing. You know, the first president I worked for, Ronald Reagan, his detractors told him he was too old at 69.” Read more at POLITICO DANIELS OUTTAKES A few of our exchanges were a bit too parochial for a national publication. On whether he’d run for mayor of Indianapolis: “I have lived most of my life in the city limits, I now live a mile out of the city limits, so I'm not even eligible. I'm too lazy to pick up a move, and on top of that, I just think that just be would be unseemly, it'd be artificial.” On the state of downtown Indianapolis: “It’s easier to identify the problems than to tell you what exactly can be done. They have to get very serious about law enforcement. It’s the first duty of government at any level. You have to have a downtown area where people feel safe in every respect. Every downtown has been hit by the egress, at least temporarily, of workers and businesses that creates economic vitality and social vibrancy and everything we love about big cities. And so Indianapolis is not all that unusual in that respect.” On Indiana’s best fried pork tenderloin: Top Notch in Brookston. “My order was called “Daniels’ Dilemma” because I go in the first time, I said, “I want the tenderloin.” “You want a grilled or breaded?” “Which is better? You said they're both good. Could you give me half and a half?” IMPORTANTVILLE READS “What Comes Next For Mitch Daniels?" by me in Indianapolis Monthly If he doesn’t reconsider politics, Daniels could find a home in sports. At Purdue, he wrote a secret letter to keep football coach Jeff Brohm from leaving for Louisville. He advocated for banning “IU sucks” chants and argued that the Old Oaken Bucket game should be moved to Lucas Oil Stadium. A Dodgers fan—he picked them as his team when he was 5 for no apparent reason—Daniels has been bandied about as a future commissioner of Major League Baseball. Bush, the former owner of the Texas Rangers and connected to the league, once broached the idea with him, but nothing came of it at the time. Daniels has also been mentioned as the head of the NCAA when Mark Emmert steps down next year, following in the footsteps of Myles Brand, who went to the NCAA after leaving the presidency of Indiana University. “Whoever takes that job, and I’m not sure anyone could deliver this, should say, ‘I’ve got to have the following authority that doesn’t exist today and never has,’” Daniels told Howey Politics Indiana. “‘I’ve got to have this broad remit here.’ Otherwise, I don’t think anyone could.”
7770	dbpedia	0	64	https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/project_profiles/in_indiana_toll.aspx	en	Center for Innovative Finance Support			[ "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/imgdotfhwalg.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/facebook_med.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/youtube_med.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/twitter_med.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/flickr_med.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/linkedin_med.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/banner/instagram_med.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/logo_oipd.jpg", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/btn_menu_wht.png", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/project_profiles/img_in_indiana_toll_road.jpg", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/icon_p3.gif", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/icon_tolling_pricing.gif", "https://www.fhwa.dot.gov/ipd/images/icon_value_capture.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en			null	In operation since 1956, the Indiana Toll Road (ITR) stretches 157 miles across the northernmost part of Indiana from its border with Ohio to the Illinois state line, where it provides the primary connection to the Chicago Skyway and downtown Chicago. The Indiana Toll Road links the largest cities on the Great Lakes with the Eastern Seaboard. Connections with I-65 and I-69 lead to major destinations in the South and on the Gulf Coast. After his election in 2004, Governor Mitch Daniels tasked the Indiana Finance Authority (IFA) with the responsibility of exploring the feasibility of leasing the ITR to a private entity. IFA engaged Wilbur Smith to prepare a revenue analysis and Goldman Sachs to provide financial advice. These assessments led to IFA's release of a Request for Toll Road Concessionaire Proposals on September 28, 2005. Four teams submitted proposals by the October 26 deadline. The lease concession was awarded to Indiana Toll Road Concession Company, LLC (ITRCC) comprising an even partnership between Cintra of Spain and Macquarie of Australia. ITRCC submitted the highest bid of $3.8 billion. The ITR lease transaction was contingent upon authorizing legislation known as "Major Moves," which was signed into law in late March 2006. On April 12, 2006, ITRCC and IFA executed the "Indiana Toll Road Concession and Lease Agreement" providing for a 75-year lease of the ITR. ITRCC formally assumed operational responsibility for the ITR on June 29, 2006. As part of the concession, ITRCC pledged to spend $200 million on capital improvements to the facility during the first three years of the lease and approximately $4.4 billion over the life of the concession. By leasing the facility, the state was able to retire $225 million in debt. It allocated the remainder of the lease proceeds to several funds used solely to pay for infrastructure projects throughout the state. In March 2015 IFA awarded a new $5.725 billion, 66-year lease concession to IFM Investors following the 2014 bankruptcy of ITRCC. Nearly all of the sale funds will be used to pay back creditors holding ITRCC's debt. IFM has plans to invest $260 million in capital improvements over the first five years of the concession to address deteriorating pavement, bridges, and travel plazas.
7770	dbpedia	2	92	https://sagamoreinstitute.org/balancing-the-budget-amidst-an-economic-crisis/	en	Balancing the Budget Amidst an Economic Crisis	https://sagamoreinstitut…nly-Reversed.png	https://sagamoreinstitut…nly-Reversed.png	[ "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Sagamore-Logo-LogoOnly-Reversed.png", "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Sagamore-Logo-LogoOnly-Reversed-4-1024x385.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "admin-si" ]	2020-09-03T13:39:51-04:00	Indiana had a $700 million deficit at the start of 2005 and a $2 billion surplus by end of 2012. During this seven-year stretch, America experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. All across America, states were facing fiscal crises during this period, but not Indiana. Why?	en	https://sagamoreinstitut…x-icon-32x32.png	Sagamore Institute -	https://sagamoreinstitute.org/balancing-the-budget-amidst-an-economic-crisis/	Indiana had a $700 million deficit at the start of 2005 and a $2 billion surplus by end of 2012. During this seven-year stretch, America experienced the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. All across America, states were facing fiscal crises during this period, but not Indiana. Why? The Pre-2005 Landscape: Fiscal Laziness Like many other states, Indiana knows what it’s like to be bankrupt. That was effectively its status in 2004 when Mitch Daniels was elected Governor. Like other states, Indiana was accustomed to punting certain expenditures into the future through various accounting gimmicks so that the state’s budget would appear sound in any given fiscal year. But there was no hiding the reality that Indiana was fiscally unbalanced. Balancing the state’s budget was an immediate priority to make the state more competitive and to protect taxpayers. To get Indiana out of its fiscal straits, the Daniels administration utilized authorities that are, in on way or another, generally available to other states. They had certainly been available to Indiana’s previous governors, who had chosen not to use them. Whether a state’s budget is balanced or out of whack is almost always a story of whether there is the political will and discipline necessary to use available statutory authorities to maintain fiscal prudence. Critical to Daniels’ success in Indiana was an understanding of how to combine new forms of oversight and accountability with existing cost-controlling authorities. Each of these elements is described below. State governments are supposedly forced to operate balanced budgets. They do not have the luxury of printing money as the federal government does. They cannot run structural deficits the same was the federal government can. But many appropriators in states across the land have mastered the art of hiding or moving funds illusorily through a variety of techniques. Indiana was no exception. In addition legislators and special interests alike enjoyed operating in Indiana’s fiscally lazy environment, which was sustained by the absence of any central accounting and budgeting. Agencies did their own budgets and the Governor’s office traditionally had no systematic way to analyze costs and control expenditures. From day one, Daniels put reforms into place to address these systemic dysfunctions, and he has earned a national reputation as America’s most fiscally disciplined governor as a result. As Indiana implemented structurally balanced budgets, shed its negative cash balance, and developed healthy cash reserves, it became one of just nine states with a AAA credit rating. This much is known by just about every political observer. Fewer commentators can tell you how Daniels achieved all these good things, however. Tools for Creating a Structurally Balanced Budget The best time to be fiscally tough is during good times. And yet, any governor and state legislator will tell you that discipline during good times is probably harder than making tough fiscal decisions during bad times. Reining in spending when there seems to be so much money to go around is even frequently described as morally suspect. So how do you do it? In the Indiana Story, Daniels used five main tools to bring Indiana’s budget into balance, and ultimately into a surplus: He created the Office of Management and Budget He used impoundment authority aggressively and relentlessly Reducing unnecessary workforce costs Competitive outsourcing Consolidating IT Each of these will be discussed in more detail below, but it would be disingenuous to dive into those details without addressing the all-important matter of leadership and moral resolve. The Intangible that Makes all the Tangibles Work The inertial drag on governing is real, persistent and strong. There is a reason why even the easiest of policy reforms get stuck in the mud or transformed during the policy process into something other than what they were supposed to be. As noted earlier, Indiana’s previous governors had the same tools that Mitch Daniels had when he entered office. He used statutory authorities to rein in spending that were on the books before he arrived. The difference was that overused word, leadership. It wasn’t just any leadership, though. By the time Mitch Daniels left office after his second term, he had reduced the public workforce to levels not seen since the 1970s and cut spending in virtually every area of the government, and yet his approval ratings were in the 60s. Aren’t the masses supposed to protest when a forceful cost-cutter diminishes the services they rely on? Isn’t the friend of seriously limited government the same things as a heartless enemy of the poor? These familiar memes fall flat in the Indiana story because of Daniels’ unique leadership style. From his unprecedented tour around Indiana during the 2004 campaign, he heard regularly about frustrations Hoosiers had with public services. He picked his battles accordingly, not according to a pre-baked ideological theory. He also anticipated what all of America came to see years later during the 2011 protests in Wisconsin: the more taxpayers learn about how their dollars are being used by the government sector, the less sympathy they have with the usual memes. Daniels made transparency a core pillar of his reform efforts from the beginning, explaining in frank detail why programs needed changing, why budgets needed trimming, and how citizens could check in on how his reforms were going. By publishing regular performance reports, he opened up his books to the public so they could be the judge of whether, say, there was a direct relationship between reduced spending and quality of service in a particular program. When opposition arose to one of his proposals, such as leasing the Indiana Toll Road, he hit the road himself, went to town halls, met with people in diners. He took people’s questions in person, he asked them how they would fix the problem another way if they didn’t like his idea. It may sound like too simplistic a summary to say Daniels treated people like adults, but when one asks people in Indiana about their experience with Daniels as Governor, that’s what they frequently say. He took on real problems that others, when they were honest, had to admit were actually problems that could no longer be tolerated if Indiana wanted to be a great state. He laid out what he thought was the most sensible solution that put citizens first, and challenged opponents to explain why their ideas were better for the people of Indiana. He won a large swath of the public to his side this way on issue after issue. The Five Tangibles Only after the intangible of quality of leadership is understood, or at least contemplated, can one begin to see why the tangible tools work. Or why they worked in Daniels’ case, at least. Creating the Office of Management and Budget Governor Daniels’ creation of the Indiana State Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in January 2005 was perhaps the single most important step in restoring Indiana’s fiscal health. Prior to its creation, the state had no system for measuring government performance. Government – as is the case in many other states – just kind of “happened” with relatively undisciplined oversight of budgetary and fiscal matters. Governor Daniels charged the new agency with increasing accountability and improving government performance while bringing balance to the state budget. To accomplish these tasks, he created a Government Efficiency division by setting clear performance standards and employing techniques to hold agencies accountable. The division has significantly increased the availability of performance information available to decision-makers and has also made that information readily available to the public through the Performance Measure Dashboard, which displays key performance measures for each agency. When the system was established in 2005, 62 percent of results were rated unsatisfactory and 16 percent superior. By August 2008, unsatisfactory measures had dropped to 28 percent and superior measures had risen to 45 percent. Additionally, Governor Daniels created the Indiana Finance Authority, also housed within the OMB, to combine multiple debt issuing authorities into a single agency in order to ensure that Indiana didn’t use borrowing to avoid difficult budget decisions. This division has significantly contributed to the development of structurally balanced by budgets by equipping decision-makers with key information concerning the financial impact of certain decisions. Impoundment Authority The State Budget Agency and the OMB dispense appropriations to agencies periodically throughout the year. Through impoundment authority, the governor has the authority to dispense less than the amount appropriated to agencies. Every governor in America should seek to have this authority if he or she doesn’t already possess it. It’s critical to sound fiscal management. This tool is useful when revenues are less than projected, but it is especially useful when a governor is serious about trimming government where it has gotten too big. Daniels used impoundment authority to shrink agency budgets from one year to the next, correcting years of swelling budgets that benefited government objectives more than the public good. Impoundment authority reduced expenditures by nearly $3 billion during the period between when Governor Daniels first took office and 2012. Indiana’s balanced budget efforts would have been entirely different had Daniels chosen to do what his predecessors did – largely ignore impoundment authority. Reducing Workforce Costs Governor Daniels has overseen a 16 percent reduction in the number of state employees, a return to employment levels not seen since the late 1970s. During the same time that state employee rolls were dropping, customer satisfaction with government services increased. So much for the theory that larger government is a necessary precondition for the happiness of the people. How did the Daniels administration achieve its workforce reductions? By prioritizing a pay-per-performance bonus system, slowing hiring through prioritization rather than a hiring freeze, and revoking or declining to renew collective bargaining for government workers. On his first day in office, Governor Daniels terminated an existing executive order that gave public employee unions collective bargaining rights, the benefits of which were twofold: it reduced the political pressures that often stagnate state governments and allowed him to create incentives to reward employee performance. He implemented a pay-for-performance system, with bonuses ranging between four and ten percent, to reward employees for achieving hard-dollar savings, meeting or exceeding explicit agency goals, and/or improving customer service in place of the common public sector practice of across-the-board raises. And perhaps most importantly, he created a strategic hiring committee to prioritize new positions for hiring. Agencies are required to provide evidence that each new hire is critical to advancing their mission. When you as a government agency know that you will have to justify each new hire to the Governor’s office, it’s amazing how judicious you become. You begin to think about new hires more like small business owner would. As a result of this process, Indiana’s government was able to control overall hiring levels without implementing a hiring freeze. Competitive Contracts Competitive sourcing is not a new concept. But using it effectively is still a rarity. Governor Daniels directed agencies to review existing contracts and create new contracts in a way that both reduces costs and provides better quality for the citizens of Indiana. Over the past twenty years, many public officials have used competitive bids with the aim of lowering costs, often looking for just a few big wins to demonstrate their commitment to “innovation.” In Indiana, competition has become the modus operandi of the state government and is used in even the most mundane, “non-sexy” aspects of government. The Daniels administration consolidated the systems of major welfare programs in 2007 to the tune of $10 million savings annually and realized $29 million in savings by re-negotiating the state’s Medicaid systems, but it also saved $1.6 million by privatizing its mail and document delivery system the same year. The list of small-item savings goes on and on. Taken together, the long list of savings through competition has played a big role in the larger story of Daniels’ success as a cost-cutter. Consolidate Information Technology Services Indiana consolidated information technology (IT) departments in different agencies into a single IT agency. This agency has been highly effective and has focused on improving IT capabilities of the state government and has also sought to reduce staffing burdens for certain services by providing self-service options for certain services. The most notable example of this is the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, which has received national media attention. By allowing customers to access a number of services online, such as renewing their drivers licenses and license plates among other things, the average wait time was reduced from more than 40 minutes to 28 minutes in 2006, to about 12 minutes in 2007, to 8:54 minutes (to be exact) in 2008 – and single-digit wait times have held steady since then. As a result, customer satisfaction rose to 97 percent in 2008, an increase of 20 percent since 2005. Together with the new performance culture that OMB created across government, IT consolidation can go a long way to improving both service quality and satisfaction. The Benefits of Balanced Budgeting The aggressive approach Daniels took to balance the budget made possible the historic property tax relief that he signed into law in 2008. Without three straight years of building reserves on top of the balanced budget, it would have been next to impossible to address Indiana’s tax situation the way Daniels did. Figure 3: Balanced Budget & Reserves Make Historic Tax Relief Possible Here’s what balanced budgeting has wrought in Indiana: Inflation-adjusted per capita state spending declined 13.6 percent from 2005 through 2012. Indiana’s debt was paid off in Governor Daniels’ first term. Indiana has now enjoyed seven straight years of positive cash balances, reaching a high point of $2.155 billion in cash reserves and rainy day funds with no debts to other units of government. Indiana has gone from the verge of bankruptcy to having fifteen percent of its budget in cash reserves by the end of 2012. Indiana’s government workforce is 20 percent smaller today than when Daniels took office. Unlike other states, these reductions were not because of the economic downturn, but intended as part of Daniels’ overall reform efforts. Indiana’s credit rating was upgraded to AAA, the highest rating, and is only one of nine states to enjoy such a rating as of the end of 2012. Though the use of the impoundment authority, the state has saved nearly $3 billion. More than $2 billion of these reversions occurred in the 2009-2011 budget cycles as America (and Indiana) struggled through the after-effects of a brutal recession. Expenditures have grown only 1.3 percent annually during Governor Daniels’ time in office. This is the result of parlaying spending reductions into reduced appropriations in subsequent Governor’s recommended budgets, permanently reducing base expenditure levels. These kinds of benefits are not free. They take a willingness to confront so-called indispensable interests with a harder truth: what is indispensable to some is clearly dispensable for the sake of the general public. To do this, a leader needs the capacity and patience to win people over to the course of prudence, which isn’t always easy – but is always necessary. One of the guiding objectives for Daniels since election day, 2004, was to always seek to maintain the approval of the public for the big things that were necessary for Indiana to aim higher. By consistently explaining, devoid of ideological edginess, how budget sobriety benefited taxpayers and was in fact what was owed them, voters supported Daniels’ balanced budget efforts. This in turn put pressure on some lawmakers who may not have otherwise cooperated. Daniels consistently connected the rather technocratic task of budget reviews with agencies to the voters’ interest in living in a state that was an appealing place to do business and raise a family. In the end, if balancing the budget is the people’s business, they need to feel it is so. One of the Daniels’ most enduring legacies will be his success in engaging the interests of his fellow citizens in holding the State to entirely new, elevated standard when it came to public finances and performance.
7770	dbpedia	1	90	https://www.heraldtimesonline.com/story/news/local/2015/12/10/history-of-i-69-in-indiana/117668304/	en	History of I-69 in Indiana	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Herald-Times and Evansville Courier Report, The Herald-Times" ]	2015-12-10T00:00:00	June 29, 1956: Creation of the Dwight D. Eisenhower National System of Interstate and Defense Highways is authorized by the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956.	en	https://www.gannett-cdn.…ages/favicon.png	The Herald-Times	https://www.heraldtimesonline.com/story/news/local/2015/12/10/history-of-i-69-in-indiana/117668304/	June 29, 1956: Creation of the Dwight D. Eisenhower National System of Interstate and Defense Highways is authorized by the Federal Aid Highway Act of 1956. November 1971: Indiana's original 157-mile stretch of Interstate 69 is completed, running from the north side of Indianapolis northeast past Fort Wayne and on to the Michigan state line. Flint, Mich., is the interstate's north end in the 1970s, but later segments extend it to the Canadian border by 1992. February 1990: Donahue and Associates publishes congressionally mandated study assessing the economic feasibility of three prospective highway corridors linking Indianapolis and Evansville. Consultants conclude that none of the routes meet the minimum threshold for going forward with the project. Nov. 10, 1992: Representatives from seven states meet in Memphis, Tennessee, to promote effort to stretch I-69 from Michigan to Texas, including the Indianapolis-to-Evansville leg. The group is called the “Interstate 69 Mid-Continent Highway Coalition.” Dec. 9, 1993: The Evansville-to-Indianapolis section of Interstate 69 is added to the National Transportation System, the blueprint that lawmakers at the time, including local Congressman Frank McCloskey, said would be used to make “future investment decisions” for the nation’s roads. Aug. 26, 1995: A feasibility study finds that the Interstate 69 project linking Indianapolis to Houston via Evansville “would create enough long-term economic benefits to more than offset the cost.” Oct. 31, 1995: Federal Highway Administration delays release of draft enivronmental impact statement for I-69, requiring “stronger economic arguments for the road.” Jan. 13, 1997: Frank O’Bannon sworn in as Indiana governor, succeeding fellow Democrat Evan Bayh. April 24, 1997: Officials from INDOT, Federal Highway Administration and EPA meet to “jump start” environmental impact statement, with eye on beginning construction in July 1999. Sept. 21, 1997: Indiana officials announce the awarding of seven engineering contracts for design work on the Evansville-to-Bloomington section of Interstate 69. April 29, 1997: The I-69 project gets national attention when NBC News airs a report on the Evansville-to-Bloomington section of the highway during a segment called “The Fleecing of America.” Opponents of the “new terrain” route say the Evansville-to-Terre Haute-to-Indianapolis option is cheaper and more efficient. Nov. 18, 1998: State officials announce a delay of I-69 work of 18 to 24 months as INDOT starts work on a new plan for Federal Highway Administration officials that will include not only the segment between Bloomington and Indianapolis, but also the possibility of routing the highway through Terre Haute. May 18, 1999: INDOT officials concede that decision on whether I-69 extension should be built — and where — is still two years away. July 10, 1999: 22 Indiana mayors present a petition to Gov. Frank O’Bannon asking for the new-terrain route to be selected and for construction to begin. Signers include Evansville’s Frank McDonald II, Bloomington’s John Fernandez and mayors from Loogootee, Petersburg, Oakland City, Linton, Washington, Princeton, Boonville and Mount Vernon, among others. Nov. 24, 1999: Bernardin Lochmueller and Associates awarded $7.7 million contract to spend two years preparing environmental impact study on proposed highway, including the U.S. 41/Interstate 70 alternative. Construction start eyed for 2005. Dec. 1, 2000: INDOT officials release 14 possible routes for I-69 in southwestern Indiana. Dec. 4, 2002: U.S. Department of the Interior officially backs the U.S. 41/Interstate 70 route as “the most environmentally preferable” route for Interstate 69. Jan. 9, 2003: Indiana Gov. Frank O’Bannon chooses a direct route for Interstate 69 between Evansville and Indianapolis would reduce travel time to Indianapolis by 26 minutes and would cost $1.7 billion to build. Sept. 13, 2003: Indiana Gov. Frank O’Bannon dies. Lt. Gov. Joe Kernan, former mayor of South Bend, will finish O’Bannon’s term in office through 2004. Sept. 26, 2003: During campaign tour of Indiana, Republican Mitch Daniels says he “to be the governor who builds this road and puts an end to the study and the political football.” Nov. 26, 2003: Daniels officially advocates for direct route for I-69 in southwestern Indiana, and that the road should be a “priority” for the state. Dec. 18, 2003: I-69 environmental impact statement unveiled in Evansville by INDOT commissioner J. Bryan Nicol. Estimated cost of interstate set at $1.78 billion, includes $77 million to add forest acreage. Feb. 11, 2004: Highway chiefs from Indiana and Kentucky announce that I-69 will use Interstate 164 as a loop around the city of Evansville and a path into Kentucky. Jan. 10, 2005: Mitch Daniels is sworn in as Indiana governor. Sept. 26, 2005: Daniels says construction of I-69 could begin by 2008 and finish by 2018, if state lawmakers would agree to build the highways as a toll road and possibly leasing it to a private company to run. Dec. 13, 2005: INDOT Commissioner Tom Sharp says Indianapolis-to-Evansville highway won’t be built unless lawmakers allow it to be a toll road. Jan. 23, 2006: A private company offers Indiana $3.85 billion to operate the Indiana Toll Road, providing enough money for all transportation projects in the next 10 years, including starting on the Interstate 69 extension to Evansville. Daniels said he still wants I-69 to be a toll road, however. March 13, 2006: Indiana House and Senate negotiators reach a deal on Daniels’ proposed highway plan, allowing the 75-year lease of the Indiana Toll Road and keeping open the possibility that I-69 in Southwestern Indiana could be a toll road. Oct. 2, 2006: Environmental groups and several business owners file federal lawsuit to block design and planning of the Evansville-to-Indianapolis leg of I-69, claiming INDOT “ignored harmful environmental impacts.” Nov. 9, 2006: Daniels changes course, says there will be no tolls on Interstate 69 in Southwestern Indiana. He proposed a series of tollways in Indianapolis suburbs to help pay for the highway, a plan that eventually met defeat in the Indiana Legislature. April 29, 2007: Indiana lawmakers approve a state budget that included $119 million for the Evansville-to-Crane Interstate 69 construction. Dec. 11, 2007: Judge rules in favor of INDOT in I-69 lawsuit filed by environmental groups. July 16, 2008: Groundbreaking for Section 1 (13 miles from Evansville to Oakland City). Sept. 29, 2009: First 2 miles of the new Interstate 69 opens between Interstate 64 and Ind. 68. April 30, 2010: Route for Section 2 (29 miles from Oakland City to Washington) approved by federal government; work on section began later that year. July 21, 2010: Groundbreaking on Section 3 (25 miles from U.S. 50 to U.S. 231). March 9, 2012: The Bloomington/Metropolitan Planning Organization votes 7-6 in favor of adding the final segment of I-69 Section 4 to the group's long-range transportation plan. The decision allowed federal funding to be used to complete Section 4 to Ind. 37. April 17, 2012: Groundbreaking on Section 4 (27 new-terrain miles from Crane to Bloomington). Nov. 19, 2012: Sections 1-3 fully opened between Evansville and Crane. November 2014: INDOT crews replace Interstate 164 signs with I-69 signs, assimilating the 20-mile spur. April 29, 2015: Groundbreaking on Section 5 (21 miles following Ind. 37's path from Bloomington to Martinsville). Dec. 9, 2015: Interstate 69’s Section 4 (Crane to Bloomington) opens to the public.
7770	dbpedia	3	89	https://video.pbsnc.org/video/mitch-daniels-vgwpq5/	en	Mitch Daniels	https://image.pbs.org/vi…0x10&format=auto	https://image.pbs.org/vi…0x10&format=auto	[ "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-color-cobranded-logo-rDOxVbV.png?resize=160x40&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-color-cobranded-logo-rDOxVbV.png?resize=160x40&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-white-cobranded-logo-dblFsVz.png?resize=160x40&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-color-cobranded-logo-rDOxVbV.png?resize=250x125&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-color-cobranded-logo-rDOxVbV.png?resize=250x125&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-white-cobranded-logo-dblFsVz.png?resize=250x125&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-color-cobranded-logo-rDOxVbV.png?resize=125x27&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-color-cobranded-logo-rDOxVbV.png?resize=125x27&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/stations/wunc-white-cobranded-logo-dblFsVz.png?resize=125x27&format=png", "https://image.pbs.org/video-assets/3cIxIsW-asset-mezzanine-16x9-9opeKHy.jpg?resize=185x104&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/k1Gwt8I-show-poster2x3-EWWT8oy.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/19/YW8sg7sQzIb1ZQWwz8Ogiw.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/ZAx4K8e-show-poster2x3-hzP2Ad7.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/1R2YZHF-show-poster2x3-IfFueDc.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/S97DSva-show-poster2x3-JxR2MR4.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/ijA7wsF-show-poster2x3-S9tCKqb.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/GhyGX6P-show-poster2x3-1Y3sgKu.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/4z56A2T-show-poster2x3-2nzm1GO.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/OTUa9uG-show-poster2x3-HSA5aHy.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/IUyrqjX-show-poster2x3-Qkg1NGf.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/2282/IvV1KgU5Is5vAB2dSFxaQ.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto", "https://image.pbs.org/contentchannels/ykojcvq-show-poster2x3-UvTLSPJ.jpg?crop=224x335&format=auto" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2024-08-18T20:00:00-04:00	Mitch Daniels, the former governor of Indiana, discusses America's political disarray.	en	https://www.pbs.org/stat…cd53d5e995a1.png	PBS NC Video	https://video.pbsnc.org/video/mitch-daniels-vgwpq5/	- How to fix the Republican Party, education, and the national debt, this week on "Firing Line". [light music] He was an avid motorcyclist and a two-term Governor of Indiana. - I, Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. solemnly swear. - [Margaret] Mitch Daniels balanced the state's budget year after year. - Change just won and won big in the state of Indiana! [crowd applauding] [crowd cheering] - [Margaret] He was re-elected with more votes than any governor in Indiana's history. Daniels then went on to serve as the president of Purdue University, where he didn't raise tuition for a decade. He's a pragmatic Republican and a fiscal conservative who was tapped to rebut President Obama's 2012 State of the Union Address. - The status of "loyal opposition" imposes on those out of power some serious responsibilities. - [Crowd] Run, Mitch, run! Run, Mitch, run! - [Margaret] But so far, Daniels has resisted calls that he run for President, or the Senate. - [Reporter] You helped lead the efforts to overturn the 2020 election results- - [Crowd] No! - [Margaret] Amidst America's fractured politics. - Shut up! - [Margaret] And with political discourse at a low. - [Protestors] You're the terrorist! - From the river to the sea! - [Protestors] From the river to the sea! - [Margaret] What does former Governor Mitch Daniels say now? - [Narrator] "Firing Line" with Margaret Hoover is made possible in part by: Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, The Fairweather Foundation, The Tepper Foundation, The Asness Family Foundation, The McKenna Family Foundation, Charles R. Schwab, and by The Rosalind P. Walter Foundation and Damon Button. Corporate funding is provided by: Stephens Inc. - Governor Mitch Daniels, welcome back to "Firing Line". - A treat to be here. Thanks for having me. - When you gave the Republican response to the State of the Union in 2012, you denounced divisiveness. You even had a few flattering words for President Obama. What would happen if you gave the exact same version of that address in today's Republican Party? - It probably wouldn't be as well-received as it was back then. I was raised to, in a tradition of the loyal opposition in which you might disagree very strenuously in the party out of power, but that you owed, first of all, some respect to the occupant of that office, or any office, and to our institutions. If anybody stuck around at the end of that, whatever it was, seven or eight minutes, they were under no illusion that I was anything but an opponent of the administration's policies. But I tried to do it in a way that I thought was consistent with our traditions. And I hope one day will be again. - Well, those traditions included things that Republicans and the modern American conservative movement had stood for for quite some time: lowering taxes, reforming education, balancing the budget. - I don't think anyone who looked objectively would find our time in that job as anything but staunchly what we call conservative and pro freedom. But there's always the question of how you get there. We had at that time a highly competitive state. Half of our eight years there was a Democratic Speaker of the House and majority. And so, it just seemed to me practical to try to handle that job in a way that brought people together. I used to say to our folks all the time, "We're here to make big change. We're not here to shoot BBs, you know. We're going for big game." So if you're interested in results, not just, you know, a temporarily satisfying Tweet that you launch at somebody, then I think you're obligated to think about ways you might persuade, attract, and certainly not drive away people of good will who might come to agree with you about the change you want to make. - Is there room for that brand of conservatism in the Republican Party anymore? - I think there could be again. You know, I don't think it's irreversible that our parties remain captured by their edges. Ultimately, political parties exist, to win elections and to capture the middle. And that incentive hasn't gone away. - I want to get to a little bit of the topics that have happened this week. The Republican conference was unable to agree on a new speaker for the last three weeks. What message does it send? - That they're more interested in internecine politics, personal advantage and publicity than they are in building a better America. And it's not happening at a quiet time, to say the very least. You know, this country's facing dangers, you don't need me to tell you, that are as large as any we've seen in a very long time. Many people wiser than I am will say the biggest danger since World War II. So this is no time to show the rest of the world, the leading country can't even get the furniture in the right place in order to sit down and act. - You have been a fiscal hawk for many, many years. And you've been upfront with the public that entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare are simply unsustainable without significant reforms. And you wrote in 2021, even, in a "Washington Post" column, that we had actually now passed the point of no return in terms of being able to make fundamental changes to these programs while still being fair to the people to whom we have made these promises. What is the real truth about what the future of Social Security and Medicare look like right now? - I'll start with an admission. Maybe a dozen years ago, I wrote a book full of optimism, about the problem we were building for the future, about the fact we were borrowing, even then, enormous amounts of money. And I thought if we talked about it, we could work our way through this. But a lot of time has passed since then. We not only haven't acted against those problems, we've made them worse. We've had two presidents who made them worse, not better. We have another who has pledged himself to the same. - They've been Republicans and Democrats. - That's correct. And so I don't like facing up to this, but we have not shown ourselves to be the sort of self-governing people who make a grown-up decision. And one day I think history will judge harshly. We passed through a period where I thought we could have managed and probably kept most of the commitments. We've arrived at a point where, when the moment of reckoning comes, we'll not only do things that are very unjust and unfair to vulnerable people. I think we will create a moment of enormous social betrayal. If you think folks are upset now, wait for that moment. - Well, this is something you've been talking about for a long time, but so have people on the right. William F. Buckley Jr. welcomed Ronald Reagan to this program many times throughout the course of his public career. And after he was president, Reagan came onto the program and spoke about the national debt. - And there's another thing also that we should have, and that is a constitutional amendment preventing the government from running a deficit. Now, the first man who ever proposed that was the founder of the Democratic Party, Thomas Jefferson. - [Interviewer] Yes. - When he first read the Constitution, he said it had one glaring omission. It does not have a clause preventing the federal government from going into debt. - It's hard to get a constitutional amendment about anything these days. But are you concerned that we're past the point of no return? - I think we are with regard to many of the commitments that we've made. And that's why I think it's so sad that we've put ourselves in a position where the arithmetic is, to me, just irrefutable. We're not going to be able to do it. Now we're going to have to do some things that aren't fair. And we just have to at some point get started and try to minimize that. - You've most recently been the president of Purdue University, and university campuses have witnessed incredibly heated debates around the October 7th attack by Hamas on Israel. Harvard faced criticism for being too passive when pro-Palestinian student groups blamed Israel for the Hamas attacks. In addition to that, I mean it wasn't just Harvard. There were several universities who initially made statements and then had to change their statements, update their statements, to clarify that Hamas had attacked Israel. If you were still Purdue's president, how would you have responded to the events of October 7th? - Purdue has, under a by law first passed in 1968, observed the so-called Calvin principles which said basically that universities should not take institutional positions on matters that don't deal with their own business, or business of higher-ed at least. I think that's a very good rule. So I thought the appropriate approach, and there's no easy answer to this, was strong personal statements, as many presidents made, particularly to the Jewish communities on their campus, but to stay away from institutional statements that set a precedent that then you'll be challenged to talk about other things in the future. - So then what is your view about the responsibility of universities to speak out about events? - The fundamental responsibility of universities is to vigorously, in an uncompromising way, protect people's ability to speak. They've been violating that, either actively or tacitly, in way too many cases. And so that's the real task is to clean that up. I think I see some positive signs. The excesses, the cancellations, the shouting down, the dis-invitations, seem to be diminishing a little bit. People who did know better all along in capacities of leadership are starting to assert that a little more. The university exists to advance and transmit knowledge. And knowledge only advances through the collision of ideas. John Stuart Mill said, "Both teacher and learner go to sleep at their posts when there's no enemy in the field." It's essential to the progress of knowledge and to the learning process. And so young people, unfortunately, many of them, have not heard that on their way to college. And I think they need to. And when they do, I think they tend to respond pretty positively. I've just come from a campus which has attracted some criticism for some failures in the past. But it was a very civil and appropriate conversation that I had with some very interested in engaged students. And it can still happen, and I hope will happen more often. - In the wake of the October 7th attack by Hamas on Israel, Governor DeSantis has encouraged Florida officials to direct state universities to disband groups with ties to the National Students for Justice in Palestine Organization. And he cited the group's activities, saying that they amount to support for terrorism. What about student groups on campus and their rights to free speech? - I think you have to protect them. That doesn't mean you condone. You're free to condemn. But I would be very, very hesitant. The students involved, at least many of them, don't think that's what they're doing. - Right. - I think they have an incorrect and a warped view, even, of the facts on the ground in Israel, the history of Israel and so forth. I think they're just profoundly wrong about all that. - Then what should Harvard have done about the student groups? - Well, condemn in unequivocal terms those, I mean, this is something that happened on their campus. This is not a university expressing opinion or pontificating about events elsewhere. And so I do think that was something was called for. And their rather tepid initial reaction, of course, I think spurred a fairly interesting backlash that may be helpful. Too bad it happened, but it may be somewhat helpful over time. By the way, I think the statements by some employers that, you know, we're not interested in hiring somebody, an individual like that, doesn't say that group should be banned, but they're perfectly, should feel perfectly free to make an individual judgment. And that seems to have gotten the attention of people in what could prove a helpful way. - You think it's perfectly appropriate? - [Mitch] Yeah, sure. - For employers to have the ability to rescind those offers. - Absolutely. You know, somebody who blamed all of this on the victims. That's what the statement said. They not only said something supportive of Palestinian rights or something. They blamed this miniature holocaust on the Israelis. All right, well, that shows both a lack of moral sense and a kind of judgment that I wouldn't want on my payroll somewhere. So, of course they had every right to do it. And, again, it may... If it caused some people to stop and think and reflect on their reflex action here, maybe that has some long run benefit. - Let me ask about the cost of higher education. You've spent the last several years as the president of Purdue University. And in your first year there, you set out to pause a rise in the cost of tuition. And that one year pause turned into a pause that lasted for your entire tenure as president of Purdue, and continues. You attribute the success, you say, to cutting inefficiencies, reforming the health care and pension systems, and increasing the size of the student body. There aren't any other universities of Purdue's size who have not seen dramatic rises in the cost of college education. Is what you did at Purdue translatable to other universities? - I have to believe it is. You're quite right. When I got there, and Purdue was, in keeping with the rest of higher ed, they'd raised tuition 36 years in a row. And when I said, "Why don't we take a one year pause just to show that we're sensitive to this?" The most fascinating reaction came from the very talented woman who was the head of admissions who said, "Oh Mitch, if we do that, people will think we don't have confidence in our product." Meaning that when everybody else is going up, and if we don't, people were associating- - The cost with the quality. - The cost with the quality. And so I remember I said, that's not what they're saying. They're saying, they're beginning to say, with good cause, "Why does it cost so much? And are we really getting value for that?" I was wrong as to how long it took. It was several years, really, before I think the clamor got to the point where schools that had kept on going up began to really feel pressure. And today they really are. And that people now are really questioning whether they need to go to a four year school at all. So I was glad we acted, you know, before we got near that reef. - You've said that you could not, quote, "Think of a less defensible act of public policy than President Biden's student loan forgiveness program," which was struck down by the Supreme Court in June. And you argued that it rewarded the wealthy, would add to the government's debt, and was unconstitutional. - Well, you left out a couple arguments, but yeah. - Is there a role for the federal government handling mounting student debt, which is now $1.7 trillion? - When you say handling, you know, the federal government took over lending. Whereas once upon a time it supported it. It in essence, nationalized it. - Subsumed it, yeah. - Under President Obama. At the time, the nation was told it is going to save a lot of money, it will even be a money maker. And of course, it turned into quite the opposite. So there was an experiment that didn't work out very well. I worked for a university where 99-plus percent of our graduates who borrowed the money paid it back. We know that with each increasing subsidy of higher education by the federal government, that it's been a driver of the higher costs. The most authoritative estimates say, you know, 2/3 or more, you raise the subsidies a dollar, the colleges have been pocketing 2/3 or something like that. People used to ask me these questions all the time, you know, this problem of student debt. I said, well, you could start by not charging so darn much in the first place. - Well, that's what you do. - Yeah. You know, I have always favored putting, you know, the schools at some risk. If you're going to accept students whose education is being somewhat in part paid for by the federal government, and they don't pay it back, if the schools just had a little skin in the proverbial game, 10% or something, some small share of the amount defaulted, they'd just be much more careful. They wouldn't want the reputational risk and they wouldn't want to lose the money. I think that's a far better approach, honestly. - I do need to ask you about the next presidential contest. Former President Trump remains the front runner for the GOP nomination in 2024. And you have admittedly stayed away from partisan politics for the better part of the last decade. But you have not refrained from criticizing President Trump from time to time. As the field shapes up for 2024, what are you hearing from the candidates? - Look, I'll just say, you say, what am I hearing? I'll just tell you things that are visible. Of course I watch as an attentive citizen should. Here's something I see. I see, I think, an ahistorical moment, with the parties who have historically competed for the middle now very much dominated, I won't say totally captured, but dominated by their more ardent extremes, and an unprecedented percentage of people across age groups and geography and elsewhere who express little or no confidence in the two parties. On top of that, I see an election in which, until something changes, seems destined to be between two octogenarians. That's new. - Yeah. - And raises questions of its own. And so, I'm not predicting this, but I don't for a moment agree with those who say, "Well, third candidacies just never, they never work out." I know the history. But, you know, every so many decades, something does change. - Since you mention it, there is an independent group called No Labels, which continues to lay the groundwork for a third party candidacy. Now, you have said that you have no interest in being such a candidate, but you've also defended the strategy. And I've heard you say, you know, you don't buy that this is mission impossible. Why not? - Well, for the reasons I just gave you, I just don't. I think we are in a moment that is unlike the past. I think a lot of, a majority of Americans might feel a sigh of relief if we didn't have either of the current front runners. But, you know, then what? And I think that's a question that nobody's tried to answer yet. - Are you saying you think a third party challenge would be healthy for our democracy? - Well, first of all, there's no third party. I mean, if there were really a viable third party with a program, and the ability perhaps to implement it. I mean, the No Labels folks are trying to behave responsibly. They produced a little list of issues that people can agree or disagree, but they're not crazy. But, again, take that to the Congress we have now, what are the chances that you could actually enact or effect those changes? So it might have some therapeutic value to get us past the moment we're in, but it won't solve our problems. - I mean, what you're doing is you're really reflecting negatively on our ability as a self-governing democracy to self-govern. - I hate to, I hate to, I'm not ready to give up on the question. I will just say that that book I wrote 12 years ago, I couldn't write today. - You couldn't write it. - I think in view of what we've done or not done it does not validate the idea that we're ready to make what I consider adult long-term decisions in the interest of the nation's future and the interest of the future of our kids. - If you were advising the next President of the United States, what would you advise them to focus on? - I would certainly encourage that person to try to use the office to appeal to Americans to, you know, lay down your cudgels. We've got problems that we share here. You know, President Reagan, there were times when I was working for him that a few of us hotheads, I was sometimes one of those, you know, would get a little too boisterous about things. And he used to say, "Well, no, no, no. We have no enemies, only opponents." And, you know, maybe somebody, maybe at some point someone will decide that that's not bad practice. - Keep hope alive. - Sure. So, you know, I'm sort of raised to be an optimist. Life has taught me to be an optimist where this country is concerned. And I'm struggling more than before because you can't blink away the facts that are sitting right in front of you. But, you know, I still believe that nobody's going to find a better formula than one based on ordered liberty, and human dignity, and individual freedom, political and personal. And I hope those are going to be enduring principles, even if we have to go through some sort of a wringer and reorder the institutions that serve us. - Governor Mitch Daniels, thank you for joining me on "Firing Line". - Enjoyed it. [light music] - [Narrator] "Firing Line" with Margaret Hoover is made possible in part by: Robert Granieri, Vanessa and Henry Cornell, The Fairweather Foundation, The Tepper Foundation, The Asness Family Foundation, The McKenna Family Foundation, Charles R. Schwab, and by The Rosalind P. Walter Foundation and Damon Button. Corporate funding is provided by: Stephens Inc. [light music continues] [light music continues] [light music continues] [light playful music] [soft music] - [Narrator] You're watching PBS.
7770	dbpedia	3	5	https://www.asugsvsummit.com/featured-speakers/mitch-daniels	en	Past Featured Speakers	https://cdn.prod.website…h%20Daniels.avif	https://cdn.prod.website…h%20Daniels.avif	[ "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/619c0621aee0e25777c4682b_X.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/63e842ce1eb4ad0aa0dffa0e_asu.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/63edde3295958d6dd4e46a26_Property%201%3Dlogo-color.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/5ee6ac6618269a40273ff731_gsvv-header-gsvpride-text.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab1e27fc1c95/616180c97ab0055e9f68732c_5eb4a47b03a71a1dbc32f5cb_Mitch%20Daniels.avif", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/6092c552d1c7ee1af2393447_Asu%20gsv%20logo%20white.png", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/66832b83f6eb8b1ad825b303_x%20logo%20dark.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/5e250c98c1ca1d57ec42e10c_socialf70177_Linkedin.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/5e250c979b89b655ff445a64_socialf70177_facebook.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/5e250c98acccd132eb124b71_socialf70177_youtube.svg", "https://cdn.prod.website-files.com/5de98c06bb83ab5540fc1c92/5e250c97c1ca1d6f0242e10b_socialf70177_Instagram.svg", "https://px.ads.linkedin.com/collect/?pid=3310649&fmt=gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Mitch Daniels, President of Purdue University; Former Governor of Indiana	en	https://cdn.prod.website…_32pngtarget.png		null	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. is the 12th president of Purdue University and the former governor ofIndiana.He was elected Indianaâs 49th governor in 2004 in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected in 2008 with more votes than any governor in the state's history. During his tenure,Indiana went from an $800 million deficit to its first AAA credit rating, led the nation in infrastructure building and passed sweeping education and healthcare reforms.After a series of transformations, which included the biggest tax cut in state history, the nationâs most sweeping deregulation of the telecommunications industry and a host of other reforms aimed at strengthening the stateâs economy, Indiana was rated a top five state for business climate and number one for state infrastructure and effectiveness of state government as Daniels exited office. Indianaâs business climate is now rated among the nationâs best. At Purdue, Daniels has prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the universityâs strengths. Breaking with a 36-year trend, Purdue has held tuition unchanged from 2012through at least the 2020-21 academic year. Simultaneously, room rates have remained steady, meal plan rates have fallen about 10%, and student borrowing has dropped 33% while investments in student success and STEM research have undergone unprecedented growth. It is less expensive to attend Purdue today than it was in 2012
7770	dbpedia	3	27	https://www.aspeninstitute.org/people/mitch-daniels/	en	The Aspen Institute	https://www.aspeninstitu…ue_1920x1080.jpg	https://www.aspeninstitu…ue_1920x1080.jpg	[ "https://www.aspeninstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/mitchdaniels.gif", "https://www.aspeninstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Santa-Fe-New-Mexican.jpg", "https://www.aspeninstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/aspen-generic-rectangle.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2016-06-17T20:16:23+00:00		en	https://www.aspeninstitute.org/wp-content/themes/aspen_institute/favicon.ico	The Aspen Institute	https://www.aspeninstitute.org/people/mitch-daniels/	Daniels came to Purdue University at the conclusion of his term as the 49th Governor of Indiana. He was elected Governor in 2004, in his first bid for any elected office. He was re-elected in 2008, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. During his first term, Governor Daniels spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. These changes and a strong emphasis on performance measurement have led to many state agencies, including the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, Department of Child Services and Department of Correction winning national awards. In 2005, he led the state to its first balanced budget in eight years and, without a tax increase, transformed the nearly $800 million deficit he inherited into an annual surplus of $370 million within a year. The governor also repaid hundreds of millions of dollars the state had borrowed from Indiana’s public schools, state universities and local units of government in previous administrations, and reduced the state’s overall debt by 40 percent. Governor Daniels left Indiana with a budget in surplus, reserve funds equal to nearly 15 percent of annual spending, and its first AAA credit rating. Daniels’ first legislative success created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation to replace a failing state bureaucracy in the mission of attracting new jobs. In its first four years of existence, the agency broke all previous records for new jobs in the state and was associated with more than $18 billion of new investment. In 2008, Site Selection Magazine and CNBC both named Indiana as the Most Improved State for Business in the country. In 2012, Indiana became the 23rd Right-to-Work state. Indiana now ranks favorably in every national ranking of business attractiveness and job creation. Governor Daniels’ innovations include the 2006 lease of the Indiana Toll Road. This is the largest privatization of public infrastructure in the United States and generated nearly $4 billion for Major Moves, the state’s record-breaking 10-year transportation and infrastructure program. The Healthy Indiana Plan was enacted in 2007 to provide healthcare coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults, and comprehensive property tax reforms in 2008 resulted in the biggest tax cut in Indiana history. Both initiatives received overwhelming bipartisan support, and Indiana remains among the states with the lowest property taxes in the nation. In 2011, under his guidance, Indiana passed the most sweeping education reforms in the country, including the nation’s first statewide school choice voucher program. Because of these reforms, Indiana is dramatically expanding charter schools, providing parents with more school choice, revising teacher evaluations and expanding full-day kindergarten funding. In 2010, he established WGU Indiana, a partnership between the state and Western Governors University aimed at expanding access to higher education for Hoosiers and increasing the percentage of the state’s adult population with education beyond high school. Daniels first became interested in public service while serving as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar. He has also served as a senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. On his first day in office as Governor, Daniels created Indiana’s first Office of Management and Budget. President Daniels also comes from a successful career in business, holding numerous top management positions. From 1987-1990, Daniels served as the CEO of the Hudson Institute. In 1990, he accepted a position at Eli Lilly and Company, the largest corporation headquartered in Indiana at that time, and eventually held the role of president of the company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations. In February 2013, Daniels was asked to co-chair the National Research Council’s Committee on Human Spaceflight, which reviewed the state of the U.S. human spaceflight program. The 18-month appointment culminated in June 2014 with the submission of a report that is helping to guide the sustainable future of the United States’ human spaceflight program. Daniels also co-chaired the Council on Foreign Relations’ 2014 taskforce on non-communicable diseases, which examined the challenges of treating these diseases in low- and middle-income countries, and the selection committee for the Aspen Institute’s 2015 Aspen Prize for community college excellence. He currently serves as a co-chair of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget and, with U.S. Senator Mark Warner, he co-chairs the Aspen Institute’s Future of Work Initiative, a yearlong non-partisan effort to identify ways to strengthen America’s 21st-century workforce. Daniels is also a board member of numerous non-profit organizations, including the Urban Institute and the American Academy of Arts & Sciences’ Commission on Post Secondary Education.
7770	dbpedia	2	84	https://www.southbendtribune.com/story/opinion/columns/2023/06/05/how-mitch-daniels-built-lucas-oil-stadium-home-of-the-indy-colts/70269659007/	en	Howey: How Gov. Mitch Daniels built Indy’s NFL stadium	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Brian Howey, South Bend Tribune" ]	2023-06-05T00:00:00	The rookie governor made the case for a tax increase in the doughnut counties to pay for a downtown Indianapolis NFL stadium.	en	https://www.gannett-cdn.…ages/favicon.png	South Bend Tribune	https://www.southbendtribune.com/story/opinion/columns/2023/06/05/how-mitch-daniels-built-lucas-oil-stadium-home-of-the-indy-colts/70269659007/	INDIANAPOLIS — The mammoth NFL gridiron sprawling out across this city's southern flank has long been called "the house that Peyton Manning built," a tribute to the Hall of Fame Colts quarterback. But it was a man who stood nearly a foot shorter and perhaps 75 pounds lighter who really was responsible for building Lucas Oil Stadium.Gov. Mitch Daniels had campaigned on a 70-plus point agenda when he defeated Gov. Joe Kernan in 2004. By the time he took office, the capital city was at loggerheads with the Colts, the NFL and the General Assembly over building a new stadium. There was no funding mechanism in place. The team, it appeared, would be headed to Los Angeles.Mayor Bart Peterson and his team approached the new governor. "They came to see me, asking if could we pull it off, could we do it," Daniels told Howey Politics Indiana in a February interview. "Having looked at it, we thought it was in the broad public interest. It's always important to point out to people that 90-plus percent of the events were not Colts games. We wouldn't have built a stadium just for the football team, much as I love the Colts."The Daniels team focused at first on a 2% restaurant tax, but the city already had a 1% tax and a 2% difference with its neighboring counties was deemed unacceptable. "So that's why we decided to talk to the surrounding counties," Daniels said. Two audacious strategies emerged. The first was to convene county officials from the doughnut counties to make a pitch from out of left field. The second would be to use the new governor's nascent political capital to make the sale, sans Mayor Peterson and General Assembly leaders."In one of the most interesting moments in the entire eight years, I invited the county elected officials, commissioners, county counselors from the doughnut to a confidential meeting at the Governor's Residence," Daniels said.Gov. Eric Holcomb, who was Daniels’ deputy chief of staff at the time, told HPI in January, "We were there. We got criticized for breaking the Open Door Law because we had every county commissioner there and politely pointed out every single commissioner was a Republican."Daniels explained, "It happened that they were all Republicans at that time. That was crucial, because then the meeting could be held in confidence and not in public. This thing would never have happened; you'd have no stadium, no convention expansion and no Colts, probably, if that meeting had been held out in the open. Anyway, we had that meeting. We showed them a lot of data, how many people from their counties worked downtown, worked in hospitality, how many hotel rooms in their county filled up during conventions or even games. And then we said, 'Go to separate corners here, and tell us whether you can help us with this.'"All but one county did," Daniels explained.That set the stage for the rookie governor to make the case for a tax increase in the doughnut counties to pay for a downtown Indianapolis NFL stadium. Daniels showed up at a Golden Corral in Shelbyville, the Hamilton County Council chambers, as well as stops in Greenfield, Lebanon and the three other counties. More: Mitch Daniels lands new gig at Carmel education foundation In Lebanon, Daniels politely accepted a question from a Boone County man wearing a green “My Man B****” T-shirt and earnestly answered. It was the kind of moment that would have made other governor handlers cringe and steadfastly avoid. Gov. Atlas just shrugged.The Greenfield Daily Reporter’s headline read, “Don’t force-feed food tax, citizens warn governor.” After Daniels appeared in Noblesville, Hamilton County Council President John Hiatt said he had initial misgivings as public feedback was running 50/50. "I was on the fence before tonight, but I'll probably vote for it," he told the Noblesville Daily Times. When it was all said and done, all one county approved of the plan. Lucas Oil Stadium was built (with the state in control), the Colts (and Peyton Manning) were staying put. "The point is, after all the consternation, on the back side of that we had a great venue, a new convention center, all that new business and we had a Super Bowl, and we kept the Colts," Daniels said. "And, believe me, without that process, that doesn't happen.” In the June 9, 2005, edition of Howey Politics Indiana, this was the observation: "The people loved this governor coming to their hometowns to sell and defend something that would have been unfathomable in times gone by. Many of them didn’t agree with him on the tax hikes. But few were rolling their eyes or spewing under their breath as they left. In the Nov. 27, 2012, edition of HPI, it was observed: “By definition, the word ‘transformation’ is a thorough or dramatic change in form or appearance. In a political or policy context, the word is often used in association with war, revolution or economic crisis. And in the Hoosier experience, the word clashes with 196 years of stereotype: We are a conservative people, cautious, suspicious, resistant to change. Interrupting this history in key moments has been the transformational governor, almost always thrust into that role by the churning events of the day.”
7770	dbpedia	0	72	https://indianaeconomicdigest.net/MobileContent/Most-Recent/Warren/Article/MORE-THAN-POLITICS-Retiring-Purdue-University-President-Mitch-Daniels-has-no-regrets-about-post-gubernatorial-time/31/239/111848	en	MORE THAN POLITICS: Retiring Purdue University President Mitch Daniels has no regrets about post-gubernatorial time	http://indianaeconomicdigest.net/Images/Images/152814.jpg	http://indianaeconomicdigest.net/Images/Images/152814.jpg	[ "https://indianaeconomicdigest.net/Images/Images/285-5077a481-603a-48a8-afe6-871537c80839.gif", "https://indianaeconomicdigest.net/Images/Images/152814.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Richard Lugar is the two-word answer. When asked what attracted him to politics, former Indiana governor and Purdue University President Mitch Daniels immediate	en	/ftp/sitedesign/favicon.ico		null	Richard Lugar is the two-word answer. When asked what attracted him to politics, former Indiana governor and Purdue University President Mitch Daniels immediately responded with the late U.S. senator’s name. The decay of big cities was a big issue when Daniels was in college, and he was impressed by how Lugar transformed Indianapolis as mayor. “He turned Indianapolis from Indiana-no-place into one of the great city success stories in the country,” Daniels said of Lugar, who was Indy mayor from 1968 to 1976. Daniels went to work for Lugar one summer, and a relationship was created that helped determine both men’s careers. Daniels went on to serve as Lugar’s chief of staff in the Senate. With a wife and young family, Daniels sought to move out of Washington and back into private business. But Lugar was convincing and talked Daniels into multiple extensions. Thinking he was out of politics in 1984, Daniels got a call to work for President Ronald Reagan’s administration as a political advisor. Daniels returned to Indiana in 1987 and worked in the private sector, but his story was just beginning. After joining the company in 1990, Daniels went on to become president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American pharmaceutical operations. He likely would have stayed with Eli Lilly, but President George W. Bush had other ideas for Daniels. In 2001, Bush appointed him as the director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget where he served until mid-2003. Then came a decision that not only shaped Daniels’ career, but influenced much of today’s Indiana. Daniels entered the gubernatorial race and easily won as a Republican the same year that President Barack Obama carried the state. As governor, Daniels helped Indiana balance its budget for the first time in eight years, led sweeping education reform and found ways to fund infrastructure projects on a level never seen before in the state. Many pushed Daniels to run for President of the United States in 2012, but instead he stayed in Indiana and went on to take the helm of Purdue University — a position he held until resigning in June. Though most think of Daniels as a governor, he insists that his life has been about far more than politics and policy. “As governor I gave the speech over and over. Government is not the end, and should not be the center of life,” Daniels said. “Government is what people, men and women of goodwill, ought to do so the important parts of life where people can make their living, raise their families, volunteer — can flourish.” PRESIDENTIAL MATERIAL Daniels, 73, was governor of Indiana from 2005 to 2013. The Republican defeated incumbent Democrat Joe Kernan in 2004 and easily won re-election in 2008. Daniels’ success in Indiana garnered interest well beyond the Midwest. With the national economy sagging due to the Great Recession, some political minds believed that incumbent President Barack Obama could be in trouble in his 2012 re-election bid. Daniels had a proven track record of sound fiscal management, both in his private business endeavors and in governing the Hoosier state. “First of all, he disagrees with me. But I think not only could he have won the Republican nomination, I think he could have beaten Barack Obama in 2012 just because of the economic factors,” said Brian Howey, a veteran Hoosier journalist and publisher of Howey Politics Indiana. Howey covered the Daniels’ administration. The former governor’s ability to reach seemingly anyone would have served him well in a national election, Howey said. “I’ve watched him deal with astrophysicists and speak to people who were selling tomatoes at roadside farm stands. The guy just had a knack for connecting with people,” Howey said of Daniels. The behind-the-scenes tug of war to persuade Daniels to enter the presidential race inspired the book “Run Mitch, Run”. But Daniels didn’t run. Mitt Romney went on to win the Republican nomination, and he was defeated by Obama in the general election. But does Daniels regret his decision? “There’s no point in regretting it, so I don’t,” he said. “Government is something if he or she gets the chance, they should go participate in, but not as a career.” Instead, Daniels believes his decision not to enter the race made him a stronger governor. “We were not a lame duck administration. Some of the biggest things we did were in years seven and eight.” Education reform, automatic taxpayer refunds, Right to Work and ending the state inheritance tax were approved during the last two years of Daniels’ administration. “We were able to sprint through the tape because I wasn’t off running through Iowa somewhere,” Daniels said. A LASTING LEGACY Though much has been made of the last few years of his administration and Daniels’ choice not to run for president, the former governor’s two terms in Indianapolis are widely considered to be among the best in the state’s history. “Of all the governors I’ve covered, he’s definitely the strongest one,” Howey said. He was an innovative governor who launched programs like Major Moves, a 10-year transportation plan that led to the completion of 87 new roadways, 60 new or reconstructed interchanges and the rehabilitation or replacement of 1,400 bridges from 2005 to 2015. “If you talk with Democrats in the General Assembly, even though they didn’t agree with everything he wanted to do, he was definitely in charge,” Howey said. With Daniels as governor, the state had four consecutive balanced budgets, added thousands of miles of bike lanes and designated more than 50,000 acres as protected wildlife reserves. But it was perhaps’ Daniels personal style as candidate and then governor that many remember the most. He never ran a negative campaign commercial, a trend that was continued by the two Republican governors that followed him in Mike Pence and Eric Holcomb. Daniels never stayed in a hotel on the campaign trail, electing to spend the night in the homes of friends and supporters. It was his willingness to meet with anybody and everybody that spurred some of his major accomplishments. Daniels recalled speaking with a highway worker in Warren County who told him there was no way the state could afford to complete its long list of road projects. Daniels said that conversation inspired Major Moves. Sitting on a barstool in Clay City, Daniels said two women told him about their struggles in garnering child support checks from deadbeat dads. Upon further research, Daniels discovered the state wasn’t collecting child support in an efficient manner, so he set about changing the broken system. Daniels ran for governor because he felt the state was under-performing and struggling economically, but on the road he found out about issues that were beneath the surface. “There were a lot of surprises because I would learn about other problems for the first time,” Daniels said. “There’s no better example of that than the Ohio River Bridges Project.” The Ohio River Bridges Project partnership between Kentucky and Indiana was certainly controversial because it included tolling and a sizable price tag. But Daniels, whose wife Cheri Herman Daniels is from New Albany, heard from Southern Indiana leaders about how the new bridges could spur economic growth in the region. “They told me if someone would ever get that done there’s huge potential here, and they were right,” Daniels said. © 2024 Community Newspaper Holdings, Inc.
7770	dbpedia	1	45	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4306458/	en	STRUCTURAL RACISM AND HEALTH INEQUITIES	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih…rd-share.jpg?_=0	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih…rd-share.jpg?_=0	[ "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/uswds/img/favicons/favicon-57.png", "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/uswds/img/icon-dot-gov.svg", "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/uswds/img/icon-https.svg", "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/nwds/img/logos/AgencyLogo.svg", "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/corehtml/pmc/pmcgifs/logo-nihpa.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Gilbert C. Gee", "Chandra L. Ford" ]	2011-04-18T00:00:00	Racial minorities bear a disproportionate burden of morbidity and mortality. These inequities might be explained by racism, given the fact that racism has restricted the lives of racial minorities and immigrants throughout history. Recent studies have ...	en	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/coreutils/nwds/img/favicons/favicon.ico	PubMed Central (PMC)	https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4306458/	Social Segregation Segregation refers to the separation of social groups. Most research on segregation and health disparities examines racial residential segregation, the geographic separation of racial groups’ homes. A recent review identified thirty-nine studies that tested associations between segregation and health outcomes (Kramer and Hogue, 2009). Residential segregation remains pervasive and may influence health by concentrating poverty, environmental pollutants, infectious agents, and other adverse conditions (Gee and Payne-Sturges, 2004; Williams and Collins, 2001). For instance, Morello-Frosch and Jesdale (2006) found that segregation increased the risk of cancer related to air pollution. Studies using multilevel modeling that simultaneously accounts for individual and structural factors also find associations between segregation and illness (Bell et al., 2006; Subramanian et al., 2005). Segregation within schools, workplaces, and health care facilities may also contribute to health disparities. For example, Walsemann and Bell (2010) found that school segregation is related to health behaviors (e.g., alcohol use) among students. Just as importantly, they found that segregation was associated with decreased educational aspirations among Black males. An innovative feature of their work is the focus, not on the uneven distribution of students across schools, but on segregation within the curriculum (i.e., racial disparities in enrollment in advanced vs. less advanced courses). Hence, it is not only the composition of students that may create health disparities but also the design of the curriculum. Similarly, while de jure segregation of drinking fountains is now illegal, de facto segregation of water coolers in offices continues because of workplace segregation. Segregation of workplaces tracks minority workers into jobs with fewer benefits and more dangers (Elliott and Smith, 2001). For instance, Angelon-Gaetz et al. (2010) found that not only were Black workers segregated from Whites at a federal nuclear weapons site, but also that Black workers had a greater level of radiation exposure. Racial and ethnic segregation may also occur by immigration status. De Castro et al. (2006) reported that immigrant employees often work in segregated environments that are dangerous (e.g., buildings with no fire exits) and stressful (e.g., no breaks at work). They even encounter blatantly illegal actions by their employers, including not being paid for work and systematic manipulation of work hours to avoid compensation for overtime. Other research shows that physical hazards and stressors are related to numerous health problems, including heart disease (Darity 2003). The Civil Rights Act of 1964, in combination with many grassroots efforts to enforce it, helped reduce hospital segregation (Quadagno 2000). After the integration of Mississippi hospitals, Black-White disparities in infant mortality were cut in half in just six years (Almond et al., 2006). Despite these signs of progress, segregation within the health care system continues. Clarke et al. (2007) found substantial segregation in hospitals in Pennsylvania and Virginia; about 58% of Black and White patients admitted for acute myocardial infarction in Pennsylvania would have to switch hospitals to achieve integration. A similar level, 53%, is apparent for hospitals serving elderly Medicare patients nationwide (Smith 2005). Segregation in nursing care may also remain a significant issue (Smith et al., 2007). Relatively little work has focused on contemporary segregation in health care, and the findings appear to be complex; segregation may increase or decrease the use of services, depending on the types of services and communities considered (Gaskin et al., 2009). The segregation of social networks may contribute to racialized patterns in the spread of infectious diseases (Freeman 1978). Disparities in the spread of some diseases reflect existing patterns of social isolation in which Blacks are more socially segregated than members of other groups are. In groundbreaking work that redirected researchers from hypothesizing that disparities in sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) are due to some yet unexplained behavioral or other characteristic of Blacks, Laumann and Youm (1999) found that segregation in social and sexual networks—not high rates of risky sexual behavior among Blacks as had previously been assumed—explained racial disparities in STDs. This also suggests that disparities in the spread of disease can partially reflect existing patterns of social segregation. Immigration Policy Immigration policy provides another form of social segregation. Since its inception, U.S. immigration policy has defined racial groups, reinforced the social hierarchy, and influenced the health of populations. A critical aspect of immigration policy is its connection to citizenship and privileges, such as the ability to vote in federal elections. The exclusion of non-Whites from citizenship has been a defining characteristic of U.S. immigration policy. The 1790 Naturalization Act, which specified some of the earliest rules for citizenship, only allowed free Whites to apply. As shows, the nation’s racial and ethnic composition and restrictions on the rights of racial minorities were heavily influenced by immigration policy. Boswell (2003) argues, “Every group which struggled against oppression in the United States had to, in effect, ‘become White’ because Whiteness was the measure of full membership in the American community. As a legal matter, in order for an immigrant to naturalize he would have to be White” (p. 319). Table 1 YearAct or LawResults or Implications1788U.S. Constitution ratifiedArticle 1 section 9 prohibits Congress from restricting the “importation” of slaves or other migrants until the year 1809.1790Naturalization ActTwo years of residence in the country and one year of residence in a state required to apply for citizenship; “any alien, being a free White person, may be admitted to become a citizen.”1795Naturalization Act of 1795Extends residency period to five years to become U.S. resident and two years to become resident of a state.1808U.S. slave trade bannedBetween 50,000 and 25,000 Blacks continued to be imported (until 1865) and were thus considered illegal immigrants.1850U.S. Census records nativityEstablishes whether residents were born in the U.S. or outside of it.1854California Supreme Court People v. HallThe court rules that a White man charged with murder cannot be convicted based on the testimony of a Chinese person.1862Homestead Act; Land Grant ActEncouraged immigrants, most of whom were European, to move westward; provided them with land and education to establish homes there.1862Anti-Coolie ActTaxed California employers who hired Chinese workers.186814th AmendmentAnyone born in the U.S. is a citizen; intended for former slaves.187015th AmendmentVoting rights granted regardless of “race, color, or previous condition of servitude.”1875Page Act passedRequired processing of Asian immigrants to assess “moral” character.1882Chinese Exclusion ActBarred immigration from China, but did issue certificates allowing Chinese persons who had already established a presence in the U.S. to re-enter.1888Amendment to the 1882 Exclusion ActCongress repealed the provision of re-entry and voided all outstanding certificates.1889Chae Chan Ping v. U.S.Case challenged the 1888 amendment; Court rules that Congress has the constitutional authority to modify immigration legislation at its discretion.1896U.S. Supreme Court Plessey v. FergusonEstablishes that “separate but equal” is constitutional.1907Expatriation ActAmerican women who marry foreign nationals lose their citizenship.1911Dillingham report publishedArgued to limit migration from Southern/Eastern Europe due to these people’s inferior genes and potential to subvert American society.1913California implements Alien Land LawPrimarily targeted Asians; barred them from owning property.1917Asiatic Barred Act (Immigration Act of 1917)Established regions of Asia and the Pacific Islands whose emigrants could not become U.S. citizens; contained literacy test for immigrants.1921Emergency Quota Act (Johnson Quota Act)Limits immigrants to no more than 3% of the number already residing in the U.S.; dispropor tionately limited non-Europeans.1923Supreme Court U.S. v. Bhaghat Singh ThindThe U.S. Supreme Court ruled that immigrants from the Indian sub-continent cannot become U.S. citizens because they were not “White.”1934Tydings-McDuffie Act (Philippine Independence Act)Effectively reversed the status of Filipinos from nationals to aliens, thus subjecting them to strict immigration quotas.1942Japanese American internmentAmericans of Japanese descent were interned in U.S. camps ostensibly to prevent them from collaborating with the Japanese military during WWII.1942U.S.–Mexico BraceroEstablished a program of temporary laborers from Mexico.1952Harisaides vs. ShaughnessyCourt upheld the right of Congress to expel noncitizens who were former Communists.1965Immigration and Nationality Act (Hart-Cellar Act)Annual immigration quotas increased to 120,000 for Westerners and 20,000 for non-Westerners; eliminated the national origins quota and established preference for skilled workers and family unification.1978Immigration and Nationality Act amendedAbolished separate (Western vs. non-Western) quotas for immigration. It effectively increased immigration from non-European countries.1982Plyer v. DoeEstablished that children of undocumented immigrants have the right to free public education.2000Legal Immigration and Family Equity ActGranted residency to 400,000 undocumented immigrants.2005Real ID Act of 2005Based on Homeland Security recommendations, requires additional protections to enhance assurance of the validity of drivers’ licenses, enhances immigration restrictions.2010Arizona passes SB 1070Requires immigrants to carry registration documents at all times; requires police to check immigration status of people suspected of being undocumented (e.g., based upon how one is dressed). The restriction of immigration and defense of White-only citizenship came from many sectors, including public health and medicine; these sectors have been integral in supporting racialized immigration policy by providing “scientific evidence” in support of such policies (Barkan et al., 2008). A major rationale for excluding non-Whites has been that immigrants and minority races are—by nature— unclean, diseased, unintelligent, and morally degenerate (Barkan et al., 2008; Park 2004). The development of germ theory showed that illnesses can spread across populations. Because the origins of many health and social problems were largely unknown, this theory was broadened to include many other issues that we would today not consider infectious, such as “insanity” and poverty. These ideas led to fears that immigrants and minorities would infect the “good people” and, thus, should be controlled. As Molina (2006) noted, “By the 1870’s, public health officials had sufficient credibility to construct what being ‘Chinese’ meant—namely, dirty, depraved and disease ridden. These stereotypes in turn justified segregating Chinese people so that they would not taint White city residents” (p. 26). These fears, rationalized by social Darwinism and germ theory, were operationalized directly into immigration control. For instance, concerns over the influx of undesirable persons were evident when Congress established the first Bureau of Immigration in 1906 and disqualified individuals with “loathsome” or “dangerous” diseases, “moral turpitude” and other vices, or persons who were likely to become public charges. Physicians were enlisted to screen for these traits. The Immigration Restriction League, a group tied to the eugenics movement, successfully lobbied Congress in 1917 to require that immigrants pass a literacy test (Wright 2008). Anti-immigrant actions became increasingly restrictive throughout most of the nineteenth century ( ). These actions included redefining the racial category of “White,” imposing quotas, retroactively removing citizenship, and deportation (Wright 2008). Federal policies were not reversed until the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, which removed many (but not all) of the past barriers. Since then, however, commentators have suggested that immigration reforms have been backsliding (Boswell 2003). Minority groups challenged many of the restrictive policies in U.S. courts throughout the 1900s, but with little success. A lasting consequence of these challenges was the “plenary power doctrine,” whereby the judiciary defers to Congress in matters of naturalization and citizenship (Chae Chang Ping v. United States in 1889 provided an important precedent for this deference). This means that immigrants must “rely on the beneficence of the legislative branch in order to obtain relief. This leaves noncitizens with very few choices or avenues for garnering protection … they cannot exert their power at the ballot box or in the courts” (Boswell 2003, p. 339). It is sobering to realize that immigration control today retains many of the actions (e.g., the use of quotas, screening for undesirable traits, exclusion of those likely to be public charges) developed during one of America’s most xenophobic and racist periods. Today, the emphasis has shifted, but in many ways, the effect is the same. The tenor of discussions around securing our borders continues to have racial overtones. The term “illegal aliens” often implies persons from Mexico and Central America, while “terrorist” often connotes persons from the Middle East (Nacos and Torres-Reyna, 2006; Nevins 2002). Hence, immigration policy is a form of structural racism: exclusionary policies provide the most permanent and broad-scale type of segregation by prohibiting groups from entering the country, deporting those already here, and limiting the rights of those deemed to be threats. Immigration policy influences health disparities in several ways. First, these policies can contribute directly to our understanding about population health. For instance, foreigners applying for entry into the United States are required to pass a medical exam that screens for certain infectious diseases, substance use, and mental disorders. This screening not only denies entry for those who are less healthy but also may serve as a deterrent for some contemplating migration. Thus, these policies can contribute to the “healthy immigrant effect,” the finding that immigrants generally have lower morbidity than non-immigrants. These screening policies would also distinguish documented from undocumented immigrants. By definition, undocumented immigrants do not undergo the medical screening, and hence, should show less healthy selection than documented immigrants. The literature generally suggests that undocumented immigrants fare worse than documented immigrants because of socioeconomic factors, but the screening practices may play an independent and complementary role. Consistent with this argument, Kelaher and Jessop (2002) found that undocumented Latinas were more likely to have a low-birth-weight infant than documented Latinas, even after accounting for education, country of origin, and other risk factors. Future studies using a similar approach could quantify the contribution of these screening practices on health estimates. Historic policy can influence some key “facts” about several racial or ethnic groups. For instance, historic restrictions on Asian immigration affect our inferences about Asian Americans today. Had these policies not been established, the current-day Asian American population would likely be numerically larger. This implies that part of the current-day data gaps for Asian Americans is due to historically racist policies. Furthermore, there would be presently a greater proportion of nonimmigrant Asians (currently, 76% of Asian Americans are immigrants). Because non-immigrants generally have higher morbidity than immigrants, it is possible that current health estimates for Asian Americans would show greater morbidity. Current policies that place greater scrutiny on persons from Middle-Eastern countries and other “undesired” places may have similar effects. That is, structural racism in the form of restrictive policies directly influences population size, our inferences about health, and the resources available for the study of a given population. Hence, health statistics that show an immigrant advantage and/or an economic paradox should consider that these estimates are not simply a neutral or natural phenomenon, but they also partially reflect the legacy of racially discriminatory policies. For the sake of completeness, researchers studying the healthy immigrant effect and similar phenomena should use a broad historical lens that incorporates the legacy of immigration policy. Second, some policies impact immigrants’ access to health and other social services, both directly and indirectly For instance, the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005 required that Medicaid applicants provide documentation of citizenship; this requirement appears to have contributed to a decrease in insurance coverage among noncitizens (Sommers 2010). The 2010 Affordable Care Act continues this trend of excluding undocumented immigrants and imposing restrictions on documented immigrants. Research on the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act (PRWORA) suggests that these policies exert not only direct effects via means testing but also indirect effects through discouragement. PRWORA’s restriction of the eligibility of immigrants for Medicaid and Temporary Aid to Needy Families (TANF) was associated with a 10% increase in the uninsured among low-educated, foreign-born single women (Kaushal and Kaestner, 2005). Moreover, PRWORA’s effect on immigrant uninsurance was seen even in states that provided alternative sources of coverage. This suggests that legislation can harm immigrants, not only directly via eligibility standards but also indirectly via a climate of fear, even among those legally eligible to receive services. Third, the broader anti-immigrant climate can contribute to experiences with discrimination, stress, and illness For instance, Lauderdale (2006) documented an increased risk of preterm birth and low birth weight among Arab-named women following the September 11 attack. No increase was seen among other women, and this disparity was attributed to a climate of anti-Arab sentiment. This study raises numerous questions about how the current immigration legislation arising from Arizona (Senate Bill 1070) and other states may contribute to health outcomes among Latinos. Arizona SB 1070 requires that immigrants have registration documents in their possession at all times and encourages police to check for a person’s immigration status if there is “reasonable suspicion” that the person is an illegal alien during a “lawful stop, detention, or arrest.” Criticism maintains that the legislation leads to racial profiling, particularly among Latino populations. The bill is currently being challenged in court. Regardless of whether the bill is ultimately upheld, it would be of interest to see if the climate that the bill generated contributes to poor health outcomes among Latino populations. More generally, racism may manifest as xenophobia. Experiences of racism based on language and nativity can be just as important as experiences based on race (Viruell-Fuentes 2007; Yoo et al., 2009). Latino and Asian immigrants were more likely than non-immigrants to report discrimination in health care (Lauderdale et al., 2006). Yet, few existing instruments of racism explicitly account for anti-immigrant sentiment, potentially understating the level of concern for immigrant communities (Gee et al., 2009). The literature is replete with research on acculturation and health, but these studies may fail to account for discriminatory experiences faced by immigrants (Finch et al., 2004; Viruell-Fuentes 2007). Proxies for acculturation, such as years in the United States, can indicate not only cultural adaptation but also exposure to racial bias (Gee et al., 2009). Hence, studies of immigrants should do a better job of accounting for racism, and vice versa. Fourth, research should investigate disparities not only by race and ethnicity but also by citizenship Noncitizens were more likely to report discrimination in health care and less likely to have health insurance and a usual place for care than citizens (Yu et al., 2006). Noncitizens often work in occupations without insurance benefits (Goldman et al., 2005). The literature on citizenship and health has focused on access to health care. Yet, it is important to acknowledge that citizenship extends far more deeply into fundamental rights, such as the ability to vote. Scholars have recognized that studies of race and health must also consider socioeconomic position (Krieger et al., 1997). We believe this argument should be extended to nativity and citizenship. We should also develop a more granular analysis between immigrant types. This can take several forms, including between documented versus undocumented migrants, between citizens and noncitizens, and even within classes of legal noncitizen immigrants. For instance, it is unknown whether there are disparities across different classes of visa holders, such as between those who hold an H-1B visa (professionals, such as accountants) versus those with an H-2B visa (non-agricultural seasonal/ temporary workers). While it is a concern that individuals may be reluctant to provide such information, the California Health Interview Survey has shown that undocumented persons from Mexico are willing to provide this information under the right circumstances (Ortega et al., 2007). Regardless of identity or social status in their countries of origins, immigrants are often viewed on the basis of their fit within the United States’ existing racial hierarchies. Ford and Harawa (2010), therefore, proposed that ethnicity be conceptualized as a two-dimensional construct in research on health disparities: an attributional dimension that describes characteristics (e.g., culture) of the group to which one is socially tied, and a relational dimension that indexes a group’s location (e.g., minority vs. majority status) within the social hierarchy. According to this model, immigrants racialized as Black (e.g., Haitians) may have different experiences and trajectories than those considered non-Black (e.g., Cuban). This pattern may hold within groups: for example, among darker-skinned Latinos (e.g., Puerto Ricans) and lighter-skinned Latinos (e.g., Spaniards) (Borrell 2005). Therefore, we suggest that studies should: (1) take a historical lens that incorporates structural racism when interpreting contemporary health statistics; (2) continue to document how immigration legislation directly influences one’s access to social resources (e.g., health insurance) and indirectly contributes to a climate of uncertainty and fear that could influence health disparities; and (3) focus more directly on citizenship and examine heterogeneity across and within immigrants. Intergenerational Drag A comprehensive research program on racism and health must account for key ways that historical factors influence present outcomes. The racist actions and inequities experienced by one generation may be felt across subsequent generations. Indeed, key characteristics of structural forms of racism (e.g., policies) include that they (1) persist over time, (2) adapt to new sociopolitical contexts as they unfold, and (3) impact population level patterns of disease more fundamentally than do proximal factors (Bonilla-Silva 1997). Seemingly inexplicable disadvantages that persist across conditions, subpopulations, and time may be attributable to historical traumas (Brave Heart and DeBruyn, 1998), or to what some have called intergenerational drag. The intergenerational drag hypothesis posits that “Ethnic or racial groups pass social assets and liabilities on to their descendants” (Darity et al., 2003, p. 439). Intergenerational drag views contemporary disparities as the cumulative effects of macrolevel systems interacting with one another in ways that generate and sustain racial inequalities. Intergenerational drag research attempts to determine what fraction of a contemporary disparity is attributable to an historical event. It examines not only the losses of one group but also the corresponding gains by another group. Prior research on intergenerational drag has focused on how factors such as educational attainment or wealth of one generation contribute to population level socioeconomic disparities in a subsequent generation (Heckman and Payner, 1989; Margo 1990). Studies have also examined whether racially differential allocations of resources during the U.S. antebellum period have had lasting impacts on Black-White differences in socioeconomic status (Sacerdote 2005; White 2007). This type of research helps in assessing the long-term effects of policies and other societal characteristics on disparities. Margo’s (1990) seminal study demonstrated that structural racism played an important role in the intergenerational transmission of educational disparities in the South. Census data reveal an initial and dramatic reduction in states’ investments in schools for Black children in the late nineteenth century. Following this initial reduction, literacy rates steadily increased for Black children through the mid-twentieth century. Disparities in the quality of the educational opportunities available to Black relative to White children persisted, however. Margo concludes that Black-White educational disparities of the mid-twentieth century were attributable to the cumulative effects of four intersecting factors: poorer quality schools for Blacks; demands for Black labor; activism by Whites in the early 1900s against Blacks’ education; and activism by educated Blacks after the 1940s for more investment in Blacks’ education (Margo 1990). While this literature generally suggests that past events can have material consequences for subsequent generations (Collins and Margo, 2001; Heckman and Payner, 1989), few studies target health outcomes or health disparities. Applying intergenerational drag approaches to the study of health disparities could help to clarify how contemporary mechanisms, baseline differentials between groups, and the cumulative accrual of advantages and disadvantages from one generation to the next influence various health disparities. The idea of intergenerational drag provides an empirical foundation for the study of historical trauma, the “soul wounds” against an entire community that occur from events such as theWounded Knee Massacre or the Holocaust (Brave Heart and DeBruyn, 1998). This idea is also consistent with a growing body of theoretical and empirical work on life course and health. This evidence indicates that health outcomes vary depending on the developmental stage(s) at which exposures occur, and that biological or social factors inherited from parents or grandparents can influence an individual’s health. For instance, research indicates that stressors encountered by parents while an infant is in utero may increase the risk of heart disease and other illnesses when the child becomes an adult (Barker 2002; Seckl and Holmes, 2007). Other studies suggest that environmental traumas, such as famine, may alter gene expression in subsequent generations (Pembrey et al., 2005). Diverse theory-based strategies may be used to model intergenerational trends. The simplest models specify a standard rate of change across multiple generations. To improve the precision and accuracy of overall estimates, however, one may specify a different rate of transfer for each generation. Consider the post-World War II period when the government assisted veterans in purchasing homes. The amount needed to purchase a home and the resultant net wealth transferable to the next generation differed substantially during this period from either the period preceding or following it. These ideas could be extended to health disparities. For instance, studies could examine how racial disparities in the transfer of wealth across generations contribute to inequities in morbidity. In addition, the rates should be calculated with baselines that carefully consider potentially important racialized events. Some of these baselines may refer to specific historic events. For example, using a baseline of 1865 (i.e., the formal end of U.S. enslavement of Blacks), researchers have estimated the proportion of current Black-White wealth inequalities that are attributable to differences in wealth at emancipation (White 2007). Other baselines may represent specific traumatic events (e.g., the Wounded Knee Massacre). At the same time, these events may serve as the focus for the investigation of period-specific events (see, for instance, Lauderdale 2006). The comprehensive study of racism and health should account for the impact of historical factors on present outcomes. Both baseline traumas and intergenerational effects encourage the persistence of racial disparities through time. The structural nature of these mechanisms means they may affect multiple outcomes. For instance, passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which prohibited employment discrimination, helped to change the complexion of the health care workforce, by increasing the number of people of color pursuing medical and other degrees. It also increased the numbers who were hired upon completion of their training, and many of these persons serve underserved communities. The Civil Rights Act and subsequent efforts, therefore, directly and indirectly influenced the health of African Americans (Williams et al., 2008). Intergenerational drag may be a useful tool for investigating structural racism’s contribution to health disparities across time. This approach can guide research on the long-term implications of policies and other social forces. Examples of timely applications to the study of health disparities include mapping the effects of current anti-immigrant policies on future health disparities among racially and ethnically diverse recent immigrants. Large segments of the Caribbean, African, Asian, and Latin American populations arrived after immigration reform in 1965. Thus, that year marks one of several appropriate baselines to track the extent to which racially and ethnically diverse groups differentially advance in U.S. society, and to note their experiences with racism. We offer the following recommendations for incorporating intergenerational drag into a comprehensive research agenda on racism and population health: (1) conceptualize and measure structural racism in period-specific ways; (2) develop standardized approaches and statistical models for estimating trends over time; and (3) expand institutional support for intergenerational research. First, conceptualize and measure structural racism in period-specific ways Racism may manifest in ways that are time- and context-specific; researchers should be careful to not assume that structural racism functions the same way and has similar impacts regardless of when and where it occurs. When estimating cumulative racism effects, each measure should be historically relevant because a concept’s meaning could change over time. Prejudicial attitudes, for example, are expressed less overtly today than in decades past (Bobo 2000). Similarly, tools used to perpetuate residential segregation in some respect have softened (e.g., arson and lynchings are no longer commonplace); nonetheless, the existing tools (e.g., racial steering) help maintain a high level of segregation (Ross and Turner, 2005; Turner et al., 2002). Prior to the Voting Rights Act of 1965, disfranchisement of Blacks directly reflected de jure and de facto policies of racial discrimination. Presently, this disfranchisement largely reflects high rates of Black felonization, which has implications for both voting power and disease distributions (Wakefield and Uggen, 2010). Expanding the vocabulary for discussing subtle differences among racism concepts is essential for advancing this knowledge base (Ford and Airhihenbuwa, 2010). Second, develop standardized approaches and new statistical models for estimating intergenerational effects Few, if any, U.S. data sources provide optimal data for directly calculating the intergenerational effects of such historical traumas as slavery, genocidal treatment of American Indians, or the internment of Japanese Americans. Much research uses census data, yet, a major challenge is that the racial categories and methods for assessing these categories change over time (LaVeist 1994). The scientific literature has provided a rich discussion on the effects of these changes for assessing trends over time (Institute of Medicine, 2009). There is yet no clear guidance on how changing racial categories can impact research across generations. Third, expand support for intergenerational research Currently, funding for public health research and practice is primarily organized by disease or condition. This approach limits possibilities for studying intergenerational effects across multiple health outcomes. Structural racism impacts numerous outcomes that may interact with one another, and it occurs through time; therefore, support must expand to increase the study of multiple outcomes, and not merely specific diseases. Funding entities could permit studies to be carried out over longer periods of time and examine multiple outcomes. Although some of this work can be completed retrospectively, to incorporate the current knowledge requires the prospective collection of data.
7770	dbpedia	1	12	https://sagamoreinstitute.org/dealmakers-the-indiana-economic-development-corporation/	en	Dealmakers: The Indiana Economic Development Corporation	https://sagamoreinstitut…nly-Reversed.png	https://sagamoreinstitut…nly-Reversed.png	[ "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Sagamore-Logo-LogoOnly-Reversed.png", "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Copy-of-icoc-2023-page-header-1-1024x506.png", "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/mutz-cover-1024x390.png", "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/GettyImages-184978280_medium-1024x416.jpg", "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/DSC_0029-1024x683.jpg", "https://sagamoreinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/Sagamore-Logo-LogoOnly-Reversed-4-1024x385.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "admin-si" ]	2020-07-06T08:07:11-04:00	Prior to 2005, Indiana did economic development in the same way many states do it: poorly, or at best, so-so.	en	https://sagamoreinstitut…x-icon-32x32.png	Sagamore Institute -	https://sagamoreinstitute.org/dealmakers-the-indiana-economic-development-corporation/	Prior to 2005, Indiana did economic development in the same way many states do it: poorly, or at best, so-so. The state’s Department of Commerce ran itself like any other bureaucracy. Businesses outside the state were approached with loads of incentives. The state spent far too much on each job it tried to attract. There was little strategy and hardly any real negotiation. It’s no surprise that Indiana’s business climate was never regarded as top-tier. By 2012, Indiana was ranked 5th in the nation on Chief Executive’s Best States for Business rankings. The Hoosier state had moved up from 16thplace in 2010. One CEO surveyed by Chief Executive summed up an emerging consensus view one hears more and more about Indiana: Indiana is centrally located, has a balanced budget and excess reserves on hand, is a low overall tax environment, is business friendly and is now a right to work state. If you want to locate in the Midwest, there is no other state in its class. Another CEO described Indiana more personally: Indiana is like a breath of fresh air. I have operated on both coasts, the southeast, and Chicago, and Indiana is where I will keep my manufacturing operations. What created such a dramatic sea change in what was a relatively short time period? Indiana’s fiscal strength is well-known, as Mitch Daniels’ success in this area has garnered national attention. This undoubtedly caught the eye of executives outside the state, as the CEO’s testimonial above shows. What is less-known nationally but just as significant for reformers outside Indiana who want to learn from the Hoosier state was the creation of the Indiana Economic Development Corporation (IEDC). IEDC was established as a public-private entity with greater flexibility to establish contracts and conduct business deals than its predecessor Department of Commerce. The legislation that created IEDC also abolished numerous boards, commissions, and public organizations vested with various economic development missions over the years. It cut the board size in half and focused the IEDC’s mission more clearly on attracting new jobs and investment. In short, IEDC was created to execute economic development in a way that any private sector executive would recognize as rational, unlike the disorganized and irrational cross-purposes of the past. IEDC was a priority from the start. It was the first piece of legislation Mitch Daniels put forward as Governor in January 2005. It followed on the heels of the Executive Order he signed his first day in office eliminating collective bargaining for state employees. Taken together, these actions showed at the outset that Indiana was open for business like never before. Daniels made it clear that, unlike the past when state officials nurtured pet projects and favored industries (exhibit A: Indiana’s film industry, which had a commission devoted to it), IEDC would focus solely on job-creating investments. Daniels communicated this message everywhere he went, both in and outside the state. In cabinet meetings the IEDC director sat immediately next to the Governor and always gave the first report. It was clear to everyone involved that economic growth was priority number one. The results of such a singular focus on growth speak for themselves. Since 2005, Indiana has seen $31 billion in new investment and nearly 160,000 jobs as 1,390 companies have decided to make Indiana their home for business. Since the low point of the economic downturn in 2009, Indiana has seen a job growth rate of 6.2 percent compared to the national 3.4 percent rate. As commentators lament the loss of U.S. manufacturing, Indiana has seen a 14.1 percent growth rate in its manufacturing sector jobs. Indiana rose from 18th place nationally in 2004 to 6th place in 2011in Site Selection magazine’s “Best Business Climate” rankings. Chief Executive magazine ranked Indiana as the nation’s 5th best state for business in 2012. In 2004 Indiana did not even make the top 25 states in Pollina Corporate’s “Top 10 Pro-Business States” rankings. By 2012, Indiana was ranked 5th on the list. IEDC has been at the center of much of this progress. What made it work? From “Incentivizer” to Dealmaker: The Indiana Model Creating IEDC was not a novel concept. For instance, Michigan had created its own economic development corporation in 1999. In fact, Governor Daniels and his team deliberately modeled their design of the IEDC on Michigan’s model. Indiana’s uniqueness, as in other areas in which Indiana has emerged as a national model, was found in how it structured and staffed IEDC. Perhaps the most important shift IEDC made in Indiana’s approach to economic development was how it assumed the role as chief negotiator for the state. Previously, state officials would dangle every possible incentive in front of companies to lure them to the state, utilizing the good, old “take it or leave it” approach to dealmaking. Prior to IEDC, Indiana’s Department of Commerce was spending roughly $30,000 in incentives for each job brought to Indiana. By the end of Daniels’ first term, that number had dropped to nearly $7,000. And yet the quality and volume of new jobs in Indiana has been on the rise. The reason? IEDC refashioned itself as a negotiator and dealmaker instead of an incentivizer. Instead of maximizing incentive offers at the outset, IEDC began approaching companies outside Indiana as if it were negotiating a private-sector business deal. It didn’t always lead with its best offer. Its officials sat around the table with company executives and began hashing out the terms. Among Daniels’ early directors of the IEDC were a successful businessman who had negotiated big deals his entire career and an M&A lawyer with experience doing international deals. They and the teams they built around them brought their expertise acquiring and growing companies to the service of the state. IEDC employees learned how to control offers. The culture changed. Another important change at IEDC was its performance culture. Throughout state government, Daniels implemented bonuses and an overall merit culture. At IEDC, given the flexibility under its authorizing statute, he was able to go even further. The Department of Commerce’s low morale gave way to a new culture in which performance was rewarded and pay raises were possible outside of the normal state employee conditions. Employees that didn’t function in this new environment were replaced with new ones who embraced the agency’s dealmaking mentality. The performance culture was rooted in a new style that emphasized an aggressive, proactive approach to dealmaking rather than the more passive style of the past. Instead of advertising incentive and waiting for deals to come, the new IEDC leadership sought out deals, did the research, made the trips, and tried to outfox the competition. This type of culture cannot be cultivated by adopting “best practices” or focusing on the technicalities of various models of economic development. The key to this type of aggressive dealmaking lies entirely in the kinds of people and standards a state puts in place. Daniels insisted on having an aggressive crew at the helm, and it paid off. Build the Sandbox Anyone who has spent any time around Mitch Daniels knows the term “sandbox.” Daniels is fond of talking about how Indiana’s efforts at tax reform, deregulation, elimination of red tape, and investment in infrastructure help to create a sandbox in which entrepreneurs and CEOs want to create, build and bring their businesses. The sandbox, according to a 2012 Atlantic article on Daniels: includes things like heavy investments in infrastructure, including a shiny new airport in Indianapolis that opened in 2008. In February, Indiana became the 23rd “right-to-work” state, a law which allows union workers to opt out of paying dues, or, in other words, weaken unions. (Indiana is the only Midwestern state with such a law.) Daniels cites the state’s lower worker’s compensation and unemployment insurance rates, and touts the state’s quick turnaround approving environmental permits. “‘Time is money’ is not a figure of speech, it’s a literal truth in business,” he said. “And I’ve told our people from the beginning, they’re tired of hearing it, we will operate at the speed of business, not the speed of government. So we measure the amount of time it takes to get various permits.” Getting Indiana’s fiscal house in order and pursuing legislation such as right-to-work were a big part of building the sandbox. IEDC was also central to the sandbox effort. Like a lot of government economic development agencies, IEDC’s predecessor Department of Commerce had grown too focused on itself than Indiana’s economy. It had more offices around the state than it needed, it had overseas offices that were not generating much, if any, value for the state, and it was infused with a government rather than enterprise culture. Such an agency cannot by its very nature look out for the best interests of the state. Not long after IEDC was created, the Daniels team closed half of the state offices and shut down all but the essential overseas offices. As stated earlier, it hired people who knew how to do deals and replace a government bureaucracy with an enterprise culture. These changes, together with the closure of duplicative boards and commissions upon IEDC’s founding, silenced all of the distractive “noise” generated through unnecessary activity and created instead an environment in which deals could become the singular focus. In short, Indiana became easier to work with. As a result, the state was able to build upon its core economic sectors faster than anytime in recent memory. Indiana has strong competitive advantages in life sciences, logistics, agriculture and manufacturing. Rather than running away from struggling sectors such as manufacturing to “diversify” the economy, a trend in other states, Daniels and IEDC deliberately pursued out-of-state manufacturers with considerable success. Indiana ranks #1 nationally in manufacturing jobs per capita. Life sciences continued to grow, and in 2012, Indiana had risen to share the #1 spot with New Jersey on the Batelle/BIO list of national bioscience leaders. By the time Indiana became the nation’s 23rd right-to-work state in early 2012, its efforts to attract companies into its appealing sandbox had greased the skids so well that the law created a new avalanche of interest. Less than a year after the right-to-work law was passed, more than 90 companies outside Indiana had communicated to IEDC that the new law had made them consider Indiana as a destination, and of those 67 were already under development. They represented $2.5 billion in new investment and 9,000 new jobs. An important part of creating a sandbox is making sure that executives outside the state know you are looking after their chief interests rather than your own programmatic interests. Creating IEDC the way Daniels did was Indiana’s way of showing it had learned that lesson. A Present, Activist Governor Daniels’ persistent personal involvement in recruiting businesses was essential to demonstrating to executives in other states and countries that Indiana was open for business like never before. While a Governor needs capable executives running an organization like IEDC, he or she cannot delegate the role of Chief Economic Development Officer. Daniels took that role seriously. All observers family with Indiana’s economic trajectory over the past eight years agree that it’s difficult to account for Indiana’s economic progress without recognizing Daniels’ activism. The first way Daniels lived out this principle was hitting the pavement, figuratively speaking. Within two months of his election, he was in Japan meeting with automakers and other industrial recruits. Before Daniels, no Indiana governor had been to Asia in 16 years. Daniels went every year for the next seven years, and used the trips as an opportunity to grab what he considered low-hanging fruit. When the head of Toyota was asked about states in the U.S. who reached out to him when Toyota announced its intent to build a new plant in America, he said that he received a number of calls from governors – but only one governor took the time to visit him. The Toyota plant in Princeton, Indiana, is humming along today. So is the Honda plant in Greensburg, Indiana, that opened in 2006. The list goes on. Daniels also actively traveled throughout the U.S. and spent countless hours on the phone in a non-stop effort to lure companies to the Hoosier State. He would travel regularly to the BIO conference in Boston to bring more life sciences investment to Indiana. He would pick up the phone and call CEOs in every conceivable corner of the country when he would get word that they might be growing restless where they currently were located. In summary, Daniels has a reputation among business leaders as a highly aggressive recruiter. Those who worked with him on business attraction all say the same thing: if they had a lead or a good idea on a potential opportunity, Daniels would personally make the call that day. He also pursued his own ideas and reached out to companies he thought would be good for the state. The second important way in which Daniels was an activist was by joining the national discussion about fiscal reform and stability. Most observers think of Daniels’ presence in the media, on op-ed pages, and at national events in the context of testing the waters for the 2012 presidential nomination. But they typically miss that Daniels was bringing Hoosier wisdom to the national debate – which was good for the Hoosier state. By promoting Indiana’s fiscal, health care, and related reforms, Daniels effectively communicated to executives all across America that Indiana was a place where your investment would not only be safe but prosperous. Governors who artfully elevate their successful reforms to the national stage can do their state a big economic development favor. There probably has not been another Governor in the past few decades who understood this, and acted upon it, as well as Daniels.
7770	dbpedia	0	67	https://abc17news.com/politics/national-politics/2021/03/23/mitch-daniels-fast-facts/	en	Mitch Daniels Fast Facts	https://abc17news.b-cdn.…z-politics-1.png	https://abc17news.b-cdn.…z-politics-1.png	[ "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2019/10/ABC17_KMIZ_HD_NewABCLogo_xs.png", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2021/06/kmiz.jpg", "https://abc17news.com/wp-content/themes/storymate-npg/assets/images/weather-icons/9000_clear_night.png", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2024/08/slot0-35-375x225.jpg", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2023/08/Share-1024x576-1.jpg", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2024/08/lange-tz-375x225.jpg", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2024/02/Missouri-State-Highway-Patrol_3401413_ver1.0_640_360_1480811336616_5058142_ver1.0_1280_720-375x225.jpg", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2024/08/conley-ave-garage-375x225.jpg", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2024/03/Rocheport-Bridge-3-26-24-375x225.png", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2023/11/COURT-2-1-375x225.jpg", "https://ktvz.b-cdn.net/2022/06/comment_icon.png", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/?s=96&d=mm&f=y&r=g", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2019/10/ABC17_KMIZ_HD_NewABCLogo_xs.png", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2020/03/kmiz-news-app-icon.jpg", "https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2020/03/kmiz-weather-app-icon.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "CNN Newsource" ]	2021-03-23T00:00:00	Here’s a look at the life of Mitch Daniels, former governor of Indiana. Personal Birth date: April 7, 1949 Birth place: Monongahela, Pennsylvania Birth name: Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. Father: Mitchell Daniels Sr., a drug company salesman Mother: Dorothy Mae (Wilkes) Daniels Marriage: Cheri (Herman) Daniels (1997-present and May 20, 1978-1994, divorced) Children: Margaret; Meredith;	en	https://abc17news.b-cdn.net/abc17news.com/2020/03/favicon.ico	ABC17NEWS	https://abc17news.com/politics/national-politics/2021/03/23/mitch-daniels-fast-facts/	Here’s a look at the life of Mitch Daniels, former governor of Indiana. Personal Birth date: April 7, 1949 Birth place: Monongahela, Pennsylvania Birth name: Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. Father: Mitchell Daniels Sr., a drug company salesman Mother: Dorothy Mae (Wilkes) Daniels Marriage: Cheri (Herman) Daniels (1997-present and May 20, 1978-1994, divorced) Children: Margaret; Meredith; Melissa; Meagan Education: Princeton University, B.A., 1971; Georgetown University, J.D., 1979 Religion: Presbyterian Other Facts Daniels is a motorcycle enthusiast and rides a Harley Davidson. Daniels has worked in the presidential administrations of Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. He is known for being fiscally responsible, balancing Indiana’s budget in his first term as governor, cutting expenditures wherever possible and having a surplus over multiple years. Timeline 1971-1976 – Serves as aide and later adviser to Indianapolis Mayor Richard Lugar. 1977-1983 – Serves as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar (R-Indiana). 1983-1984 – Executive Director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC). 1985-1987 – Serves as senior adviser to President Reagan. 1987-1990 – Chief Executive Officer, Hudson Institute. 1990-2001– Executive at Eli Lilly. 2001-2003 – Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). 2004 – Is elected the 49th governor of Indiana. January 10, 2005-January 14, 2013 – Two-term Republican governor of Indiana. May 22, 2011 – Announces he will not be running for president in 2012. June 21, 2012 – Purdue University announces Daniels has been unanimously elected to be the school’s next president. January 15, 2013 – Daniels starts his position as president of Purdue University. January 27, 2015 – Daniels writes a Wall Street Journal opinion piece, “How Student Debt Harms the Economy.” He writes that there is “evidence that it’s not just consumer spending that these debts are denting, but also economic dynamism.”
7770	dbpedia	2	91	https://www.flannerbuchanan.com/obituaries/kenneth-kusmer	en	Kenneth Doyle Kusmer Obituary 2024	https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/social/facebook/fb_3/a41e0d88-62b7-422b-bb16-d16db2d87b56/c989c4502b1042973ee2a071ca8f3d42_392a731a203c14964f02b5b9a5c3296e	https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/social/facebook/fb_3/a41e0d88-62b7-422b-bb16-d16db2d87b56/c989c4502b1042973ee2a071ca8f3d42_392a731a203c14964f02b5b9a5c3296e	[ "https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/obituary_cover/lg/fbca023e-1899-4ba1-aa1c-a4977292230d", "https://cdn.filestackcontent.com/6KK5wa8pQoWoZLNXa8m6", "https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/obituary_profile_photo/md/540961d3-71ab-49d3-89c0-19b810c8f072", "https://manage2.tukioswebsites.com/images/flower-cta.svg", "https://manage2.tukioswebsites.com/images/tree-cta.svg", "https://www.flannerbuchanan.com/obituaries/provider_thumbnail", "https://manage2.tukioswebsites.com/images/flower-cta.svg", "https://manage2.tukioswebsites.com/images/tree-cta.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Flanner Buchanan Funeral Centers" ]	2024-05-13T17:46:59	Associated Press newsman Kenneth Doyle Kusmer, the Society of Professional Journalists' 2010 Indiana Journalist of the Year, passed away at his Indianapolis home on May 9, 2024,...	en	https://cdn.filestackcontent.com/jfVftIfDTdG3mIHHEbZK	Flanner Buchanan Funeral Centers	https://www.flannerbuchanan.com/obituaries/kenneth-kusmer	Associated Press newsman Kenneth Doyle Kusmer, the Society of Professional Journalists’ 2010 Indiana Journalist of the Year, passed away at his Indianapolis home on May 9, 2024, after a brief illness. He was 65. Ken was born on August 31, 1958, to Doyle and Marian (Mayle) Kusmer in Fremont, Ohio. He worked in his father’s corner grocery store as a boy and graduated from Fremont St. Joseph High School in 1976. He studied at the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism at Ohio University, working summers at the Fremont Foundry to help pay for his education. He made life-long friends while working at The Post, the OU student newspaper. “Kuz” dropped out of school briefly in 1979-80 to work for the Springfield (Ohio) News-Sun until his Uncle Dewey persuaded him to return to college. Ken graduated from OU with a degree in journalism and English in 1981, winning a fellowship to work for the Associated Press in Tel Aviv. A short-term assignment there turned into a two-year stint after Israel invaded Lebanon and the AP needed extra help. While in Israel, Ken spent time on a kibbutz, covered Christmas Eve celebrations in Bethlehem, witnessed Palestinian protests on the West Bank, and reported on the massacre of hundreds of Palestinians by Lebanese Christian militia sent into refugee camps by the Israeli army. After returning home in 1983, Ken worked briefly as a correspondent for the Fremont News-Messenger and then as State Desk Reporter at The Columbus Dispatch in Columbus, Ohio. In August 1984, he re-joined the AP in Indianapolis, where he worked for nearly 40 years. There he also met former AP newswoman Jodi Perras, who was his wife for 18 years. A highly skilled storyteller and interviewer, Ken epitomized the value of a free and independent press, pursuing the truth when business, government and religious leaders were accused of violating the public’s trust. One of his favorite quotes, delivered to him as he pursued a story, was, “"Ken ... Ken ... Ken ... no comment, no comment, no comment." Ken “was a sharp editor with a love of baseball, music, and good writing,” said John Strauss, a former news editor for the AP in Indianapolis. “Ken was unflappable on the busy Indianapolis news desk, handling everything from breaking national news to hectic Friday night sports.” “He had a love of a good line,” Strauss added. “Sometimes at the end of a shift, when we were all saying good night, he would grab a line from somewhere — including a favorite of his from Bob Dylan’s “Mr. Tambourine Man.” ‘Well,’ Ken would say. ‘Time for my boot heels to be wanderin’.” “Ken trained me on the overnight shift when I began in the Indianapolis bureau,” said Chris Grygiel, AP deputy director of U.S. text production. “He was very patient showing a rookie the ropes on what was then a very complicated routine. He helped many staffers hone their skills.” In 2000, he earned the AP’s Dale W. Burgess award for outstanding performance by an Indiana AP staffer. He had led the AP’s coverage of Eli Lilly & Co.’s legal battle to block generic competition for its anti-depressant, Prozac. He had also covered the Indianapolis Baptist Temple’s fight against the Internal Revenue Service over its refusal to withhold federal income taxes from its staff. Indiana SPJ named him Journalist of the Year for his 2009 coverage of Gov. Mitch Daniels’ botched effort to privatize and “modernize” Indiana’s welfare system through a $1.3 billion contract with IBM Corp. and other companies. Under the weight of bad publicity, Daniels canceled the contract in October 2009. Ken took a leave of absence from the AP in 2001 to study at Christian Theological Seminary, earning his Master’s of Theological Studies in 2005. He also worked during 2002-03 as coordinator of religious education at St. Pius X Catholic Church before returning to the AP. Ken was a member of the AP News Guild. He enjoyed the eclectic sounds of Neil Young, watching birds, and celebrating obscure holidays like Festivus and Dyngus Day. His happiest moments were spent gathered around the family table on Alger Street in Fremont, reuniting with Mayle cousins on Lake Erie’s shores, telling stories in Murphy’s at Flynn's, or hanging out with high school friends in his parents’ basement, drinking beer he’d snuck out of Kusmer’s Market next door. He was a longtime fan of the Cleveland Indians/Guardians, Pittsburgh Penguins and Green Bay Packers. As he described himself on Facebook, “If you don't already know who I am, I probably can't explain it to you.” Surviving are his son, Kevin, and daughter-in-law, Alyssa, of Carmel, Ind.; sisters Connie (Steve) Hodges of Columbus, Ohio; and Carol (Mike) Avery of Northwood, Ohio; brothers Tom (Lynne) of Port Clinton, Ohio, and Jim (Anne) of Highland Heights, Ohio; brother-in-law Paul Hoelzle of Fremont; and many nieces and nephews. His parents and sister Charlotte Hoelzle preceded him in death. A Memorial Gathering will be held on Saturday, May 18, from 10 am to 11 am, with a Memorial Service to follow at 11 am, at Flanner Buchanan - Oaklawn Memorial Gardens, 9700 Allisonville Road, Indianapolis, IN 46250. There will be food and fellowship following the service, at the same location. Memorial contributions may be made to the E.W. Scripps School of Journalism at Ohio University or the Audubon Society. To view the livestream of the service, please click here.
7770	dbpedia	0	88	https://www.wbaa.org/transportation-and-infrastructure/2015-06-25/mitch-daniels-criticizes-federal-transportation-policy-before-u-s-senate-committee	en	Mitch Daniels Criticizes Federal Transportation Policy Before U.S. Senate Committee	https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/abd1f66/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3264x1714+0+367/resize/1200x630!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fmitch_at_hearing.jpg	https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/abd1f66/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3264x1714+0+367/resize/1200x630!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fmitch_at_hearing.jpg	[ "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/3d3358d/2147483647/strip/true/crop/138x60+0+0/resize/276x120!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fnpr.brightspotcdn.com%2Fdims4%2Fdefault%2Fbbefd36%2F2147483647%2Fresize%2Fx60%2Fquality%2F90%2F%3Furl%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F15%2Fda%2Fd1ea298f48b48673fff46920dfae%2Fwbaa-logo-white-letters.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/65a996d/2147483647/strip/true/crop/1600x117+0+19/resize/2880x210!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F202103%2Fsquirrelheader.jpg 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/3d3358d/2147483647/strip/true/crop/138x60+0+0/resize/276x120!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fnpr.brightspotcdn.com%2Fdims4%2Fdefault%2Fbbefd36%2F2147483647%2Fresize%2Fx60%2Fquality%2F90%2F%3Furl%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F15%2Fda%2Fd1ea298f48b48673fff46920dfae%2Fwbaa-logo-white-letters.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/4ea1b12/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3264x2448+0+0/resize/1760x1320!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fmitch_at_hearing.jpg 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/8b64f98/2147483647/strip/true/crop/200x200+0+0/resize/100x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fcpb-logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/ddf2122/2147483647/strip/true/crop/167x53+0+0/resize/316x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fapm_logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/68c38a8/2147483647/strip/true/crop/84x24+0+0/resize/168x48!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fbbc_logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/8788879/2147483647/strip/true/crop/300x108+0+0/resize/278x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fpri_logo.gif 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/95f3ddc/2147483647/strip/true/crop/298x108+0+0/resize/276x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fprx_logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/43c4345/2147483647/strip/true/crop/9562x3558+0+0/resize/268x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201701%2Fipbs_logo_white.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/2d7dd76/2147483647/strip/true/crop/145x48+0+0/resize/290x96!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fnpr_logo.png 2x" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2015-06-25T00:00:00	In 2005, Mitch Daniels brokered the Major Moves deal -- leasing the Indiana toll-road for $3.8 billion for 75 years. He told a Senate committee looking…	en		WBAA	https://www.wbaa.org/transportation-and-infrastructure/2015-06-25/mitch-daniels-criticizes-federal-transportation-policy-before-u-s-senate-committee	In 2005, Mitch Daniels brokered the Major Moves deal -- leasing the Indiana toll-road for $3.8 billion for 75 years. He told a Senate committee looking for infrastructure improvement ideas Thursday the public-private partnership was a high point of his term. "It was a great joy of public service to watch literally the dreams of decades, become real. Project after project of people saying 'that’ll never happen' are in being in Indiana," Daniels said. Thanks to Major Moves, more than a hundred new highway projects have been funded in Indiana during the last decade. But Daniels says during that time, federal regulations that hamper the process of improving the nations infrastructure have only gotten worse. "It’s so ironic that this nation, which prides itself on being such an innovation leader is such a laggard in this area," he told the panel. Spending existing dollars more effectively, cutting red tape and promoting private investment were topics of discussion during the hearing. The World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report ranks the U.S.’s quality of roads twentieth in the world.
7770	dbpedia	3	24	https://arabindianapolis.com/mitch-daniels-syrian-roots/	en	Mitch Daniels’ Syrian Roots	https://arabindianapolis…pe_cropped-1.jpg	https://arabindianapolis…pe_cropped-1.jpg	[ "https://arabindianapolis.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/07/original-logo-1-1.png", "https://arabindianapolis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/indiana_governor_mitch_daniels.jpg", "https://arabindianapolis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/krak_des_chevaliers_landscape_cropped-1.jpg?w=750", "https://arabindianapolis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/29_olympic_1922.jpg?w=750", "https://arabindianapolis.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/screenshot_2020-10-13-ancestry-com-u-s-school-yearbooks-1900-19992-1.png", "https://arabindianapolis.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/cropped-9781953368270_fc_1200x.webp?w=50", "https://pixel.wp.com/b.gif?v=noscript" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2020-10-13T22:47:07+00:00	"I'm sure, as a good Syrian, he ran a very honest numbers racket."--Mitch Daniels, May 4, 2011, joking about his grandfather Many Hoosiers know about Mitch Daniels, Jr.'s career--from his service as Sen. Richard Lugar's chief of staff and the director of President George W. Bush's Office of Management and Budget to his executive position…	en	https://arabindianapolis…_1200x.webp?w=32		https://arabindianapolis.com/mitch-daniels-syrian-roots/	“I’m sure, as a good Syrian, he ran a very honest numbers racket.” –Mitch Daniels, May 4, 2011, joking about his grandfather Many Hoosiers know about Mitch Daniels, Jr.’s career–from his service as Sen. Richard Lugar’s chief of staff and the director of President George W. Bush’s Office of Management and Budget to his executive position at Eli Lilly and Company, his leadership of Purdue University, and most importantly, his two terms as the state’s governor. But most Hoosiers, it’s probably fair to say, are not aware that 49th Governor of Indiana, Mitchell Elias Daniels, Jr., is an American of Syrian descent. Not to mention his grandfather’s success as a bookmaker. Though self-identifying Arab Americans overwhelmingly reject Donald Trump–only a quarter of them voted for him in 2016–Arabic-speaking immigrants and their heirs have often supported Republicans. Some of the most prominent Arab American politicians have been Republican, including U.S. Senator James Abdnor, U.S. Senator and later Secretary of Energy Spencer Abraham, Governor and White House Chief of Staff John Sununu, and U.S. Representative and Secretary of Transportation Ray LaHood. Like most of these politicians, Mitch Daniels Jr. traces his Arab roots to immigrants who arrived in the United States in the early twentieth century. His grandfather, Elias Daniels, immigrated to the United States from Qalatiyah, Syria, on June 15, 1905. Qalatiyah is a small, historically Christian village built on rocky, but fertile hills about 1,500 feet in elevation. Thirty miles east of the Mediterranean coast, the town has a temperate climate, averaging 50 degrees Fahrenheit in the winter and about 80 degrees in the summer. Its most spectacular attraction is located five miles south, the Krak des Chevaliers. A crusader castle dating from the twelfth century, the impressive ruin is listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Elias Daniels’ destination in America was less bucolic. He settled in Monessen, Pennsylvania, arriving just as this small town close to Pittsburgh became a major site of U.S. steel production. Eventually opening a pool hall on Donner Avenue across the street from several factories, including Pittsburgh Steel, National Tin Plate, and Page Woven Wire Fence Company, Daniels chose an advantageous spot. He was not only the merchant who figured out that he could supplement his income by giving factory workers a chance to play the numbers. In Monessen, Elias Daniels was also part of an Arabic-speaking community of Christians large enough to establish and maintain their own Orthodox church. In 1921, the successful, handsome, and smartly-dressed Elias Daniels returned to the old country to find a bride. Mitch Daniels’ grandmother, Afife, was around nineteen years of age when she wed the 36-year-old. They settled down in Monessen, and in 1923, Afife gave birth to Mitchell Daniels, Sr. She died just a few years later, and Elias brought up his two boys, Mitchell and Russell, on his own. Mitchell, Sr. later attended Allegheny College, served in World War II, and then married Dorothy Wilkes in 1948. Mitchell Daniels, Jr. was born the year after his parents were married. The family moved to Atlanta and Bristol, Tennessee, but in the late 1950s, they came to Indianapolis. The man who would become governor was largely educated in Washington Township schools, including Delaware Trails Elementary, Westlane Middle School, and North Central High School, where he served as student body president. He was already obsessed with politics when he won “Outstanding Citizen” at the annual meeting of Hoosiers’ Boy State. The Daniels’ first home was, as Daniels put it, “in the middle of an all-Jewish neighborhood” around 73rd Street and Spring Mill Road, where the Jewish Community Center and several synagogues are located today. Growing up there had a profound influence on Mitch Daniels. In a 2009 speech, the state’s governor said that it was “one of the best things that could ever have happened to me. I made some lifelong friends there; all of my buddies, my whole paper route, everybody on the school bus were Jewish guys and girls.” He felt a kinship with the Jewish community. He matriculated at Princeton University, he remembered, “on the heels of the Six Day War,” when Israel defeated Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt, and occupied the Golan Heights, the West Bank, and the Sinai Peninsula. “Everybody was thrilled with what Israel had accomplished on its own behalf,” he recalled. “It was like America had survived or successfully defended itself.” This was a remarkable statement coming from an Arab American. While most in the community mourned the loss of life and land, and another setback to the movement for Palestinian self-determination, Mitch Daniels was celebrating. This was not the only time that his views would differ from the majority of Arab Americans. He has been critical of the movement for Palestinian freedom even when it has adopted non-violent strategies for liberation. Though he was happy to accept the Najeeb Halaby Award for Public Service given by the Arab American Institute, Daniels has never been a strong advocate for Arab American issues and he has not been active in Arab American community affairs. His life and career are useful reminders of the diversity of Arab Indianapolis. There is no one way of being Arab–the Arab American heritage runs in multiple political directions. Whether one finds his legacy to be good, bad, or ugly, Mitch Daniels has had an undeniably significant impact on Indianapolis and the state as a whole. As he pointed out himself in his speech to the Arab American Institute, it all started with his Syrian grandparents, the people who made it possible for Mitch Daniels Sr. and Mitch Daniels Jr. to live a life of opportunity. Thanks to Arab Indianapolis student researcher Ronnie Kawak for tracing the history of the Daniels family.
7770	dbpedia	0	71	https://www.upi.com/topic/Mitch_Daniels/	en	Mitch Daniels News	https://cdnph.upi.com/to…ch_Daniels_0.jpg	https://cdnph.upi.com/to…ch_Daniels_0.jpg	[ "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/7101673966847/2023/upi/d0e6aeb6e301a906d88dc3579c3a34f0/v1.5/Rep-Jim-Banks-announces-bid-for-Indiana-Senate-seat.jpg", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/4301664980918/2022/upi/6bd40beba88125fe269b71762741ae54/v1.5/Purdue-University-student-dies-in-dorm-roommate-in-custody.jpg", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/3611601345544/2020/i/16013481039219/v1.5/Purdue-suspends-13-student-athletes-for-holding-party-amid-pandemic.jpg", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/5431552581259/2019/i/15525842052538/v1.5/Former-Indiana-Sen-Birch-Bayh-author-of-Title-IX-dies-at-91.jpg", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/3101468594442/2016/upi/171db7fb2f78ee6711298f2ea7ae3ed0/v1.5/Trump-makes-it-official-Pence-to-serve-as-running-mate.jpg", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/1891468503700/2016/upi/171db7fb2f78ee6711298f2ea7ae3ed0/v1.5/Reports-Trump-likely-to-pick-Mike-Pence-as-running-mate.jpg", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/4971723902658/2024/i/17239027201921/v1.5/Renowned-dirt-racing-driver-Scott-Bloomquist-dies-in-vintage-plane-crash-at-age-60.jpg?rc=1", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/7201723937834/2024/i/17239393164411/v1.5/Guards-at-San-Antonio-Air-Force-base-exchange-fire-with-unknown-shooters.jpg?rc=1", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/9171723910644/2024/upi/fdcdd64ed7b0400df2d96187efd7846b/v1.5/Supreme-Court-denies-stays-of-Title-IX-changes-to-protect-LGBTQ-students-in-10-states.jpg?rc=1", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/7681723907303/2024/upi_com/08915cfa4c40982602c13b5928db0824/v1.5/Comedian-Perry-Kurtz-killed-in-Los-Angeles-hit-and-run-collision.jpg?rc=1", "https://cdnph.upi.com/ph/st/th/8221723904802/2024/upi/13a59ed5e52f8725e7366983fd3cf187/v1.5/Israel-kills-10-in-southern-Lebanon-strike-ahead-of-Antony-Blinkens-visit.jpg?rc=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "news around the world", "todays top headlines", "top news stories", "current news articles", "United Press International", "current world news", "breaking news stories", "latest world news", "world news highlights", "current events", "latest headlines", "top news", "entertainment news", "health news", "science news", "sports news", "business news", "daily news", "latest news", "todays news", "top news", "recent news", "UPI", "UPI.com" ]	null	[]	null	Mitch Daniels News from United Press International.	en	/favico.png	UPI	https://www.upi.com/topic/Mitch_Daniels/	Mitchell Elias "Mitch" Daniels, Jr., (born April 7, 1949) is the 49th and current Governor of the U.S. state of Indiana. A Republican, he began his first four-year term as governor on January 10, 2005, and was elected to his second term by an 18-point margin on November 4, 2008. Previously, he was the Director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget under George W. Bush. He was formerly Senior Vice President of Eli Lilly and Company, Indiana's largest corporation, where he was in charge of the corporation's business strategy. He is cited as a rising star in the Republican Party, and was widely speculated to be a candidate for President of the United States in 2012 before choosing not to run. During his first year in office, he proposed a number of controversial plans to balance the state's $24 billion budget through tax increases, budget cuts, and privatization plans. Because of the opposition led by Republican Speaker of the House Brian Bosma, only two of the new taxes were approved, but his other budget austerity measures were approved. Spending was reduced by $440 million through budget cuts and privatization plans, and the annual budget growth was cut to 2.8% from the previous 5.9%. Support for a switch to daylight saving time, the privatization of the Indiana Toll Road, and the closure of many license branches brought him into conflict with Democrats; and, in 2005, his approval ratings dropped to a low of 42%. In 2007, he began pressing for constitutional changes to cap state property taxes at 1–3% of value. The caps were approved by the Indiana General Assembly as statute the same year, and added to the state constitution by a 2008 ballot measure. His support for the property tax limits, and its subsequent adoption, helped raise his popularity and secure his re-election bid.
7770	dbpedia	2	68	https://www.forbes.com/sites/bretswanson/2011/04/29/mitch-daniels-saved-indiana-is-america-next/	en	Mitch Daniels Saved Indiana. Is America Next?	https://imageio.forbes.c…=1600&fit=bounds	https://imageio.forbes.c…=1600&fit=bounds	[ "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/c1c615ec24f639a1ec1f499ed3a70781?s=400&d=mm&r=g" ]	[]	[]	[ "Business", "OpEd", "Politics", "byline=Bret Swanson", "Op/Ed", "Indiana", "Medicaid", "Mitch Daniels", "Republican", "United States" ]	null	[ "Bret Swanson" ]	2011-04-29T00:00:00	Image via Wikipedia In the summer of 2004, my wife and I moved from Massachusetts back to our home state of Indiana. When I reported to the Bureau of Motor Vehicles to secure a new driver’s license, however, it was apparent Hoosier hospitality had not found its way to the state [...]	en	https://i.forbesimg.com/48X48-F.png	Forbes	https://www.forbes.com/sites/bretswanson/2011/04/29/mitch-daniels-saved-indiana-is-america-next/	In the summer of 2004, my wife and I moved from Massachusetts back to our home state of Indiana. When I reported to the Bureau of Motor Vehicles to secure a new driver’s license, however, it was apparent Hoosier hospitality had not found its way to the state agency. I only achieved street legality after six weeks and seven infuriating trips to various government offices. Fast forward several years, and it’s time to register a new car. I’ve heard the BMV has improved its operations, and I’m able to make an appointment over the Internet, but I’m skeptical. I arrive at the hour of my choosing, my eight year old daughter in tow. We check in, wait three minutes for the clerk, and within another six minutes, we are out the door. Truth be told, three or four of those minutes were spent thanking the very pleasant clerk for the vastly improved service. You can see the receipt of our quick visit nearby. Six minutes versus six weeks. This mundane comparison is but a tiny reflection of the far more momentous policy agenda and management effectiveness of Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels. When most states were gleefully building unsustainable liabilities in the pre-crash party years, Daniels was scrutinizing every line item of state government. Despite Indiana’s many challenges as a Midwestern manufacturing state, he turned a large inherited budget deficit into a surplus – and then sustained the surplus through the crash. The state achieved its first AAA credit rating, all while delivering a net tax cut. When the crash hit and other states retrenched important infrastructure projects, Indiana plowed ahead. Daniels had the foresight to lease the Indiana Toll Road for $4 billion and thus fund a generation’s worth of new roads and bridges. Indiana in 2011 will build a record number of “lane miles” – with 15% fewer Department of Transportation workers. The quantum leap in BMV service has been achieved with 20% fewer agency employees. Overall, Indiana has the country’s fewest state employees per capita and employs the same number of government workers it did in 1975. But there was no slash-and-burn. Just 5% of the workforce reductions were involuntary layoffs. Most of the efficiencies were achieved through a strategic hiring committee that asked some tough questions (and lots of easy ones, too) about whether positions on existing organizational charts were really necessary. Reductions in many agencies enabled large expansions in others, like Family and Social Services, which added hundreds of workers to stem a crisis in the foster care and child protection system. By decertifying public employee unions on his first day in office in 2005, Daniels gained the flexibility not just to pare back, reorganize, and merely move Xerox machines without union permission – but also to pay the best state employees more. Just yesterday, Daniels won support for the nation’s most far-reaching education reforms: widespread school choice, local control, merit pay and an end to seniority. The list goes on: public pension plans that are modest and healthy; a 2006 telecom reform that boosted the state’s broadband and wireless infrastructure (a recent Akamai report showed Indiana with the sixth highest broadband speeds); and health savings accounts (HSAs) for state workers, which have been popular (70% choose this option) and saved large sums. Indiana’s success comes despite many economic and climatic obstacles. It’s long been a key link in the supply chain of the troubled auto industry. And the state’s four robust seasons (snow, sleet, gray, heat) mean Indiana can’t compete with Texas or North Carolina in the sunshine department. Yet the 2010 census showed Indiana’s population grew faster in the previous decade than any state in the Northeast quadrant – “from Iowa to Maine,” as Daniels likes to say. Daniels’ bold policy agenda and his “measure everything” management genius have bolstered Indiana in tough times. But his other qualities are perhaps what the nation most needs. Read any of Daniels’ columns for The Wall Street Journal or his commencement speeches at Butler and Rose-Hulman Universities, and you will find a texture of thought rarely matched by public officials. There is a mingling of aggressive honesty and good willed restraint, pungent humor and empathy, economic literacy and cultural context. Many think they know how to spur economic growth or fix the budget. But at a time of supreme ideological polarity but so little room for further economic error, the question is, how do we get there? Daniels has been thinking strategically – about the what and the how. He suggested we might set aside the most divisive social issues for a time in order to build a coalition large enough to affirm a new generational path on the economy and entitlements. Not the way ObamaCare was rammed through, with the barest margin and questionable parliamentary maneuvers. This coalition of economic liberty and social tolerance probably represents 70% of the nation. To my socially conservative friends, I would say this of Daniels’ proposed “truce.” We can take our children to church where we please. We can teach them what’s important. We can’t resist the government’s taxes or regulations. Nor can we provide for our children if the government creates a Depression. The U.S. is big and diverse. We should handle more things at the state – or family – level. By deemphasizing the national all-or-nothing social rows that inflame both sides to maximum angst, we could actually succeed in a decentralized revival that would reflect America’s natural conservatism better than the existing binary stand-off. Indiana may have the nation’s most efficient state government, but our state is unlikely to succeed if America does not. We’re willing to share, and we hope this unusually smart and energetic man of action might consider service in a larger arena.
7770	dbpedia	2	13	https://tfas.org/news/liberty-leadership-podcast-mitch-daniels-on-campus-free-speech-and-leadership-at-purdue/	en	Liberty + Leadership Podcast	https://tfas.org/wp-cont…ogo-Web-Card.png	https://tfas.org/wp-cont…ogo-Web-Card.png	[ "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo-footer.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Ep33-TFAS-Pre-Release-16x9-2.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo-footer.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-dci.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-dci-color.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-tfasi.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-tfasi-color.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-fte.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-fte-color.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/fPXsEwAepu4?rel=0", "https://www.youtube.com/embed/fPXsEwAepu4?rel=0" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Marissa Starkel" ]	2023-02-15T19:18:03+00:00	This week, another exceptional guest joins us on the Liberty + Leadership Podcast: Mitch Daniels, TFAS Trustee Emeritus.	en	/apple-touch-icon-180x180.png	The Fund for American Studies	https://tfas.org/news/liberty-leadership-podcast-mitch-daniels-on-campus-free-speech-and-leadership-at-purdue/	Mitch Daniels is a former governor of Indiana who led the Hoosier state from 2005 to 2013. He then served as the president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. Mitch has served in the public sector across a number of roles, including as director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush, chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana, and senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan. He also served as executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Hudson Institute and Eli Lilly and Company. Mitch is a former member of the TFAS Board of Trustees, where he now serves as trustee emeritus. He earned his bachelor’s degree from Princeton University and his law degree from Georgetown University. In this week’s episode of the Liberty + Leadership Podcast, TFAS President Roger Ream ’76 and Mitch take a deep dive into the issues addressed and the lessons learned during his landmark 12 years as president of Purdue University. Mitch talks about how Purdue was able to increase enrollment by 30 percent while tuition remained flat, how student loan forgiveness will end up being disastrous, how the adoption of the Chicago Principle allowed Purdue to promote free speech on campus, the balance of educating Purdue students in both STEM and citizenship, and how students should remain flexible as they’ll never know what opportunities life may present. He also reminds listeners that both the first and last man to walk on the moon were Purdue graduates and that 30 percent of all astronauts are Boilermakers. Episode Transcript The transcript below is lightly edited for clarity. Roger Ream [00:00:00] Hello and welcome. I’m Roger Ream and this is the Liberty and Leadership Podcast, a conversation with TFAS alumni, supporters, faculty and friends who are making a real impact in public policy, business, philanthropy, law and journalism. Today I’m recording from the TFAS Annual Conference in Amelia Island, Florida. My guest is Mitch Daniels, trustee emeritus at The Fund for American Studies and the former governor of Indiana. He also just retired earlier this year as president of Purdue University. Mitch is a role model in politics and higher education. We’re going to hear from him about his political career and his service as Purdue’s president for ten years. Mitch, congratulations on your retirement and thanks for taking time to join us at this conference and to chat with me today. Mitch Daniels [00:00:57] I’m resisting using the term. I’m saying I stepped down from the job. Not sure what’s next, but I may not be what people think of as retirement. We’ll see. Roger Ream [00:01:09] Yeah, I hope not. I hope it isn’t. And I know you’ve got some plans already at Purdue. I’d like to start. I know tonight you’ll be talking at this conference about higher education, about some of what you’ve learned as president of Purdue. I’d love to take a few minutes to have you share that experience with us and particularly how you first approached the job when you were hired ten years ago and how you determined the priorities of your focus. Mitch Daniels [00:01:34] The answer to that, how I approached it, is cautiously. It’s not something I’m disclosing for the first time. I said ‘no’ to the search committee and the trustees three or four times. I just didn’t think it was necessarily a good fit for them or for me. But I warmed up to the idea. I’m so glad I did. It was a tremendous experience in the end. In terms of early priorities, I had some ideas, some of which I proved, I think, are valid, and we pursued them to fruition. Some of them weren’t so wise. And I learned that, and we discarded those. But in general, these have been years of growth and action at Purdue University, the university is 30% larger than when we arrived. It is and this was certainly one of my correct early judgments. It is much more STEM-centric, as we say, even than it was before. We were about 41% of our undergrads, higher percentage of our graduate students were in one of the scientific or technological disciplines or engineering when I arrived, and it’s approaching 70% now. And that was something that was one reason I finally wound up drawn to the job. This is such an urgent national need to have more technological talent at the highest level. And nobody’s producing more such young talent than Purdue. Roger Ream [00:03:18] Well, just pursuing that for a minute, I know that a lot of international students come to the U.S. to study, and many of them in the STEM area. And our visa program, from what I know, doesn’t seem to be structured in a way that we keep all that talent here. Many of it goes back to wherever they came from. What is the mix? Do you have a lot of international students at Purdue and as well as U.S.? Mitch Daniels [00:03:43] We do, but there’s a story there. First of all, international students at Purdue is not a new thing as it is not a relatively recent thing as it is at some places. Students have been coming there for a century. Typically, young people who want to do a study, engineering, or some related discipline and particularly in Asia. If you go to Taiwan, if you go, for instance, or Japan, you’ll find a boilermaker every 50 feet. But in more recent times that number and its percentage of the student body had grown substantially. And I decided early on that it was too much of a good thing. And we’ve very consciously dialed back the percentage, which was well up into the class when I arrived, was almost 20% international and half of them from one country. And you can guess which one. And that was simply, I thought, going two or three steps too far. For one thing, you don’t get the alleged virtues of variety diversification. If too many from one place, they tend to self-segregate and they don’t interact with the American students, for instance, as you might hope. So, the last several classes at Purdue have been more like 7% or 8% international. And India now actually is the number one country. Fewer than 2% are from China. There obviously had become other issues with regard to China. So, there are other reasons I thought that was prudent. But, you know, basically we’re there to try to educate the next generation of top talent, particularly technological talent, for the U.S. And you’re right, many of these young people, for the best reasons, want to go home and build their countries, become more like America. Roger Ream [00:05:56] Well, you’ve accomplished a lot as president of Purdue. But perhaps the most astonishing thing is over the last ten years, you haven’t raised tuition. How in the world did you do that? Mitch Daniels [00:06:08] Well, I’d love to tell you it was some brilliant managerial, you know, insight really wasn’t, I would say. You ask about priorities earlier and I would just say this became a top priority for us. I’ve told the story many times that when I first got there – and I remember I was fresh from almost a decade moving around a pretty diverse state that Indiana is learning firsthand how difficult it was becoming for particularly middle-income families, moderate income families to afford college. And so, I never imagined we’d pull off what we did. I just wanted to have a one-year time out. Hit the pause button for one year. Had been 36 straight years of increases, which is true at almost every other school that you can name. Roger Ream [00:07:01] Right. Mitch Daniels [00:07:03] But it turned out it wasn’t that difficult to do. Not surprisingly, it was well received. And the next year, we had operated the university at a better than breakeven level. And I just kept posing the question year on year and I want to give you some qualifiers here, because people imagine things that weren’t a factor. We didn’t shrink or short the teaching mission. We’ve grown the faculty dramatically in keeping with a higher student population. Our pay raises for faculty and staff have been above the peer group average every single year. We didn’t get any more state money, surprisingly, it has been sort of flat all the way through. So, there was no windfall of any kind there. We, as I told you, we reduced the percentage of international students. We tried to practice real economy. We tried to prioritize affordability and accessibility, and it did just develop some momentum. A huge factor, honestly, was that in one of those virtuous cycles, people talk about a reputation for affordability, we know was one factor, not the only one in attracting more students. And as I mentioned earlier, we have something like 30% more students than we did. That’s one way you keep the price down for everybody. Roger Ream [00:08:33] And I imagine, I’ll use the word selectivity of the students, the quality. I don’t know how you measure that exactly. Average SATs, whatever, is probably going up. Mitch Daniels [00:08:43] Yeah, it’s going up. And, you know, we’re a land grant school and we are deeply imbued with the mission of democratizing education. So, we’re not necessarily happy when really talented young people, when we can’t squeeze them in. And it’s been the strategic decision or topic for some time at the board. How much bigger can we get without in any way compromising the academic quality or just the student experience? But even with the rather explosive growth, somewhat contrary to our early expectations, the academic readiness or quality keeps going up every year. You know, Purdue is the hot ticket right now. Roger Ream [00:09:34] Yeah, there seems to be a little bit of a push here and there in this country now to suggest that too many young people are going to college, or at least not everyone has to go to college, and that employers should consider hiring people who don’t have a B.A. Obviously, if you’re going to hire an engineer, you want people in the STEM fields, You want them well-educated and probably with a graduate degree. But what do you think about, I mean, this leads into talking about student loan programs as well. Mitch Daniels [00:10:06] I think those people have a point. And I’ve thought this for quite some time. There’s no question that a number of students felt the pressure of being compelled to go to college, who might have found a very worthwhile career through a different path. And those are beginning to open up. Alternative modes of learning some skill past high school other than a four year and possibly very expensive baccalaureate degree. I think it’s a very positive thing that a lot of employers have had second thoughts about this. I mean, it was very clear to me, even when I first took up my duties, that a lot of employers were using the four-year degree as a proxy for the smarts to get into somebody’s college and maybe some persistence that they actually finished. But they already knew then it’s become more and more clear that at least many schools, the quality, the rigor has been totally diluted, average GPAs skyrocketing, you know, closer to four than three. And, you know, you ask yourself how bad does somebody have to be to get a B in a place like that? We’ve leaned hard against that at Purdue University, by the way, that we’ve been trying to be very, very vigilant about so-called grade inflation. But for employers who are looking at it that way, it makes all the sense in the world to consider other means of identifying top talent. I mean, we already have a number of professional exams. If you can pass the CPA exam, you probably know accounting. Roger Ream [00:11:49] Yes. Mitch Daniels [00:11:49] If you pass the Bar exam, you’re probably fit to be a lawyer. And that can be done. And that’s starting to be done in other contexts, a lot of the high-tech companies don’t care. Can you code or not? Yeah, and it’s not hard to find out. Roger Ream [00:12:04] You reminded me of a story from our experience at TFAS about ten years ago. We hired a business professor from, I won’t say what school, but a very prominent private university to teach for us. And one of the first things he asked me when we hired him was, “What’s your grading policy?” And I said, “Well, what do you mean?” And he said, “Well, I got let go from a major university once because I gave students grades below a B.” Mitch Daniels [00:12:34] I wish I thought that was an isolated case but you and I both know it’s all too common. Roger Ream [00:12:38] Well, speaking of tuition, you write a column in The Washington Post. Are you going to keep that column going? Mitch Daniels [00:12:44] Haven’t decided. Roger Ream [00:12:45] Okay. Mitch Daniels [00:12:45] I don’t know. You know, I thought it was a natural time to at least have a pause on that while I was considering resuming political activity. But now if that’s behind me, I’ll think about it. Roger Ream [00:13:04] I ask because I think it was in one of your columns, I read some criticism of the idea that we should forgive student loans or partially forgive student loans. What are your thoughts about that? Mitch Daniels [00:13:17] Some criticism that sort of a mild characterization of my views on that. I do believe it is one of the worst policy suggestions in memory for a variety of reasons. And I tried to spell them out there. Roger Ream [00:13:37] One being the Constitution, I think. Mitch Daniels [00:13:38] Well, you know, that little matter of the Constitution, and who’s supposed to have the power of the purse, that’s absolutely a big one, but I think some of the others are equally obvious. First of all, it’s inequitable. There’s no way they can do this that won’t advantage wealthier students and students who are destined to be much wealthier. To young lawyers, let’s say, who are about to go earn huge six figure incomes, as a couple getting forgiven their loan it’s inequitable in that way. It’s grossly unfair to those who worked hard and lived up to their obligations and paid it back. 99+ percent of Purdue graduates who took out a student loan pay it back. Roger Ream [00:14:35] Wow. Mitch Daniels [00:14:35] I’m not sure how we’re supposed to tell them, you know, too bad suckers, you know, your timing was off. No, just the moral lesson that it would teach about living up to one’s obligations. The fiscal impact of another several hundred billion dollars. Note the irony that some of these young people are clamoring, you know, to be excused from an obligation they took on knowingly and willingly. If they’re lucky enough that that happens, those same young people are going to get the bill eventually because government doesn’t have this money. It will borrow more and hand them the charges. So, for all those reasons, any one of those reasons, I think would be sufficient to say it’s a bad idea. He put them all together. And as I say, hard put to name an idea that I’ve thought less of. Roger Ream [00:15:37] Yeah. And in your service in Washington, in the administration as the budget director, you came face to face with the serious financial issues that we face in this country, not only annual deficits, which have ballooned tremendously since that time, but with the continuing accumulation of national debt that exceeds 31 trillion now and the unfunded liabilities. And this just adds to it. It’s not like we have a lot of money sitting around from surpluses we built up that we can do this, but what do you think it is? How are we ever going to get a handle on federal spending and borrowing and this debt? Or will we? Mitch Daniels [00:16:16] Apparently the machine will have to go tilt, one could have hoped. I hoped for a very long time that we would pass this test of democracy. As people we would be willing to and a majority of Americans could be successfully appealed to think more about the future than the present, think about their children, and the intergenerational unfairness of what we’re doing. It’s not as though we’re borrowing this money and investing it in something that will pay off down the line. We’re borrowing all this money and spending it on ourselves today. And so, I’m afraid we’ll have to have a reality check. The cold smack of reality when it’s finally not just a projection, but that the day in which we cannot meet our safety net obligations arise. You know Roger, that’s all incredibly worrisome as a matter of the federal finances, as a matter of the economy, what all that borrowing will do when it goes for that purpose as opposed to economic growth and building opportunity. But I worry at least as much about the sense of betrayal that’s going to happen when people are suddenly told that these benefits can’t be delivered at the level they were promised and or that somebody’s taxes are going to have to go up massively to try to keep up with those promises. You know, if you think we have problems of social division today, imagine that scenario. And so, I continue to harbor the hope that since there’s no really no debate about any of this, there’s no computers, not a matter of computer models or competing philosophical views. It’s arithmetic. Roger Ream [00:18:20] Yeah. Mitch Daniels [00:18:21] And so I see stirrings of interest in Washington, and I hope they become something much bigger. Roger Ream [00:18:30] Yeah, I saw the graph just the other day of what interest on the debt is doing as a percentage of the budget. Mitch Daniels [00:18:38] Yeah, well, as Professor Friedman and others said and taught us a long time ago, governments that do what too many governments do. Debt, by the way, is what brought down empires of the past. Usually before some military conqueror did. And there are three things that governments do. As they become more and more desperate, they can inflate their way out. They can default. Or they can repress their way out. And that’s what we’ve been doing most recently. You just shaft the savers with absurdly low below inflation interest rates and hope they don’t notice. And so the federal government’s been getting by with low interest payments even as it keeps stacking up principal. But that’s starting to end because you were getting the inflation that is so destructive of free institutions. So, there’s a little more I think, reality beginning to intrude, but none too soon. Roger Ream [00:19:51] You know, I carry in my briefcase a 10 trillion note from Zimbabwe. Mitch Daniels [00:19:57] Yes? Roger Ream [00:19:58] That was worthless. I mean, I think a friend of mine bought it for about $25. And, you know, the stories of pre-war Germany and between the wars leading up to the rise of Hitler was this massive inflation. And so, it can happen here because it’s happened to many other empires throughout history. If we don’t get a handle on it. Returning to a brighter subject, back to Purdue for a minute. It’s been an amazing school. It’s produced great STEM majors, people for the space program. Talk a little bit about that, your connection to the space exploration, what has happened at Purdue. Mitch Daniels [00:20:37] That’s one of the fun things about working there. Our 26th NASA astronaut was just qualified, a young woman. One third of all the manned space flights up until at least a year or so ago. Last I caught sight of this had at least one boilermaker on board. Roger Ream [00:21:00] Wow. Remarkable. Mitch Daniels [00:21:02] And as we sometimes say, first and most recent men on the moon, Neil Armstrong and Gene Cernan. It’s obviously something we’re very proud of. We had a couple during my years there, we had a couple of reunions every so many years we invite them back. Most of the ones who are living make it back. It’s like I moderated a conversation among about 12 or 13 of them a few years ago. I didn’t have to do much, just get the ball rolling. They told stories. Audience of 6,000 people jammed into our biggest concert hall. They put us down in the orchestra pit and it was like a rock concert. They raised us up. Smoke’s going everywhere. The audience went crazy. Believe me, the Stones didn’t get any bigger ovation than those people did. Roger Ream [00:21:54] Well, I think the plan for NASA is to send people to the moon again and they want to send a woman there. So, you have a chance of this woman being one of them. Mitch Daniels [00:22:03] It could well be. Absolutely could. Roger Ream [00:22:05] Also dealing with higher education. People all hear a lot today about, I think it started with the idea of safe spaces and then threats to free speech. And now it’s the woke university. How have you responded to that? I think you were one of the first to sign on to the Chicago Principles and for free speech. Mitch Daniels [00:22:27] You know, I’m reticent about bringing this up, but I claim paternity over that term, Chicago Principles. Because University of Chicago had written some. This was an early action that we took. I was aware, as any reader of the news is, of some of these really unacceptable transgressions of people’s rights and of free inquiry on campuses. And so I wanted us to take a clear stance about it. University of Chicago, after a very careful process led by a 1960s avowed liberal. This is an interesting angle here. Geoffrey Stone, a constitutional scholar, led the group. They produced a statement of principle. I read it. I thought, shucks, I mean, we could have our own group go off for three years and whatever they came back with wouldn’t be any better than this. So, I called up President Zimmer in Chicago and said, “Would you mind if another school Xerox?” He said, “No, we’d be flattered, and we’d be pleased.” And so, I just took it to our board. We just did it. The board of trustees have full authority to make policy for their schools. I’ve never seen a bylaw of public, private or otherwise school that didn’t give them that authority. And so, we just did it, and that was that. But I say, I thought we should call it the Chicago Principles. I thought it would have more power if more and more schools signed the same statement. You remember the Sullivan principles? Roger Ream [00:24:10] Right. Mitch Daniels [00:24:13] I remembered that as the analog, that I thought it had more impact because all those corporations said exactly the same thing. So, it’s been slower than I had hoped. But there are – I think there’s some reasonable double-digit numbers who have signed the same thing. When I said a minute ago, I thought, an interesting angle. And we have had on campus two or three people, including Professor Stone, who grew up in an era when free speech was the cause of the left, that what they saw as these autocratic institutions. Roger Ream [00:24:52] It was true at Berkeley. Free speech movement in the sixties. Mitch Daniels [00:24:56] The Vietnam protests and so forth. Free speech was there to defend the dissidents of the time. And now they find themselves, I’ve met several such people who were civil rights leaders. They still have strong views that you would consider, you know, leaning left. But they can’t go along with this idea of censorship and the stifling of dissent that they grew up understanding how important that is to a free society. So it’s been fun to get to know people like that and to have this in common. Roger Ream [00:25:35] Yeah. Congratulations on that success. Talk for a minute about what you’re doing at Purdue when it comes to civic literacy and civic education. That’s a concern of a lot of people in this country. And it’s, you know, K-12 as well as at higher education that we are teaching future citizens the importance of our principles. Mitch Daniels [00:25:58] Yes, you’ve read, most of the listeners will have seen surveys not just of young people, but by now of the adult population, and they’re almost comical, except that they’re sad. Yeah. You know, they think Judge Judy’s on the Supreme Court and things like that. And so, we thought that in at least some modest way, we wanted a Purdue graduate to not only be exceptionally skilled at something that they learn and knowledgeable, but ready for citizenship. We’re supposed to be producing more than just great engineers; we’re supposed to be producing citizens. So, we want them to be civics-certified as we say. It’s a pretty simple process, but starting with the current freshman class, every Purdue student will have to pass a civics test. There are three pathways that they’re supposed to have undertaken before they do that. One of them is attend a minimum of six speeches, lectures or programs that will be certified, as, you know, close enough to the subject. There’s also – it so happens that one of our alums invented C-SPAN – Roger Ream [00:27:25] Is that Brian Lamb? Mitch Daniels [00:27:26] Yes, and we have all those archives. And so those folks have done a series of podcasts on major questions in civics. You know, why do we have separation of powers? What claims are made for the federal system, things like that. Watching that series is another thing that a student can do prior to go take the test. They can take the test more than once if they need to. But that, we think, is a small step, but a step in the right direction. So far, so good. Roger Ream [00:28:09] Well, that I will call the Purdue approach and hopefully other schools will sign on to the Purdue approach. Mitch Daniels [00:28:15] We’ve had a lot of folks come look at Purdue. I do hope that idea spreads. Certainly, the concern about civic illiteracy goes across almost the entire spectrum. I mean, we all know, there’s a segment of people who would be happy to mis-educate young people, not just leave them uneducated or poorly educated, but mis-taught. But leaving them aside, most people, I think, find that the current state of understanding of our free institutions inadequate. Roger Ream [00:28:53] Yeah, I think that’s right. I think it does cut across the spectrum. We’ve had some outstanding students in our programs from Purdue and you’ve been kind enough to bring them over to meet with you either for coffee in your office. You took some to a basketball game this fall, which has been wonderful. We get outstanding students in our program. Since many of our young alumni listen to this, I wanted to ask you something that stemmed from hearing you at a program at the American Enterprise Institute a few months ago when you responded to a question by saying you never really had a plan for where you wanted to go next in life. You kind of took opportunities as they came along and of course, performed superbly and more opportunities came. But what advice do you give to students at Purdue who are trying to figure out what to do in their lives? Mitch Daniels [00:29:47] I encourage them to have a clearer idea than I did. I think it’s great that they are as purposeful as they are and as forward looking as they are. They’ve all chosen coming in the door. I’m not sure this is a good idea, but we still do this at Purdue. You do have to choose a major as you come in, not midway through, so they have some idea and obviously we encourage that and try to prepare them as well as we can for whatever that field might be. But I do tell them all the time, you know, stay light on your feet, stay open to possibilities with your talent and the kind of education that you have a chance to obtain here, the world will present you with options that you haven’t thought about yet. And I never encourage people to be impulsive about that, but just to recognize that they’re going to come and be ready to examine them openly when they do. And I can testify that things you never expected, like the chance to work at Purdue University, were the most fulfilling roles that ever came my way. Roger Ream [00:31:12] When we were talking before about the financial situation of our federal government and of our country, it’s easy to conclude that things look grim on that front. But I suspect you aren’t a pessimist about the future. How would you tag yourself in terms of whether you’re an optimist or a pessimist? Mitch Daniels [00:31:31] I sometimes say I’m obstinately optimistic. I can give you all the reasons not to be. And we shouldn’t be blind to this. Great nations, no great nation has lasted forever (ours is still very young), and particularly those that try to operate under conditions of freedom. We will have to demonstrate some maturity as a democracy, as we talked about earlier. So, we don’t spend ourselves broken and wind up hopelessly beholden to others. But no, I mean, we still have an asset that at least the visible would be competitors don’t. And that is the spontaneity that open institutions afford the people economically in terms of innovation and for the political systems which go through cycles of difficulty and paralysis and acrimony. And we’re in one, but we’ve been there before, and our system has the chance to adapt. And America has produced people in the past who have led us out of difficulties like that. And so, I’m optimistic that’s going to happen again. Roger Ream [00:32:59] The theme of our conference this weekend is Keeping the American Dream Alive. Do you think the American dream is still alive? Mitch Daniels [00:33:05] Sure it is. Just go look at the people who are leading some of our most spectacularly successful businesses and other enterprises. Some of them weren’t born here. Many of them weren’t. There are what we used to call Horatio Alger stories everywhere. Roger Ream [00:33:25] There still are. Mitch Daniels [00:33:26] And so there’s no question that it’s still alive now. We lost some of the cultural capital that made that sort of life experience more accessible to people in the past. We worry, and we should, about the quality of our education and so forth. That’s not all. That’s not the only problem. Might not even be the biggest problem. We have to renew a spirit of hard work, personal responsibility. These things which were once stronger norms in society than they have been recently. People who have that approach to life, to work and society can succeed today. There’s no question they can succeed, even if they weren’t fortunate enough to have a great education or some material head start. So, sure, we have those challenges, but it isn’t hard to find people who surmount them. And so, you know, people who claim that somehow the dream is not still a reality may be making excuses for their own failure to take advantage of it. Roger Ream [00:35:00] Well, last question. You’ve decided just this past week that elective office is not in the plan, at least for this year. You’re going to be affiliated, I think, in the business school at Purdue going forward? Mitch Daniels [00:35:15] Yeah. Purdue has asked me to maintain a relationship. I’m going to chair their research foundation, which has a variety of activities, including all our tech transfer and commercialization of Purdue’s inventions. We’re routinely now in the top handful in the world in new patents and so forth. And the question is how can you best move those into the marketplace where they can be of some use to somebody? So, I’ll be doing that and a few other chores for them. Roger Ream [00:35:47] I want to ask about something we talked about a little informally before we started the podcast, and that’s just attitudes of students toward business. We see surveys that show support for capitalism is about 30%, and 30% of students say socialism and 30% don’t know. If you ask them about free enterprise, that scores higher, entrepreneurship scores higher. But what do you find the attitudes of young people about, you know, careers in business or about the economic system in this country? Mitch Daniels [00:36:21] I know Purdue’s not completely typical, but it’s what most of them are interested in doing. Our business school has been growing and we think is on track to grow by another little amount, another third. And, you know, I think what those surveys tell me is that there is another gap in young people’s education. They don’t know what socialism is. They think it means being nice to people. They’ve heard a lot of criticisms that are completely invalid about capitalism as some people describe it. But if you ask them what they hope to do in life, it’s make a good living and work at something that they find fulfilling and that creates value for other people. Yeah, well, that’s business. Roger Ream [00:37:21] Well, thank you. I appreciate you being with us. I appreciate your service on our Board of Trustees for many years, and I’m proud to call you a TFAS emeritus trustee. Mitch Daniels [00:37:32] I’m proud to be, Roger. If you hadn’t kicked me off, I might still be there. When you go into public life, you have to divorce yourself from all such involvements. But as you know, I’ve never lost sight of what you do. And it’s one of the great missions out there, one of the great programs that are very fortunate that they’ve kept you at the helm these years. So, I’m always grateful for the chance to be associated. Roger Ream [00:37:57] Well, thank you. You may get an invitation to rejoin the Board then. Thank you very much, Mitch. Roger Ream [00:38:04] Thank you for listening to the Liberty and Leadership Podcast. Please don’t forget to subscribe, download, like or share the show on Apple, Spotify, or YouTube or wherever you listen to your podcasts. If you like this episode, I ask you to rate and review it and if you have a comment or question for the show, please drop us an email at podcast@TFAS.org. The Liberty and Leadership Podcast is produced at kglobal Studios in Washington, D.C. I’m your host Roger Ream and until next time, show courage in things large and small. About the Podcast TFAS has reached more than 46,000 students and professionals through academic programs, fellowships and seminars. Representing more than 140 countries, TFAS alumni are courageous leaders throughout the world forging careers in politics, government, public policy, business, philanthropy, law and the media. Join TFAS President Roger Ream ’76 as he reconnects with these outstanding alumni to share experiences, swap career stories, and find out what makes their leadership journey unique. With prominent congressmen, judges and journalists among the mix, each episode is sure to excite your interest in what makes TFAS special. If you have a comment or question for the show, please email podcast@TFAS.org.
7770	dbpedia	1	11	https://tfas.org/news/liberty-leadership-podcast-mitch-daniels-on-campus-free-speech-and-leadership-at-purdue/	en	Liberty + Leadership Podcast	https://tfas.org/wp-cont…ogo-Web-Card.png	https://tfas.org/wp-cont…ogo-Web-Card.png	[ "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo-footer.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Ep33-TFAS-Pre-Release-16x9-2.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo-footer.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-dci.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-dci-color.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-tfasi.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-tfasi-color.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-fte.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-fte-color.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/fPXsEwAepu4?rel=0", "https://www.youtube.com/embed/fPXsEwAepu4?rel=0" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Marissa Starkel" ]	2023-02-15T19:18:03+00:00	This week, another exceptional guest joins us on the Liberty + Leadership Podcast: Mitch Daniels, TFAS Trustee Emeritus.	en	/apple-touch-icon-180x180.png	The Fund for American Studies	https://tfas.org/news/liberty-leadership-podcast-mitch-daniels-on-campus-free-speech-and-leadership-at-purdue/	Mitch Daniels is a former governor of Indiana who led the Hoosier state from 2005 to 2013. He then served as the president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. Mitch has served in the public sector across a number of roles, including as director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush, chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana, and senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan. He also served as executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Hudson Institute and Eli Lilly and Company. Mitch is a former member of the TFAS Board of Trustees, where he now serves as trustee emeritus. He earned his bachelor’s degree from Princeton University and his law degree from Georgetown University. In this week’s episode of the Liberty + Leadership Podcast, TFAS President Roger Ream ’76 and Mitch take a deep dive into the issues addressed and the lessons learned during his landmark 12 years as president of Purdue University. Mitch talks about how Purdue was able to increase enrollment by 30 percent while tuition remained flat, how student loan forgiveness will end up being disastrous, how the adoption of the Chicago Principle allowed Purdue to promote free speech on campus, the balance of educating Purdue students in both STEM and citizenship, and how students should remain flexible as they’ll never know what opportunities life may present. He also reminds listeners that both the first and last man to walk on the moon were Purdue graduates and that 30 percent of all astronauts are Boilermakers. Episode Transcript The transcript below is lightly edited for clarity. Roger Ream [00:00:00] Hello and welcome. I’m Roger Ream and this is the Liberty and Leadership Podcast, a conversation with TFAS alumni, supporters, faculty and friends who are making a real impact in public policy, business, philanthropy, law and journalism. Today I’m recording from the TFAS Annual Conference in Amelia Island, Florida. My guest is Mitch Daniels, trustee emeritus at The Fund for American Studies and the former governor of Indiana. He also just retired earlier this year as president of Purdue University. Mitch is a role model in politics and higher education. We’re going to hear from him about his political career and his service as Purdue’s president for ten years. Mitch, congratulations on your retirement and thanks for taking time to join us at this conference and to chat with me today. Mitch Daniels [00:00:57] I’m resisting using the term. I’m saying I stepped down from the job. Not sure what’s next, but I may not be what people think of as retirement. We’ll see. Roger Ream [00:01:09] Yeah, I hope not. I hope it isn’t. And I know you’ve got some plans already at Purdue. I’d like to start. I know tonight you’ll be talking at this conference about higher education, about some of what you’ve learned as president of Purdue. I’d love to take a few minutes to have you share that experience with us and particularly how you first approached the job when you were hired ten years ago and how you determined the priorities of your focus. Mitch Daniels [00:01:34] The answer to that, how I approached it, is cautiously. It’s not something I’m disclosing for the first time. I said ‘no’ to the search committee and the trustees three or four times. I just didn’t think it was necessarily a good fit for them or for me. But I warmed up to the idea. I’m so glad I did. It was a tremendous experience in the end. In terms of early priorities, I had some ideas, some of which I proved, I think, are valid, and we pursued them to fruition. Some of them weren’t so wise. And I learned that, and we discarded those. But in general, these have been years of growth and action at Purdue University, the university is 30% larger than when we arrived. It is and this was certainly one of my correct early judgments. It is much more STEM-centric, as we say, even than it was before. We were about 41% of our undergrads, higher percentage of our graduate students were in one of the scientific or technological disciplines or engineering when I arrived, and it’s approaching 70% now. And that was something that was one reason I finally wound up drawn to the job. This is such an urgent national need to have more technological talent at the highest level. And nobody’s producing more such young talent than Purdue. Roger Ream [00:03:18] Well, just pursuing that for a minute, I know that a lot of international students come to the U.S. to study, and many of them in the STEM area. And our visa program, from what I know, doesn’t seem to be structured in a way that we keep all that talent here. Many of it goes back to wherever they came from. What is the mix? Do you have a lot of international students at Purdue and as well as U.S.? Mitch Daniels [00:03:43] We do, but there’s a story there. First of all, international students at Purdue is not a new thing as it is not a relatively recent thing as it is at some places. Students have been coming there for a century. Typically, young people who want to do a study, engineering, or some related discipline and particularly in Asia. If you go to Taiwan, if you go, for instance, or Japan, you’ll find a boilermaker every 50 feet. But in more recent times that number and its percentage of the student body had grown substantially. And I decided early on that it was too much of a good thing. And we’ve very consciously dialed back the percentage, which was well up into the class when I arrived, was almost 20% international and half of them from one country. And you can guess which one. And that was simply, I thought, going two or three steps too far. For one thing, you don’t get the alleged virtues of variety diversification. If too many from one place, they tend to self-segregate and they don’t interact with the American students, for instance, as you might hope. So, the last several classes at Purdue have been more like 7% or 8% international. And India now actually is the number one country. Fewer than 2% are from China. There obviously had become other issues with regard to China. So, there are other reasons I thought that was prudent. But, you know, basically we’re there to try to educate the next generation of top talent, particularly technological talent, for the U.S. And you’re right, many of these young people, for the best reasons, want to go home and build their countries, become more like America. Roger Ream [00:05:56] Well, you’ve accomplished a lot as president of Purdue. But perhaps the most astonishing thing is over the last ten years, you haven’t raised tuition. How in the world did you do that? Mitch Daniels [00:06:08] Well, I’d love to tell you it was some brilliant managerial, you know, insight really wasn’t, I would say. You ask about priorities earlier and I would just say this became a top priority for us. I’ve told the story many times that when I first got there – and I remember I was fresh from almost a decade moving around a pretty diverse state that Indiana is learning firsthand how difficult it was becoming for particularly middle-income families, moderate income families to afford college. And so, I never imagined we’d pull off what we did. I just wanted to have a one-year time out. Hit the pause button for one year. Had been 36 straight years of increases, which is true at almost every other school that you can name. Roger Ream [00:07:01] Right. Mitch Daniels [00:07:03] But it turned out it wasn’t that difficult to do. Not surprisingly, it was well received. And the next year, we had operated the university at a better than breakeven level. And I just kept posing the question year on year and I want to give you some qualifiers here, because people imagine things that weren’t a factor. We didn’t shrink or short the teaching mission. We’ve grown the faculty dramatically in keeping with a higher student population. Our pay raises for faculty and staff have been above the peer group average every single year. We didn’t get any more state money, surprisingly, it has been sort of flat all the way through. So, there was no windfall of any kind there. We, as I told you, we reduced the percentage of international students. We tried to practice real economy. We tried to prioritize affordability and accessibility, and it did just develop some momentum. A huge factor, honestly, was that in one of those virtuous cycles, people talk about a reputation for affordability, we know was one factor, not the only one in attracting more students. And as I mentioned earlier, we have something like 30% more students than we did. That’s one way you keep the price down for everybody. Roger Ream [00:08:33] And I imagine, I’ll use the word selectivity of the students, the quality. I don’t know how you measure that exactly. Average SATs, whatever, is probably going up. Mitch Daniels [00:08:43] Yeah, it’s going up. And, you know, we’re a land grant school and we are deeply imbued with the mission of democratizing education. So, we’re not necessarily happy when really talented young people, when we can’t squeeze them in. And it’s been the strategic decision or topic for some time at the board. How much bigger can we get without in any way compromising the academic quality or just the student experience? But even with the rather explosive growth, somewhat contrary to our early expectations, the academic readiness or quality keeps going up every year. You know, Purdue is the hot ticket right now. Roger Ream [00:09:34] Yeah, there seems to be a little bit of a push here and there in this country now to suggest that too many young people are going to college, or at least not everyone has to go to college, and that employers should consider hiring people who don’t have a B.A. Obviously, if you’re going to hire an engineer, you want people in the STEM fields, You want them well-educated and probably with a graduate degree. But what do you think about, I mean, this leads into talking about student loan programs as well. Mitch Daniels [00:10:06] I think those people have a point. And I’ve thought this for quite some time. There’s no question that a number of students felt the pressure of being compelled to go to college, who might have found a very worthwhile career through a different path. And those are beginning to open up. Alternative modes of learning some skill past high school other than a four year and possibly very expensive baccalaureate degree. I think it’s a very positive thing that a lot of employers have had second thoughts about this. I mean, it was very clear to me, even when I first took up my duties, that a lot of employers were using the four-year degree as a proxy for the smarts to get into somebody’s college and maybe some persistence that they actually finished. But they already knew then it’s become more and more clear that at least many schools, the quality, the rigor has been totally diluted, average GPAs skyrocketing, you know, closer to four than three. And, you know, you ask yourself how bad does somebody have to be to get a B in a place like that? We’ve leaned hard against that at Purdue University, by the way, that we’ve been trying to be very, very vigilant about so-called grade inflation. But for employers who are looking at it that way, it makes all the sense in the world to consider other means of identifying top talent. I mean, we already have a number of professional exams. If you can pass the CPA exam, you probably know accounting. Roger Ream [00:11:49] Yes. Mitch Daniels [00:11:49] If you pass the Bar exam, you’re probably fit to be a lawyer. And that can be done. And that’s starting to be done in other contexts, a lot of the high-tech companies don’t care. Can you code or not? Yeah, and it’s not hard to find out. Roger Ream [00:12:04] You reminded me of a story from our experience at TFAS about ten years ago. We hired a business professor from, I won’t say what school, but a very prominent private university to teach for us. And one of the first things he asked me when we hired him was, “What’s your grading policy?” And I said, “Well, what do you mean?” And he said, “Well, I got let go from a major university once because I gave students grades below a B.” Mitch Daniels [00:12:34] I wish I thought that was an isolated case but you and I both know it’s all too common. Roger Ream [00:12:38] Well, speaking of tuition, you write a column in The Washington Post. Are you going to keep that column going? Mitch Daniels [00:12:44] Haven’t decided. Roger Ream [00:12:45] Okay. Mitch Daniels [00:12:45] I don’t know. You know, I thought it was a natural time to at least have a pause on that while I was considering resuming political activity. But now if that’s behind me, I’ll think about it. Roger Ream [00:13:04] I ask because I think it was in one of your columns, I read some criticism of the idea that we should forgive student loans or partially forgive student loans. What are your thoughts about that? Mitch Daniels [00:13:17] Some criticism that sort of a mild characterization of my views on that. I do believe it is one of the worst policy suggestions in memory for a variety of reasons. And I tried to spell them out there. Roger Ream [00:13:37] One being the Constitution, I think. Mitch Daniels [00:13:38] Well, you know, that little matter of the Constitution, and who’s supposed to have the power of the purse, that’s absolutely a big one, but I think some of the others are equally obvious. First of all, it’s inequitable. There’s no way they can do this that won’t advantage wealthier students and students who are destined to be much wealthier. To young lawyers, let’s say, who are about to go earn huge six figure incomes, as a couple getting forgiven their loan it’s inequitable in that way. It’s grossly unfair to those who worked hard and lived up to their obligations and paid it back. 99+ percent of Purdue graduates who took out a student loan pay it back. Roger Ream [00:14:35] Wow. Mitch Daniels [00:14:35] I’m not sure how we’re supposed to tell them, you know, too bad suckers, you know, your timing was off. No, just the moral lesson that it would teach about living up to one’s obligations. The fiscal impact of another several hundred billion dollars. Note the irony that some of these young people are clamoring, you know, to be excused from an obligation they took on knowingly and willingly. If they’re lucky enough that that happens, those same young people are going to get the bill eventually because government doesn’t have this money. It will borrow more and hand them the charges. So, for all those reasons, any one of those reasons, I think would be sufficient to say it’s a bad idea. He put them all together. And as I say, hard put to name an idea that I’ve thought less of. Roger Ream [00:15:37] Yeah. And in your service in Washington, in the administration as the budget director, you came face to face with the serious financial issues that we face in this country, not only annual deficits, which have ballooned tremendously since that time, but with the continuing accumulation of national debt that exceeds 31 trillion now and the unfunded liabilities. And this just adds to it. It’s not like we have a lot of money sitting around from surpluses we built up that we can do this, but what do you think it is? How are we ever going to get a handle on federal spending and borrowing and this debt? Or will we? Mitch Daniels [00:16:16] Apparently the machine will have to go tilt, one could have hoped. I hoped for a very long time that we would pass this test of democracy. As people we would be willing to and a majority of Americans could be successfully appealed to think more about the future than the present, think about their children, and the intergenerational unfairness of what we’re doing. It’s not as though we’re borrowing this money and investing it in something that will pay off down the line. We’re borrowing all this money and spending it on ourselves today. And so, I’m afraid we’ll have to have a reality check. The cold smack of reality when it’s finally not just a projection, but that the day in which we cannot meet our safety net obligations arise. You know Roger, that’s all incredibly worrisome as a matter of the federal finances, as a matter of the economy, what all that borrowing will do when it goes for that purpose as opposed to economic growth and building opportunity. But I worry at least as much about the sense of betrayal that’s going to happen when people are suddenly told that these benefits can’t be delivered at the level they were promised and or that somebody’s taxes are going to have to go up massively to try to keep up with those promises. You know, if you think we have problems of social division today, imagine that scenario. And so, I continue to harbor the hope that since there’s no really no debate about any of this, there’s no computers, not a matter of computer models or competing philosophical views. It’s arithmetic. Roger Ream [00:18:20] Yeah. Mitch Daniels [00:18:21] And so I see stirrings of interest in Washington, and I hope they become something much bigger. Roger Ream [00:18:30] Yeah, I saw the graph just the other day of what interest on the debt is doing as a percentage of the budget. Mitch Daniels [00:18:38] Yeah, well, as Professor Friedman and others said and taught us a long time ago, governments that do what too many governments do. Debt, by the way, is what brought down empires of the past. Usually before some military conqueror did. And there are three things that governments do. As they become more and more desperate, they can inflate their way out. They can default. Or they can repress their way out. And that’s what we’ve been doing most recently. You just shaft the savers with absurdly low below inflation interest rates and hope they don’t notice. And so the federal government’s been getting by with low interest payments even as it keeps stacking up principal. But that’s starting to end because you were getting the inflation that is so destructive of free institutions. So, there’s a little more I think, reality beginning to intrude, but none too soon. Roger Ream [00:19:51] You know, I carry in my briefcase a 10 trillion note from Zimbabwe. Mitch Daniels [00:19:57] Yes? Roger Ream [00:19:58] That was worthless. I mean, I think a friend of mine bought it for about $25. And, you know, the stories of pre-war Germany and between the wars leading up to the rise of Hitler was this massive inflation. And so, it can happen here because it’s happened to many other empires throughout history. If we don’t get a handle on it. Returning to a brighter subject, back to Purdue for a minute. It’s been an amazing school. It’s produced great STEM majors, people for the space program. Talk a little bit about that, your connection to the space exploration, what has happened at Purdue. Mitch Daniels [00:20:37] That’s one of the fun things about working there. Our 26th NASA astronaut was just qualified, a young woman. One third of all the manned space flights up until at least a year or so ago. Last I caught sight of this had at least one boilermaker on board. Roger Ream [00:21:00] Wow. Remarkable. Mitch Daniels [00:21:02] And as we sometimes say, first and most recent men on the moon, Neil Armstrong and Gene Cernan. It’s obviously something we’re very proud of. We had a couple during my years there, we had a couple of reunions every so many years we invite them back. Most of the ones who are living make it back. It’s like I moderated a conversation among about 12 or 13 of them a few years ago. I didn’t have to do much, just get the ball rolling. They told stories. Audience of 6,000 people jammed into our biggest concert hall. They put us down in the orchestra pit and it was like a rock concert. They raised us up. Smoke’s going everywhere. The audience went crazy. Believe me, the Stones didn’t get any bigger ovation than those people did. Roger Ream [00:21:54] Well, I think the plan for NASA is to send people to the moon again and they want to send a woman there. So, you have a chance of this woman being one of them. Mitch Daniels [00:22:03] It could well be. Absolutely could. Roger Ream [00:22:05] Also dealing with higher education. People all hear a lot today about, I think it started with the idea of safe spaces and then threats to free speech. And now it’s the woke university. How have you responded to that? I think you were one of the first to sign on to the Chicago Principles and for free speech. Mitch Daniels [00:22:27] You know, I’m reticent about bringing this up, but I claim paternity over that term, Chicago Principles. Because University of Chicago had written some. This was an early action that we took. I was aware, as any reader of the news is, of some of these really unacceptable transgressions of people’s rights and of free inquiry on campuses. And so I wanted us to take a clear stance about it. University of Chicago, after a very careful process led by a 1960s avowed liberal. This is an interesting angle here. Geoffrey Stone, a constitutional scholar, led the group. They produced a statement of principle. I read it. I thought, shucks, I mean, we could have our own group go off for three years and whatever they came back with wouldn’t be any better than this. So, I called up President Zimmer in Chicago and said, “Would you mind if another school Xerox?” He said, “No, we’d be flattered, and we’d be pleased.” And so, I just took it to our board. We just did it. The board of trustees have full authority to make policy for their schools. I’ve never seen a bylaw of public, private or otherwise school that didn’t give them that authority. And so, we just did it, and that was that. But I say, I thought we should call it the Chicago Principles. I thought it would have more power if more and more schools signed the same statement. You remember the Sullivan principles? Roger Ream [00:24:10] Right. Mitch Daniels [00:24:13] I remembered that as the analog, that I thought it had more impact because all those corporations said exactly the same thing. So, it’s been slower than I had hoped. But there are – I think there’s some reasonable double-digit numbers who have signed the same thing. When I said a minute ago, I thought, an interesting angle. And we have had on campus two or three people, including Professor Stone, who grew up in an era when free speech was the cause of the left, that what they saw as these autocratic institutions. Roger Ream [00:24:52] It was true at Berkeley. Free speech movement in the sixties. Mitch Daniels [00:24:56] The Vietnam protests and so forth. Free speech was there to defend the dissidents of the time. And now they find themselves, I’ve met several such people who were civil rights leaders. They still have strong views that you would consider, you know, leaning left. But they can’t go along with this idea of censorship and the stifling of dissent that they grew up understanding how important that is to a free society. So it’s been fun to get to know people like that and to have this in common. Roger Ream [00:25:35] Yeah. Congratulations on that success. Talk for a minute about what you’re doing at Purdue when it comes to civic literacy and civic education. That’s a concern of a lot of people in this country. And it’s, you know, K-12 as well as at higher education that we are teaching future citizens the importance of our principles. Mitch Daniels [00:25:58] Yes, you’ve read, most of the listeners will have seen surveys not just of young people, but by now of the adult population, and they’re almost comical, except that they’re sad. Yeah. You know, they think Judge Judy’s on the Supreme Court and things like that. And so, we thought that in at least some modest way, we wanted a Purdue graduate to not only be exceptionally skilled at something that they learn and knowledgeable, but ready for citizenship. We’re supposed to be producing more than just great engineers; we’re supposed to be producing citizens. So, we want them to be civics-certified as we say. It’s a pretty simple process, but starting with the current freshman class, every Purdue student will have to pass a civics test. There are three pathways that they’re supposed to have undertaken before they do that. One of them is attend a minimum of six speeches, lectures or programs that will be certified, as, you know, close enough to the subject. There’s also – it so happens that one of our alums invented C-SPAN – Roger Ream [00:27:25] Is that Brian Lamb? Mitch Daniels [00:27:26] Yes, and we have all those archives. And so those folks have done a series of podcasts on major questions in civics. You know, why do we have separation of powers? What claims are made for the federal system, things like that. Watching that series is another thing that a student can do prior to go take the test. They can take the test more than once if they need to. But that, we think, is a small step, but a step in the right direction. So far, so good. Roger Ream [00:28:09] Well, that I will call the Purdue approach and hopefully other schools will sign on to the Purdue approach. Mitch Daniels [00:28:15] We’ve had a lot of folks come look at Purdue. I do hope that idea spreads. Certainly, the concern about civic illiteracy goes across almost the entire spectrum. I mean, we all know, there’s a segment of people who would be happy to mis-educate young people, not just leave them uneducated or poorly educated, but mis-taught. But leaving them aside, most people, I think, find that the current state of understanding of our free institutions inadequate. Roger Ream [00:28:53] Yeah, I think that’s right. I think it does cut across the spectrum. We’ve had some outstanding students in our programs from Purdue and you’ve been kind enough to bring them over to meet with you either for coffee in your office. You took some to a basketball game this fall, which has been wonderful. We get outstanding students in our program. Since many of our young alumni listen to this, I wanted to ask you something that stemmed from hearing you at a program at the American Enterprise Institute a few months ago when you responded to a question by saying you never really had a plan for where you wanted to go next in life. You kind of took opportunities as they came along and of course, performed superbly and more opportunities came. But what advice do you give to students at Purdue who are trying to figure out what to do in their lives? Mitch Daniels [00:29:47] I encourage them to have a clearer idea than I did. I think it’s great that they are as purposeful as they are and as forward looking as they are. They’ve all chosen coming in the door. I’m not sure this is a good idea, but we still do this at Purdue. You do have to choose a major as you come in, not midway through, so they have some idea and obviously we encourage that and try to prepare them as well as we can for whatever that field might be. But I do tell them all the time, you know, stay light on your feet, stay open to possibilities with your talent and the kind of education that you have a chance to obtain here, the world will present you with options that you haven’t thought about yet. And I never encourage people to be impulsive about that, but just to recognize that they’re going to come and be ready to examine them openly when they do. And I can testify that things you never expected, like the chance to work at Purdue University, were the most fulfilling roles that ever came my way. Roger Ream [00:31:12] When we were talking before about the financial situation of our federal government and of our country, it’s easy to conclude that things look grim on that front. But I suspect you aren’t a pessimist about the future. How would you tag yourself in terms of whether you’re an optimist or a pessimist? Mitch Daniels [00:31:31] I sometimes say I’m obstinately optimistic. I can give you all the reasons not to be. And we shouldn’t be blind to this. Great nations, no great nation has lasted forever (ours is still very young), and particularly those that try to operate under conditions of freedom. We will have to demonstrate some maturity as a democracy, as we talked about earlier. So, we don’t spend ourselves broken and wind up hopelessly beholden to others. But no, I mean, we still have an asset that at least the visible would be competitors don’t. And that is the spontaneity that open institutions afford the people economically in terms of innovation and for the political systems which go through cycles of difficulty and paralysis and acrimony. And we’re in one, but we’ve been there before, and our system has the chance to adapt. And America has produced people in the past who have led us out of difficulties like that. And so, I’m optimistic that’s going to happen again. Roger Ream [00:32:59] The theme of our conference this weekend is Keeping the American Dream Alive. Do you think the American dream is still alive? Mitch Daniels [00:33:05] Sure it is. Just go look at the people who are leading some of our most spectacularly successful businesses and other enterprises. Some of them weren’t born here. Many of them weren’t. There are what we used to call Horatio Alger stories everywhere. Roger Ream [00:33:25] There still are. Mitch Daniels [00:33:26] And so there’s no question that it’s still alive now. We lost some of the cultural capital that made that sort of life experience more accessible to people in the past. We worry, and we should, about the quality of our education and so forth. That’s not all. That’s not the only problem. Might not even be the biggest problem. We have to renew a spirit of hard work, personal responsibility. These things which were once stronger norms in society than they have been recently. People who have that approach to life, to work and society can succeed today. There’s no question they can succeed, even if they weren’t fortunate enough to have a great education or some material head start. So, sure, we have those challenges, but it isn’t hard to find people who surmount them. And so, you know, people who claim that somehow the dream is not still a reality may be making excuses for their own failure to take advantage of it. Roger Ream [00:35:00] Well, last question. You’ve decided just this past week that elective office is not in the plan, at least for this year. You’re going to be affiliated, I think, in the business school at Purdue going forward? Mitch Daniels [00:35:15] Yeah. Purdue has asked me to maintain a relationship. I’m going to chair their research foundation, which has a variety of activities, including all our tech transfer and commercialization of Purdue’s inventions. We’re routinely now in the top handful in the world in new patents and so forth. And the question is how can you best move those into the marketplace where they can be of some use to somebody? So, I’ll be doing that and a few other chores for them. Roger Ream [00:35:47] I want to ask about something we talked about a little informally before we started the podcast, and that’s just attitudes of students toward business. We see surveys that show support for capitalism is about 30%, and 30% of students say socialism and 30% don’t know. If you ask them about free enterprise, that scores higher, entrepreneurship scores higher. But what do you find the attitudes of young people about, you know, careers in business or about the economic system in this country? Mitch Daniels [00:36:21] I know Purdue’s not completely typical, but it’s what most of them are interested in doing. Our business school has been growing and we think is on track to grow by another little amount, another third. And, you know, I think what those surveys tell me is that there is another gap in young people’s education. They don’t know what socialism is. They think it means being nice to people. They’ve heard a lot of criticisms that are completely invalid about capitalism as some people describe it. But if you ask them what they hope to do in life, it’s make a good living and work at something that they find fulfilling and that creates value for other people. Yeah, well, that’s business. Roger Ream [00:37:21] Well, thank you. I appreciate you being with us. I appreciate your service on our Board of Trustees for many years, and I’m proud to call you a TFAS emeritus trustee. Mitch Daniels [00:37:32] I’m proud to be, Roger. If you hadn’t kicked me off, I might still be there. When you go into public life, you have to divorce yourself from all such involvements. But as you know, I’ve never lost sight of what you do. And it’s one of the great missions out there, one of the great programs that are very fortunate that they’ve kept you at the helm these years. So, I’m always grateful for the chance to be associated. Roger Ream [00:37:57] Well, thank you. You may get an invitation to rejoin the Board then. Thank you very much, Mitch. Roger Ream [00:38:04] Thank you for listening to the Liberty and Leadership Podcast. Please don’t forget to subscribe, download, like or share the show on Apple, Spotify, or YouTube or wherever you listen to your podcasts. If you like this episode, I ask you to rate and review it and if you have a comment or question for the show, please drop us an email at podcast@TFAS.org. The Liberty and Leadership Podcast is produced at kglobal Studios in Washington, D.C. I’m your host Roger Ream and until next time, show courage in things large and small. About the Podcast TFAS has reached more than 46,000 students and professionals through academic programs, fellowships and seminars. Representing more than 140 countries, TFAS alumni are courageous leaders throughout the world forging careers in politics, government, public policy, business, philanthropy, law and the media. Join TFAS President Roger Ream ’76 as he reconnects with these outstanding alumni to share experiences, swap career stories, and find out what makes their leadership journey unique. With prominent congressmen, judges and journalists among the mix, each episode is sure to excite your interest in what makes TFAS special. 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7770	dbpedia	1	4	https://www.wral.com/story/mitch-daniels-fast-facts/21350006/	en	Mitch Daniels Fast Facts	https://images.wral.com/…om_1920x1080.jpg	https://images.wral.com/…om_1920x1080.jpg	[ "https://wwwcache.wralsportsfan.com/asset/football/nfl/panthers/2024/08/17/21582497/66c1572bad0de-media_04a3d3fde0604dd5aba811df2d9e05fc-DMID1-63zpa1xoz-640x360.jpg", "https://wwwcache.wralsportsfan.com/asset/racing/nascar/2024/08/17/21582559/3257411-NASCAR00000000-DMID1-63zpqkdea-640x360.jpg", "https://wwwcache.wralsportsfan.com/asset/colleges/unc/2023/10/16/21099458/UNC-Miami-BAIRD-107-DMID1-60pdd9fo5-640x360.jpg", "https://wwwcache.wralsportsfan.com/asset/colleges/duke/2024/08/16/21580569/Dave_Feeley-DMID1-63z6v45y2-640x360.jpg", "https://wwwcache.wralsportsfan.com/asset/golf/pga/2024/08/17/21582293/66c12110a9a09-media_600a2d5124f84fb893ec8e529b5a1b6c-DMID1-63zmzkrlr-640x360.jpg", "https://images.wral.com/asset/news/2020/08/05/19220959/MicrosoftTeams-image__1_-DMID1-5vlk56yq2-1920x1080.jpg?w=640&height=360", "https://images.wral.com/asset/weather/2024/07/17/21529968/Latest_Forecast_Sponsored_1-DMID1-63nag60wz-3332x2000.jpg?w=640&height=360", "https://images.wral.com/asset/news/2006/11/29/16794176/Pick3-4_night-DMID1-5gkkl627r-1920x1080.jpg?w=640&height=360", "https://images.wral.com/asset/entertainment/lottery/2006/11/29/1075498/POWERBALL_FOR_WEB_4x3_safe-DMID1-5rywj4rlk-1920x1080.jpg?w=640&height=360", "https://wwwcache.highschoolot.com/asset/2024/08/17/21582302/radiance-44949-still-2024-08-17-20-06-53-DMID1-63zr149ms-640x360.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2024-03-27T16:04:14+00:00	Here’s a look at the life of Mitch Daniels, former governor of Indiana.	en	https://wwwcache.wral.co…avicon-48x48.png	WRAL.com	https://www.cnn.com/2013/02/17/us/mitch-daniels-fast-facts/index.html	Here’s a look at the life of Mitch Daniels, former governor of Indiana. Personal Birth date: April 7, 1949 Birth place: Monongahela, Pennsylvania Birth name: Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. Father: Mitchell Daniels Sr., drug company salesman Mother: Dorothy Mae (Wilkes) Daniels Marriage: Cheri (Herman) Daniels (1997-present and May 20, 1978-1994, divorced) Children: Margaret, Meredith, Melissa and Meagan Education: Princeton University, B.A., 1971; Georgetown University, J.D., 1979 Religion: Presbyterian Other Facts Daniels is a motorcycle enthusiast and rides a Harley Davidson. Daniels has worked in the presidential administrations of Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. He is known for being fiscally responsible, balancing Indiana’s budget in his first term as governor, cutting expenditures wherever possible and having a surplus over multiple years. Timeline 1971-1976 - Serves as aide and later adviser to Indianapolis Mayor Richard Lugar. 1977-1983 - Serves as chief of staff to Senator Lugar (R-Indiana). 1983-1984 - Executive Director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC). 1985-1987 - Serves as senior adviser to President Reagan. 1987-1990 - Chief Executive Officer, Hudson Institute. 1990-2001 - Executive at Eli Lilly. 2001-2003 - Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). 2004 - Is elected the 49th governor of Indiana. January 10, 2005-January 14, 2013 - Two-term Republican governor of Indiana. May 22, 2011 - Announces he will not be running for president in 2012. June 21, 2012 - Purdue University announces Daniels has been unanimously elected to be the school’s next president. His term begins on January 15, 2013. January 27, 2015 - Daniels writes a Wall Street Journal opinion piece, “How Student Debt Harms the Economy.” He writes that there is “evidence that it’s not just consumer spending that these debts are denting, but also economic dynamism.” November 28, 2016 - Is elected as a member of the Board of Directors for Norfolk Southern Corporation. June 10, 2022 - Purdue announces that Dr. Mung Chiang will replace Daniels as president of Purdue University on January 1, 2023. January 31, 2023 - In a statement, Daniels says he has decided against a 2024 Indiana Senate bid. March 28, 2023 - The Liberty Fund announces that Daniels will join the private educational foundation as a distinguished scholar and senior adviser, beginning on April 1. The-CNN-Wire™ & © 2024 Cable News Network, Inc., a Warner Bros. Discovery Company. All rights reserved.
7770	dbpedia	3	49	https://indianacitizen.org/mitch-daniels-pondering-senate-bid-but-says-no-to-governor-rerun/	en	Mitch Daniels pondering Senate bid, but says no to governor ‘rerun’	https://indianacitizen.o…1/2023-01-09.png	https://indianacitizen.o…1/2023-01-09.png	[ "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Indiana-Citizen-VB-Logo-24.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Indiana-Citizen-VB-Logo-24.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/themes/magzine/img/tick.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/themes/magzine/img/tick.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/2023-01-09.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/2023-01-09.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/AG_office_photo1_resized.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/AG_office_photo1_resized.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.Election-sign.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.Election-sign.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.pexels-chaitaastic-1823681-2.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.pexels-chaitaastic-1823681-2.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.governors-forum.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.governors-forum.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.BHPS-time-capsule_2_-Hyde-photo.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.BHPS-time-capsule_2_-Hyde-photo.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.lt-gov-debate.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.lt-gov-debate.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.pexels-shvetsa-3845129-1.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.pexels-shvetsa-3845129-1.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.pexels-filip-szyller-264850247-13398436-1.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/resized.pexels-filip-szyller-264850247-13398436-1.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Jill-Long-Thompson.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/Jill-Long-Thompson.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/indianalogowhite.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/indianalogowhite.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/themes/indiana_citizen_theme/assets/images/logo-inn-white.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/themes/indiana_citizen_theme/assets/images/logo-inn-white.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/AG_office_photo1_resized.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/AG_office_photo1_resized.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/attorney-general-door.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/attorney-general-door.jpg", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/JOHN-KRULL.png", "https://indianacitizen.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/JOHN-KRULL.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Kevin Morgan" ]	2023-01-09T08:16:55-05:00	The following report from contributing writer Dave Bangert was first published in his Substack newsletter, Based in Lafayette, Indiana. Mitch Daniels (above), a week after his 10-year run as Purdue president ended, said Saturday that he’s ruled out another run for Indiana governor, saying he couldn’t talk himself into going for a third term amid	en	https://indianacitizen.o…3/09/favicon.png	THE INDIANA CITIZEN - THE INDIANA CITIZEN	https://indianacitizen.org/mitch-daniels-pondering-senate-bid-but-says-no-to-governor-rerun/	The following report from contributing writer Dave Bangert was first published in his Substack newsletter, Based in Lafayette, Indiana. Mitch Daniels (above), a week after his 10-year run as Purdue president ended, said Saturday that he’s ruled out another run for Indiana governor, saying he couldn’t talk himself into going for a third term amid an already crowded field of Republicans. But Daniels told the Based in Lafayette reporting project that he’s listening to suggestions he should run for the U.S. Senate seat expected to open as Republican Sen. Mike Braun runs for Indiana governor in 2024. Daniels said Saturday he’s seriously considering it. “I’m going to give that a long look,” Daniels said. “I’ve not decided at all to do it, but I am giving it a serious look.” As for talk about him going for a third term as governor, a position he held from 2005 to 2013, before coming to Purdue in 2013 … “I gave a respectful listen to it,” Daniels said Saturday. “Some people I regard highly wanted me to, but I don’t think it’s the right thing. … A rerun just didn’t feel like the right thing to do.” What’s next for Daniels, 73, has been a bit of a parlor game the past six months, with speculation starting minutes after he announced in June that 2022 would be his final year at Purdue. As he wound down his time in West Lafayette, Daniels remained coy, beyond saying that stepping down as Purdue president didn’t mean he was retiring. A third run for governor, as Gov. Eric Holcomb finishes his second term, was among the leading scenarios. Even his one-time boss at the White House, former President George W. Bush, broached the subject in December during a sit-down with Daniels at Purdue’s Elliott Hall of Music. During that conversation, Daniels was bragging on Indiana, telling Bush about how the state had positioned itself for the highest per capita foreign direct investment in the country. Daniels told Bush that no one got out of a visit to Purdue without that sort of sales pitch. Bush’s reply: It kind of sounded like Daniels was running for governor, again. As the audience at Elliott applauded, Daniels shook his head no and formed an “X” with his index fingers. On Saturday, Daniels said the Republican field lining up to run for governor in 2024 played into his decision to skip the race. Along with Braun, Republicans Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch and Fort Wayne businessman Eric Doden have announced campaigns in what promises to be an expensive campaign. (Braun reported this week that he’d raised $1.5 million, on top of $1.5 million transferred from his Senate campaign fund, since announcing his campaign in November.) “There are other good people who are running, people who are friends of mine,” Daniels said. “People made the case that we’d win. So, it wasn’t that. It was, is that really a good idea? And I just decided it wasn’t, not at this stage of my life. … I just couldn’t talk myself into it.” Daniels said he’s doing more listening than anything – “I’d say I’m hearing from an awful lot of people, both in and out of the state,” he said – as he thinks about a possible run for U.S. Senate in 2024. In a survey of 1,000 registered voters in December by Bellwether Research, former Daniels pollster Christine Matthews reported that Daniels had a clear edge among other potential Republican candidates – including U.S. Rep. Jim Banks, U.S. Rep. Victoria Spartz, Attorney General Todd Rokita and former U.S. Rep. Trey Hollingsworth – if he jumped into the Senate race. In December, columnist Brian Howey quoted confidantes of Daniels saying they’d been encouraging him to run for Senate. Mark Lubbers, a friend and longtime adviser to Daniels, told the New York Times’ Blake Hounshell, “I don’t think he feels any urgency to make a quick decision. … But I think it’s definitely serious.” And Importantville reporter Adam Wren, writing for Politico in late December, outlined what sort of race Daniels might face from a field that leaned further to the right. Daniels – who spent time working for the late Sen. Richard Lugar as well as time as budget director for Bush – didn’t offer a timetable for a decision. “Except to say that I don’t generally dither too much,” Daniels said. “I’ve been away from politics 10 years. And I’ve been away from federal politics, which is a whole different system, for a lot longer than that. It’s a whole different world than I knew. So, I’m going to spend a little time listening to those who think it’s a good idea and trying to examine what that would be like if it actually worked out.” What does he think Lugar would tell him to do? “My guess is that he would probably say, ‘Sure,’” Daniels said. “But I’ve only ever had action jobs, and this one would be a little different, obviously, especially at this point in life.” Daniels’ term as Purdue president ended Dec. 31. He will remain with the university in a voluntary role as chairman of the Purdue Research Foundation, working with the ongoing development of the Discovery Park District just west of campus and helping with Purdue’s presence in Indianapolis after Purdue and Indiana University split IUPUI.
7770	dbpedia	0	84	https://publicintegrity.org/politics/during-mitch-daniels-decade-at-eli-lilly-the-drug-giant-paid-billions-in-fines-and-settled-thousands-of-lawsuits/	en	During Mitch Daniels’ decade at Eli Lilly, the drug giant paid billions in fines and settled thousands of lawsuits	https://i0.wp.com/public…it=60%2C60&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/public…it=60%2C60&ssl=1	[ "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/cropped-logo.png?fit=1270%2C261&ssl=1", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/ad516503a11cd5ca435acc9bb6523536?s=80", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/ad516503a11cd5ca435acc9bb6523536?s=80", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/mitch.daniels.jpg?fit=60%2C60&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/static-00-www.publicintegrity.org/files/styles/5col/public/img/2012watch_title_graphic.gif?w=780&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/static-00-www.publicintegrity.org/files/styles/5col/public/img/eli.lilly_.pho_.jpg?w=780&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Final-Student-homelessness-logo.jpg?resize=800%2C600&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2121029847-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/04202024_FLvoterregistration_KC-9-1-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-1310798638-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/GettyImages-2107845465.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Photo2-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://publicintegrity.org/wp-content/plugins/republication-tracker-tool/assets/img/creative-commons-sharing.png", "https://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nd/4.0/88x31.png", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/cropped-logo.png?fit=1270%2C261&ssl=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Joanne Kenen", "Rochelle Sharpe" ]	2011-05-09T10:00:00+00:00	Key findings Mitch Daniels worked at Eli Lilly for 10 years in top positions including president of North American operations During his tenure, Lilly paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and settled 32,000 personal injury claims Zyprexa and Evista were marred by controversy during Daniels’ era Lilly was stung when it lost its Prozac […]	en	https://publicintegrity.…ns-new-color.jpg	Center for Public Integrity	https://publicintegrity.org/politics/during-mitch-daniels-decade-at-eli-lilly-the-drug-giant-paid-billions-in-fines-and-settled-thousands-of-lawsuits/	Reading Time: 11 minutes Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels, a potential Republican presidential candidate respected for his fiscal prudence, credits his success in government to the business skills he learned as a pharmaceutical executive. But when Daniels worked as a top executive at Eli Lilly & Co., one of the world’s largest drug firms, the pharmaceutical giant’s reputation was tarred by some of the nation’s ugliest drug scandals. In the decade that Daniels climbed the corporate ladder at Eli Lilly, the company was illegally marketing its leading osteoporosis drug, Evista, as well as its blockbuster antipsychotic, Zyprexa, putting tens of thousands of patients in harm’s way. Lilly pleaded guilty to two criminal misdemeanors, paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages, settled more than 32,000 personal injury claims — and copped to one of the largest state consumer protection cases involving a drug company in U.S. history, a review by iWatch News shows. The company also became embroiled in a high-profile legal brawl over its patent for the antidepressant Prozac. Daniels became increasingly influential as he rose through the company’s ranks in positions that involved polishing the drugmaker’s image and then shaping its policies. He was vice president of corporate affairs, president of Lilly’s North American pharmaceutical operations, and finally in 1997, became senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy. Decisions at pharmaceutical companies, whether scientific or commercial, aren’t made by any one executive, so Daniels’ precise role in decision-making about the controversial drugs is unclear. “These things transcend individuals — it’s more difficult to say this is the work of person A, B, or C,” said Dr. Sidney Wolfe, director of the Health Research Group at Public Citizen. “It’s industry-wide corporate culture.” Daniels’ press secretary, Jane Jankowski, said, “He had zero to do with marketing plans that were created for Zyprexa and Evista.” On Prozac, she said, “The company was the object of a multimillion-dollar smear campaign by a self-interested organization that was trying to drive vulnerable patients away from medical treatment for depression.” In a statement, Eli Lilly said the agreements to settle the Evista and Zyprexa criminal allegations did not happen under Daniels’ watch as president of North American operations. But given his senior management position in the company, “I would have hoped that he would have known about some of these issues, and if he didn’t, why didn’t he? That needs to be evaluated” said Stephen Sheller, a Philadelphia class action attorney instrumental in the Zyprexa settlement. “Bill Clinton had the bimbo factor. Mitch Daniels is going to need a strategy to counteract the assumption that will be made that he was somehow complicit in the misdeeds of Eli Lilly,” said Ira Loss, senior health care analyst at Washington Analysis, an investment research firm. “It’s possible that he wouldn’t have known a thing,” Loss said, but added, “Mitch Daniels can’t walk into the presidential race and not expect questions about this issue.” Lilly wasn’t the only drug company embroiled in multimillion-dollar drug scandals, although Zyprexa stands as one of the biggest cases of its kind on record. Critics say the big brand drug companies simply see fines and penalties as the cost of doing business. Indeed, in its recent annual SEC filing, Lilly itself, after a lengthy review of all the litigation, probes and investigations pending, noted, “We are also a defendant in other litigation and investigations, including product liability, patent, employment, and premises liability litigation, of a character we regard as normal to our business.” Daniels boasts of his business background on his official website. “Governor Daniels came from a successful career in business and government, holding numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors,” it says. “His work as CEO of the Hudson Institute and president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations taught him the business skills he brought to state government.” As governor, Daniels persuaded several senior Lilly staffers to join his administration, said Donald Woodley, financial analyst at Woodley Farra Manion Portfolio Management in Indianapolis. “He was an idea man, a thinker, and that’s why he ended up as head of corporate strategy and policy,” said Woodley, who describes himself as both an acquaintance and an admirer of Daniels. Lilly’s fortunes soared in the 1990s. Corporate assets rose from $5.8 billion to $12.8 billion, revenues doubled from $5 billion to $10 billion and income expanded from $1.1 billion to $2.6 billion, Woodley said. Cutting his teeth on politics Daniels grew up in Indiana, and was in and out of politics, starting as a young aide to then-Indianapolis Mayor Richard Lugar in the 1970s. He moved to Washington when Lugar won his Senate seat, and later was a senior White House political aide to President Ronald Reagan. In 1987, he left government to head the conservative Hudson Institute, a think tank then based in Indianapolis. In 1990, he made the switch to Lilly, where he stayed for a decade until he returned to public life as budget director for President George W. Bush in 2001. In his Lilly years, 1990 through the 2000 election cycle, the drug company’s political contributions to Republican causes and candidates more than tripled from $120,000 to $416,000. Donations to Democrats doubled, from $54,000 to $120,000. Federal lobbying records are not available for his entire tenure at Lilly, but the company spent more than $4.1 million in 1996 and $3.8 million in 1997, before dropping to between $2.5 million and $3 million annually from 1998-2000. Drug policy was front and center in Washington in the 1990s, because of the failed Clinton health care plan in 1993-94, the 1996-97 overhaul of the Food and Drug Administration, and assorted other prescription drug pricing and purchasing policies involving Medicaid and Medicare in an era of high growth and high competition in the drug industry. Later, when Daniels sought elective office, he received at least $80,000 from top Lilly executives in the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, according to an analysis of data from the National Institute on Money in State Politics. An additional $86,750 went to Daniels’ campaigns courtesy of the company’s political action committee. Protecting Prozac Daniels’ early years at Lilly were dominated by the company’s new blockbuster drug: Prozac, a drug that not only changed depression treatment but became part of U.S. popular culture. The antidepressant, the first of its kind, faced product liability lawsuits and was under siege by the Church of Scientology. Indiana news reports from the time described Daniels, then vice president of corporate affairs, as heading a pitched public relations battle — an assessment shared by one of Lilly’s outside public relations consultants at the time. The Church of Scientology named Daniels in a $20 million libel suit, which a federal judge dismissed in 1992. “The Church of Scientology is no church,” Daniels said in a 1991 interview published by USA Today, in which he criticized the Church of Scientology’s anti-Prozac advertisements. “It’s a commercial enterprise. Every judge and every investigative journalist who has ever looked at it has come away with that conclusion. It is organized for only one purpose, which is to make money.” The Scientology wars, which were fought on both public relations and legal fronts, may have captured the most public attention. The second battle pitted Lilly against generic drugmaker Barr Pharmaceuticals Inc., which wanted to get its own version of Prozac on the market sooner rather than later. Brand-name and generic drug makers sue each other frequently, but they don’t often have as much at stake as in the case of Prozac, which was bringing Lilly up to $3 billion a year or about 35 to 40 percent of companywide sales in the mid to late 1990s. Prozac “was the golden goose,” said Woodley. Profits from the drug allowed the company to invest in research, expand its sales force and raise its dividend — all of which contributed to the rising stock prices that helped Lilly stay independent in an era of mergers and consolidation among the pharmaceutical giants. Holding onto that patent — the ability to legally keep generic competitors off the market — was important. Billions were at stake. In 2001, Barr won a case arguing that Lilly had improperly “double-patented” Prozac, or had gotten two patents, only one of which was on a genuinely “new” compound as defined by pharmaceutical patent law. That second patent would have allowed the drugmaker to prolong the period of time it could exclusively sell Prozac.The ruling in favor of Barr cost Lilly two years of patent exclusivity, although Lilly did manage to patent a once-a-week version of the drug in June 1999, and to patent a version of the drug it named Sarafem, in a lavendar and pink capsule, for a severe form of premenstrual syndrome. It was further able to extend its regular Prozac patent for six months by testing it on children. As Forbes magazine put it: “Barr Pharmaceuticals wrested Lilly’s Prozac patent away. Lilly lost 90 percent of its Prozac prescriptions over a year and $35 billion of its market value in a single day.” Controversies over antipsychotic The next Lilly blockbuster drug to hit the headlines, and the courts, was Zyprexa, the company’s antipsychotic that became one of the best-selling drugs in the world. Ellen Liversidge believes “Eli Lilly killed my only son.” Her son Rob, 39, died in 2002 after taking Zyprexa. “I think they are terrible. They hid the side effects of so many drugs.” Liversidge, who sued the company and settled for an undisclosed amount, said her son gained about 100 pounds in the two years he was taking Zyprexa. “I just thought his appetite had increased,” saidthe San Diego woman. She didn’t realize her son had developed severe hyperglycemia, abnormally high blood sugar that can be a side effect from Zyprexa. When her son died and his doctor said he did not know why, Liversidge turned to the Internet and discovered that Japan and the United Kingdom had already mandated warning labels be put on Zyprexa to warn of the danger of diabetes, hyperglycemia and death. At that time, a Lilly spokeswoman said the company opposed a drug label warning in the United States because it had “the potential to misinform patients and their caregivers, causing them to cease taking the medication.” Daniels was Lilly’s president of North American operations in 1996 when the FDA approved Zyprexa. Within a year, he rose to senior vice president for corporate strategy and policy as the company aggressively — and illegally — marketed the drug. Lilly ultimately pleaded guilty to a criminal misdemeanor and paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages for deceptive sales tactics. Lilly paid $1.4 billion in 2009 to settle federal and state charges that it illegally marketed Zyprexa, then the largest government fine in U.S. history. In addition, it paid $1.2 billion to settle more than 32,000 personal injury claims by patients, as well as $62 million to 33 states to settle claims that it improperly marketed Zyprexa. Insurers, pension funds, and unions also sued Lilly for $6.8 billion for misleading marketing, but a U.S. appeals court ruled last fall that the plaintiffs could not sue Lilly as a class. The U.S. Supreme Court is considering whether it will take the case. Zyprexa, which generated more than one-fifth of Lilly’s $23 billion in revenues last year, became mired in controversy just weeks after it hit the market in 1996. Forty-five days after it approved Zyprexa, the FDA warned Lilly that it was breaking the law by claiming the drug could easily be used to treat the elderly and that the weight gain it caused was a therapeutic benefit. That was the first of literally tens of thousands of complaints and lawsuits about Zyprexa, which was approved only to treat schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. Over the years, Lilly downplayed Zyprexa’s side effects of significant weight gain and increases in blood sugar that could cause diabetes. More than 16 percent of patients in the company’s clinical trials gained more than 66 pounds while taking the drug for one year. In 1998, Lilly coached its salespeople about the weight gain controversy. “Don’t introduce the issue!!!” a presentation warned. “Be prepared for the issue and related concerns. No ‘flinch factor.’” In 1999, company officials concluded primary care physicians were “unaware of Zyprexa weight gain issue,” according to a memo. In 2000, during Daniels’ last year at the company, executives received advice from diabetes doctors retained as consultants, who warned: “Unless we come clean on this, it could get much more serious than we might anticipate,” according to an email obtained by The New York Times. Throughout Daniels’ tenure, the company also aggressively pursued selling Zyprexa to the lucrative elderly market. Lilly asked the FDA to approve the drug for Alzheimer’s disease in 1998, even though its studies showed it didn’t alleviate dementia symptoms and that elderly dementia patients died at nearly twice the rate of those taking placebos in clinical trials, according to the U.S. attorney. Although the company withdrew its application for the Alzheimer’s approval in 1999, it began marketing the drug to nursing homes the same year. Company officials told its salespeople to focus on “behavior treatment” at nursing homes, since the drug had never been approved for the elderly. It promoted the drug to nursing homes essentially as a chemical restraint to sedate disruptive patients, according to a statement from Brian Kenny, an attorney representing company whistleblowers. Lilly even devised a sales slogan, “5 at 5,” suggesting that patients get 5 milligrams of Zyprexa at 5 p.m. to keep them calm all night. Zyprexa increased the risk of sudden death, heart failure and pneumonia in the elderly. The drug’s label carried a black box warning, cautioning an increased risk of death when used to treat elderly patients with dementia. Off-labeling its osteoporosis drug One more major legal case in the late 1990s, when Daniels was senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy, challenged Lilly’s promotion of off-label use of its osteoporosis drug Evista. The practice would cost it $36 million to settle criminal and civil charges. The FDA also warned the company about lack of balance and unproven claims in some of its direct-to-consumer advertising about the drug in Health and Prevention magazines. Once a drug is approved by the FDA for a certain purpose, physicians can legally prescribe it for other “off-label” uses. But the company itself cannot market it for off-label use, as was alleged in the case. The Department of Justice in December 2005 announced a settlement: Lilly agreed to plead guilty to both criminal and civil charges. In the criminal case, the drugmaker agreed to pay $6 million for a violation of the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act and forfeit an additional $6 million. The company also settled the civil case by paying the government $24 million, the Justice Department said. The department noted that Evista’s first-year sales were less than a third of what Lilly had expected. “In October of 1998, the company reduced the forecast of Evista’s first year’s sales in the U.S. from $401 million to $120 million. An internal Lilly business plan noted that ‘Disappointing year versus original forecast.’” The Justice Department said that Lilly “sought to broaden the market for Evista by promoting it for unapproved uses.” The government alleged that the branding and sales forces at Lilly promoted Evista not just for its approved use against osteoporosis, but also for reducing the risk of breast cancer and cardiovascular disease. “Lilly promoted Evista as effective for reducing the risk of breast cancer, even after Lilly’s proposed labeling for this use was specifically rejected by the FDA,” the Justice Department said. Lilly eventually did obtain FDA approval to market Evista for reducing the risk of invasive breast cancer in some post-menopausal women. “The government’s position is that if a company wants to market a drug for a new intended use, it needs to go through the drug approval process,” government attorney Jeffrey Steger said at the settlement hearing, according to the transcript. “The drug approval process is very significant to protect the safety of the American people.” Lilly is one of many pharmaceutical companies that have been forced to pay massive fines for marketing drugs for off-label uses, a punishment that critics say is ineffective and has failed to stop the practice. Just last fall, FDA deputy chief of litigation Eric Blumberg warned that the government might start criminal prosecutions of drug executives for off-label promotion, even if they claim they were unaware of what their marketing departments were doing. “It’s clear we’re not getting the job done with large monetary settlements,” Blumberg said at a drug industry conference. “Unless the government shows more resolve to criminally charge individuals at all levels in the company, we cannot expect to make progress in deterring off-label promotion.” Wolfe, of Public Citizen, said of the practice, “That’s how they [drug companies] operate. They have a fiduciary responsibility to stockholders, and sometimes in their zeal to carry out their fiduciary responsibilities they cheat, lie or engage in criminal activity — and it works.” Daniels left Eli Lilly to become the director of the Office of Management and Budget for President George W. Bush in January 2001. He liquidated Lilly stock worth $27 million at the time. In 2002, Congress inserted into the legislation creating the Homeland Security Department a provision that would have given Lilly, maker of a then-controversial vaccine preservative, protection from lawsuits. The provision was repealed a few months later. Some parents of autistic children believe the preservative, thimerosal, caused autism but the scientific research that sought to establish that link has been proven to be fraudulent. Daniels told Congress in a letter he had not had any role in getting the Lilly-friendly liability provision passed — that he had not discussed it with Lilly representatives, nor with officials in the government. Daniels went back to Indiana and ran for governor in 2004. He won then, and was re-elected in 2008. Among the portraits on his office wall: Col. Eli Lilly, founder of the drug company. iWatch News reporters Laurel Adams and Aaron Mehta contributed to this story. Related Help support this work Public Integrity doesn’t have paywalls and doesn’t accept advertising so that our investigative reporting can have the widest possible impact on addressing inequality in the U.S. Our work is possible thanks to support from people like you.
7770	dbpedia	1	70	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/2024/08/06/decades-in-the-making-indiana-to-unveil-last-stretch-of-i-69/	en	'Decades in the making': Indiana to unveil last stretch of I	https://indianacapitalch…22884214895.webp	https://indianacapitalch…22884214895.webp	[ "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/mobileHeader.svg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/headerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/01-SR-39-2022-AFTER-e1722884214895-1536x630.webp", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/I-69-Evansville-to-Indianapolis-Sections-Map-and-Timeline-1024x576.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/GettyImages-1daniels-1024x714-1.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/01DX1551-scaled-e1677542183948-1024x809.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/P1090410-1024x768.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/work-zonee-1024x525.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/plugins/sn2/republisher/assets/img/ccwhite.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/leslie-scaled-e1655740310847-150x150.jpeg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/GettyImages-524816639-300x203.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/IMG_8943-300x225.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/classroom-300x200.jpeg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/footerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/themes/genesis-child/icons/ccwhite.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Leslie Bonilla Muñiz" ]	2024-08-06T00:00:00	I-69 backers celebrate the project's completion and their speedier commutes. But its opponents mourn what was along the way.	en	https://indianacapitalch…2560px-32x32.png	Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/2024/08/06/decades-in-the-making-indiana-to-unveil-last-stretch-of-i-69/
7770	dbpedia	1	66	https://www.forbes.com/sites/robasghar/2021/05/26/re-embracing-risk-a-call-to-bolder-leadership-from-purdues-mitch-daniels/	en	Re-Embracing Risk: A Call For Bolder Leadership From Purdue’s Mitch Daniels	https://imageio.forbes.c…=1600&fit=bounds	https://imageio.forbes.c…=1600&fit=bounds	[ "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/5d824de2c18181e5786d91ab15f63227?s=400&d=mm&r=g" ]	[]	[]	[ "Mitch Daniels", "Purdue University", "commencement speeches", "coronavirus", "pandemic", "risk", "leadership", "college graduation" ]	null	[ "Rob Asghar" ]	2021-05-26T00:00:00	“Certainty is an illusion,” Purdue University President Mitch Daniels told graduates at his university’s 2021 commencement. “Perfect safety is a mirage. Zero is always unattainable, except in the case of absolute zero where, as you remember, all motion and life itself stop."	en	https://i.forbesimg.com/48X48-F.png	Forbes	https://www.forbes.com/sites/robasghar/2021/05/26/re-embracing-risk-a-call-to-bolder-leadership-from-purdues-mitch-daniels/	“Certainty is an illusion,” Purdue University President Mitch Daniels told graduates last Saturday (May 15) at his university’s spring 2021 commencement. “Perfect safety is a mirage. Zero is always unattainable, except in the case of absolute zero where, as you remember, all motion and life itself stop.” Daniels’ decision to exhort graduates to embrace risk doesn’t seem to have occurred in a vacuum. He is, after all, someone who took a calculated risk in the spring of 2020 in announcing that, despite the Covid-19 pandemic, Purdue would reopen for in-person activities that fall. That earned him considerable criticism. In a Washington Post oped last December about how the reopening succeeded, he referred to those “those who sent gracious messages labeling our reopening decision ‘crazy,’ ‘stupid’ or ‘delusional’ (those are the more polite ones).” There should be no doubt that Daniels had taken informed, calculated, and, yes, science-guided risks. At 2021’s commencement, he spelled out some guiding principles that are meaningful for not only new graduates but for an entire generation of leaders who, in the fog of the pandemic, chucked their compasses. “The risk of failure, of a hit to one’s reputation, or just that the gains don’t outweigh the costs, all these can deter or even paralyze a person out of fulfilling the responsibility someone has entrusted to them,” he said. He noted, pointedly, “This last year, many of your elders failed this fundamental test of leadership.” Daniels, who served as governor of Indiana from 2005 to 2013, suggested that many leaders “let their understandable human fear of uncertainty overcome their duty to balance all the interests for which they were responsible. They hid behind the advice of experts in one field but ignored the warnings of experts in other realms that they might do harm beyond the good they hoped to accomplish.” He in particular took aim at those who focused on “the mad pursuit of zero,” signifying leaders hell-bent on narrow forms of danger-eradication, all other costs be damned. Those leaders, he said, “block out other competing concerns, like the protection of mental health, the educational needs of small children, or the survival of small businesses. Pursuing one goal to the utter exclusion of all others is not to make a choice but to run from it. It’s not leadership; it’s abdication.” Sadly, many leaders and journalists have valorized caution above all else over since the pandemic’s inception. For his part, Daniels cited relevant words from historian Jacques Barzun: “The last degree of caution is cowardice.” Beyond calling for graduates to reject the delusion that one can permanently eradicate all risk, and beyond observing that mature and ethical leadership requires balancing trade-offs, he encouraged the taking of risks: “Not reckless ones, but the risks that still remain after all the evidence has been considered.” Strikingly, Daniels spoke of the curse of potential immortality, which some futurists and scientists see on the horizon, thanks to advances in biological and cyborg engineering. “In the most jarring book of recent years,” he said, “the Israeli philosopher Yuval Harari predicts that humans your age will live to see the ‘last days of death,’ when the species we call Homo sapiens becomes ‘godlings’ and immortal.” What would be the downside? Daniels noted: “As the author explains it, if you believe you can live forever, why would you ever take a chance of any kind?” Humans would freeze themselves into safe patterns and habits, lest they wreck their chance to live on in perpetuity. In a real sense, the hunger for immortality clashes with some of the most enduring human wisdom. “ If you realize that all things change, there is nothing you will try to hold on to,” Lao Tzu says in Stephen Mitchell’s translation of the Tao te Ching. “If you aren’t afraid of dying, there is nothing you can’t achieve.” Those who flee from all risk can never grasp that there is something profoundly liberating and life-affirming in those words. Since the beginning of the pandemic, I’ve argued that ethical leadership requires complicated, painful trade-offs, not sloganeering. Yet too often, our leaders have, as Daniels noted, abdicated their own value systems, becoming parochial and damagingly hyper-cautious, yet seeing themselves as saints for it. Daniels concluded by declaring that “the biggest risk of all is that we stop taking risks at all.” It’s a most timely and welcome admonition, not just for freshly minted college graduates, and not even just for leaders in every field, but for a broader global human community still reeling from the medical and psychological impact of the coronavirus’ punches.
7770	dbpedia	1	31	https://www.newsweek.com/why-gop-should-listen-mitch-daniels-72201	en	Why the GOP Should Listen to Mitch Daniels	https://d.newsweek.com/e…ll-fe01-wide.jpg	https://d.newsweek.com/e…ll-fe01-wide.jpg	[ "https://g.newsweek.com/www/images/newsweek-desktop-tablet.svg", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/59591/mmconnell-fe01-wide.jpg", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/59593/predicting-gop-2012-presidential-nominee-photos-frontrunners.jpg?w=1200&f=efd207f1c316e4ae17c996389d4c98dd", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2369935/mark-r-weaver-bw.png?w=80&h=80&f=8259d5f8586e22bb097c23f728c725e4", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2449266/jeff-clements.png?w=80&h=80&f=3e68d7553cfab031f147fa612d468e42", "https://g.newsweek.com/www/images/newsletter-white.svg", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2280621/subscription-newsweek-premium.png", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2222596/subscription-digital.png", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2452122/jd-vance-tim-walz.png", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2452159/trump-supporters-bedminster.jpg", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2452143/super-blue-moon.jpg", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2451781/ernesto-hurricane-tracker.png", "https://g.newsweek.com/img/footer/NW-LOGO-001.svg", "https://g.newsweek.com/img/footer/linkedin.svg", "https://g.newsweek.com/img/footer/instagram.svg", "https://g.newsweek.com/www/images/twitter-icon-white.svg", "https://g.newsweek.com/img/footer/facebook.svg", "https://d.newsweek.com/en/full/2443047/cover-august-16-23-2024.jpg?w=400&f=58a090a65411b186a00e386fe33eab38" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Andrew Romano" ]	2010-09-10T01:00:00-04:00	Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels is small, stiff, and unimposing, so why is he attracting legions of fans? Hint: it's not the motorcycle.	en	https://g.newsweek.com/t…e-touch-icon.png	Newsweek	https://www.newsweek.com/why-gop-should-listen-mitch-daniels-72201	It's lunchtime at frontier Elementary School in Brookston, Ind., and Gov. Mitch Daniels, who's spent the past two hours leading a charity motorcycle ride through the cornfields of central Indiana, has decided, along with 500 of his burliest friends, to park his Harley and grab some food. In the cafeteria, groups of tattooed men in leather vests, skull bandannas, and sleeveless denim jackets mill about, nibbling on limp turkey sandwiches. But Dennis Tyger, a 42-year-old auto repairman with a thick goatee and an impish grin, is too busy plotting his next move to eat. "So I should do it, right?" he asks his tablemates. They nod. Seconds later, Daniels enters the room. "Here comes our next United States president!" Tyger shouts. At first, Daniels flinches. Ever since telling The Washington Post in February that he "would stay open to the idea" of challenging Barack Obama in 2012, he has had to insist, often several times a day, that he doesn't actually intend to run. His ambivalence seems genuine. "You've seen my schedule," he tells me later, in his broad Midwestern drawl. "I'm not going to Iowa; I'm not going to New Hampshire. I'm turning down every offer." But when the rest of the crowd roars with applause, Daniels can't help but smile. "Listen to that," Tyger says, shaking his head. "I can see him in the White House already." If you've heard anything about Indiana's very slight, very balding, very unimposing governor—and that's a big if—it's probably just the opposite: that he couldn't possibly win the 2012 Republican presidential nomination, and that even if he did, his chances of defeating Obama in the general election would be close to nil. The reasons, they say, are many. At 5 feet 7 (in boots), Daniels is shorter than Obama's 12-year-old daughter, Malia. His rather uninspiring demeanor—reticent, stiff, and slightly skittish, with darting eyes and long blanks between words—better suits a former director of the Office of Management and Budget, which he happens to be, than a leader of the free world. And his comb-over is borderline delusional. As conservative journalist Andrew Ferguson recently put it, "I see [Daniels] as he strides toward the middle of the stage to shake hands with Obama before the first debate and comes up to the president's navel. Election over." But while the wags in Washington dismiss him, and while Daniels himself has yet to display any real desire for Obama's job, something unusual seems to be happening, both in Indiana and elsewhere: the Tygers of the world are getting louder. In February, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat dubbed Daniels "America's best governor," and fellow conservatives like Reihan Salam and Yuval Levin—writers who have long insisted that Republicans should avoid the pitfalls of Palin populism as they recalibrate for the 21st century—are equally enthusiastic. "Though it is far too early to know what the world will look like in 2012," Salam has opined, "I can't help but think that a common-sense conservative like Daniels would be the perfect match for Obama." Part of the reason Daniels is attracting Republican interest is that his record of competence and fiscal restraint represents a refreshing change of pace from George W. Bush's big-government conservatism. After five years in the statehouse, admirers point out, Daniels has managed to lower property taxes by an average of 30 percent; transform a $200 million budget deficit into a $1.3 billion surplus; and insure 45,000 low-income Hoosiers through a budget-neutral combination of health savings accounts and catastrophic coverage. His approval ratings routinely top 65 percent. The real force behind the Daniels boomlet, however, is timing. For the past two years, Republicans have defined themselves by opposing both Obama's progressivism and Bush's profligacy; the GOP has said no to the stimulus package, no to health-insurance reform, and no to the mounting national debt, without providing much in the way of a positive vision. Such an omission is acceptable, even advantageous, for a party clawing its way back to power in angsty times. But after November, the GOP may control one (or even both) chambers of Congress, and its candidates will begin jockeying for 2012. At that point, Republicans will have to explain how they intend to translate a pleasant-sounding philosophy of spending cuts and lower taxes into a tangible set of policies equal to the country's current challenges. Fans say that's precisely what Daniels has done in Indiana. Over the summer, I traveled to Indianapolis to see for myself who was right: the Beltway naysayers or the wonky boosters. What I found is that neither camp quite has Daniels pegged. The governor's press office had invited me on a daylong trip that was clearly designed to highlight the most flattering aspects of Daniels's record. Even through the promotional haze, I saw something valuable in the governor's approach to politics. His brand of reality-based conservatism might not propel him to the presidency in 2012. But eventually it could provide the GOP with something it desperately needs (and currently lacks): a convincing model of post-Reagan, post-Dubya, post-Obama governance. Washington Republicans tend to talk about fiscal discipline when they're out of power, then abandon it when they take over. Daniels never stops pinching pennies. The political advantages of this approach are apparent the moment the governor strides into the Muncie convention center for a breakfast with local business leaders. Outside, it's pouring rain; inside, the smiles couldn't be sunnier. While Daniels's first post-Princeton jobs were overtly political—he spent a dozen years as a top aide to Indiana Sen. Richard Lugar, and another couple as Ronald Reagan's political director—the rest have revolved around dollars and cents: president and CEO of a conservative think tank (the Hudson Institute), top executive at a pharmaceutical firm (Eli Lilly), and OMB boss under Bush. Daniels cut costs in each role, and relished the incisions; he is the kind of fiscal conservative who once fished quarters out of a toilet to pay for beer and still hunts down every golf ball that swerves into the woods. An associate described him as "viscerally parsimonious" in The Washington Monthly. Bush nicknamed him "The Blade." The Blade didn't always make the sharpest fiscal decisions. In 2001, for example, Daniels was one of the main designers and defenders of Bush's $1.35 trillion tax cut. At the time, a reporter asked if the tab—five times the leftover Clinton surplus—was too high. His response? Actually, "it might prove to have been too little." Two years later, the country was in a recession, the surplus was spent, and Daniels was forecasting budget deficits for the rest of the decade. In The Price of Loyalty, Ron Suskind portrays Daniels as a tightwad who "express[es] what others are thinking but won't say" about Bush's fuzzy budget math, but nonetheless doubles back when he gets "an arched brow from Cheney or Rove." That eagerness to please may have enabled his worst misstep: lowering the administration's official estimate of the cost of the Iraq War from as much as $200 billion to $50 billion to $60 billion. (Current cost: $746 billion.) When I asked about the disparity, Daniels snapped that he was "only asked to estimate" the expense of a successful "six-month conflict." Still, carrying water for a disastrous policy is nothing to brag about. Since leaving Washington in 2003, however, Daniels has returned to his skinflint roots, proving that even the most blemished Bushie can redeem himself for the austere age ahead. Exhibit A: Indiana. Onstage in Muncie, the governor promotes his fiscal stewardship with a PowerPoint presentation called "Fighting the Recession to Win." His slides tell a compelling story. Since 2005, Daniels has slashed Indiana's budget by $440 million and more than halved its rate of spending growth, and it's possible to imagine him promising caucusgoers in Dubuque that he'll "fix America's finances" like he "fixed Indiana's." Unlike the rest of the Rust Belt, the state is still in the black. But in his Toyota SUV after the event, the governor freely admits that "most of what we've done here"—reusing the paper clips from residents' tax forms; narrowing the typeface on government documents to save on printing—"wouldn't make much difference on the national level." It's a welcome confession. For decades, Republicans have railed against deficits and debt, but they've been too afraid of voter backlash to venture beyond marginal measures ("wasteful spending"). Daniels didn't get the memo. Let's raise the retirement age, he says. Let's reduce Social Security for the rich. And let's reconsider our military commitments, too. When I ask about taxes—in 2005 Daniels proposed a hike on the $100,000-plus crowd, which his own party promptly torpedoed—he refuses to revert to Republican talking points. "At some stage there could well be a tax increase," he says with a sigh. "They say we can't have grown-up conversations anymore. I think we can." As the rain subsides, a state trooper steers the SUV toward a pair of events that (rather conveniently) touch on the Republican Party's other top priorities: creating jobs and downsizing government. While national leaders continue to push lower taxes as the solution to every problem—never mind that Bush, the last tax cutter in chief, expanded the federal budget by 50 percent and failed to net a single new job during his two terms—Daniels has adopted a more nuanced approach. In 2005 the governor created a partially private economic-development corporation to attract new jobs to the state "at the speed of business, not the speed of government"; the next year, he leased Indiana's underperforming toll road to a Spanish-Australian consortium for $3.8 billion. Populists balked at the privatization spree—forking over the toll road to foreigners was particularly unpopular—and Daniels's approval ratings dipped below 40 percent. But today, it's clear that both decisions are paying off. Pulling up on the shoulder of the newly paved and widened State Road 14 in Allen County, Daniels grabs a pair of scissors and heads for the nearest ribbon. It's a familiar drill. Over the last four years, the proceeds from the toll-road deal have unclogged a massive backlog of projects and funded hundreds of new proposals without increasing taxes or adding to the debt. "Michigan is grinding roads back into gravel," Daniels tells the crowd. "Meanwhile, we're in a building boom." The governor is even more gleeful at his next stop, in Huntington, where an auto-body manufacturer named Continental Structural Plastics has recently relocated from Ohio (and promised to create 350 new jobs). "No red tape, plus the right tax incentives," says CSP vice president Thomas Hilborn. "We looked elsewhere, and Indiana was the best." So far, Hilborn's peers seem to agree: the Hoosier State now leads the nation in private-sector job growth and was recently voted the country's sixth-"friendliest" climate for business. The governor's corporate approach isn't a cure-all. His 2007 decision to outsource the state's welfare enrollment program to IBM for $1.3 billion and replace in-person facilities with call centers was a painful reminder of the limits of privatization; Hoosiers who missed welfare appointments because they were hospitalized with terminal cancer lost their Medicaid benefits. (To his credit, Daniels admitted his mistake, nixed the deal, and sued IBM.) Local reports allege that as many as 40 percent of the 100,000 new job commitments Daniels claims to have won since 2005 have yet to materialize, and at 10.2 percent, Indiana's unemployment rate is still higher than the national average. Liberals bemoan the effect of budget cuts and deregulation on education and the environment. And lately the Democratic National Committee has taken to accusing the governor of political opportunism for appearing on Fox News to blast a bill that provides states (and not the private sector) with $26 billion in additional stimulus money—the same sum, incidentally, that Daniels and 46 other governors joined together earlier this year to request. But Daniels's decision to "conduct government like a business" has one major virtue: it forces him to rely on results instead of ideology. As we drive to the Miami Correctional Facility, the governor points out that many of his key policy initiatives—instituting a "pay for performance" scheme for state employees, doubling the number of child-welfare caseworkers—defy tidy partisan labels. He even spends 10 minutes telling me how he "never use[s] the word 'conservative' " to describe himself. At first, this sounds like shtik; politicians love to claim they're above the fray. But his prison remarks—words of encouragement to recent graduates of a faith-based inmate rehab program—actually reinforce his point. Where a typical Republican might gorge on Bible quotes, Daniels praises the prisoners without referencing religion. This isn't an oversight. In June, Daniels, a devout, pro-life Christian who believes that "atheism leads to brutality," told The Weekly Standard that the next president will "have to call a truce on the so-called social issues" until the nation's economic problems are resolved; now he's walking the walk. Try to imagine Sarah Palin doing the same. Despite the divisive din of our politics, there are signs that the country is moving in Daniels's direction. Frugality is back in fashion; culture warriors are aging; the Iraq generation has soured on limitless defense spending. Still, it's unlikely that senior citizens and social conservatives—the GOP's key constituencies—are longing for a governing philosophy that sees Medicare reform as a "survival issue" and gay marriage as a sideshow. In fact, even Daniels's staunchest fans, Hoosiers, might resist a national version of Danielsism at this point. The last stop of the day is at Highland Park in Kokomo: a campaign event for an aspiring state representative. As Daniels arrives, I spot John Penner, 79, waiting to shake hands with "the next president." Penner has nothing but praise for the "down-to-earth" Daniels, and nothing but criticism for Washington, where legislators lard bills with "tunnels for turtles." But when I suggest that to really rein in spending we'll have to cut Medicare, he balks. "My wife is sick, and I can barely pay the bills," he says. "So no, I don't think so. Not a good idea." Unfortunately for Daniels, trimming Medicare is his idea, not mine—and like the rest of his philosophy, it will probably remain that way for now. Soon enough, however, Republicans may actually be asked to govern like grown-ups. They could do worse than to look to Indiana for inspiration—if nothing else.
7770	dbpedia	1	8	https://www.masson.us/blog/indiana-bicentennial-12-12-mitch-daniels-2005-2013/	en	Indiana Bicentennial 12.12: Mitch Daniels (2005	https://www.masson.us/bl…n-doug-32x32.png	https://www.masson.us/bl…n-doug-32x32.png	[ "https://www.masson.us/blog/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/torch.jpg", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/24b212ebd40f38f70883ed6a01b5015f?s=96&d=mm&r=g", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/754ee6046706a4efd2d30d9e556bd80f?s=96&d=mm&r=g", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/ec57495c293d2cd63f084e6bfca9073d?s=96&d=mm&r=g", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/e5b007859d209a028f74cba6a7cb435a?s=96&d=mm&r=g", "https://www.masson.us/blog/wp-content/uploads/2011/03/doug2.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Doug Masson" ]	2016-12-07T12:35:44+00:00	Mitch Daniels (2005 – 2013) Mitch Daniels was born in Pennsylvania, and the family moved to Indiana for his dad’s job with a pharmaceutical company. He graduated from North Central High School with honors and went to college at Princeton. While there, he got into a legal scrape involving drugs. These days that incident might […]	en	https://www.masson.us/bl…n-doug-32x32.png	A Citizen's Guide to Indiana	https://www.masson.us/blog/indiana-bicentennial-12-12-mitch-daniels-2005-2013/	Mitch Daniels (2005 – 2013) Mitch Daniels was born in Pennsylvania, and the family moved to Indiana for his dad’s job with a pharmaceutical company. He graduated from North Central High School with honors and went to college at Princeton. While there, he got into a legal scrape involving drugs. These days that incident might have seriously derailed his future prospects, but it was the early 70s, Nancy Reagan had not yet told us to “just say no,” and so he got through it with two nights in jail and a $350 fine. Daniels’ entry into politics highlights a recommendation I would make to anyone. Get involved with group efforts. It leads to social connections that can lead to other positive things in your life later on down the line. Now, in Daniels’ situation, this happened on a grand scale, but I think it works the same for all of us in a kind of fractal way throughout our lives. In Daniels case, he participated in the campaign of William Ruckelshaus to unseat Birch Bayh in 1968. This was an unsuccessful campaign, but it led to Daniels serving as an intern in the office of then mayor Richard Lugar. Lugar went to the U.S. Senate, and Daniels went with him. He eventually became Lugar’s chief of staff which, in turn, led to him becoming executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee and a political advisor to Ronald Reagan. In 1990, he followed in his dad’s footsteps to some extent and took a job in the pharmaceutical industry where, it sounds like, he made a pile of money. In 2001, he returned to the government, serving as the the director of the Office of Management and Budget. He was nicknamed “the Blade” for his ostensible skill at cutting budgets, but during his tenure, the federal budget surplus turned from $236 billion to a deficit of $400 billion. It’s probably not fair to lay that at his feet. The Bush administration pushed tax cuts first without worrying too much about the spending cuts. Daniels also got egg on his face by estimating in 2002 that the Iraq War might cost on the order of $50 to $60 billion, characterizing an estimate of $100 to $200 billion as “much too high.” The actual cost has been more like $2 trillion. In 2004, Daniels left the federal government to run for governor. His main primary opponent was Eric Miller who advocates for legislation of conservative morality. Daniels had more of an economic message and beat Miller handily in the Republican primary. He went on to face Joe Kernan. Daniels won by about 190,000 votes. In 2008, Daniels would run again, beating Jill Long Thompson in a walk — winning by almost 500,000 votes. Going from memory, the three biggest initiatives during the Daniels years were the movement of Indiana onto Daylight Saving Time, the sale of the Indiana Toll Road, and the shift from property taxes (with tax caps) to sales and income taxes. (Also notable was the rise of a small but scrappy blogging institution out of west-central Indiana.) Daylight Saving Time had long been an issue in Indiana. Moves to adopt it like the majority of the country were a perennial source of bills in the General Assembly. Traditionally, about half were for it and half against it, but the pro-DST crowd was generally split between Central and Eastern Time enthusiasts. But, with some major arm twisting, this time the bill to adopt DST squeaked through each stage of the process; culminating in an aye vote by Rep. Troy “I’ll Never Vote for It” Woodruff — who had pledged never to vote for it — that pushed DST over the finish line. Woodruff would be voted out of office, then find work in the Daniels’ administration with the Department of Transportation where he again found himself in the headlines. The Indiana Toll Road was something of an anachronism because building on it began before the passage of the Federal Highway Act. So, it wasn’t funded in the same way. The State lacked the political will to raise tolls, so maintenance was an issue and the bonds weren’t retired to make it a free highway. Gov. Daniels’ saw opportunity here, and, in 2006, sold it to a foreign consortium for 75 years in exchange for an infusion of cash. The consortium could raise tolls on the motorists of Northern Indiana without worrying about voters, and the rest of the state would get money to fund transportation projects. The money lasted for about six years and was almost gone in 2012 with about 69 years remaining on the lease. The roads funded by the project remain, however. Critical as I have been about the deal, I can’t deny that I enjoy the fact that the Hoosier Heartland has been completed, and travel from Lafayette to northern Ohio is much easier than it once was. The property tax issue has a long and complicated history. I am no fan of the tax caps written into the Constitution, they have numerous unintended consequences, but I also recognize that the problems and solutions surrounding that issue can’t be laid at the feet of any one politician or political party. For his part, Daniels viewed the problem during his term as being similar to that faced by Doc Bowen during his term and, consequently, he looked for similar solutions. Property tax freezes were offset by an increased sales tax and the potential for local government to increase local income taxes. Another part of the solution was the State taking control and responsibility over school funding. (This, in turn, created more opportunity for the “school choice” crowd to cash in on the privatization of schools.) At the end of Daniels’ term as governor, he appeared poised to make a run for President in the 2012 campaign, but it never transpired. Ultimately, he was selected by the Purdue Board of Trustees (many of whom he appointed) to be the President of Purdue University and has served in that capacity since 2013.
7770	dbpedia	0	10	https://indianapublicmedia.org/stateimpact/topic/mitch-daniels/	en	From Governor To President (Of Purdue, That Is): Mitch Daniels	https://indianapublicmed…eup1-150x150.jpg	https://indianapublicmed…eup1-150x150.jpg	[ "https://indianapublicmedia.org/stateimpact/files/2012/01/DanielsCloseup1-150x150.jpg", "https://indianapublicmedia.org/stateimpact/files/2012/01/DanielsCloseup-300x266.jpg", "https://indianapublicmedia.org/images/common/authors/346.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	As the 49th governor of Indiana, Mitch Daniels has backed a statewide voucher system, merit pay for teachers and the expansion of charter schools since taking office in 2005. His Commission	en	https://indianapublicmed…/img/favicon.png	StateImpact StateImpact Indiana	https://stateimpact.npr.org/indiana/topic/mitch-daniels/	Background Tweet As the 49th governor of Indiana, Mitch Daniels has backed a statewide voucher system, merit pay for teachers and the expansion of charter schools since taking office in 2005. His Commission on Local Government Reform issued the Kernan-Shepard report, which advocated the streamlining of local government, including school consolidation. The Republican governor has worked closely with former state schools chiefÂ Tony Bennett to implement the educational priorities of the executive office. Now heâs headed to Purdue University, where he took the helm after being term-limited out of office in January 2013. Speculation that Daniels might be the frontrunner to succeed France CÃ³rdova as president of the university began in spring 2012, though the governor remained tight-lipped. Itâs an interesting career move for Daniels, who has said Indiana students need more career and technical training. Heâs advocated for alternatives to four-year universities and appeared in commercials for the online Western Governors University. (Daniels attended Princeton and Georgetown universities.) Heâs also asked the legislature to cut the number of hours it takes to earn some degrees.
7770	dbpedia	2	3	https://www.wsb.com/speakers/mitch-daniels/	en	Mitch Daniels	https://www.wsb.com/wp-c…MOPIC-scaled.jpg	https://www.wsb.com/wp-c…MOPIC-scaled.jpg	[ "https://www.wsb.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Daniels_Mitch_PROMOPIC-682x830.jpg?bust=e466602ba66c19ad27503cd2c0db1892", "https://www.wsb.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Daniels_Mitch_PROMOPIC-682x830.jpg?bust=e466602ba66c19ad27503cd2c0db1892", "https://www.wsb.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Daniels_Mitch_PROMOPIC-150x150.jpg?bust=01db56fa91bb09485034200bd6240b8b", "https://www.wsb.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/Daniels_Mitch_PROMOPIC-150x150.jpg?bust=01db56fa91bb09485034200bd6240b8b" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2021-06-03T20:04:39+00:00	Contact the Washington Speakers Bureau to schedule Mitch Daniels as your keynote speaker. Our service will make your event the event of the year.	en	https://www.wsb.com/wp-c…icon-150x150.png	WSB	https://www.wsb.com/speakers/mitch-daniels/	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. served as a two-term governor of the state of Indiana from 2004 to 2012 and as the 12th president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. He currently serves a Distinguished Scholar and Senior Advisor at the Liberty Fund. He was elected governor in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected with more votes than any candidate in the state’s history. At Purdue, Daniels prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the university’s strengths. He ended 36 straight years of rising prices by freezing tuition and mandatory fees at 2012 levels for all students. The freeze is still in place today. As a result, the total cost of attendance is lower today than in 2012, even without adjusting for inflation and aggregate student borrowing has declined 37%. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. He also was the CEO of the Hudson Institute and had an 11-year career as an executive at Eli Lilly and Company. Daniels earned a bachelor’s degree from Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and a law degree from Georgetown. He is the author of three books and a contributing columnist in the Washington Post.
7770	dbpedia	2	2	https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/voices-mitch-daniels/	en	Voices \| Mitch Daniels	https://americandemocrac…Logo_2-32x32.png	https://americandemocrac…Logo_2-32x32.png	[ "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Final-Logo.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Final-Logo.png", "https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/files/2024/06/31-01.png", "https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/files/2024/06/31-01.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Shorthand-Mark_Shorthand_BL-e1717338903374.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/CSIS-1024px-CSIS_logo_blue.svg-1.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Covid-Collaborative-logo-2048x606-2.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Shorthand-Mark_Shorthand_BL-e1717338903374.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/CSIS-1024px-CSIS_logo_blue.svg-1.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Covid-Collaborative-logo-2048x606-2.png" ]	[ "https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O21mFZF-FCzYgVUK0V-zaPplwknH1SxN/preview", "https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Xe7scdE_ufN1bqWsmBp-nYSStl_9eekh/preview\n", "https://drive.google.com/file/d/1bFwZ0y2Je_fCvo8eyUqE_cPgtPhlODi5/preview\n", " https://drive.google.com/file/d/15kgRCaHU48Fbm_5nh-ZXaE_iI-BpJeaz/preview\n", " https://drive.google.com/file/d/1PV9Ef0IKy42YNf6hQ41FZei32oRio7w6/preview\n", " https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WtFcI_e8lwmyFaTNN-BRPBiGqPyIjKIT/preview\n" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Lighting a Path Forward Amid Pandemic Polarization	en	https://americandemocrac…Logo_2-32x32.png	americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org	https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/voices-mitch-daniels/	Mitch Daniels President Emeritus, Purdue University Former Governor, State of Indiana Mitchell E. Daniels Jr is President Emeritus of Purdue University and served as a two-term governor of the state of Indiana from 2004 to 2012 as well as the 12th president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. He was elected governor in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected with more votes than any candidate in the state’s history. During his tenure, Indiana went from an $800 million deficit to its first AAA credit rating, led the nation in infrastructure building, passed sweeping education and healthcare reforms, and transformed its business climate into one of the nation’s best. At Purdue, Daniels prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the university’s strengths. He ended 36 straight years of rising prices by freezing tuition and mandatory fees at 2012 levels for all students. The freeze is still in place today. As a result, the total cost of attendance is lower today than in 2012, even without adjusting for inflation and aggregate student borrowing has declined 37%. In recognition of his leadership as both a governor and a university president, Daniels was named among the Top 50 Greatest World Leaders by Fortune Magazine in 2015 and was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2019. In 2023, Purdue University named its business school the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. He also was the CEO of the Hudson Institute and had an 11-year career as an executive at Eli Lilly and Company. Daniels earned a bachelor’s degree from Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and a law degree from Georgetown. He is the author of three books and a contributing columnist in the Washington Post. Mitch Daniels President Emeritus, Purdue University Former Governor, State of Indiana Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. became governor of Indiana in January of 2005. Daniels was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels held numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His was CEO of the Hudson Institute and president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations. He also has served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. Daniels created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation. He spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. He also enacted the Healthy Indiana Plan to provide health care coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults and a sweeping property tax reform. Additionally, Daniels created Indiana’s Major Moves program, an aggressive 10-year transportation plan, to significantly improve and expand Indiana’s highway infrastructure. A total of $2.6 billion was committed to Major Moves from the long-term lease of the Indiana Toll Road. He earned a bachelor’s degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979
7770	dbpedia	0	11	https://www.pgpf.org/pgpf-programs-and-projects/mitch-daniels-governor-of-indiana	en	Mitch Daniels, Governor of Indiana	https://www.pgpf.org/app…icon-200x200.jpg	https://www.pgpf.org/app…icon-200x200.jpg	[ "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=534136700093947&ev=PageView&noscript=1", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/all/themes/pgpf/images/common/PeterGPetersonFoundationLogo.svg", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/default/files/sitecore/media%20library/PGPF/State-Fiscal-Leaders/Daniels_IND_122012.jpg", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/default/files/Infographic-The-Fiscal-Election-Thumbnail.jpg", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/default/files/infographic-what-is-the-debt-limit-thumbnail.jpg", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/all/themes/pgpf/images/common/PeterGPetersonFoundationLogo.svg", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/all/themes/pgpf/images/common/peterson-philanthropies-logo.svg", "https://www.pgpf.org/sites/all/themes/pgpf/images/common/petersonHealthcareLogo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Upon taking office, Governor Daniels laid out a two-year budget proposal that sought to close the state’s deficit by tackling spending and bolstering state revenues.	en	https://www.pgpf.org/sites/all/themes/pgpf/favicon.ico		https://www.pgpf.org/pgpf-programs-and-projects/mitch-daniels-governor-of-indiana	Fiscal Reform in Indiana Mitch Daniels was no stranger to fiscal policy when he was sworn in as Governor of Indiana in January 2005. As the former Director of the Office of Management and Budget in the White House, he was well acquainted with the challenges of balancing government’s competing priorities. Even so, the particular challenge he inherited — a nearly $800 million deficit over the course of two years — was daunting and posed a threat to Indiana’s economy. Upon taking office, Governor Daniels immediately set about changing course. Nine days into his first term, Daniels laid out a two-year budget proposal that sought to close the state’s deficit by tackling spending and bolstering state revenues. Daniels’ plan called for slowing the growth of state subsidies to local governments and holding the growth of Medicaid to 5 percent per year as opposed to the previous year’s 11 percent. In addition, the governor looked for creative ways to bridge the budget gap, such as renegotiating numerous state employee contracts and streamlining or even privatizing some government agencies. The result was a $370 million annual surplus within a year. During the course of his two terms in office, Governor Daniels raised $244 million in revenue collections from a tax amnesty program, saved $266 million by outsourcing operations such as food services in correctional institutions and mail services for state employees, leasing the Indiana Toll Road, streamlining agencies such as the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, and leveraging the state’s purchasing power by combining spending on common items. Daniels has exercised similar discipline since, and in 2008, Indiana’s credit rating was raised to AAA for the first time in its history. Daniels’ approach to balancing Indiana’s budget was conservative, but hardly doctrinaire. Even as the state has reduced the number of government employees and cut spending, Daniels was also willing to raise revenue to fund vital programs, whether by raising the cigarette tax to extend health insurance to the uninsured or by raising the sales tax to offset much-needed property tax relief. Daniels’ reforms and innovations helped generate billions of dollars for infrastructure improvements and allowed the state to repay money it had borrowed from its public schools, state universities, and local communities. Additionally, it provided the resources to establish a health care program for Indiana’s uninsured. Indiana's example demonstrates that a pragmatic approach to the budget does not need to come at the expense of elected leaders’ principles and that daunting fiscal challenges can be bridged by focus, dedication, and openness to a variety of solutions. For more on Mitch Daniels, read:
7770	dbpedia	1	9	https://dianerehm.org/shows/2011-10-02/mitch-daniels-keeping-republic-rebroadcast	en	Mitch Daniels: “Keeping the Republic” (Rebroadcast)	https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp…02/dr-og-img.jpg	https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp…02/dr-og-img.jpg	[ "https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp-content/themes/wamu-show/img/logos/drshow_logo_sm_128.svg?v=1.6-1f3332e8", "https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp-content/themes/wamu-show/img/logos/wamu_logotext_interim.svg?v=1.6-1f3332e8", "https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp-content/themes/wamu-show/img/logos/drshow_logo_full_size.svg?v=1.6-1f3332e8", "https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp-content/themes/wamu-show/img/logos/wamu_logo_interim.svg", "https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp-content/themes/wamu-show/img/logos/wamu_logotext_interim.svg?v=1.6-1f3332e8" ]	[ "http://www.scribd.com/embeds/66088633/content?start_page=1&view_mode=list&access_key=key-hh5ji91l0aa9t5ink3x" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2011-10-02T00:00:00	On My Mind		https://s8296.pcdn.co/wp-content/themes/drshow/favicon.ico?v=1.6-1f3332e8	Diane Rehm	https://dianerehm.org/shows/2011-10-02/mitch-daniels-keeping-republic-rebroadcast	Gov. Mitch Daniels Answers Audience Questions Q: I’ve lived in Indiana for 10 years and moved to our particular town because of the wonderful school system. Under Mitch Daniels, we’ve seen funding for public education at all levels reduced every year. How can he boast about being fiscally responsible, when his cuts steal from our future by denying the best possible education for our young people? – From Robyn via Facebook A: Robyn, those are simply not the facts. Spending on K-12 is far higher than when we arrived and has gone up every year except one, when virtually every state in the country was reducing it further than we did. It is rising again this year, plus we have resumed our drive to fund full day kindergarten for every 5 year-old. As I said on the air, 56% of every Indiana state tax dollar goes to K-12, the highest percentage in state history and the highest in America. That said, more money has not led to better results, in Indiana or anywhere else. Since you obviously care about the academic achievement of our kids, please be a vocal supporter of the reforms we have passed this year. They are the kinds of actions that people from President Obama to me agree on. Q: You’ve been a supporter of investing in infrastructure. What do you think of President Obama’s infrastructure plan in the “American Jobs Act?” Q: I live in Indiana. Daniels sold off our state’s assets and told us we had a surplus of money that we can use for a rainy day. Our unemployment is higher than I’ve ever seen in my lifetime. Could you please ask him what he meant by a “rainy day?” Thank you. – From Cheryl via Facebook A: Rebuilding America’s infrastructure should be another goal on which people who otherwise disagree should come together. I think there is a far better route than the old-school, centrally-driven approach the President just proposed. The two keys are to welcome rather than spurn private capital as part of the solution, and to jettison as much of the ponderous and redundant federal regulatory rulebook as possible, so that projects don’t take years just to get started. Cheryl asks indirectly about this subject. She incorrectly says we “sold off state assets.” In fact, we sold nothing, but through converting our Toll Road, which we continue to own, to a tightly regulated public utility, we harvested billions of dollars which we are reinvesting in a record infrastructure building program. None of these dollars – zero – went to our rainy day funds. Those funds, which were below empty when we arrived, have been rebuilt to a reasonable surplus. We used them during the recent downturn to avoid the huge cuts to public education, Medicaid, and other services that happened in almost every other state. Read an Excerpt Excerpted from “Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans” by Mitch Daniels by arrangement with Sentinel, a member of Penguin Group (USA), Inc., Copyright (c) Mitch Daniels, 2011:
7770	dbpedia	3	29	https://tfas.org/news/liberty-leadership-podcast-mitch-daniels-on-campus-free-speech-and-leadership-at-purdue/	en	Liberty + Leadership Podcast	https://tfas.org/wp-cont…ogo-Web-Card.png	https://tfas.org/wp-cont…ogo-Web-Card.png	[ "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo-footer.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/Ep33-TFAS-Pre-Release-16x9-2.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/tfas-logo-footer.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-dci.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-dci-color.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-tfasi.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-tfasi-color.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-fte.png", "https://tfas.org/wp-content/themes/generic/images/footer-fte-color.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/fPXsEwAepu4?rel=0", "https://www.youtube.com/embed/fPXsEwAepu4?rel=0" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Marissa Starkel" ]	2023-02-15T19:18:03+00:00	This week, another exceptional guest joins us on the Liberty + Leadership Podcast: Mitch Daniels, TFAS Trustee Emeritus.	en	/apple-touch-icon-180x180.png	The Fund for American Studies	https://tfas.org/news/liberty-leadership-podcast-mitch-daniels-on-campus-free-speech-and-leadership-at-purdue/	Mitch Daniels is a former governor of Indiana who led the Hoosier state from 2005 to 2013. He then served as the president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. Mitch has served in the public sector across a number of roles, including as director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush, chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar of Indiana, and senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan. He also served as executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Hudson Institute and Eli Lilly and Company. Mitch is a former member of the TFAS Board of Trustees, where he now serves as trustee emeritus. He earned his bachelor’s degree from Princeton University and his law degree from Georgetown University. In this week’s episode of the Liberty + Leadership Podcast, TFAS President Roger Ream ’76 and Mitch take a deep dive into the issues addressed and the lessons learned during his landmark 12 years as president of Purdue University. Mitch talks about how Purdue was able to increase enrollment by 30 percent while tuition remained flat, how student loan forgiveness will end up being disastrous, how the adoption of the Chicago Principle allowed Purdue to promote free speech on campus, the balance of educating Purdue students in both STEM and citizenship, and how students should remain flexible as they’ll never know what opportunities life may present. He also reminds listeners that both the first and last man to walk on the moon were Purdue graduates and that 30 percent of all astronauts are Boilermakers. Episode Transcript The transcript below is lightly edited for clarity. Roger Ream [00:00:00] Hello and welcome. I’m Roger Ream and this is the Liberty and Leadership Podcast, a conversation with TFAS alumni, supporters, faculty and friends who are making a real impact in public policy, business, philanthropy, law and journalism. Today I’m recording from the TFAS Annual Conference in Amelia Island, Florida. My guest is Mitch Daniels, trustee emeritus at The Fund for American Studies and the former governor of Indiana. He also just retired earlier this year as president of Purdue University. Mitch is a role model in politics and higher education. We’re going to hear from him about his political career and his service as Purdue’s president for ten years. Mitch, congratulations on your retirement and thanks for taking time to join us at this conference and to chat with me today. Mitch Daniels [00:00:57] I’m resisting using the term. I’m saying I stepped down from the job. Not sure what’s next, but I may not be what people think of as retirement. We’ll see. Roger Ream [00:01:09] Yeah, I hope not. I hope it isn’t. And I know you’ve got some plans already at Purdue. I’d like to start. I know tonight you’ll be talking at this conference about higher education, about some of what you’ve learned as president of Purdue. I’d love to take a few minutes to have you share that experience with us and particularly how you first approached the job when you were hired ten years ago and how you determined the priorities of your focus. Mitch Daniels [00:01:34] The answer to that, how I approached it, is cautiously. It’s not something I’m disclosing for the first time. I said ‘no’ to the search committee and the trustees three or four times. I just didn’t think it was necessarily a good fit for them or for me. But I warmed up to the idea. I’m so glad I did. It was a tremendous experience in the end. In terms of early priorities, I had some ideas, some of which I proved, I think, are valid, and we pursued them to fruition. Some of them weren’t so wise. And I learned that, and we discarded those. But in general, these have been years of growth and action at Purdue University, the university is 30% larger than when we arrived. It is and this was certainly one of my correct early judgments. It is much more STEM-centric, as we say, even than it was before. We were about 41% of our undergrads, higher percentage of our graduate students were in one of the scientific or technological disciplines or engineering when I arrived, and it’s approaching 70% now. And that was something that was one reason I finally wound up drawn to the job. This is such an urgent national need to have more technological talent at the highest level. And nobody’s producing more such young talent than Purdue. Roger Ream [00:03:18] Well, just pursuing that for a minute, I know that a lot of international students come to the U.S. to study, and many of them in the STEM area. And our visa program, from what I know, doesn’t seem to be structured in a way that we keep all that talent here. Many of it goes back to wherever they came from. What is the mix? Do you have a lot of international students at Purdue and as well as U.S.? Mitch Daniels [00:03:43] We do, but there’s a story there. First of all, international students at Purdue is not a new thing as it is not a relatively recent thing as it is at some places. Students have been coming there for a century. Typically, young people who want to do a study, engineering, or some related discipline and particularly in Asia. If you go to Taiwan, if you go, for instance, or Japan, you’ll find a boilermaker every 50 feet. But in more recent times that number and its percentage of the student body had grown substantially. And I decided early on that it was too much of a good thing. And we’ve very consciously dialed back the percentage, which was well up into the class when I arrived, was almost 20% international and half of them from one country. And you can guess which one. And that was simply, I thought, going two or three steps too far. For one thing, you don’t get the alleged virtues of variety diversification. If too many from one place, they tend to self-segregate and they don’t interact with the American students, for instance, as you might hope. So, the last several classes at Purdue have been more like 7% or 8% international. And India now actually is the number one country. Fewer than 2% are from China. There obviously had become other issues with regard to China. So, there are other reasons I thought that was prudent. But, you know, basically we’re there to try to educate the next generation of top talent, particularly technological talent, for the U.S. And you’re right, many of these young people, for the best reasons, want to go home and build their countries, become more like America. Roger Ream [00:05:56] Well, you’ve accomplished a lot as president of Purdue. But perhaps the most astonishing thing is over the last ten years, you haven’t raised tuition. How in the world did you do that? Mitch Daniels [00:06:08] Well, I’d love to tell you it was some brilliant managerial, you know, insight really wasn’t, I would say. You ask about priorities earlier and I would just say this became a top priority for us. I’ve told the story many times that when I first got there – and I remember I was fresh from almost a decade moving around a pretty diverse state that Indiana is learning firsthand how difficult it was becoming for particularly middle-income families, moderate income families to afford college. And so, I never imagined we’d pull off what we did. I just wanted to have a one-year time out. Hit the pause button for one year. Had been 36 straight years of increases, which is true at almost every other school that you can name. Roger Ream [00:07:01] Right. Mitch Daniels [00:07:03] But it turned out it wasn’t that difficult to do. Not surprisingly, it was well received. And the next year, we had operated the university at a better than breakeven level. And I just kept posing the question year on year and I want to give you some qualifiers here, because people imagine things that weren’t a factor. We didn’t shrink or short the teaching mission. We’ve grown the faculty dramatically in keeping with a higher student population. Our pay raises for faculty and staff have been above the peer group average every single year. We didn’t get any more state money, surprisingly, it has been sort of flat all the way through. So, there was no windfall of any kind there. We, as I told you, we reduced the percentage of international students. We tried to practice real economy. We tried to prioritize affordability and accessibility, and it did just develop some momentum. A huge factor, honestly, was that in one of those virtuous cycles, people talk about a reputation for affordability, we know was one factor, not the only one in attracting more students. And as I mentioned earlier, we have something like 30% more students than we did. That’s one way you keep the price down for everybody. Roger Ream [00:08:33] And I imagine, I’ll use the word selectivity of the students, the quality. I don’t know how you measure that exactly. Average SATs, whatever, is probably going up. Mitch Daniels [00:08:43] Yeah, it’s going up. And, you know, we’re a land grant school and we are deeply imbued with the mission of democratizing education. So, we’re not necessarily happy when really talented young people, when we can’t squeeze them in. And it’s been the strategic decision or topic for some time at the board. How much bigger can we get without in any way compromising the academic quality or just the student experience? But even with the rather explosive growth, somewhat contrary to our early expectations, the academic readiness or quality keeps going up every year. You know, Purdue is the hot ticket right now. Roger Ream [00:09:34] Yeah, there seems to be a little bit of a push here and there in this country now to suggest that too many young people are going to college, or at least not everyone has to go to college, and that employers should consider hiring people who don’t have a B.A. Obviously, if you’re going to hire an engineer, you want people in the STEM fields, You want them well-educated and probably with a graduate degree. But what do you think about, I mean, this leads into talking about student loan programs as well. Mitch Daniels [00:10:06] I think those people have a point. And I’ve thought this for quite some time. There’s no question that a number of students felt the pressure of being compelled to go to college, who might have found a very worthwhile career through a different path. And those are beginning to open up. Alternative modes of learning some skill past high school other than a four year and possibly very expensive baccalaureate degree. I think it’s a very positive thing that a lot of employers have had second thoughts about this. I mean, it was very clear to me, even when I first took up my duties, that a lot of employers were using the four-year degree as a proxy for the smarts to get into somebody’s college and maybe some persistence that they actually finished. But they already knew then it’s become more and more clear that at least many schools, the quality, the rigor has been totally diluted, average GPAs skyrocketing, you know, closer to four than three. And, you know, you ask yourself how bad does somebody have to be to get a B in a place like that? We’ve leaned hard against that at Purdue University, by the way, that we’ve been trying to be very, very vigilant about so-called grade inflation. But for employers who are looking at it that way, it makes all the sense in the world to consider other means of identifying top talent. I mean, we already have a number of professional exams. If you can pass the CPA exam, you probably know accounting. Roger Ream [00:11:49] Yes. Mitch Daniels [00:11:49] If you pass the Bar exam, you’re probably fit to be a lawyer. And that can be done. And that’s starting to be done in other contexts, a lot of the high-tech companies don’t care. Can you code or not? Yeah, and it’s not hard to find out. Roger Ream [00:12:04] You reminded me of a story from our experience at TFAS about ten years ago. We hired a business professor from, I won’t say what school, but a very prominent private university to teach for us. And one of the first things he asked me when we hired him was, “What’s your grading policy?” And I said, “Well, what do you mean?” And he said, “Well, I got let go from a major university once because I gave students grades below a B.” Mitch Daniels [00:12:34] I wish I thought that was an isolated case but you and I both know it’s all too common. Roger Ream [00:12:38] Well, speaking of tuition, you write a column in The Washington Post. Are you going to keep that column going? Mitch Daniels [00:12:44] Haven’t decided. Roger Ream [00:12:45] Okay. Mitch Daniels [00:12:45] I don’t know. You know, I thought it was a natural time to at least have a pause on that while I was considering resuming political activity. But now if that’s behind me, I’ll think about it. Roger Ream [00:13:04] I ask because I think it was in one of your columns, I read some criticism of the idea that we should forgive student loans or partially forgive student loans. What are your thoughts about that? Mitch Daniels [00:13:17] Some criticism that sort of a mild characterization of my views on that. I do believe it is one of the worst policy suggestions in memory for a variety of reasons. And I tried to spell them out there. Roger Ream [00:13:37] One being the Constitution, I think. Mitch Daniels [00:13:38] Well, you know, that little matter of the Constitution, and who’s supposed to have the power of the purse, that’s absolutely a big one, but I think some of the others are equally obvious. First of all, it’s inequitable. There’s no way they can do this that won’t advantage wealthier students and students who are destined to be much wealthier. To young lawyers, let’s say, who are about to go earn huge six figure incomes, as a couple getting forgiven their loan it’s inequitable in that way. It’s grossly unfair to those who worked hard and lived up to their obligations and paid it back. 99+ percent of Purdue graduates who took out a student loan pay it back. Roger Ream [00:14:35] Wow. Mitch Daniels [00:14:35] I’m not sure how we’re supposed to tell them, you know, too bad suckers, you know, your timing was off. No, just the moral lesson that it would teach about living up to one’s obligations. The fiscal impact of another several hundred billion dollars. Note the irony that some of these young people are clamoring, you know, to be excused from an obligation they took on knowingly and willingly. If they’re lucky enough that that happens, those same young people are going to get the bill eventually because government doesn’t have this money. It will borrow more and hand them the charges. So, for all those reasons, any one of those reasons, I think would be sufficient to say it’s a bad idea. He put them all together. And as I say, hard put to name an idea that I’ve thought less of. Roger Ream [00:15:37] Yeah. And in your service in Washington, in the administration as the budget director, you came face to face with the serious financial issues that we face in this country, not only annual deficits, which have ballooned tremendously since that time, but with the continuing accumulation of national debt that exceeds 31 trillion now and the unfunded liabilities. And this just adds to it. It’s not like we have a lot of money sitting around from surpluses we built up that we can do this, but what do you think it is? How are we ever going to get a handle on federal spending and borrowing and this debt? Or will we? Mitch Daniels [00:16:16] Apparently the machine will have to go tilt, one could have hoped. I hoped for a very long time that we would pass this test of democracy. As people we would be willing to and a majority of Americans could be successfully appealed to think more about the future than the present, think about their children, and the intergenerational unfairness of what we’re doing. It’s not as though we’re borrowing this money and investing it in something that will pay off down the line. We’re borrowing all this money and spending it on ourselves today. And so, I’m afraid we’ll have to have a reality check. The cold smack of reality when it’s finally not just a projection, but that the day in which we cannot meet our safety net obligations arise. You know Roger, that’s all incredibly worrisome as a matter of the federal finances, as a matter of the economy, what all that borrowing will do when it goes for that purpose as opposed to economic growth and building opportunity. But I worry at least as much about the sense of betrayal that’s going to happen when people are suddenly told that these benefits can’t be delivered at the level they were promised and or that somebody’s taxes are going to have to go up massively to try to keep up with those promises. You know, if you think we have problems of social division today, imagine that scenario. And so, I continue to harbor the hope that since there’s no really no debate about any of this, there’s no computers, not a matter of computer models or competing philosophical views. It’s arithmetic. Roger Ream [00:18:20] Yeah. Mitch Daniels [00:18:21] And so I see stirrings of interest in Washington, and I hope they become something much bigger. Roger Ream [00:18:30] Yeah, I saw the graph just the other day of what interest on the debt is doing as a percentage of the budget. Mitch Daniels [00:18:38] Yeah, well, as Professor Friedman and others said and taught us a long time ago, governments that do what too many governments do. Debt, by the way, is what brought down empires of the past. Usually before some military conqueror did. And there are three things that governments do. As they become more and more desperate, they can inflate their way out. They can default. Or they can repress their way out. And that’s what we’ve been doing most recently. You just shaft the savers with absurdly low below inflation interest rates and hope they don’t notice. And so the federal government’s been getting by with low interest payments even as it keeps stacking up principal. But that’s starting to end because you were getting the inflation that is so destructive of free institutions. So, there’s a little more I think, reality beginning to intrude, but none too soon. Roger Ream [00:19:51] You know, I carry in my briefcase a 10 trillion note from Zimbabwe. Mitch Daniels [00:19:57] Yes? Roger Ream [00:19:58] That was worthless. I mean, I think a friend of mine bought it for about $25. And, you know, the stories of pre-war Germany and between the wars leading up to the rise of Hitler was this massive inflation. And so, it can happen here because it’s happened to many other empires throughout history. If we don’t get a handle on it. Returning to a brighter subject, back to Purdue for a minute. It’s been an amazing school. It’s produced great STEM majors, people for the space program. Talk a little bit about that, your connection to the space exploration, what has happened at Purdue. Mitch Daniels [00:20:37] That’s one of the fun things about working there. Our 26th NASA astronaut was just qualified, a young woman. One third of all the manned space flights up until at least a year or so ago. Last I caught sight of this had at least one boilermaker on board. Roger Ream [00:21:00] Wow. Remarkable. Mitch Daniels [00:21:02] And as we sometimes say, first and most recent men on the moon, Neil Armstrong and Gene Cernan. It’s obviously something we’re very proud of. We had a couple during my years there, we had a couple of reunions every so many years we invite them back. Most of the ones who are living make it back. It’s like I moderated a conversation among about 12 or 13 of them a few years ago. I didn’t have to do much, just get the ball rolling. They told stories. Audience of 6,000 people jammed into our biggest concert hall. They put us down in the orchestra pit and it was like a rock concert. They raised us up. Smoke’s going everywhere. The audience went crazy. Believe me, the Stones didn’t get any bigger ovation than those people did. Roger Ream [00:21:54] Well, I think the plan for NASA is to send people to the moon again and they want to send a woman there. So, you have a chance of this woman being one of them. Mitch Daniels [00:22:03] It could well be. Absolutely could. Roger Ream [00:22:05] Also dealing with higher education. People all hear a lot today about, I think it started with the idea of safe spaces and then threats to free speech. And now it’s the woke university. How have you responded to that? I think you were one of the first to sign on to the Chicago Principles and for free speech. Mitch Daniels [00:22:27] You know, I’m reticent about bringing this up, but I claim paternity over that term, Chicago Principles. Because University of Chicago had written some. This was an early action that we took. I was aware, as any reader of the news is, of some of these really unacceptable transgressions of people’s rights and of free inquiry on campuses. And so I wanted us to take a clear stance about it. University of Chicago, after a very careful process led by a 1960s avowed liberal. This is an interesting angle here. Geoffrey Stone, a constitutional scholar, led the group. They produced a statement of principle. I read it. I thought, shucks, I mean, we could have our own group go off for three years and whatever they came back with wouldn’t be any better than this. So, I called up President Zimmer in Chicago and said, “Would you mind if another school Xerox?” He said, “No, we’d be flattered, and we’d be pleased.” And so, I just took it to our board. We just did it. The board of trustees have full authority to make policy for their schools. I’ve never seen a bylaw of public, private or otherwise school that didn’t give them that authority. And so, we just did it, and that was that. But I say, I thought we should call it the Chicago Principles. I thought it would have more power if more and more schools signed the same statement. You remember the Sullivan principles? Roger Ream [00:24:10] Right. Mitch Daniels [00:24:13] I remembered that as the analog, that I thought it had more impact because all those corporations said exactly the same thing. So, it’s been slower than I had hoped. But there are – I think there’s some reasonable double-digit numbers who have signed the same thing. When I said a minute ago, I thought, an interesting angle. And we have had on campus two or three people, including Professor Stone, who grew up in an era when free speech was the cause of the left, that what they saw as these autocratic institutions. Roger Ream [00:24:52] It was true at Berkeley. Free speech movement in the sixties. Mitch Daniels [00:24:56] The Vietnam protests and so forth. Free speech was there to defend the dissidents of the time. And now they find themselves, I’ve met several such people who were civil rights leaders. They still have strong views that you would consider, you know, leaning left. But they can’t go along with this idea of censorship and the stifling of dissent that they grew up understanding how important that is to a free society. So it’s been fun to get to know people like that and to have this in common. Roger Ream [00:25:35] Yeah. Congratulations on that success. Talk for a minute about what you’re doing at Purdue when it comes to civic literacy and civic education. That’s a concern of a lot of people in this country. And it’s, you know, K-12 as well as at higher education that we are teaching future citizens the importance of our principles. Mitch Daniels [00:25:58] Yes, you’ve read, most of the listeners will have seen surveys not just of young people, but by now of the adult population, and they’re almost comical, except that they’re sad. Yeah. You know, they think Judge Judy’s on the Supreme Court and things like that. And so, we thought that in at least some modest way, we wanted a Purdue graduate to not only be exceptionally skilled at something that they learn and knowledgeable, but ready for citizenship. We’re supposed to be producing more than just great engineers; we’re supposed to be producing citizens. So, we want them to be civics-certified as we say. It’s a pretty simple process, but starting with the current freshman class, every Purdue student will have to pass a civics test. There are three pathways that they’re supposed to have undertaken before they do that. One of them is attend a minimum of six speeches, lectures or programs that will be certified, as, you know, close enough to the subject. There’s also – it so happens that one of our alums invented C-SPAN – Roger Ream [00:27:25] Is that Brian Lamb? Mitch Daniels [00:27:26] Yes, and we have all those archives. And so those folks have done a series of podcasts on major questions in civics. You know, why do we have separation of powers? What claims are made for the federal system, things like that. Watching that series is another thing that a student can do prior to go take the test. They can take the test more than once if they need to. But that, we think, is a small step, but a step in the right direction. So far, so good. Roger Ream [00:28:09] Well, that I will call the Purdue approach and hopefully other schools will sign on to the Purdue approach. Mitch Daniels [00:28:15] We’ve had a lot of folks come look at Purdue. I do hope that idea spreads. Certainly, the concern about civic illiteracy goes across almost the entire spectrum. I mean, we all know, there’s a segment of people who would be happy to mis-educate young people, not just leave them uneducated or poorly educated, but mis-taught. But leaving them aside, most people, I think, find that the current state of understanding of our free institutions inadequate. Roger Ream [00:28:53] Yeah, I think that’s right. I think it does cut across the spectrum. We’ve had some outstanding students in our programs from Purdue and you’ve been kind enough to bring them over to meet with you either for coffee in your office. You took some to a basketball game this fall, which has been wonderful. We get outstanding students in our program. Since many of our young alumni listen to this, I wanted to ask you something that stemmed from hearing you at a program at the American Enterprise Institute a few months ago when you responded to a question by saying you never really had a plan for where you wanted to go next in life. You kind of took opportunities as they came along and of course, performed superbly and more opportunities came. But what advice do you give to students at Purdue who are trying to figure out what to do in their lives? Mitch Daniels [00:29:47] I encourage them to have a clearer idea than I did. I think it’s great that they are as purposeful as they are and as forward looking as they are. They’ve all chosen coming in the door. I’m not sure this is a good idea, but we still do this at Purdue. You do have to choose a major as you come in, not midway through, so they have some idea and obviously we encourage that and try to prepare them as well as we can for whatever that field might be. But I do tell them all the time, you know, stay light on your feet, stay open to possibilities with your talent and the kind of education that you have a chance to obtain here, the world will present you with options that you haven’t thought about yet. And I never encourage people to be impulsive about that, but just to recognize that they’re going to come and be ready to examine them openly when they do. And I can testify that things you never expected, like the chance to work at Purdue University, were the most fulfilling roles that ever came my way. Roger Ream [00:31:12] When we were talking before about the financial situation of our federal government and of our country, it’s easy to conclude that things look grim on that front. But I suspect you aren’t a pessimist about the future. How would you tag yourself in terms of whether you’re an optimist or a pessimist? Mitch Daniels [00:31:31] I sometimes say I’m obstinately optimistic. I can give you all the reasons not to be. And we shouldn’t be blind to this. Great nations, no great nation has lasted forever (ours is still very young), and particularly those that try to operate under conditions of freedom. We will have to demonstrate some maturity as a democracy, as we talked about earlier. So, we don’t spend ourselves broken and wind up hopelessly beholden to others. But no, I mean, we still have an asset that at least the visible would be competitors don’t. And that is the spontaneity that open institutions afford the people economically in terms of innovation and for the political systems which go through cycles of difficulty and paralysis and acrimony. And we’re in one, but we’ve been there before, and our system has the chance to adapt. And America has produced people in the past who have led us out of difficulties like that. And so, I’m optimistic that’s going to happen again. Roger Ream [00:32:59] The theme of our conference this weekend is Keeping the American Dream Alive. Do you think the American dream is still alive? Mitch Daniels [00:33:05] Sure it is. Just go look at the people who are leading some of our most spectacularly successful businesses and other enterprises. Some of them weren’t born here. Many of them weren’t. There are what we used to call Horatio Alger stories everywhere. Roger Ream [00:33:25] There still are. Mitch Daniels [00:33:26] And so there’s no question that it’s still alive now. We lost some of the cultural capital that made that sort of life experience more accessible to people in the past. We worry, and we should, about the quality of our education and so forth. That’s not all. That’s not the only problem. Might not even be the biggest problem. We have to renew a spirit of hard work, personal responsibility. These things which were once stronger norms in society than they have been recently. People who have that approach to life, to work and society can succeed today. There’s no question they can succeed, even if they weren’t fortunate enough to have a great education or some material head start. So, sure, we have those challenges, but it isn’t hard to find people who surmount them. And so, you know, people who claim that somehow the dream is not still a reality may be making excuses for their own failure to take advantage of it. Roger Ream [00:35:00] Well, last question. You’ve decided just this past week that elective office is not in the plan, at least for this year. You’re going to be affiliated, I think, in the business school at Purdue going forward? Mitch Daniels [00:35:15] Yeah. Purdue has asked me to maintain a relationship. I’m going to chair their research foundation, which has a variety of activities, including all our tech transfer and commercialization of Purdue’s inventions. We’re routinely now in the top handful in the world in new patents and so forth. And the question is how can you best move those into the marketplace where they can be of some use to somebody? So, I’ll be doing that and a few other chores for them. Roger Ream [00:35:47] I want to ask about something we talked about a little informally before we started the podcast, and that’s just attitudes of students toward business. We see surveys that show support for capitalism is about 30%, and 30% of students say socialism and 30% don’t know. If you ask them about free enterprise, that scores higher, entrepreneurship scores higher. But what do you find the attitudes of young people about, you know, careers in business or about the economic system in this country? Mitch Daniels [00:36:21] I know Purdue’s not completely typical, but it’s what most of them are interested in doing. Our business school has been growing and we think is on track to grow by another little amount, another third. And, you know, I think what those surveys tell me is that there is another gap in young people’s education. They don’t know what socialism is. They think it means being nice to people. They’ve heard a lot of criticisms that are completely invalid about capitalism as some people describe it. But if you ask them what they hope to do in life, it’s make a good living and work at something that they find fulfilling and that creates value for other people. Yeah, well, that’s business. Roger Ream [00:37:21] Well, thank you. I appreciate you being with us. I appreciate your service on our Board of Trustees for many years, and I’m proud to call you a TFAS emeritus trustee. Mitch Daniels [00:37:32] I’m proud to be, Roger. If you hadn’t kicked me off, I might still be there. When you go into public life, you have to divorce yourself from all such involvements. But as you know, I’ve never lost sight of what you do. And it’s one of the great missions out there, one of the great programs that are very fortunate that they’ve kept you at the helm these years. So, I’m always grateful for the chance to be associated. Roger Ream [00:37:57] Well, thank you. You may get an invitation to rejoin the Board then. Thank you very much, Mitch. Roger Ream [00:38:04] Thank you for listening to the Liberty and Leadership Podcast. Please don’t forget to subscribe, download, like or share the show on Apple, Spotify, or YouTube or wherever you listen to your podcasts. If you like this episode, I ask you to rate and review it and if you have a comment or question for the show, please drop us an email at podcast@TFAS.org. The Liberty and Leadership Podcast is produced at kglobal Studios in Washington, D.C. I’m your host Roger Ream and until next time, show courage in things large and small. About the Podcast TFAS has reached more than 46,000 students and professionals through academic programs, fellowships and seminars. Representing more than 140 countries, TFAS alumni are courageous leaders throughout the world forging careers in politics, government, public policy, business, philanthropy, law and the media. Join TFAS President Roger Ream ’76 as he reconnects with these outstanding alumni to share experiences, swap career stories, and find out what makes their leadership journey unique. With prominent congressmen, judges and journalists among the mix, each episode is sure to excite your interest in what makes TFAS special. 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7770	dbpedia	0	0	https://www.nga.org/governor/mitch-daniels/	en	National Governors Association	https://www.nga.org/wp-c…hare_.light_.png	https://www.nga.org/wp-c…hare_.light_.png	[ "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/themes/nga/images/branding/logo.svg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/themes/nga/images/branding/logo.svg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/MDANIELS.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/IN-MikePence-1.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/MDANIELS.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/KERNAN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/FRANKOBANNON.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGBAYHIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGORRIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/bowen.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGWHITCOMBIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGBRANIGININ.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGWELSHIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/NGA-Logo-Brandmark-Dark-265x300.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "www.facebook.com" ]	2018-10-31T00:29:16-04:00	Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. became governor of Indiana in January of 2005. Daniels was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels held numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His …		https://www.nga.org/wp-c…ding/favicon.png	National Governors Association	https://www.nga.org/governor/mitch-daniels/	About Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. became governor of Indiana in January of 2005. Daniels was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels held numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His was CEO of the Hudson Institute and president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations. He also has served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. Daniels created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation. He spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. He also enacted the Healthy Indiana Plan to provide health care coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults and a sweeping property tax reform. Additionally, Daniels created Indiana’s Major Moves program, an aggressive 10-year transportation plan, to significantly improve and expand Indiana’s highway infrastructure. A total of $2.6 billion was committed to Major Moves from the long-term lease of the Indiana Toll Road. He earned a bachelor’s degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979.
7770	dbpedia	2	65	https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2001/08/20010822-1.html	en	Press Briefing by OMB Director Mitch Daniels			[ "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/print_banner.png", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/wh_banner.jpg", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/pod3.jpg", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/rss3.jpg", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/infocus_top2.jpg", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/arrow.gif", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/arrow.gif", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/release_tools_icons_print.gif", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/release_tools_icons_email.gif", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/release_tools_icons_print.gif", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/release_tools_icons_email.gif", "https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/imgs/2colbg_bot.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "tax", "$3.1 trillion", "social security", "medicare", "surplus", "budget" ]	null	[]	2001-08-22T00:00:00	"The report we've issued this morning confirms that the nation has entered an era of solid surpluses. Surpluses on the order of $160 billion, despite an economy that has been week now for over a year and in decline for that time. This is the second largest surplus in American history, in the face of that weak economy, a phenomenon that should strike all Americans as very positive."	en			null	Home > News & Policies > Press Secretary Briefings For Immediate Release Office of the Press Secretary August 22, 2001 Press Briefing by OMB Director Mitch Daniels Presidential Hall 10:00 A.M. EDT MR. DANIELS: I'll make some very, very brief summary comments, and we'll go straight to questions. The comments will be brief because, in part, because so much is already known. This must be what hosting a movie premier is like when the entire audience has been to the sneak preview already. So let me just say a few quick things. The report we've issued this morning confirms that the nation has entered an era of solid surpluses. Surpluses on the order of $160 billion, despite an economy that has been week now for over a year and in decline for that time. This is the second largest surplus in American history, in the face of that weak economy, a phenomenon that should strike all Americans as very positive. The 10-year forecast that we have projected is $#.1 trillion, again an astonishing number, vastly more than the amount of publicly held debt that it will be possible to repay over that time period. And this number reflects new commitments since the April budget of $198 billion in the first installment of the President's program to repair and rebuild our national defenses, and also a revised increased estimate for Medicare reform including prescription drug coverage for our senior citizens, up from $153 billion to $190 billion. Let me make certain you note that the $153 billion was over 10 years, the $190 billion is over only eight years. So an upward revision from the area of $15 billion a year -- (microphone dies) -- (laughter.) Let me roll the tape back a minute, then. The $3.1 trillion of surpluses over 10 years is after new commitments since the April budget of $198 billion as a first installment on defense repair and rebuilding, and $37 billion in an upward revision for Medicare reform and prescription drug coverages. Again, that new figure of $190 billion divides only -- over only 8 years as opposed to 10. In 2002, we forecast a growing, a larger surplus, $173 billion. I think it's very noteworthy that in 2002, we will pass an important landmark -- interest costs -- the debt burden on the federal Treasury will drop below a dime on the dollar down to 9 cents of each dollar of federal revenue. That's the lowest interest burden in a quarter century since 1976, and it's headed down very quickly. Finally, I would simply note that economic growth is the key to continuing this very strong fiscal picture. It is growth that produces surpluses, not vice-versa. And a return to economic growth will be the focus of the President and the administration in the months ahead. Economists have agreed unanimously that the single-best hope the economy has for a quick recovery is the tax relief, which is now in the process of beginning, but we'll all be very watchful on economic trend data on which our surpluses, the trust funds of our entitlement programs, and all our hopes for continued meeting of the nation's priorities ultimately depends. Questions? And I'm advising you to wait for a microphone to ask your question. Down here in front. Q The interest-cost thing -- the year in which there is enough money to repay debt exceeds redeemable debt is pushed back -- 2010 from 2008, which -- doesn't that hurt your efforts to reform Medicare and Social Security in terms of debt paydown -- MR. DANIELS: No, really not at all. The, I think, very important fact that all the debt that can practically be repaid, will be repaid within the space of this budget period, is one that remains very central to our future success. And it's completely independent of Medicare, as are the trust funds, themselves, completely independent of the size of these surpluses. What matters to Medicare is economic growth that continues to grow those trust funds. They'll grow by $30-some-billion this year alone, and more fundamentally, reform of those programs, as the President has proposed. I'll try to pick people who are close to a microphone in the back there. Q I'm confused as to whether the on-budget surplus is $2 billion or $1 billion. And also, how does -- I'm just not familiar enough with this -- how does the $3.1-trillion estimate compare to your April forecast? MR. DANIELS: The on-budget surplus is $2 billion, Francine. We did clarify that because the Postal Service is losing a lot of money, $1.3 billion this year, for those who are particularly interested in a precisely accurate accounting of the Social Security surplus, you wouldn't want to penalize the Social Security surplus with that $1-billion loss experienced by the Postal Service. So the on-budget surplus is $2 billion, but the surplus above and beyond Social Security is $1 billion. On the $3.1 trillion, this reflects the effects of, first of all, tax relief. Tax relief, as passed by the Congress, was smaller than that contemplated by the President, so the effects of tax relief on the April forecast have been brought down somewhat. It also reflects the new investments I mentioned in defense and in Medicare in particular. And what it does show is that there remains after the government has paid all the debt that it can practically pay, we continue to see $1-trillion-plus of uncommitted funds, and these could be used for entitlement reform, growth of necessary programs, further restoration of defense, and so forth. Q Sir, I still have the question of what was the actual forecast in April for 10 years? MR. DANIELS: The forecast was 5.6 before the President's tax relief, and these other programs were subtracted. Q The prior administration, if I'm not mistaken, projected paying down the entire federal debt by about 2011, if I'm not mistaken. Is that something that you believe we cannot afford now, or is that a conscious decision, a policy decision that you feel is more prudent to maintain that and use funds for other programs? MR. DANIELS: It was never a serious proposal. It would have involved wiping out the savings bond programs, state and local bonds, which they're required investments to protect taxpayers in the states and localities, and it overlooked the fact that beyond a point, you would be paying exorbitant premiums, prepayment premiums, to wealthy bond holders, 36 percent of whom, incidentally, are foreign banks. So it was never a serious policy proposal, and upon closer inspection, one finds the happy outcome that between $2 trillion and $2.2 trillion can be paid off. This will pay debt down to levels we haven't seen in a century or since about 1917, and this is really the most that I think any administration would ever finally do in the real world. Q You list in this document examples of potential further requirements for spending; among them are expiring tax provisions, farm bill, so forth. The document also discusses the fact that the defense number in here is the first installment. We have never learned the cost of the future installments. So I'm wondering if you could explain, given the numbers you have here today, how the President intends to pay for potential further requirements in these areas, while at the same time trying to constrain the Congress from spending money? MR. DANIELS: Outlays on the baseline that you're looking at go up about 5.5 percent next year. So it's quite a lot of money; over $100 billion. And that will accommodate a lot of growth. The Congress will have to decide where that growth is apportioned, and the President will have the priorities you just mentioned very high on his list. But there will be ample room, particularly if we at last become proficient in Washington at redeploying funds from obsolete, non-performing and duplicative programs to more important uses and the uses of tomorrow -- you named several of them. Q Just to clarify. The tax bill, as written, terminates in 2010. When you do your revenue estimates for 2011, do you assume continuation of the tax bill, or do you assume that it just stops, and, therefore, you have additional revenue in that year? MR. DANIELS: By budget convention, we can only assume those things which are now in law. And so unless and until it's extended, we won't assume it. Q Do you have any -- can you give some clarification as to how much additional revenue would be required in that year to keep the tax bill going? MR. DANIELS: Glen, I'll try after we're done, but if we've made a projection, I don't have it with me. Q If you look at the tax receipts, the different -- after 2004, you're actually expecting corporate and individual income taxes to be higher than you were expecting in April. You're also expecting additional tax receipts from estate and gift taxes beyond 2005, although the estate and gift tax will begin being cut dramatically under the tax bill. Is this dynamic scoring, or exactly how is this change being foreseen? MR. DANIELS: No, it's not dynamic scoring, Jonathan. In fact, I think the revenue estimates we're using are pretty cautious throughout. For instance, we're only forecasting a little over 3 percent revenue growth next year. Essentially, what we're seeing for this year, a very anemic year for revenues. So we've tried to be very careful on both the economic assumption side and the technical assumption side, which are supplied by our colleagues at Treasury, to be guarded about the amount of new revenue coming in. Q Will you be able to afford a $33.5 billion in tax credits under the energy bill in this budget? Can you accommodate that? And also, some Democrats are saying what about the tax consequences flowing from a prescription drug benefit bill, is that all affordable? MR. DANIELS: It is affordable. The tax credits in at least some versions of the energy plans in Congress are higher than those that the President suggested, but I think they'd still be affordable if it's the will of Congress to move them up there. This $33 billion is not a small number, but it is a 10-year number and it does phase in. So particularly the early year consequences of any of the plans that I've looked at are very small. And on prescription drugs, once again there is ample room; it's a high priority of the President's to get to a comprehensive Medicare reform, including prescription drugs. And as I've said, we have raised the estimate within the numbers within this review, raised the estimate significantly. This comports with the more specific framework for Medicare reform that the President released last month. Q One of the changes since the tax bill was passed, the cost of delaying the payment of estimated corporate tax was supposed to be $32 billion, and I see in your calculations today it's $28 billion. What's happened? MR. DANIELS: Folks at Treasury believe that some folks will go ahead and pay it in fiscal '01 anyway. Didn't get the memo, I guess, but that's the answer. The amount of money totally expected in the corporate revenues is identical. Q -- -- (inaudible) -- MR. DANIELS: Well, it's crucial if you're into one-year snapshots, maybe. But that's their best guess, that although that much money is entitled to be held over into the next week, that some businesses might go ahead and pay it on the original schedule. And that accounts for the difference. Q Let me just be sure I understand what you just said. The Treasury is assuming that about $5 billion of the corporate tax payments will be made this year? MR. DANIELS: I believe that's correct. We'll double-check that for you. When I asked this same question, and it's been a few weeks, I think that as the reason, as opposed to any further reestimate of how much was finally going to be paid. But $28 billion is the amount now seen to be moving from year to year. Q So that -- I know that you don't like one-year snapshots, but for those people who do like one-year snapshots, if it were not for the fact that corporations would be paying taxes earlier than they have to, we would be into the Social Security surplus this year, is that correct? MR. DANIELS: Well, first of all, we're into the Social Security surplus every year. It's only a question of what we use it for -- do we use it for debt repayment or for any other purpose. I know you're aware of that, however. Q Let's be more specific. Payroll taxes, excess payroll taxes would be used to make these numbers work this year. MR. DANIELS: Yes. Congress -- and the parentage of this seems to be lost to history -- but someone in Congress proposed that delay. As a factor affecting this one-year snapshot, its' only about half as big, I would note, as the spending run-up of last December, which raised spending $50 billion over the year 2000. Now, in retrospect, for those snapshot aficionados in the audience, I suspect that they now wish that that explosion in spending last December had been a little more temperate. And therefore, this year's surplus -- let's remember we are dealing with the last Clinton budget and the budget passed in the last Congress when we measure these numbers for 2001. Q You say these numbers depend on a return to sustained economic growth. How will a prolonged economic slowdown affect or change these numbers? Do you have a specific date when you expect the economy will be back on track for these numbers to work? MR. DANIELS: Like most forecasters, Angela, and our forecasts are in the mainstream of those that are out there, we are expecting a return to economic growth at the end of this year or the first of next year, and sort of back on a reasonable growth track from then on. You shouldn't overestimate the effect. If these numbers were off by a full percentage point -- let me be more graphic; let's say they were off by two full percentage points -- in other words, growth was less than half what we're forecasting -- you'd still be looking at a surplus next year well over a $100 billion. So the nation is awash in extra money, and it's going to be. The real issue we're engaging in are how to maintain that kind of momentum and, of course, how to apportion that extra money most prudently for the long-term benefit of working Americans. Q Just a quick question about the long-term outlook. In 2011, you've got the various trust funds' debt owed of about $6 trillion, plus entitlements at about two out of every three dollars going to the federal government. I was wondering what the administration thinks about -- does that have any real economic effect for the country, and does the administration have any plans on addressing those issues? MR. DANIELS: Your question is a fundamental one and it's a helpful one because it begins with the correct premise. All that is in these trust funds is promises, IOUs, government bonds. They're solemn promises and they have to be met, but that's what's there, no cash. And that's why, as now I think all editorialists in the country have finally come to understand, there is no such thing as a dip or a raid or a drain. Yes, the $6 trillion figure you mentioned should serve as a reminder to all of us of the enormous build-up of obligations in those programs, and it is precisely the reason that the President is determined to reform them before the taxpayers of tomorrow, our children, are forced to redeem them through ruinously high taxation. So, yes, it's of great importance and it's a reason that reform of Medicare and Social Security should happen sooner, not later. The political process in Washington is not always good at acting before a crisis is near, but here, with presidential leadership, let's hope that it does. Q Though the overall surplus is the second largest, the actual spending surplus that you have to work with is relatively small, given what was projected earlier in the year. What do you, as you look at what some have called the evaporation of the on-budget surplus, what do you attribute that to? What are the factors and how would you spell it out? MR. DANIELS: Going into this year, we saw, before the presidential policy applied, about 14 cents on the federal dollar, about 14 cents as the, let's say, potential surplus. Of that, about 2 cents has not materialized because of a weak economy. About 2 cents has been shared with taxpayers by the President and Congress in a bipartisan way, first for fairness reasons, but secondly to get about the business of economic recovery. About a half a cent was used on urgent defense needs and also farm income support. And the other one-and-a-half cents was referenced earlier, and it was sort of moved around the corner -- it's still there. It will be available in fiscal '02. That leaves about 8 cents on the federal revenue dollar, a very large surplus. And that's what's going to be used essentially for debt reduction. Q Your inflation forecasts are much more aggressive than Fed policy pretends to like, and I'm wondering, is this rate of growth inflation administration policy? Is that the target that the administration would like to see over the long-term? You're talking -- MR. DANIELS: -- 2-2 for next year, Jim, or are you talking about a long-term number? Q Long-term. I think you're talking over 2 percent for inflation. That's beyond the Fed's time frame. MR. DANIELS: Well, again, we try to pick these numbers very carefully with reference to other forecasters. That one has not struck me as particularly an outlier at all. It wouldn't -- inflation is not unimportant in changing the surplus picture, but it's not as big a driver as many others. So if it turns out to be off, it's not going to change the picture in any fundamental way. I'd be glad to have a closer look at it and talk to you afterward. Q I just wanted to follow up on the evaporative concept and thank you for breaking it down to the penny for us; it's helpful for newspaper reporters here. But as you know -- MR. DANIELS: I was sort of thinking of the TV people, Bob, when I did that. (Laughter.) Q As you know, there are Democrats on the Hill who have, pretty much all summer long, had a steady drum beat that the Republican administration has squandered $120 billion in surplus, a drum beat that is expected to grow louder in the months ahead. And I think Senator Conrad has said, this presents you with a political fiasco moving into the fall. What's the counter to that? MR. DANIELS: Well, the word, "bunk" comes to mind. I mean, it's interesting, some of the same people who have loosely thrown around these terms advocated a larger tax rebate this year than what was actually provided. And so it's a bit of an argument with themselves to say that this year's surplus isn't large enough. Many of them -- most of them, frankly, voted for that expending explosion just 8 months ago that I referred to a little while back. So I think the fundamental answer, though, has to be that the -- keep our eye on the big picture. I mean, this is a recess and you all know what happens at recess; the kids go out to roughhouse, and a little political horseplay is in order. But the grown-up conversation this fall ought to be about how we get growth going again; how we recognize that we have enormous resources to deal with that the federal government, even at a time of economic weakness, is taking in vastly more money than it needs to pay its bills; and the way to sustain that over time is to make sure that growth returns. Q Could you talk a little bit more about the extenders this fall, and are you changing your position, and is our position one that's essentially advocating a tax increase now, because some of these extenders will expire this year? MR. DANIELS: Right. No, John, there's a little over a billion dollars of various extenders. The text of the report of the review emphasizes that we would like to work with Congress to see most or all of these continued. Again, budget convention requires that we not assume in our baselines acts that -- of Congress that haven't occurred yet, so we chose not to do that here. It's a fairly small number, I think manageable. And some of these things definitely need to be dealt with. Q The President's Social Security Commission is going to meet later today and discuss private accounts. You said there was $1 trillion in the future surplus above and beyond Social Security. It would take at least that much to pay for the President's proposal or expected proposal of 2 percent private accounts. Are you willing to make a commitment that that's what that surplus would be used for, to fund the private accounts? MR. DANIELS: First, Bob, let me clarify. What I said was that there is $1 trillion, maybe $1.1 trillion beyond what is necessary or what is the maximum debt that we can retire over the time period. About half of that is extra Social Security receipts, and the other half would be from general receipts. With regard to Social Security reform, no one knows what the transition costs may be. I've heard numbers as high as the $1 trillion you used, but I don't think anybody knows that yet, and I think the President wants to await the report of the commission and work that's going on within the administration before we can really cost out a plan. Q I wanted to ask a sort of simple question. If the growth estimates that the administration has put forward, which are higher than the consensus blue chip -- 3.2 percent versus 2.8 -- do not pan out, and you've said that adjusting the tax cut is off the table, and you've said that you're not going to dip into the Social Security or Medicare trust funds, if the good news does not come forward, what are the policy adjustments that the President would consider to adjust the administration's policies with real growth? MR. DANIELS: First of all, let me say that the 3.2 figure that we have -- and I hasten to add, the effect of this should not be -- this is the growth figures -- should not be overstated, it has to be married with technical assumptions about income composition and so forth, and you get the final product that matters, which is how much additional revenue do we forecast. And that number is pretty moderate. But taking your question on its face, Alexis, our 3.2 number is certainly well within the band of the blue chip. It happens to be the same as last year's most accurate forecast, which was by the conference board. It happens to be less than the blue chip's best forecaster of the year before that, Evans-Carroll, who are at 3.5. So nobody knows. And we've tried to take the best advice we could in coming to this number. If, based on the data we have and the forecasts we've made, we can and intend to bring a budget for Fiscal '03 that provides for reasonable spending growth, protects the tax cuts that are now scheduled from being rated by those who would like to claw that money back into federal hands, and will allow us to meet the nation's priorities very well. So that's the import of the review we put out today. Q But basically, you're saying that you're only leaving yourself room in the spending. That's the only place you would have to adjust. MR. DANIELS: Well, and adjustments, you know, can be made there. This is not unthinkable. But remember that outlays on the -- in the numbers you're looking at grow by 5.5 percent. There's a lot of room there in the event that circumstances show us that we have a little less money to work with. Q But considering the reality that you just described on the Hill, how realistic is that in terms of adjusting spending down below what has become a larger growth number than the President wanted in the first place? MR. DANIELS: Well, if you're asking are we defeatists that things in Washington can't be changed, I would say that the President's already demonstrated that they can. And so I'm sure we'll have a spirited budget debate next year. But I think these are much more likely to work out well in an era of giant surpluses. We do have, as I say, a budget that's in great shape, an economy that's not, and I think that eventually, attention will focus on the real problem and we'll be able to work together cooperatively. Q In these times of economic surpluses, there has been some criticism that the government isn't investing enough in its own work force, which is facing a human capital crisis. What's your response to that? MR. DANIELS: The President has assigned us as an administration, and OMB in particular, the job of implementing the most aggressive management agenda probably that Washington has seen. It will be released very shortly, but they have -- basic elements are out there already, and human capital is one of the five leading elements. So it is quite clear that we need major changes, that we have too many people in some places, too few probably in others, and most importantly, a skill mismatch between the work force, much of which grew up over two and three decades ago, and the needs of public service today. So this is a very important issue, and the President has ordered us to move actively on it. Q And you're still sticking by the 3.6 percent recommendation for a pay raise? MR. DANIELS: Yes. Q Who exactly are you blaming for the December explosion in spending? The Clinton White House or the Republican leadership in the Hill? MR. DANIELS: I'm not inclined, and I'm sure the President would say the same thing -- talk about blame at all. We took note of that explosion in the April budget, but we didn't talk in terms of blame. You know, hindsight's 20/20. But I do simply observe for the benefit of those who want to know, as one questioner did, what factors went together to narrow the on-budget surplus that this was the largest of them. So no blame to be assigned, but it does, I think, reflect the care that we need to take with spending increases. They are -- they do tend to be the single-biggest threat to our future surpluses in fiscal health. Q The report says that the administration is prepared where necessary to extend the principle of restraint to its own high priority initiatives. And you mentioned delaying effective dates on some tax proposals and other things. Could you be a little more specific about which tax proposals you would extend the effective dates on, and what other initiatives you would be willing to pare back or delay in order to stay within the budget? MR. DANIELS: No, Dick; not today. Because no decisions have been made, and the President hasn't given us any specific guidance yet. But I thought a candid statement might be in order that in order to maintain a balanced policy of large-scale debt reduction on the order of the Social Security surpluses, protecting tax relief from those who would raise taxes and take it back and maintaining -- in order to make both those things possible, maintaining moderate spending growth, that really all kinds of ideas will need to be on the table. And that's what that statement meant, and all we can say today. Q The review says that training and employment programs are expected to spend more slowly in 2001 and 2002, but pick up in 2003. I was wondering if that meant federal employee training programs and why they are expected to spend more slowly in the next two fiscal years. MR. DANIELS: I think it refers not the federal employee training, but to the 140 or 150-some job training programs that we have spread across the federal government. We have multiple agencies involved in them and in the aggregate, it amounts to a lot of money. This is, by the way, an area that we'll be looking at, I think, for potential management reform. It could be that -- it surely must be that some of those programs are working very well and ought to be strengthened, that some of those 100-plus programs are working less well, and ought to be eliminated so that the funds can be used where they get the most positive effect. END 10:40 A.M. EDT
7770	dbpedia	3	91	https://www.munciejournal.com/2021/09/mitch-daniels-looks-back-on-memories-of-september-11th/	en	Mitch Daniels Looks Back On Some of His Memories of September 11th and the War On Terror	https://www.munciejourna…021/09/mitch.jpg	https://www.munciejourna…021/09/mitch.jpg	[ "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/cropped-munciejournalforfacebook.jpg", "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/Future-Leaders2.png", "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/mitch.jpg", "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/WCO_MuncieJournalAd_Branding.png", "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/wmun729x90.jpg", "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/bj.png", "https://www.munciejournal.com/wp-includes/images/rss.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/MNyjZJOEXpE?feature=oembed" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2021-09-07T14:17:52-04:00	By John Herrik & Kurt Darling, Network Indiana— WASHINGTON--The morning the World Trade Center towers and Pentagon were hit by hijacked jets, Mitch Daniels was inside the White House, working for the Bush administration as the director for the Office of Management and Budget. Daniels, who wou	en		Muncie Journal	https://www.munciejournal.com/2021/09/mitch-daniels-looks-back-on-memories-of-september-11th/	By John Herrik & Kurt Darling, Network Indiana— WASHINGTON–The morning the World Trade Center towers and Pentagon were hit by hijacked jets, Mitch Daniels was inside the White House, working for the Bush administration as the director for the Office of Management and Budget. Daniels, who would later become Indiana’s governor and Purdue University’s president, said he remembers the day vividly. “My top deputy at the time had a long history of defense and we both looked at each other and said, ‘that’s not likely an accident’,” said Daniels, as he remembered seeing the explosion and fire from the first plane on a TV screen inside the White House. “Then, of course, the second explosion happened and we knew.” He said that at the time there was no early warning system at the White House. “The warning system was somebody running through the hall saying, get out! Run, don’t walk.” Daniels’ job was to oversee the federal budget. Once the attacks were over, he said he had set up a makeshift office in the Roosevelt Room, and began speaking with other cabinet-level people about what the administration would need to react and respond. /wp-content/uploads/2021/09/mitch-daniels-wrap-3-ni.mp3 “OMB got some significant assignments, of course first of all to organize all the emergency funding for the military action which cleaned the Taliban out of Afghanistan, for the rebuilding of New York City, the compensation of the victims.” Daniels said he also had to help Congress figure out how to get airlines flying again. “The indemnification of the airlines was one of the most complicated things. The airlines couldn’t fly because no one would insure them. Congress had to quickly act to create backstop insurance so that planes could fly at all.” Daniels said he remembers that time as being one of unprecedented cooperation between Republicans and Democrats. “It was an amazing time of bipartisan agreement.” Daniels said he remembers trying to persuade Congress to divert money from other priorities, rather than borrow the money to begin the War on Terror. “I gave a speech at the National Pres Club, I believe in October 2001, and pointed out that in past crises when, for instance, Pres. Truman decided we needed to act in Korea, they promptly reduced spending on a host of other items and said, this is our priority for now,” said Daniels. He said that persuasion didn’t work. “Congress did what Congress has consistently done over recent decades, which is decline to reduce anything, decline to say no to anything, and borrow the money.” Each time that happens, it adds to the deficit. Daniels decided to leave the Bush administration and return to Indiana after seeing several goals fulfilled, and he was approached to run for governor. When he won, his having witnessed the events on 9/11 had influence on some of his priorities and decisions. “I suppose that watching the nation and many good people react aggressively and quickly to 9/11, just reminded me that whatever other objectives one has in public life, there will be emergencies. There will be crises. You better be ready for those,” he said. He said one of his first briefings was on emergency preparedness, and updating Indiana’s readiness, which helped when severe flooding hit the state in 2008. His experiences in New York helping victims’ families and helping make sure the compensation was administered reminded him that it is possible for governmental bureaucracy to be helpful and even heroic. “It does often bring out the best. A lot of people, at least temporarily, are willing to set aside the rules and regs and things that sometimes people in bureaucracies hide behind to avoid making decisions or taking any chance that someone might criticize them later.”
7770	dbpedia	1	88	https://www.nationalreview.com/critical-condition/perfect-vs-good-mitch-danielss-medicaid-reforms-john-r-graham/	en	The Perfect vs. The Good: Mitch Daniels’s Medicaid Reforms	https://s0.wp.com/i/blank.jpg	https://s0.wp.com/i/blank.jpg	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=23390304&cv=2.0&cj=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "John R. Graham" ]	2011-03-14T21:47:20-04:00	Michael Cannon and Grace-Marie Turner (aided and abetted by Robert Goldberg) have started a real dispute on the effectiveness of Indiana governor Mitch Daniels’s Medicaid reform. I think that this is really a proxy war over Obamacare. Like ...	en	https://www.nationalrevi…e-touch-icon.png	National Review	https://www.nationalreview.com/critical-condition/perfect-vs-good-mitch-danielss-medicaid-reforms-john-r-graham/
7770	dbpedia	3	87	http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2011/09/could_mitch_have_made_it.html	en	Mitch Daniels for president: Why his campaign would have been a hard one.	http://www.slate.com/content/dam/slate/archive/2011/09/1_123125_123054_2279718_2302921_110926_pol_mitchdanielstn.jpg.CROP.promo-large.jpg	http://www.slate.com/content/dam/slate/archive/2011/09/1_123125_123054_2279718_2302921_110926_pol_mitchdanielstn.jpg.CROP.promo-large.jpg	[ "http://b.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=18406752&c3=&c4=http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2011/09/could_mitch_have_made_it.html&c5=&c6=&c15=&cj=1", "http://pixel.quantserve.com/pixel/p-fw53_-Tq3MNK1.gif", "http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2011/09/src", "http://www.slate.com/content/dam/slate/Authors/john_dickerson-authorbio.png" ]	[ "http://cnettv.cnet.com/av/video/cbsnews/atlantis2/cbsnews_player_embed.swf" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "John Dickerson", "www.facebook.com" ]	2011-09-26T14:18:00-04:00	Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana can imagine the death of the presidential campaign he decided not to launch. In the Republican debate held in Ames, Iowa, ...			Slate Magazine	http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/politics/2011/09/could_mitch_have_made_it.html	Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana can imagine the death of the presidential campaign he decided not to launch. In the Republican debate held in Ames, Iowa, in August, candidates were asked to raise their hands if they would oppose a long-term budget deal that included a 10-to-1 ratio of spending cuts to tax increases. They all did (and Rick Perry, who wasn't yet in the race, later affirmed that he would have joined them). In an interview for CBS, I asked Daniels what he would have done. "I would not have raised my hand," he said. John Dickerson John Dickerson is a co-anchor of CBS This Morning, co-host of the Slate Political Gabfest, host of the Whistlestop podcast, and author of Whistlestop and On Her Trail. If Daniels were a candidate, his campaign would have tested the proposition that a truth-telling contender can survive a party's nominating process. That is the thesis of Daniels' new book Keeping the Republic: Saving America by Trusting Americans: Politicians should level with voters, and voters can handle it. It's also the theory animating the fantasy-league Republicans who keep trying to encourage governors like Chris Christie of New Jersey to join the party's presidential race. If only one of these authentic characters who tells it like it is would emerge, the theory goes, voters would swarm to them and Obama would be trounced. Advertisement Daniels is not promoting increasing taxes. But he is flirting with lending some perspective to the presidential raceâor at least an ounce of consideration. "Here's what I would have said, and I wish somebody would have said," he says. "I would have said, not 'I'll take the deal', but 'tell me more.'" He is highly suspicious of tax increases, and the tests he would apply are stringent. But Daniels is obsessed with the size of the debt and the looming catastrophe that will occur if it is not addressed. "We ought to view it as a military threat," he says. In order to start solving the problem, he is willing to trade progress on the big goal for ideological rigidity. "It would be a mistake the close the door. We need the 90 percent imaginary or hypothetical spending cuts here. We need that desperately, and I'd be willing up to some point to pay a price, if it were practical, to secure it." Daniels has been joking with those who urged him to run that he might have killed his campaign in his first debate. "It would have been my boom moment," he says of not raising his hand. He knows from experience. When Daniels suggested Republicans should downplay social issues in order to stay focused on the deficit and not turn off independent voters, he was thoroughly criticized. Still, he argues in his new book and in interviews that voters are ready to hear the truth about the country's serious fiscal condition and can handle a debate about the hard choices required. Wait, if his campaign would have been doomed, how can he be so sure people are ready to hear the truth? What Daniels says is required is a candidate who is willing to take the risk and fight past the political mercenaries who, Daniels says, have degraded political discourse. "You either believe the American people have the capacity to run their own lives and their government or you don't." Daniels hasn't seen such a strategy yet in the current field, he says, though he thinks one of the current candidates can get there. What he's seen so far is that candidates are competing as if they are merely the "default option" for a country that doesn't like President Obama. The problem with this approach, argues Daniels, is that candidates are not using the campaign to build a mandate for action once they take office.Â Advertisement Daniels and Christie (so far) have resisted the entreaties to join the GOP race. Perry did not and is now trying to survive a bad stylistic debate performance in which his most potent gaffe was the product of too much candor: "If you say that we should not educate children who have come into our state for no other reason than they've been brought there by no fault of their own, I don't think you have a heart," Perry said last week, defending his Texas program that allows children of undocumented workers to attend state schools at in-state tuition rates. John Dickerson Interviews Mitch Daniels Jeb Bush, the former Florida governor and another dream candidate who has received entreaties to enter the GOP race, once supported such a policy. All that Perry did was forcefully articulate what he believes. This was once considered a good thing about him. The 10-to-1 question and the uniform responses from Republican candidates have become a key moment in the Republican race. It was either a genuine reflection of the anti-tax orthodoxy among the candidates or an acknowledgement of the political reality that candidates can't be seen flirting with tax increases. This moment will return next year in the great debate with Obama over how to reduce the deficitâand in the debate over whether such an uncompromising view is what has ruined government. Daniels, by choosing not to run, gave up any chance to be a direct participant in that debate. And had he decided to run and keep speaking his mind, he probably wouldn't have made it that far.
7770	dbpedia	1	26	https://www.wfyi.org/news/articles/mitch-daniels-to-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-as-scholar-advisor	en	Mitch Daniels to join Carmel-based Liberty Fund as scholar, advisor	https://www.wfyi.org/fil…niels-senate.jpg	https://www.wfyi.org/fil…niels-senate.jpg	[ "https://www.wfyi.org/images/White-Heart_75x63.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/hamburger-menu-icon_72x53.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/close-button_500x500.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/WFYI-npr-pbs-co-branded_750x146.png?v2.1", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/hamburger-menu-icon_72x53.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-twitter.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-facebook.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/Expand.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/files/wfyi/articles/current/mitch-daniels-senate.jpg", "https://www.wfyi.org/files/wfyi/articles/current/graduation-pixabay.jpeg", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-twitter.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-facebook.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/files/wfyi/articles/current/classroom-pixabay-1920.jpeg", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-twitter.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-facebook.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/files/wfyi/articles/current/school-bus1-lc_6QBVAUZQ.jpg", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-twitter.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-facebook.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/files/image/tag-03.jpg", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/cross-white.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/files/wfyi/programs/medium/indiana-week-in-review-2024-16x9.jpg", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-twitter.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/share-icon-facebook.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/Twitter-X-icon_117x117.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/Facebook-icon_117x117.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/Instagram-icon_117x117.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/YouTube-icon_117x117.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/Flickr-icon_117x117.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/WFYI-Always-Here-For-You_684x120.png", "https://www.wfyi.org/images/Orange-Heart_75x63.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "WFYI" ]	2023-03-28T10:19:17-04:00	Former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President Mitch Daniels will soon begin a new role at the Liberty Fund, a private education foundation based in Carmel.	en		WFYI Public Media	https://www.wfyi.org/news/articles/mitch-daniels-to-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-as-scholar-advisor	Casey Smith, Indiana Capital Chronicle Former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President Mitch Daniels will soon begin a new role at the Liberty Fund, a private education foundation based in Carmel. Daniels — who was named a distinguished scholar and senior advisor — will focus on “the creation of educational programs and partnerships that will strengthen Liberty Fund’s existing educational programs,” the foundation announced Tuesday. He begins his new role April 1. “I have watched for decades as the Liberty Fund, with impeccable scholarship and fidelity to principle, has labored to keep lit the lamp of freedom, and spread understanding of its historical and intellectual underpinnings,” Daniels said in a statement. “Now, with individual liberty under relentless threats foreign and domestic, I’m grateful for the Funds’ invitation that I try to assist it in its noble and essential mission.” After serving two terms as governor from 2005 to 2013, Daniels spent the last near-decade as the president of Purdue University, stepping down in December and fueling rumors that he would re-enter politics. After much speculation, however, Daniels announced in January that he would not run for a soon-to-be-open seat in Congress after sitting U.S. Sen. Mike Braun launched his own 2024 bid for governor. The Liberty Fund was founded by Indianapolis businessman and lawyer Pierre F. Carter in 1960. The foundation said it “conducts its own educational programs to encourage research and discussion on the values and institutions of a society of free and responsible individuals.” Socratic seminars and conferences hosted globally by the foundation focus on topics like politics, history and education. Programs especially emphasize individual liberty and “preservation” of a “free society.”
7770	dbpedia	2	73	https://www.wishtv.com/news/indianas-living-governors-to-headline-fair-event/	en	Indiana’s living governors to headline fair event	https://www.wishtv.com/w…rvest-Dinner.jpg	https://www.wishtv.com/w…rvest-Dinner.jpg	[ "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/wishtvcom.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/Rotating-8-70-Bug-white-outline.gif", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/wishtvcom-white.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/8_and_70_Bug_100x100_BLK-Outline_V4Testing.gif", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/search-icon.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/search-icon.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/CCB-Horizontal.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/05/2024-Harvest-Dinner.jpg", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/footer-logo-300x36-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/appstore_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/googleplay_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/appstore_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/googleplay_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/CCB-Horizontal-white.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Niki Kelly, Indiana Capital Chronicle", "Niki Kelly", "Indiana Capital Chronicle" ]	2024-08-05T17:29:13+00:00	Indiana’s current and former living governors will unite Aug. 14 for “The Art of Leadership with Four Gubernatorial Hoosiers.”	en	https://www.wishtv.com/w…x512-1-32x32.png	Indianapolis News \| Indiana Weather \| Indiana Traffic \| WISH-TV \|	https://www.wishtv.com/news/indiana-news/indianas-living-governors-to-headline-fair-event/	INDIANAPOLIS (INDIANA CAPITAL CHRONICLE) — Indiana’s current and former living governors will unite Aug. 14 for “The Art of Leadership with Four Gubernatorial Hoosiers.” Gov. Eric Holcomb and former governors Mike Pence, Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh will keynote the 2024 Harvest Dinner at this year’s Indiana State Fair. The Indiana State Fair Foundation is hosting the evening, which includes a reception and dinner. Each year, the proceeds from the Harvest Dinner support the Youth Development Fund, which benefits Celebration of Champions and 4-H youth participating at the State Fair. The event will take place in the Indiana Farmers Coliseum. “This special event won’t be about politics or the issues of the day, but rather a friendly conversation about their approach to leadership, reflecting on their time as Governor, and their impact on Indiana over the past 35 years,” the event website says. Holcomb’s second term ends this year and he has not made public his plans for the future. Pence served from 2013-2017 before becoming vice president of the United States alongside Donald Trump. He ran for president but dropped out in October 2023. Daniels served from 2005-2013 and briefly considered a presidential run before opting against it. He then became president of Purdue University from 2013 to the end of 2022. Evan Bayh is the only Democrat, and he was in office from 1989 to 1997. He then served more than a decade in the U.S. Senate. One of Bayh’s twin sons, Beau, is said to be preparing for a political run in the future. Two Democrat governors after Bayh, Frank O’Bannon and Joe Kernan, are deceased. The website says traditional harvest dinners bring together family and friends for celebration and fellowship at the end of a long planting season. They are the culmination of months of hard work, commitment and stewardship. They are the very essence of what it means to be a farmer in Indiana. The Harvest Award is also given annually at the Harvest Dinner to an individual, organization or company that has made a significant contribution to the growth of our great Indiana State Fair with a focus on agriculture, youth and education. The cost to buy a table of eight at the event runs from $1,200 to $5,000 with some additional perks included.
7770	dbpedia	1	5	https://stateaffairs.com/indiana/politics/mitch-daniels-reforms-stand-test-of-time-indiana/	en	Mitch Daniels reforms in Indiana stand the test of time	https://stateaffairs.com…waves-scaled.jpg	https://stateaffairs.com…waves-scaled.jpg	[ "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/vector-3.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/Map-1.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/vector-3.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/vector-3.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/Map-1.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/Map-1.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/Map.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/Map.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/fill.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/fill.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/directories.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/directories.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/advocacy-tools.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/advocacy-tools.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/schedules.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/schedules.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/bill-tracking.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/themes/state-affairs/assets/menu-icon/bill-tracking.png", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Mitch-Daniels-waves-scaled.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/howey-1.png?w=240", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/howey-1.png?w=240", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsColts2-1-1024x536.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsColts2-1-1024x536.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsBayh.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsBayh.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsGirlPage7.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsGirlPage7.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsSilvermanPage8.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsSilvermanPage8.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/HPIFSSAcoverPage10.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/HPIFSSAcoverPage10.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsBosSkil.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/DanielsBosSkil.jpg", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/PXL_20240814_172923343.MP_.jpg?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/PXL_20240814_172923343.MP_.jpg?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/LG-debate-at-the-fair.png?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/LG-debate-at-the-fair.png?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Tax_Credits_11_17_2023.png?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/11/Tax_Credits_11_17_2023.png?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Indiana-Public-Access-Counselor-Luke-Britt.png?w=640", "https://stateaffairs.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/Indiana-Public-Access-Counselor-Luke-Britt.png?w=640" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Brian A. Howey" ]	2023-03-30T15:46:10+00:00	INDIANAPOLIS — The mammoth NFL gridiron sprawling out across this city’s southern flank has long been called “the house that Peyton Manning built,” a tribute to the Hall of Fame Colts quarterback. But it was a man who stood nearly a foot shorter and, perhaps, 75 pounds lighter, who really was responsible for building Lucas ...	en	https://stateaffairs.com…e-touch-icon.png	State Affairs	https://stateaffairs.com/indiana/politics/mitch-daniels-reforms-stand-test-of-time-indiana/	INDIANAPOLIS — The mammoth NFL gridiron sprawling out across this city’s southern flank has long been called “the house that Peyton Manning built,” a tribute to the Hall of Fame Colts quarterback. But it was a man who stood nearly a foot shorter and, perhaps, 75 pounds lighter, who really was responsible for building Lucas Oil Stadium. Gov. Mitch Daniels had campaigned on a 70-plus point agenda when he defeated Gov. Joe Kernan in 2004. By the time he took office, the capital city was at loggerheads with the Colts, the NFL, and the General Assembly over building a new stadium. There was no funding mechanism in place. The team, it appeared, would be headed to Los Angeles. Mayor Bart Peterson and his team approached the new governor. “They came to see me, asking if could we pull it off, could we do it,” Daniels told Howey Politics Indiana in a February interview. “Having looked at it, we thought it was in the broad public interest. It’s always important to point out to people that 90-plus percent of the events were not Colts games. We wouldn’t have built a stadium just for the football team, much as I love the Colts. But it was the convention business and the almost year-round revenue that made it a real good idea.” The Daniels team focused at first on a 2% restaurant tax, but the city already had a 1% tax and a 2% difference with its neighboring counties was deemed unacceptable. “So that’s why we decided to talk to the surrounding counties,” Daniels said. “We finally worked out a proposal where after it was paid and we knew this would be more than enough to cover it, they would share in the overage.” Two audacious strategies emerged. The first was to convene county officials from the doughnut counties to make a pitch from out of left field. The second would be to use the new governor’s nascent political capital to make the sale, sans Peterson and General Assembly leaders. “In one of the most interesting moments in the entire eight years, I invited the county-elected officials, commissioners, county counselors from the doughnut to a confidential meeting at the Governor’s Residence,” Daniels said. Gov. Eric Holcomb, who was Daniels’ deputy chief of staff at the time, told HPI in January, “We were there. We got criticized for breaking the Open Door Law because we had every county commissioner there and politely pointed out every single commissioner was a Republican.” Daniels explained, “It happened that they were all Republicans at that time. That was crucial, because then the meeting could be held in confidence and not in public. This thing would never have happened; you’d have no stadium, no convention expansion and no Colts, probably, if that meeting had been held out in the open. Anyway, we had that meeting. We showed them a lot of data, how many people from their counties worked downtown, worked in hospitality, how many hotel rooms in their county filled up during conventions or even games. And then we said, ‘Go to separate corners here, and tell us whether you can help us with this.’ “All but one county did,” Daniels explained. That set the stage for the rookie governor to make the case for a tax increase in the doughnut counties to pay for a downtown Indianapolis NFL stadium. Daniels showed up at a Golden Corral in Shelbyville, the Hamilton County Council chambers, as well as stops in Greenfield, Lebanon and the three other counties. In Lebanon, Daniels politely accepted a question from a Boone County man wearing a green “My Man Bitch” tee shirt and earnestly answered. It was the kind of moment that would have made other governor handlers cringe and steadfastly avoid. Gov. Atlas just shrugged. The Greenfield Daily Reporter’s headline read “Don’t force-feed food tax, citizens warn governor,” and its lead story began “A vocal group of Hancock County residents told Gov. Mitch Daniels Monday they object to a 1% food and beverage tax being shoved down their throats.” Appearing before a standing-room-only crowd in the Hamilton County Council chambers (complete with the motto in gold letters: “That government is best that governs least”) after he made his case, the capacity throng rose to give him a standing ovation. The anti-stadium crowd was, in this writer’s estimation, about a quarter. In Shelbyville, when a man asked the 80 people gathered whether they supported the tax and stadium, the result was virtually unanimous against it. After Daniels appeared in Noblesville, Hamilton County Council President John Hiatt said he had initial misgivings about the proposal, saying feedback from the public had been 50-50. “I was on the fence before tonight, but I’ll probably vote for it,” he told the Noblesville Daily Times. Commissioner Christine Altman agreed. “He opened it up to all the questions, he addressed all the issues, and I was just very impressed,” she said. When it was all said and done, all but Shelby County approved of the plan. Lucas Oil Stadium was built (with the state in control), with the Colts (and Peyton Manning) staying put. “The point is, after all the consternation, on the back side of that we had a great venue, a new convention center, all that new business and we had a Super Bowl, and we kept the Colts,” Daniels said. “And, believe me, without that process, that doesn’t happen. I’ve told people over the years, here’s one of the untold stories.” In the June 9, 2005, edition of HPI, this was the observation: “The people loved this governor coming to their hometowns to sell and defend something that would have been unfathomable in times gone by. Many of them didn’t agree with him on the tax hikes. But few were rolling their eyes or spewing under their breath as they left. The press found this to be a spectacle, a Republican governor going to seven base counties selling tax hikes he agreed to after legislative Republicans cut off the options. There is no doubt the governor has some real gonads. But it was striking that legislative leaders who brought this spectacle on were missing. It wasn’t too long ago that legislative leaders would have leaped at the chance of sharing the limelight with their governor. Perhaps they thought the doughnut kitchen during Gov. Daniels’ salad days would be too damn hot.” Daniels always had a savvy grip on history, and he reached for it often, whether it was Lincoln’s “mystic cords of memory” or China’s Chou En-Lai being asked if the French Revolution was a success. “Too soon to tell,” the Communist leader said. It’s been a decade since Daniels exited the Statehouse. As we did in 2006 with the legacy of Gov. Evan Bayh, in 2013 with Gov. Frank O’Bannon and last week with Gov. Joe Kernan, it’s time to reassess the 49th governor’s legacy. In the Nov. 27, 2012, edition of HPI, it was observed: “By definition, the word ‘transformation’ is a thorough or dramatic change in form or appearance. In a political or policy context, the word is often used in association with war, revolution or economic crisis. And in the Hoosier experience, the word clashes with 196 years of stereotype: We are a conservative people, cautious, suspicious, resistant to change. Interrupting this history in key moments has been the transformational governor, almost always thrust into that role by the churning events of the day. As Hoosiers at the turn of this century, we have witnessed such a governor in Mitch Daniels Jr. Whether you regard him as a hero or adversary, few Hoosiers will dispute the notion that his eight years at the Indiana Statehouse have been impactful and have altered the trajectory of the state at a time when just about everything is changing on a global scale.” HPI counts nine other Hoosier governors that fit the description of “transformational.” These include Govs. James Whitcomb and Joseph Wright in the middle of Indiana’s first century, with the bankruptcies of public works projects gone awry, prompting a new Constitution in 1851; the Civil War governor, Oliver P. Morton; Gov. James Putnam, who commenced the state’s highway system in 1917; Gov. Henry G. Leslie, who in 1928 had to clean up after the scandalous Ku Klux Klan takeover; and two governors – Thomas A. Marshall in 1909 and Paul McNutt in 1933 – who attempted to come to terms with the sprawl of bureaucracy over decades and challenged the status quo with a reform agenda. Marshall would go on to become vice president; McNutt would head the World War II era War Manpower Commission for President Franklin D. Roosevelt. In the television age, Govs. Doc Bowen (property tax reform) and Robert Orr (education reform) stand the test of time. A frenetic agenda Anyone doubting this transformation would be dazed by the scope of the agenda of Daniels from the onset. “The wolf is not at the door,” Daniels intoned in his 2005 State of the State address eight days after taking office. “He is inside the cabin.” And he resorted to legendary CBS News pioneer Edward R. Murrow to help make his case: “Difficulty is the one excuse history never accepts.” On his first day in office in 2005, Daniels ended collective bargaining rights for state employees by executive order. The governor was prepared to write checks on his political capital to install daylight saving time (which passed the Indiana House by a single vote), transform the Bureau of Motor Vehicles (BMV), spread charter schools, reorganize the Commerce Department into what would become the Indiana Economic Development Corporation (IEDC), expand full-day kindergarten, and boost classroom spending along with a 120-day moratorium on the issuance of any new school bonds. Daniels would advise other leaders at Mackinac: “Do it early, do it fast, do it swiftly, and do it decisively. In the wisdom of the old country song, ‘If I’d shot you when I should’ve I’d be out of jail by now.’” By March 2006, the IndyStar’s analysis blared an above-the-fold Page 1 headline: “Too Much, Too Fast? Many Hoosiers don’t like Daniels’ rush to make changes, The Star finds.” His lease of the Indiana Toll Road that brought in $3.8 billion (and another $1 billion when it was renegotiated several years later) as well as his advocacy of daylight saving time, had pushed his approval rating below 40%. Two years later, Hoosier voters weighed in: He was reelected with 58% of the vote. Holcomb, Goode and Johnston In January HPI sat down with Holcomb; Earl Goode, who has served a dozen years as chief of staff to both the current governor and Daniels; and OMB Director Cris Johnston in the governor’s Statehouse office to get their take on the legacy of the Daniels administration. “He changed the culture and we began to not just think big but act big,” Holcomb said. “He led the charge, but the culture of always trying to improve every single day, always competing, always putting the customer first – the customer being the citizen – always trying to build a record not to run on, but to be proud of. And I think that’s carried through and on to this very day. Gov. Daniels was so focused on leaning forward.” Goode explained, “I would use two words: Change and pride. It took almost all eight years to begin to introduce change. But there was a lot of resistance, as you recall. Lots of resistance. In fact, I think his popularity numbers were below 30 for a little while. And the other was pride. I think certainly those of us that were part of that felt a lot of pride.” “The things that the governor talked about: daylight saving time, the toll-road lease and so forth, are well known by most people that followed government,” Goode explained. “But to me, something’s very … very rarely talked about was the introduction … good government service. When we got here, most government services were provided through manual processes.” Johnston, who headed Daniels’ government efficiency efforts, added that every state department had its own IT department. There were 10,000 state vehicles not in use, along with 22 aircraft. “He was relentless, saying, ‘We’re not slowing down.’ Every agenda included how we were going to sustain it,” Johnston said, adding that at one point Daniels admonished his staff: “Hiring a consultant is not a victory.” “I had been gone from government and came back and I never heard anybody talk the way he did because he used really descriptive phrases and language,” Johnston continued. “When he talked about paying taxes, he talked of ‘coercion.’ He’d say, ‘We coerced money out of people’s pockets.’ On the spending side, he would say, ‘We have a solemn duty to spend it wisely.’ Whoever uses phrases like solemn duty? It got people’s attention. All the agency heads when they heard phrases like that: it made them think differently. I remember a time when we were getting tired of doing performance measures and our team was down-in-the-dumps tired, and he said, ‘We’ll never get a chance to do the big stuff if they don’t trust us with the small stuff.’ It just sort of lit the fire again.” And he was a leader who listened. Daniels was planning to make an IEDC mission to Japan when torrential rains flooded the state. His communications director Jane Jankowski told him, “Governor, you will regret for the rest of your time as governor if you leave this state right now.” Goode recalled, “And to his credit, he was mad, but he listened and course-corrected. He turned out to be the hero that week. He was every place with Gen. Umbarger, all over the state. As involved as he was, he also trusted people. You had to earn his trust, but once he trusted you, he let you do your thing. That’s important for a leader.” Here are how some of the major issues under Daniels stack up after a decade. ‘Major Moves’ The $3.8 billion toll-road lease was a masterstroke, helping the state forge I-69 from Indianapolis to Evansville (it’s expected to be completed in 2025), the U.S. 31 freeway from Indy to South Bend, and a new East End Ohio River bridge between Jeffersonville and Louisville. When the original lessors went bankrupt, Holcomb renegotiated the deal for another $1 billion in 2018. Of that extra billion, $600 million would go toward speeding up the completion of I-69; $190 million would go to projects on U.S. Routes 20, 30 and 31; $20 million would go toward luring new direct flight routes to the state; $90 million to improve or build hiking and biking trails, and $100 million to increase rural broadband access. Holcomb said in January, “The bigger point of ‘Major Moves’ was a lot of people said, ‘You can’t do that. It’s never been done that way.’ It took a whole difference and independence to be able to say, ‘No, what’s really going to be best for the consumer, is the motorist putting the safety efficiency modernization and so not beholden to any relic of the past that you’re not necessarily proud of in terms of your heritage. Triple-A credit ratings might not last. Education reform may or may not last. But those roads and bridges will be there for 100 years. Look at how we’re building the East End Bridge over the Ohio (River). It’s going to get built faster and cheaper and it will be built on someone else’s capital because there’s not enough gas tax money right now.” Daniels said in June, “Who spent more time stuck in a car on 31 than Pat Bauer? There are so many things we did, and honest people can differ, I suppose, but if people had any doubt about it what a success that is, everybody outside of Indiana knows; it won every award. It was found money. Not a penny of interest, not a penny of spending, and not a penny of taxes to build billions of dollars of infrastructure and get a much better toll road out of it, by the way. A great example, I hear from them quite often; you know River Ridge down in Jeffersonville? It’s booming. People down there said for years that if ever we could get a bridge built so the through traffic could go around, so many people would like to put their business right there. That’s probably as clear an example as I can give you.” Johnston added, “The Bond Buyer is a newsletter that comes out daily for the public finance industry and there was a conference on infrastructure and they call it asset recycling. Right? Taking the proceeds of an asset and not using it for other purposes or just supporting your budget, but putting it back into infrastructure. And at this conference, they asked about the different P3 transactions and they commented that if there was a gold standard, it was an Indiana model because it was put back into infrastructure and then it also had the ability to recycle again as the governor said, with the billion dollars in 2018.” Education reforms After Republicans regained the House majority in 2010 (after four years), Daniels pushed for sprawling reforms in 2011. Prior to that, he said, “We tried to move money from capital (accounts) into the classroom. We got some of that done. We took the Taj Mahal architecture that we managed to stop. I mentioned social promotion; you mentioned full-day kindergarten. The bill protected teachers who were keeping order in the classroom so they couldn’t be sued. We tried to do something every year to strengthen education. When you get to ’11, there were things that we had not been able to do that we then could. You may want to check this, but (Speaker) Todd Huston told me recently that between 20 and 25% of all the kids in Indiana are in some sort of choice environment. That could be changing from one public school to another.” Daniels moved to change the school funding formula. “We finally hit on what was really a simpler system, which was to pick up certain costs entirely,” he said in a Howey Politics Indiana Interview last June. “Like we picked up child protection and brought it to the state level. It was a big cost on local property taxes that is no longer there. The other big one was K-12 operating. The effect was once the localities were no longer taxing for operating, they had no basis to charge a kid tuition for coming across the (district) line. It depopulated some – I’m not picking on them but the Anderson school system for example – and suddenly Lapel and Pendleton and places like that were stronger. I was just as happy with that, what I call public school choice, as I was about opening up charter school opportunities as the vouchers. It’s all about just giving people that option. I believe competition, as many have always claimed, improved the quality of public schools over time. They worked to attract and keep students.” On the expansion of full-day kindergarten, Daniels said, “I hope it was positive. It was certainly the right thing to do. We were happy to do it. As you remember so well, half our time we had a divided legislature. I was always looking for things we could get an agreement across the aisle and that was one. The Democrats had been more committed to it than the Republicans historically, so I was really pleased just from that standpoint it had to be positive. I don’t know if we can measure it. Maybe somebody has. There is just no doubt in my mind that was an important step to take.” Daniels missed out on one top priority, moving the elected superintendent of public instruction to a gubernatorial appointment. “I think the biggest single failure of our time – so ironic – was not getting the superintendent of public instruction to be an appointed job,” Daniels said in June. “It appeared in the party platform of both parties in 2004. It was just a good government thing. Public education being over half the budget, it just makes sense that an elected governor is aligned with whoever is implementing it. It’s the one thing that both political parties agreed on that didn’t get done. In all honesty, (Senate President Pro Tem) Bob Garton didn’t want to do it, he was protecting (Supt.) Suellen (Reed), maybe. We were doing so much that first year or two. They said, ‘We’ll do it next time.’ Then it was an election year. There was always a reason and we didn’t get it done.” Holcomb finally signed legislation and appointed Katie Jenner Ph.D. to the new position of education secretary. Higher education The week before HPI’s interview with Daniels at his Purdue Hovde Hall office, new data showed that college enrollment had fallen from 64% of eligible students to 53%. His letter to the Purdue Community last winter asked “where are all the men?” As Ball State economist and HPI columnist Michael Hicks Ph.D. observed: “The iconic achievement of the Daniels years was school reform. The combination of limited private school vouchers, expanded authority to start charter schools and sending funding with student transfers was a huge policy achievement. It did exactly what school choice reformers wanted – it forced local public schools to compete for students on quality. Schools responded so effectively that today a higher share of Hoosier students attend local public schools than they did before the Daniels reforms. When Daniels left office, nearly 64% of high school students pursued post-secondary education. Today, that number is 53%, among the very worst in the nation. All of this decline has come in attendance at Indiana’s public universities.” “The decline didn’t start with COVID. It’s a 10-to-12-year decline and Indiana has not been immune to it,” Daniels said. “The number of students going to college has gone down; the percentage of students choosing college has gone down. There’s been a big drop in the last couple of years. COVID accelerated a lot of other things and accelerated this. I think the combination of cost alone has deterred people. All of those things have come together but I think we were all stunned by the degree of the drop. It was one thing to trickle down from the high 60s, but then to drop 8% all at once.” Personal income An initial goal of the Daniels administration had been to raise personal income. Is Daniels satisfied with how that turned out? “Well, no. I think it’s been misrepresented in a few ways,” he said at Hovde Hall. “We got more people working, but these are per capita figures. Sometimes they don’t adjust for cost of living, which is so much lower here. Your dollar goes a lot farther here than a lot of other places. So many other places are pricing themselves out of the market, so to speak. Nobody thought that was a 10-year or even 20-year project. A two-earner family, when you’re at 2% unemployment, you’ve got a lot of those. Measured against our cost of living in a state where, at least for the moment, darn near everybody who wants to work can, we’re not doing bad. All those speeches I gave about time’s on the side of the Midwest, I think you’re starting to see the evidence. It took longer than I thought.” Property tax caps Is Daniels satisfied with the impact of his property tax caps? “Yes, the last months, the three most attractive places to live are in Indiana. The caps and low property taxes are the biggest single part of that,” Daniels told HPI. He called the caps the “fairest” way to control costs, noting that about half of the referendums pass. “Then we constitutionalized it,” he said. BMV reforms Daniels said the most enduring part of his legacy occurred with revamping the Bureau of Motor Vehicles. “The macro point here is that I’ve always said we can and should always have debates about how big government should be; what it should do or not do,” he explained. “Having decided that, whatever it’s going to do, it’s got to do it well. You owe to the people and the taxpayers who are paying the money. It’s always important to have the public’s confidence. We’d like the public to believe it’s being administered by people really trying hard to do a good job and give them value for their money. So it’s why we did what we did with Department of Revenue and BMV because they touch so many people.” Daniels has a soft spot in his heart for his first BMV Commissioner Joel Silverman, the former CEO of Galyan’s Sporting Goods. “We’ve had a couple of people who were great business people and we caught them in between (jobs) and said, ‘Hey, give a little time to your state.’ So Joel agreed. Why Joel? When we look at the BMV, I remember someone saying, ‘What you have here is 180 Dairy Queens.’ It’s a lot of walk-in traffic, a lot of cash transactions, it’s a retail business and they’re making a huge mess of it. That’s the business he came from. The thing about Joel was, he was naive. He’d say, ‘Of course, you’ve gotta do these things. You’ve got to close these branches because they’re losing money. Fix up the other ones. If you run Galyan’s, that’s exactly what you do and it works.'” Holcomb remembers getting a call “in real time” when Silverman showed up in Rockport for a hearing to close a BMV branch. “Because as commissioner you have to be present to close a branch at the town meeting, due to a quirk in the law,” Holcomb recalled. “Joel goes down there and relishes breaking eggs for omelets, and it’s a packed house. Someone sends me this picture of a BMV branch having a meeting and it’s packed and it’s the size of this room. And Joel is sitting there listening to an hour of ranting. Someone who’s down there calls me. ‘You’re not going to believe this.’ “What happened? “Well, there’s a little old lady who says, ‘This branch has been here forever.’ And Joel says, ‘Ma’am, you don’t have to go to the branch to do what you just described. You can do that at home on your computer.’ And she says, ‘Mr. Commissioner, I don’t have a computer.’ And he goes, ‘Can you lick a stamp?”’ FSSA and IBM This was the sequence where a policy disaster could have turned into a political one. IBM had been retained to modernize the Family Social Services Administration in 2006. By October, the Daniels administration terminated the $1.34 billion contract after reports revealed that people with no computer access or skills were falling through the cracks, with sometimes lethal results. HPI reported on Oct. 21, 2009: “Every presidential and gubernatorial administration finds itself in one of those dark moments when the world crowds in, the policy and political prospects dim and enemies seem to abound. For Gov. Mitch Daniels, that moment came last week when he decided to pull the plug on the $1.34 billion welfare privatization deal.” “Among the most vocal were those in the Evansville area where Democrat State Reps. Dennis Avery and Gail Riecken, Republican Rep. Suzanne Crouch and Sen. Vanetta Becker were either critical or wrote legislation seeking to stop further roll-out of the IBM system.” In the Oct. 21, 2009, edition, we reported: “A gargantuan amount of work awaits to develop the ‘hybrid’ system that restores the ‘face to face’ contact and keeps the problems with fraud in check. As one administration source told HPI, “The public appreciates the governor trying to reform and deliver a better and more modernized service. When the company the state contracted with failed to make the agreed-upon changes, they were relieved of their duty. That was leadership, not failure on the governor’s part.” Goode told HPI in January, “There were two reasons I came here. (Daniels) asked me to coordinate the transition of the toll road. The other was to be his representative on Mitch Roob’s team that was putting together that whole (FSSA) plan. The initial plan that the agency called for was basically completely automated and to use not-for-profits in the counties if you needed assistance. Part of the discussion with the governor was that we’re not walking away without employees, so some of the changes we made were two basic rules: The system as it goes in has to be assessed based on how the Hoosier or citizen wishes, not how we wanted it. If you wanted it online, and it was still pretty early for online stuff, and there had to be at least two employees per county. So it got off to a pretty good start until it didn’t.” Goode added, “So after he met with the chairman of IBM once and it wasn’t getting attention, then after two months, the secretary of FSSA and I were authorized to call the chairman and vice chairman in and told them basically they were fired. That’s when Michael Gargano took over. What the role with FSSA employees through IBM, using the same subcontractors, it was a year when we were pretty much back on track. It’s saved the state a lot of money and I don’t believe we’ve had a complaint about customer service.” In essence, the “hybrid” plan developed out of that policy disaster remains today. Johnston observed in January, “Nor did he ever back off …” with Holcomb finishing, “of the mission.” Goode added, “The real lesson is Mitch listened.” Asked in October 2009 if the IBM contract was his worst problem in five years of office, Daniels responded, “No. I’ve got a long list. I haven’t tried to rate them. The easiest thing to do in a situation like this is throw your hands up and say, ‘Well, that’s as good as it can be.’ This has been a daunting thing all along, and it still is, of course. Our first attempt didn’t get us there, but we did get some positives out of it. We’ll just have to take them and reverse some of the mistakes and move forward. I’ve told you for five years that’s how we’re going to operate, and this is a classic case.” AAA bond rating S&P in 2008 granted the state its first AAA bond rating. The other rating agencies – Fitch and Moody’s – came on board in 2010. Daniels explained, “It saves the state and its subdivisions a lot of money. You can borrow less expensively. Second, it was an incredible merit badge. All the work it took to get there, three or four years, had succeeded because the people who give those ratings give them in a hard-eyed way and if they say you’re AAA, there’s no funny business about it. There’s no way to trick ’em. We really had moved the state from a bankrupt position to the strongest one you can attain.” Conservation expansion During the Daniels administration, more than 50,000 acres of Indiana land were moved to protected status. Daniels told HPI in February, “It was always something I was interested in doing. We have a lot of natural beauty here. When I invited all the conservation people in, we had already done a couple of big, big projects. Goose Pond was the biggest one in state history by a factor of like two, and then Muscatatuck Bottoms was like three Goose Ponds, and the Wabash River Corridor, which is still being finished, was five times as much. They’re the biggest ones in state history.” “We were trying to figure out how to celebrate the bicentennial; I said it’s got to be a conservation project,” Daniels continued. “That fits the occasion and fits the historic beauty. We brought in a lot of those good folks and I had worked with them a lot on some of these other projects. We looked around and found the first $20 million. I said, ‘We’re gonna put it out there as a challenge. We want to do at least one project in every single county for our bicentennial,’ and they were just astonished. I think that worked out great. We were always looking for things our loyal opposition could be excited about. It was common ground with folks who did not agree with much of what we were doing. But mainly I thought it was well worth doing. I was pretty sure we could be effective at it. Some things in government you don’t know if you’re making any difference or not. Putting all that money into education, for instance, what did we get? But here I was sure what we could get. Once land is protected, it’s protected.” GOP dominance Daniels served for eight years, four of which Republicans were in the House minority. He won reelection in 2008 with 58% of the vote, but failed to bring the House majority with him. Working with Speaker Brian Bosma and the House Republican Campaign Committee in 2010, the GOP returned to power and has yet to look back. Its House majority grew in 2012 and has been in supermajority status ever since 2014, which is an unprecedented concentration of power. During the two Daniels statewide campaigns, he never ran a negative TV or radio ad. He defeated an incumbent governor. Holcomb, who managed the Daniels reelection campaign in 2008, said in January, “That’s why it’s important to have a plan which is doing right by citizens, taxpayers and fill in the blank. You really have to dissect why we lost the majority because I was there. You had to look at the specific races, who was running, what kind of campaign they waged. Today, we’re benefiting from the momentum that good policy makes good politics. Never lose sight of that; always be tethered to that. If you start to believe what you say then that is thin ice, and so I think going back, I can remember recruiting people who were not drones, but like-minded, who wanted to be change-agents, who didn’t want to take the foot off the gas.” Epilogue During a 2012 exit interview with Statehouse reporters, Tom LoBianco asked Daniels what his greatest accomplishment was. “This is the who’s your favorite daughter question,” Daniels responded. “I think the best way I can answer this is to say there are several: Opening doors to building a better business climate, because that was always the central goal. If it does have staying power, it will lead to all the other good things. It will lead to jobs, therefore to revenues to do the things governments should do. It will underpin the success of the state. If it lasts, establishing Indiana as more of a leadership state at least in certain areas, I hope I’ve changed the culture inside state government to excellence, efficiency and good service, and outside, change the culture and expectations of higher expectations. An expectation of innovation.” “We ran on a very explicit and very detailed agenda. We did most of it.” Daniels said in 2012. “I was in a hurry. We wanted to get the budget balanced and pay back the debts. We wanted to put some money in the bank. And then we wanted to start reducing taxes. When I look back, I have this tattered little report card we kept for ourselves. I may have one of the last ones around. If you look at those 70-odd things in 2005, there aren’t very many in the ‘Did Not Succeed’ column. We did have a more activist approach, I think it’s fair to say, than our recent predecessors. It’s a ‘to-each-his-own’ situation. I felt, and it’s the reason I ran in the first place, that Indiana was drifting and slipping and we needed to get in motion against a lot of big problems. As a matter of personal approach, every year, and in-between, we had new ideas, we had to define each idea, and present the state and the legislature where they were needed action items. We felt responsible to push in directions we felt were in the public interest. There was a lot to do and we were not a very innovative state. There was a time for a lot of action, or so we thought.” Daniels liked to tell the story of a tornado plowing through a Hoosier community, reducing it to “looking like an ant farm.” Once on the ground, Daniels saw a FEMA worker notice that amidst the destruction, one house stood unblemished. The FEMA guy talked of how Mother Nature could be so arbitrary, leveling entire neighborhoods while leaving this one house unscathed. To which an Amish man replied, “T’weren’t there three days ago.” A decade ago, HPI’s analysis was this: The Daniels governorship can be viewed as “transformative” because of its audacious scope and conspicuous use of political capital. He and his administration were in a hurry to do big, unexpected things. But it will take a decade or more to determine how effective the education and transportation reforms were. Here we are and the assessment remains the same. Brian Howey is managing editor of Howey Politics Indiana/State Affairs. Find Howey on Facebook and Twitter @hwypol.
7770	dbpedia	1	10	https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2013/04/02/purdues-mitch-daniels-challenging-higher-education-leadership	en	Purdue's Mitch Daniels is challenging higher education leadership	https://www.insidehigher…pg?itok=a0Aq2A0G	https://www.insidehigher…pg?itok=a0Aq2A0G	[ "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/logo.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/facebook.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/x84.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/Linkedin.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/email.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/print.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/envlope.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-08/campus2.jpg?itok=s07qXepO", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/facebook.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/x84.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/Linkedin.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/email.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-07/GettyImages-1474097343_edit.jpg?itok=ZP7EXqAV", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-07/GettyImages-1266808508.jpg?itok=lSKNkivW", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-03/Berkeley.jpeg?itok=MwpMjnRD", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/envlope.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "Higher", "Education", "News", "Jobs", "Events", "Career" ]	null	[ "Kevin Kiley" ]	2013-04-02T00:00:00	Former Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels has an unconventional background for a research university president, but he and Purdue’s board think that is what is needed to address the unconventional issues facing higher education. And he's winning over campus skeptics.	en	/sites/default/files/favicon.ico	Inside Higher Ed \| Higher Education News, Events and Jobs	https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2013/04/02/purdues-mitch-daniels-challenging-higher-education-leadership	WEST LAFAYETTE, IND. – A conservative Republican governor walks into a university president’s office. It sounds like the start of a bad joke (or, in certain parts of the country these days, an academic's nightmare), but it’s a daily occurrence here, where Mitch Daniels recently assumed leadership of Purdue University after a high-profile eight-year run as Indiana’s governor. Daniels might seem an odd choice for Purdue, a public land-grant university with an emphasis on science and engineering. The institution has historically been led by accomplished researchers and academic administrators, and most of Daniels’s predecessors held advanced academic degrees in science, medicine, math or engineering. Daniels, who attended Princeton University’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs as an undergraduate and received a law degree from Georgetown University, is not a scientist or engineer, nor does he have significant academic experience. His C.V. includes no peer-reviewed papers, no courses taught and no previous academic administrative experience. His career spans a range of government and private-sector administrative jobs, and his fame in the political world comes predominantly from the budget-cutting, small-government attitude with which he approached these various positions. His time as governor was also not one likely to endear him to the academy. He oversaw budget cuts to the state’s public universities, eliminated collective bargaining for state employees, signed a bill denying in-state tuition to undocumented immigrant children, ended state funding for Planned Parenthood, prohibited abortions for women more than 20 weeks pregnant and passed right-to-work legislation -- all moves that generated some backlash from academics and college students. In his 2011 book Keeping the Republic he said students received “a one-sided view of the world when in college,” pointing to what he perceived to be liberal bias in the academy. Moreover, many viewed with skepticism the process through which he was selected: he appointed the Purdue governing board members who selected him. And just two months into the job, he announced a $40 million budget cut without first figuring out where that money would come from. It seemed that Purdue had the recipe for a confrontational and controversial presidency. “I was quite surprised when the announcement was made, and I wasn’t enthused at the time,” said J. Paul Robinson, a professor of biomedical engineering and chair of the University Senate. “A lot of faculty were critical, very critical.” But just three months into Daniels's presidency, things couldn’t look more different. The skepticism has evolved into guarded optimism. Daniels appears to have supporters in most corners of the university – including many faculty members who previously expressed trepidation. He has challenged institutional orthodoxy on the way higher education budget decisions are made, and he is still standing. “This might be a pretty good thing for Purdue,” said David J. Williams, a professor in Purdue’s school of veterinary medicine and vice chair of the University Senate. “We’re on different planets politically, but I look at the man and I see someone who has been successful in the private sector, a person who has been very successful in the political arena, a person who could have possibly been president of the United States. And I think maybe he’s the right person at right time at the right place. He could come into Purdue, and he could harness the incredible entrepreneurial nature of the university and do something with it.” Daniels has built support in a way that many at Purdue say would only be possible for an outsider – by approaching the presidency without preconceived notions of how to operate in the job; by meeting with as many university stakeholders as possible to hear a range of opinions; and by being willing to change his mind on issues. “I think he came in with a clear plan of what he wants to see for the future of Purdue,” said Marcus K. Rogers, president of Purdue’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors. “But he also did his homework, wanting to really understand the whole academic infrastructure and academic culture. He got himself up to speed and began to understand that things look different from the outside than when you’re on the inside.” It remains to be seen how long the good will lasts. Daniels seems eager to rethink how universities like Purdue do business, and his agenda in his new role would be an ambitious one for even the most seasoned administrator. His priorities include controlling the cost to students and Indiana taxpayers while increasing the return on investment; developing a series of metrics to better measure learning outcomes; growing the university’s research enterprise at a time of limited federal dollars; and streamlining the institution’s operational costs. Because of that agenda and Daniels’s national profile (he was widely speculated to be a candidate for the Republican nomination for U.S. president in 2012), Daniels is likely to be one of the most-watched university presidents in the country over the next few years. He has set out to influence the national discussion about not just what university presidents should do, but how they go about doing it. Daniels’s appointment comes at a time when many university leaders from more “traditional” backgrounds – distinguished research and teaching careers and various academic administration positions – have struggled to deal with the challenges posed by a changing fiscal, technological and political environment. And yet Daniels’s skills – a "wonkish" understanding of budgets, an executive’s ability to manage disparate interest groups and make decisions, a politician’s ability to convince others on a course of action and raise funds, and a responsiveness to constituents’ concerns – seem to align well with these challenges, and they are already showing fruit. An Unlikely Pick Political figures are not totally foreign to higher education administration. The University of Oklahoma’s president, David L. Boren, was a governor and U.S. senator before accepting his current job. Terry Branstad was president of Des Moines University in between his two tenures as governor of Iowa. And many public university system leaders, including the chancellors of most of Texas’ public university systems, held political office before stepping into the presidency. But Purdue wasn’t specifically looking for a politician when they began their search in the summer of 2011. The board convened a 13-member search committee consisting of trustees, academic administrators, faculty members and other university figures such as the head of the alumni association and the athletic director. “The charge we were given was to place a real priority on finding a demonstrated leader who had experience running a complex organization,” said Michael R. Berghoff, president of a steel company in Indianapolis, who sits on Purdue’s governing board and chaired the search committee that selected Daniels. “And we fully expected it to be a university president from a major university.” University governing board members and search consultants say finding candidates for a research university presidency has become more difficult in recent years. There has been rapid turnover of public research university presidents driven partly by an aging talent pool. There has also been a decrease in the number of provosts – the traditional stepping-stone to the top job – interested in the presidency, and an increase in the job’s complexity, which makes fewer people seem “qualified.” When Purdue launched its search in 2011, it faced competition from several other research universities who were also conducting searches. The list included Iowa State University, Rutgers University, the University of New Mexico, the University of Oregon, the University of Arizona and the University of California at San Diego. Williams said a faculty committee canvassed Purdue’s professors about what they wanted in the next president. They said one of the top priorities of the search should be finding an accomplished academic. Williams said the faculty proposed sending a letter to the search committee with that demand, but, at his urging, decided against it. Faculty members said Daniels’s name was in the mix from the moment the search started, but search committee members and Daniels himself said this was not true. At the time the board began its search, Daniels was in the middle of his second term as governor. He was considering a bid for the Republican nomination for U.S. president. And Daniels said he was entertaining a number of private sector positions for when his tenure ended. “I didn’t go looking for this job,” he said in an interview. Berghoff said Daniels’s name came up when the committee solicited nominations. He said there were several aspects about Daniels as a candidate that appealed to him and Keith Krach, the board’s chairman. Daniels had a clear track record of managing complex institutions – most notably the state of Indiana, which Berghoff said had clear parallels to managing a higher education institution. He had demonstrated the ability to turn around an institution in trouble. He knew how to manage competing interest groups and build consensus. Daniels, by virtue of his profile, could also bring prominence to Purdue, Berghoff said. As governor, Daniels had a strong commitment to education, though some of his reforms had been controversial. He also understood the value of economic development and how science, technology and engineering research could play into the state’s economic future. “Finally, he really loves this state,” Berghoff said. “He’s passionate about this state and this country, and being university president allowed him to make a difference in that.” Daniels's experience with complex institutional budgets also appealed to the committee. “Because of the changing climate of how higher education is funded, we knew that the model wasn’t sustainable before we settled on Mitch,” Berghoff said. Because of all that, Krach and Berghoff began reaching out to Daniels to have him consider the job. But Daniels said he repeatedly rebuffed the board’s overtures, and the search committee pressed ahead. Berghoff said the committee prepared to nominate several “traditional” candidates to the board when Daniels, having decided against a presidential bid, changed his mind and formally entered the search process. “It was partly the nature of the school,” Daniels said, noting that engineering, technology, science and agriculture are vital to the economy and will only grow in importance. “We need more of what Purdue is doing.” He noted that his interest in the job also stemmed from his broader interest in higher education, the issues facing the sector and the possibility of “being a small part of the answer to that.” He also said the idea of holding “another prominent executive position” in the state of Indiana was enticing. A conservative lawmaker stepping into a university presidency would go over poorly in many states because such lawmakers' ideas tend to clash strongly with those of many vocal academics and students. But it is less radical in the case of Daniels and Purdue. While Daniels was conservative on fiscal matters as governor, and signed several bills on social issues, he is not typically associated with many of the conservative views on social issues that generate so much debate on college campuses. He even went so far as to suggest a "truce" on social issues while the country dealt with its economic problems. And Purdue is not as liberal as many college campuses, given its location and focus on engineering, agriculture and science. "Indiana is a very conservative state, and Purdue been pro-Republican as long as I've been here," Rogers said. ‘The Blade’ Purdue’s governing board has laid out a handful of priorities for Daniels that include improving student success, enhancing institutional excellence, optimizing research activities and improving operational efficiency. Up to 30 percent of Daniels’ salary is dependent on meeting those goals. A look back at Daniels’ record shows that he has a strategy that he returns to time and time again, almost regardless of the position he’s holding: budget cuts. As director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush, Daniels proposed steep cuts in federal spending that earned him the nickname ‘The Blade.’ As governor he cut Indiana’s budget in fat and lean years. And within three months on the job at Purdue, Daniels was announcing budget cuts again. On March 1, Daniels announced for the first time in 37 years, Purdue would forgo a tuition increase. The university would also hold tuition steady for the following fiscal year as well. The cost of tuition and for Indiana residents who attend Purdue was $9,900 for the 2012-13 school year, which was higher than the median for public universities with the “Very High Research” Carnegie classification and higher than Indiana University. With room and board, Purdue’s cost of attendance for Indiana residents is $20,278, though some programs, such as engineering, require additional fees. Daniels sent a letter to the university community on March 18, explaining that because the university would forgo two years of tuition revenues, it would have to free up an additional $40 million over the biennium through cuts or new revenues. The first action was the elimination of merit raises for all university administrators making at least $50,000 a year, a move anticipated to save $5 million over the biennium. Daniels also announced that that the university was slashing its lobbying budget, which is predicted to save $185,000. Changes in the university’s cash management strategy will generate an additional $5 million in revenue that will go toward the $40 million goal. For Daniels, the $40 million in cuts serve two purposes. First, it will help hold down the cost of education for families, a move that is politically popular these days. But he said there’s also a larger purpose to the cuts, a more philosophical shift for the institution. “It will fasten everyone’s attention on the student," he said. "For too long, we’ve done what the institution wanted and then sent a bill. If everyone’s truly concerned about tuition, why don’t we agree on that? That will give us common purpose. It will get us all agreeing on something, which will be important for whatever comes next.” Any savings identified as part of the effort will be directed to a "Student Affordability and Accessibility Account." The idea is to reassure faculty members and administrators that the savings will not go toward new programs or administrators' salaries, but will keep tuition down for students. Daniels said he is encouraging everyone to chip in, either by pointing out ways the institution can save or generate money or by forgoing their own raises. “I heard over and over, ‘I am concerned. I got a lot of students that I know are really pressed or borrowing money they really shouldn’t borrow or that sort of thing. If I knew that changing this or changing that would actually alleviate that problem and not be spent on something I can’t identify or something not essential, I’d feel differently about it,’ ” Daniels said Thursday at a town hall forum. “So that’s what we’re trying to set up.” Daniels said he wants to instill a culture of efficiency in the institution, to make affordability to students a top priority, because he believes that is one of the few things that everyone at the institution can agree on. “I’m really excited that if we could possibly build a culture of economy and students-first across the campus,” Daniels said at his town hall Thursday. “If many or most people thought about this and felt encouraged, empowered to step forward, if we became agile at acting on it widely, that we would free resources to make some investments we want to make.” Whether the strategy can generate the necessary $40 million – which Daniels said only amount to about 2 percent of the university’s non-research budget each year – remains to be seen. Faculty expressed some skepticism that, like most budget cuts, the cuts wouldn’t affect what they see as a “bloated” administration and rather end up harming the pocketbooks of faculty members and support staff. Daniels’ budgeting strategy is somewhat of a challenge to how institutions typically budget and think about tuition. It puts tuition price near the top of the university’s priority list, an emphasis that typically comes from outside stakeholders such as lawmakers. “It has been too easy in higher education for institutions to decide first what they would like to spend and then raise student bills to produce the desired funds. That approach has run its course,” Daniels wrote in his March 18 letter. “At Purdue, we will make our first goal affordability, accommodating our spending to students’ budgets and not the other way around.” He said this approach could help build support and funding from state lawmakers, though he's not counting on large increases in state appropriations. ‘Mitch the Mooch’ Building consensus for any kind of dramatic change is a challenge in higher education these days. Several university presidents in recent years have faced backlash for moving ahead on projects when they thought they had buy-in, only to find their support evaporate. Daniels's strategy for building consensus resembles another tactic he has employed in other jobs: having a lot of conversations. When he campaigned for governor, Daniels traveled the state in a van, eating dinner at Hoosiers’ houses and occasionally sleeping on their couches or in a spare bedroom, a tactic that earned him the nickname “Mitch the mooch.” He seems to be taking the same approach in his job at Purdue. In the six-month period between being named president and assuming the job, Daniels met with a variety of Purdue stakeholders and other higher-education leaders. Faculty say the most important thing he did was reach out to them personally. While he spoke with the leaders of faculty governance structures, he also reached out to faculty members directly. In numerous conversations, Daniels spoke with faculty members about their goals, their role in the institution and where they wanted to see Purdue go, as well as his own hopes for the university. He had meals with faculty members and staff, held forums where he answered their questions, invited them to receptions at his house and fielded their questions when he ran into them on campus. Faculty members say that strategy seems to have won him a lot of support. At 5’7” and soft-spoken, Daniels is not an overbearing presence. Faculty members say he has a strong ability to relate to people and he genuinely seems curious about the issues affecting higher education. “If you spend any time with the man, you almost can’t help but like the person,” Williams said. “For one of our first meetings Paul [Robinson] and I brought three faculty members from humanities, who in particular had been vocal in their outrage about having a conservative Republican politician as president. We had lunch with him, and in no time at all he had two of those three people won over.” At a forum for new faculty members March 26, he asked individual faculty members about research, their experience at Purdue and what he could do to help. He connected with them by talking about sports, and, with one faculty member, motorcycles. Daniels also seems open to changing his mind on higher education issues, faculty members and students said, which has earned him respect among their ranks. “He hasn’t been afraid of being in public so by being in public he’s exposed himself in a way that says ‘I’m open to ideas, I don’t have fixed ideas you might have thought I might have had,’" Robinson said. Daniels admits that since taking the job he has changed his mind on several issues as a result of his conversations with faculty members, administrators and students. For example, he said he came into the role with an expectation that the university could generate more revenue through commercializing research, something a number of politicians have advocated. “I realized it’s a lot more complicated than that,” he said. “You really have to get lucky to make money.” He said the priority should be easing the flow of research into industry. Robinson said his fears that Daniels wouldn’t respect the role of faculty in governing the institution or that he would seek to limit the time faculty spend on research were assuaged through his conversations with the new president. “I think that he came to the conclusion at some period of time between the time [his selection] was announced and the time he came to the university -- I’m not suggesting he didn’t appreciate faculty before then -- but … he clearly came to the conclusion that the heart of the mission of the university were the faculty who teach all the students, who bring in all the research money, who make all the discoveries, who create the patents, who write the books, the papers, who give the talks,” Robinson said. He even seems open to rethinking recent assumptions. In Thursday’s town hall forum, he said he was rethinking the structure of the freeze for administrators after audience members said the policy would affect support staff who made only $50,000 a year. Daniels has also been active about soliciting student input. When he walks across campus, he talks with students, asking them how he’s doing in the job. He talks to them about where they're from (he's been to every county in the state), what they're majoring in and how their experience is on campus. “President Daniels, more directly than other presidents I’ve worked with, wants to know, ‘What do students think?’ ‘What is the response going to be?’” said Joe Rust, a junior and Purdue’s student body president. In a meeting with Rust and another student government official on March 26, Daniels asked how students were receiving news of the tuition freeze. Daniels seems to genuinely like interacting with undergraduates. He works out in the student recreation center most days during lunch. He regularly dines with students in their residence halls. He even had Rust over to his house one morning and made him oatmeal. A Leader in Education? How long Daniels’ “honeymoon period” lasts remains to be seen. Daniels said he is less worried about a short honeymoon than the burden of high expectations. Given his national prominence, all of Daniels’ efforts are likely to attract notice. Publications that might not have thought twice about Purdue University, such as The Daily Caller and National Review, are now talking about higher-education budget models, university president compensation and management strategies. Daniels said his strategy is less to be a typical thought leader in higher education – by doing things such as engaging in national discussions and penning op-eds – than to do what he can at Purdue and hope that others take notice. It’s an attitude Purdue faculty called “Hoosierish,” after the humble and soft-spoken nature they see in the state’s residents. And Daniels seems likely to continue to question many of the assumptions his peers make. While most other presidents in the Association of American Universities were penning newspaper columns and speaking out against sequestration, which cut federal research funding, Daniels said in a town-hall forum Thursday that he ignored pleas from national organizations to speak out against the cuts. “I’ve seen this show before,” Daniels said Thursday. “The federal government’s awash in money. This level that they’re talking about taking a little bit off of is so much higher than it was two or three years ago.”
7770	dbpedia	2	12	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/briefs/mitch-daniels-to-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-as-scholar-advisor/	en	based Liberty Fund as scholar, advisor • Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalch…s-1024x714-1.jpg	https://indianacapitalch…s-1024x714-1.jpg	[ "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/mobileHeader.svg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/headerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/GettyImages-1daniels-1024x714-1.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/plugins/sn2/republisher/assets/img/ccwhite.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/casey-150x150.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/GettyImages-524816639-300x203.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/IMG_8943-300x225.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/classroom-300x200.jpeg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/footerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/themes/genesis-child/icons/ccwhite.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Casey Smith", "Leslie Bonilla Muñiz" ]	2023-03-28T14:24:15+00:00	Former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels will soon begin a new role at the Liberty Fund, a private education foundation based in Carmel.	en	https://indianacapitalch…2560px-32x32.png	Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/briefs/mitch-daniels-to-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-as-scholar-advisor/
7770	dbpedia	2	86	https://www.wbaa.org/transportation-and-infrastructure/2015-06-25/mitch-daniels-criticizes-federal-transportation-policy-before-u-s-senate-committee	en	Mitch Daniels Criticizes Federal Transportation Policy Before U.S. Senate Committee	https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/abd1f66/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3264x1714+0+367/resize/1200x630!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fmitch_at_hearing.jpg	https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/abd1f66/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3264x1714+0+367/resize/1200x630!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fmitch_at_hearing.jpg	[ "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/3d3358d/2147483647/strip/true/crop/138x60+0+0/resize/276x120!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fnpr.brightspotcdn.com%2Fdims4%2Fdefault%2Fbbefd36%2F2147483647%2Fresize%2Fx60%2Fquality%2F90%2F%3Furl%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F15%2Fda%2Fd1ea298f48b48673fff46920dfae%2Fwbaa-logo-white-letters.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/65a996d/2147483647/strip/true/crop/1600x117+0+19/resize/2880x210!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F202103%2Fsquirrelheader.jpg 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/3d3358d/2147483647/strip/true/crop/138x60+0+0/resize/276x120!/quality/90/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fnpr.brightspotcdn.com%2Fdims4%2Fdefault%2Fbbefd36%2F2147483647%2Fresize%2Fx60%2Fquality%2F90%2F%3Furl%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2F15%2Fda%2Fd1ea298f48b48673fff46920dfae%2Fwbaa-logo-white-letters.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/4ea1b12/2147483647/strip/true/crop/3264x2448+0+0/resize/1760x1320!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fmitch_at_hearing.jpg 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/8b64f98/2147483647/strip/true/crop/200x200+0+0/resize/100x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fcpb-logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/ddf2122/2147483647/strip/true/crop/167x53+0+0/resize/316x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fapm_logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/68c38a8/2147483647/strip/true/crop/84x24+0+0/resize/168x48!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fbbc_logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/8788879/2147483647/strip/true/crop/300x108+0+0/resize/278x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fpri_logo.gif 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/95f3ddc/2147483647/strip/true/crop/298x108+0+0/resize/276x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201506%2Fprx_logo.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/43c4345/2147483647/strip/true/crop/9562x3558+0+0/resize/268x100!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201701%2Fipbs_logo_white.png 2x", "https://npr.brightspotcdn.com/dims4/default/2d7dd76/2147483647/strip/true/crop/145x48+0+0/resize/290x96!/quality/90/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fnpr-brightspot.s3.amazonaws.com%2Flegacy%2Fsites%2Fwbaa%2Ffiles%2F201505%2Fnpr_logo.png 2x" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2015-06-25T00:00:00	In 2005, Mitch Daniels brokered the Major Moves deal -- leasing the Indiana toll-road for $3.8 billion for 75 years. He told a Senate committee looking…	en		WBAA	https://www.wbaa.org/transportation-and-infrastructure/2015-06-25/mitch-daniels-criticizes-federal-transportation-policy-before-u-s-senate-committee	In 2005, Mitch Daniels brokered the Major Moves deal -- leasing the Indiana toll-road for $3.8 billion for 75 years. He told a Senate committee looking for infrastructure improvement ideas Thursday the public-private partnership was a high point of his term. "It was a great joy of public service to watch literally the dreams of decades, become real. Project after project of people saying 'that’ll never happen' are in being in Indiana," Daniels said. Thanks to Major Moves, more than a hundred new highway projects have been funded in Indiana during the last decade. But Daniels says during that time, federal regulations that hamper the process of improving the nations infrastructure have only gotten worse. "It’s so ironic that this nation, which prides itself on being such an innovation leader is such a laggard in this area," he told the panel. Spending existing dollars more effectively, cutting red tape and promoting private investment were topics of discussion during the hearing. The World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report ranks the U.S.’s quality of roads twentieth in the world.
7770	dbpedia	0	70	https://www.newgeography.com/content/007440-revisiting-mitch-daniels-truce-social-issues	en	Revisiting Mitch Daniels' "Truce" on Social Issues	https://www.newgeography…s_2020-05-29.jpg		[ "https://www.newgeography.com/files/imagecache/Chart_Story_Inset/George_Floyd_protests_downtown_Indianapolis_2020-05-29.jpg", "https://www.newgeography.com/sites/all/modules/forward/forward.gif", "https://follow.it/static/img/colored-logo.svg", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/facebook_32.png", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/twitter_32.png", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/linkedin_32.png", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/URI-archive.png", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/chapmancenter.png", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/urban-form-button.png", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/heartland-forward.png", "https://urbanreforminstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/12/Coming-of-Neo-Feudalism_cover.jpg", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/infinite-suburbia-112.jpg", "https://www.newgeography.com/files/tusom-cover.png", "https://newgeography.com/files/hell-to-pay_lind-book.jpg", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=newgeogrcom-20&l=as2&o=1&a=1594202443", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=newgeogrcom-20&l=as2&o=1&a=0375756515", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=newgeogrcom-20&l=as2&o=1&a=0470852895", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=&l=as2&o=1&a=0813551501&camp=217145&creative=399373", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=newgeogrcom-20&l=as2&o=1&a=0595399487", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=newgeogrcom-20&l=as2&o=1&a=0970913362", "http://www.assoc-amazon.com/e/ir?t=newgeogrcom-20&l=as2&o=1&a=0970913354", "https://www.newgeography.com/themes/newgeo/images/purplerss.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null		en	/files/favicon.ico		null	There’s a myth in Indianapolis Republican circles that goes something like this: back in the good old days, the Indiana GOP was made up of high minded, moderate statesmen from metro Indianapolis like Richard Lugar and Bill Hudnut. Then a bunch of troglodytes from rural Indiana like Mike Pence took over and wrecked the party and the state with extreme social conservative policies that are bad for business. Reality is very different. Since Republicans retook power in the state in 2005, Indiana has largely been run by Republicans from metro Indianapolis who have operated according to a philosophy Mitch Daniels called “the truce,” or the avoidance of social issues in favor of fiscal and economic development matters. In terms of actual legislation enacted, Indiana is actually one of the least socially conservative red states. But the economic results have been underwhelming to poor for the state and its people. The Indianapolis GOP elites and their truce both effectively disenfranchised and impoverished the state’s Republican voters, while the left, which never agreed to any part of a truce, made significant advances on its own social policy agenda in the state. From the standpoint of the average Republican voter, the truce was a thus a double failure. There’s no reason to believe abandoning cultural issues in favor of economics will work anywhere. The Indiana GOP’s Record on Social Conservatism Daniels’ truce idea got big press back in 2010 and 2011 as he was exploring a bid for President. Though I don’t recall him using the term with regards to how he governed Indiana, this is basically how he operated for eight years. We see this in his own top 100 accomplishments list that’s still on the state web site. Not one of them is a social conservative item. I’ve never once heard him speak of a social conservative policy with regards to his tenure as governor since leaving office. A new Indianapolis Monthly article on the state’s GOP candidly says that the social conservatives were “boxed out” during his eight year tenure. There were a few social conservative moves during the Daniels admin, but they were pretty small ball, and temporary as well. The state denied, then reversed the denial of a special license plate for a gay organization in Indy. (The state has numerous special fundraising plates like this). The state also tried to defund Planned Parenthood, a law that was overturned in federal court. Most notably, at that time 29 states were passing constitutional amendments prohibiting gay marriage. Daniels and the GOP killed one in Indiana procedurally in a state senate committee. Indiana, one of the reddest states in the country, thus was among a minority of states that never passed a constitutional gay marriage ban. Mike Pence looms large in the myth, but was only in office for four of the 17+ consecutive years the state the GOP has controlled the governors office. Pence is known almost entirely for the controversy over the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA). This legislation unexpectedly caught the ire of corporations, who threatened to boycott the state if it wasn’t repealed. Indiana quickly capitulated. There was nothing special about this law. It was based on a federal law of the same name signed by Bill Clinton. Many states have RFRA laws on the books today, including Texas. Indiana’s number just came up. Pence also signed some anti-abortion legislation that was overturned in the courts, with the exception of rules requiring the burial or cremation of post-abortion remains. Read the rest of this piece on AaronRenn Substack. Aaron M. Renn is an opinion-leading urban analyst, consultant, speaker and writer on a mission to help America's cities and people thrive and find real success in the 21st century. He focuses on urban, economic development and infrastructure policy in the greater American Midwest. He also regularly contributes to and is cited by national and global media outlets, and his work has appeared in many publications, including the The Guardian, The New York Times and The Washington Post.
7770	dbpedia	2	69	https://socialistworker.org/2012/06/27/union-hater-goes-to-purdue	en	A union-hater goes to Purdue	http://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/images/2012/06/1800089240_36e8cde73a_z-a.jpg	http://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/images/2012/06/1800089240_36e8cde73a_z-a.jpg	[ "https://socialistworker.org/themes/custom/revolution/images/logos/logo.svg", "https://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/styles/medium/public/images/2012/06/1800089240_36e8cde73a_z-a.jpg?itok=sOm_iQ8M", "https://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/styles/320w/public/images/2019/12/support_sw_archive-ad.png?itok=W--YlSWh", "https://socialistworker.org/sites/default/files/styles/320w/public/images/2018/05/haymarket-standard_size.jpg?itok=4d-8FI3u" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2012-06-27T00:00:00	The corporate university gained another foothold with the appointment of Mitch Daniels as Purdue University's president.	en	/themes/custom/revolution/favicon.ico	SocialistWorker.org	https://socialistworker.org/2012/06/27/union-hater-goes-to-purdue	THE CORPORATE university gained another foothold last week with the appointment of Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels as the new president of Purdue University in January 2013 when his term as governor ends. The Purdue Board of Trustees, comprised entirely of business and corporate representatives, eight of whom were appointed by Daniels, ended a clandestine search for a new president with a unanimous vote in his favor. Daniels made a fortune--he lists his net worth as $15.7 million--with Indiana pharmaceutical giant Eli Lilly before becoming head of the Office of Budget and Management under George W. Bush. He later ran for governor of his home state and took office in 2005 One of Daniels' first acts as governor was to strip public-sector and state employees of collective bargaining rights--the inspiration for similar campaigns like State Bill 5 in Ohio (later overturned by voters) and Gov. Scott Walker's attacks in Wisconsin. Last year, he spearheaded the passage of right-to-work legislation in Indiana, in spite of mass protests of as many as 15,000 workers at the state Capitol. As governor, Daniels has led a vicious attack on public education and teachers unions. He has cut more than $150 million from higher education and more than $300 million from public schools. He has championed state vouchers for private schools. He has attacked unions as "privileged elites" and tried to gut the rights of Indiana teachers to have a say, through collective bargaining, on working conditions and curriculum development. These accomplishments made Daniels a poster boy for austerity government in the late 2000s and inspired many Republicans to encourage him to run for president, since he would be a "new face." But Daniels is no newcomer. He is the product of the neoconservative boom of the late 1990s that attempted to restore the glory of the Reagan years. For example, Daniels has been a board member and trustee of the Bradley Foundation, an ultra-right "philanthropic" group based in Milwaukee. Bradley's founders, millionaires Lynde and Harry Bradley, were staunch anti-unionists. Harry was a charter member of the John Birch Society and referred to labor organizers as "communists." Bradley CEO Michael Grebe chaired Scott Walker's campaign for governor, and the foundation helped to bankroll his election. Earlier, the Bradley Foundation was also a major financial contributor to the Project for a New American Century, the neoconservative cabal that formulated Bush Jr.'s strategy for a new American "hegemony" and guided the U.S. into wars for oil in the Persian Gulf and later Iraq. The Bradley Foundation has made a conscious effort to make inroads into American universities by establishing endowed chairs and funding right-wing scholarship. Among their benefactors is Charles Murray, author of the deeply racist tract The Bell Curve, which argued for the genetic and intellectual inferiority of African Americans. Daniels has openly praised Murray and recommended his books to others. And now Purdue's board of trustees is putting Daniels in charge of a state university with more than 1,300 African American students. Daniels expresses other right-wing views shaped by his allegiance to Bradley, such as skepticism about climate change research. Bradley has published an entire book trying to debunk climate change science. Daniels is also anti-abortion and anti-gay marriage. As governor, he tried to eliminate the use of state funds by Planned Parenthood. DANIELS' SELECTION as Purdue president reveals anew how higher education in general and public education in particular have become a battleground for neoliberal policies. The scramble by many universities to raise tuition, privatize services, expand international campuses, slash labor costs and smash graduate student and faculty unions are all efforts to strip the vast majority of people of their right to a decent education. This is complemented by a concerted attack on all forms of protest by students and faculty. Our generation is not likely to forget the images of the police pepper-spraying peaceful students at the University of California Davis. Protest against Daniels' hiring emerged almost immediately. A protest organized mainly by current and former Purdue students and community members against his appointment has been called for June 30 on the Purdue campus. A petition challenging Daniels' appointment had gathered more than 700 signatures by the weekend after it was announced. The protest and petition point out that an Indiana law pushed through by Daniels himself requires state employees to undergo a one-year "cooling-off" period before taking employment with a different state entity. It also points out that eight of the 10 Purdue trustees who voted on Daniels were appointed by him, in conflict with the trustees' own bylaws. Most importantly, they criticize the board of trustees and its president Michael Berghoff for using corporate logic to appoint a businessman with no academic experience as president. Real resistance to Daniels agenda will require mass action and organizing by students linking their struggle to other similar fights by trade unionists, public school teachers and community activists who have been beaten back by years of right-wing attack. Solidarity in the face of attack is our method, and actions such as ones taken by the Chicago teachers and the students in Québec and Latin America are our tools to dismantle the corporate university.
7770	dbpedia	3	25	https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/mitch-daniels-hasnt-really-thought-political-future-rcna61739	en	Former GOP Gov. Mitch Daniels says he hasn't 'really thought' about his political future	https://media-cldnry.s-n…1013a-087399.jpg	https://media-cldnry.s-n…1013a-087399.jpg	[ "https://media-cldnry.s-nbcnews.com/image/upload/t_fit-760w,f_auto,q_auto:best/rockcms/2022-12/221216-mitch-daniels-se-1013a-087399.jpg", "https://media-cldnry.s-nbcnews.com/image/upload/t_focal-60x60,f_auto,q_auto:best/newscms/2024_28/3654611/240613-alexandra-sasha-marquez.jpg", "https://media-cldnry.s-nbcnews.com/image/upload/t_focal-60x60,f_auto,q_auto:best/newscms/2024_28/3654611/240613-alexandra-sasha-marquez.jpg" ]	[ "//iframe.nbcnews.com/KP1HcpW?_showcaption=true" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Alexandra Marquez" ]	2022-12-16T20:01:33+00:00	Former Indiana Gov. and Perdue University president Mitch Daniels says he hasn't lost hope that extreme political polarization in the U.S. can abate.	en	https://nodeassets.nbcnews.com/cdnassets/projects/ramen/favicon/nbcnews/all-other-sizes-PNG.ico/favicon.ico	NBC News	https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/mitch-daniels-hasnt-really-thought-political-future-rcna61739	Former Indiana Gov. and Purdue University president Mitch Daniels says he hasn't lost hope that extreme political polarization in the U.S. can abate in the coming years. "We're trying to do some things to make this state better, stronger, a place of more opportunity for people to rise," Daniels said in an interview on the latest episode of the "ChuckToddcast." "And anybody who wants to help with that is welcome," he added about efforts he's been involved with in Indiana. "I gotta believe there's still room at the national level for some sort of appeal like that," he added. The biggest impediment for such a national figure, Daniels says, is the presence of party primaries that lead to the nomination of extreme candidates. "Somebody's got to be able to come to the leadership of one of our parties, navigate a nominating process that's not friendly to that sort of appeal," Daniels said. He added, "But if somebody — and I predict that sooner or later this will happen — can navigate the nominating process of one party or the other, who really wants to start us back on the path toward greater common purpose and unity as a country, then I haven't given up that that can happen." Daniels ended a two-term run as governor in Indiana in 2012 and has been the president of Purdue University since 2003. He recently announced that he would step down from the position next month. There's been speculation that he could run for elected office again, especially as Indiana Sen. Mike Braun announced he'll run for governor in 2024, leaving an open Senate seat. When asked by Todd what his political future might hold, Daniels listed a number of issues facing the country that need to be solved — the national debt, keeping social safety net programs funded and polarization. But, he said, "Those are three reasons that a person might want to try to find some role, recognizing that one person can only do a little bit. But whether that role is elected politics, or something else, I haven't really thought about yet."
7770	dbpedia	1	84	https://www.hogshaven.com/2024/8/8/24210225/daily-slop-8-aug-24-many-commanders-players-ready-to-prove-themselves-nfl-ready-against-the-jets	en	Daily Slop - 8 Aug 24: Many Commanders players ready to prove themselves NFL-ready against the Jets	https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/…2/2163639768.jpg	https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/…2/2163639768.jpg	[ "https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/blog/sbnu_logo/61/large_Hogs_Haven_Full.86644.png", "https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/blog/sbnu_logo/61/large_Hogs_Haven_Full.86644.png", "https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/5l12Tg0BfgpDb3tCvi86A8DodEg=/0x0:6000x4000/320x213/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 320w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/GK_WeaoDjzzSNHhcEnZHUkQ8v-E=/0x0:6000x4000/620x413/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 620w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/SUNnPviRG6auJdK0Tq1h6oHAzbo=/0x0:6000x4000/920x613/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 920w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/2mbp17pCNrQI_00HxrcCUZmD9TY=/0x0:6000x4000/1220x813/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 1220w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/nkqvgF_74wJhEvdwTqd9WepQQWU=/0x0:6000x4000/1520x1013/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 1520w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/5bPZcM2zgiUKIZrr4DD224Mm2xw=/0x0:6000x4000/1820x1213/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 1820w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/ZzERwDUQn0G2XRQHp9n5aZAOoqs=/0x0:6000x4000/2120x1413/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 2120w, https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/OuX_XABefL4gPc4DuQEXDrC5-rI=/0x0:6000x4000/2420x1613/filters:focal(2596x1339:3556x2299)/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/73508673/2163639768.0.jpg 2420w", "https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/blog/sbnu_logo/61/large_Hogs_Haven_Full.86644.png", "https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/blog/sbnu_logo/61/large_Hogs_Haven_Full.86644.png" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/7lqI-XeooYY?rel=0", "https://www.youtube.com/embed/lDKjFTr-ogc?rel=0&start=75" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Bill-in-Bangkok" ]	2024-08-08T00:00:00	A collection of articles, podcasts & tweets from around the web to keep you in touch with the Commanders, the NFC East and the NFL in general	en	https://cdn1.vox-cdn.com/uploads/blog/favicon/61/favicon-5b88f151.ico	Hogs Haven	https://www.hogshaven.com/2024/8/8/24210225/daily-slop-8-aug-24-many-commanders-players-ready-to-prove-themselves-nfl-ready-against-the-jets	Commanders links Articles The Athletic (paywall) Commanders rookie QB Sam Hartman among roster hopefuls ready for an opportunity College football fans know Hartman from his starry days with Wake Forest and Notre Dame. The Charlotte, N.C., native played youth football with Ty and William Gibbs, grandsons of the three-time Super Bowl champion head coach. The iconic Joe Gibbs attended Tuesday’s sweltering practice along with Washington Hall of Fame cornerback Darrell Green. All four of the Commanders’ quarterbacks are expected to play on Saturday. Depending on needs elsewhere and the passers’ performances, only two may make the Week 1 active roster. Regardless of when he enters the game, Hartman’s push for a spot begins now. “I’m just excited about the opportunity, whatever it is,” Hartman said. “(I’m) ready to compete and have some fun.” That’s offensive coordinator Kliff Kingsbury’s vibe, even if the former Arizona Cardinals head coach isn’t ready to unveil his whole plan of attack. “You pick your spots … preseason, we’re not going to show much,” he said. “Sam’s been great. A great personality (and) competitor,” Kingsbury said. “Everywhere he’s been, he’s been a winner. I think anytime you put him in those game situations, he lights up. … I expect him to go in and execute at a high level, run around and make plays like he always has.” The differentiator for second-year wide receiver Brycen Tremayne is obvious. At 6-foot-4, Tremayne’s size stands out in a receiver room loaded with smaller targets. As many as three wide receiver jobs are available, with Crowder, Dyami Brown, Mitchell Tinsley and Tremayne the top contenders. Tremayne isn’t necessarily a moveable piece, but his consistent ability to snag downfield passes in practice while offering a physical blocking option thrust him into competition for a job with a new staff. The Stanford alum sees his preseason challenge as “just keep doing it.” Commanders Wire Commanders sign offensive tackle Alex Taylor On Wednesday, the Commanders added some help at offensive tackle, signing Alex Taylor. The 6-foot-8, 301-pound Taylor went undrafted in the 2020 NFL draft out of South Carolina State. He began his career at Appalachian State but transferred after one season to play basketball. He played two seasons of basketball but returned to football and became an All-MEAC selection in each of his final two seasons. The 27-year-old Taylor initially signed with the Cleveland Browns as an undrafted free agent. He was waived in September but re-signed to the practice squad in October. The Browns activated him to the 53-man roster for each of their final three games. Cleveland waived Taylor in August 2021. He signed with the Chicago Bears practice and was released a few weeks later. He again signed with the Browns, moving between the practice squad and the main roster before Cleveland released him again in September 2022. Taylor signed with the Dallas Cowboys practice squad that November and spent the offseason with them. After the Cowboys waived him in August 2023, he re-signed with their practice squad. Dallas released him from the practice squad in October. Taylor has appeared in four NFL games. Taylor spent the spring with the Birmingham Stallions of the United Football League. Sports Illustrated Washington Commanders Add Offensive Tackle to Roster On Eve of Jets Joint Practice For the second time this week the Washington Commanders have addressed their offensive line depth. For the second time this week the Washington Commanders have addressed their offensive line depth. Taylor is the second former Cowboys offensive lineman to join the Commanders along with center Tyler Biadasz. With injuries starting to mount on the offensive line its no surprise Washington decided to address the group at this stage of the preseason. Offensive tackle Alex Akingbulu suffered what appears to be a season-ending injury on Friday, fellow tackle Andrew Wylie has missed portions of several practices this training camp, rookie left tackle Brandon Coleman was present but not participating fully on Monday, and guard Sam Cosmi has missed the last two practices for undisclosed reasons. Commanders Wire Eagles claim former Commanders TE Armani Rogers off waivers Rogers, 26, signed with the Commanders as an undrafted free agent in 2022. A former college quarterback at UNLV and Ohio, Rogers began the transition to tight end after his college career. He showed promise throughout training camp and in the preseason, earning a spot on the 53-man roster. He appeared in 11 games during his rookie season. Unfortunately, an injury ended his 2022 season after 11 games and three starts. He caught five passes for 64 yards and carried the ball twice for 26 yards. Rogers was slated for a more significant role in 2023 but tore his Achilles during OTAs and missed the entire season. He was healthy this summer, but Washington’s tight end situation looked much different. The Commanders signed veteran Zach Ertz and drafted Ben Sinnott in the second round. Podcasts & videos Command Center: Gibbs, Green, Unofficial Depth Chart and Taking on the NY Jets \| Podcast \| Washington Commanders Locked on Commanders - Washington Commanders Training Camp: Jayden Daniels QB1 on Depth Chart \| Team Analyst Logan Paulsen NFC East links ESPN NFL training camp 2024 live updates: Latest on roster battles Philadelphia Eagles One thing that has stood out this summer is the production of tight ends Dallas Goedert and Grant Calcaterra. That trend continued Wednesday, with Jalen Hurts throwing touchdowns to both targets. New offensive coordinator Kellen Moore runs what is considered a TE-friendly system, featuring a quick game that can lead to more opportunities for the tight ends on short-to-intermediate throws. Hurts has a number of playmakers he needs to distribute the ball to, but the tight ends appear optimistic that they’ll get their fair share. — Tim McManus (Last update: Aug. 7) ESPN Inside the disconnect between Eagles coach Nick Siriani and QB Jalen Hurts Addressing the media on the final day of minicamp in early June, Hurts was asked about Sirianni: What have you noticed about Nick being open-minded to change up the offense like he has? What does that say about him? Hurts, who learned how to de-thorn even the most pointed queries during his time at Alabama under Nick Saban, offered a response that could be seen as a match to kindling. “Um,” he said, followed by a pause and a short closed-mouth laugh. “I mean, that’s a great question. I don’t know that I know the answer to it.” That was enough to kick up six weeks of speculation during the run-up to training camp: Is the Hurts-Sirianni relationship in a bad place? If so, what does it mean for the 2024 season? Although both have a thirst for competition and greatness, Hurts is considered more reserved, sometimes internalizing conflict — while Sirianni’s style is to be direct with conflict, according to a team source. That dynamic presents challenges when the two interact, team sources say. “There was never a moment last year where they were operating in a healthy relationship,” one source with direct knowledge of the situation said. Sirianni and Hurts declined interview requests from ESPN for this story via a team spokesperson. Following Philly’s Super Bowl run at the end of the 2023 season, offensive coordinator Shane Steichen left to coach the Indianapolis Colts. He was replaced by quarterbacks coach Brian Johnson, whose relationship with Hurts dates back more than two decades. Hurts’ father, Averion, was a coach at Robert E. Lee High School in Baytown, Texas, in the early 2000s when Johnson played there. On the surface, it seemed Johnson’s promotion would be seamless. But it quickly became apparent Johnson and Hurts were on a different page than Sirianni, who wanted to keep his scheme largely the same under the premise of “if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it.” Hurts, now a bona fide franchise quarterback, was looking for greater authority over the offense, according to two sources close to him. He and Johnson wanted the system to evolve and become more layered, team sources said. “When Brian got [promoted], I think he thought, ‘I could do the thing that I’ve wanted to do,’” a team source said. “That didn’t fly as much with Nick.” While head coach-quarterback meetings are not uncommon and something Sirianni had done before, the source believed, in this case they muddled the staff’s ability to convey one consistent message to the quarterback. The Hurts-Sirianni dynamic does not work as well when it’s one-to-one, a team source said, requiring a third party to be prominently involved for the offense to run at a high level. Johnson got stuck in what team sources describe as an awkward spot trying to please a multitude of people in the building with conflicting viewpoints, most notably Hurts and Sirianni. The result was a watered-down version of Johnson, who was regarded around the league as a head coach in waiting. “He lost his identity,” a close observer said. With the playoffs approaching and the hunt for improvement unending, Hurts made an unusual move. He called former Giants defensive coordinator Wink Martindale, who had parted ways with New York following Week 18. “I’ve been doing this for 40 years,” said Martindale, now the defensive coordinator at the University of Michigan, “and it’s the first time I’ve had an opposing quarterback call me up.” They discussed weaknesses in Philadelphia’s protection and how New York tried to game-plan him. A major question following last season’s tailspin...is how the team will react when adversity hits, and how Sirianni will navigate it. Some close observers of the coaching landscape already have Philadelphia circled as an opening barring a strong showing by the team in 2024. Sirianni and Roseman have a good relationship and work closely together, but there’s little question as to which is on stronger footing when it comes to job security. NFL league links Articles ESPN 2024 NFL training camp: Position battles on each depth chart New York Jets No. 2 receiving option Garrett Wilson is the clear-cut WR1. After him, there are questions galore. Right now, Allen Lazard is starting on the opposite side, but he’s viewed as a placeholder until Mike Williams is activated from the physically unable to perform (PUP) list. Lazard, who received a four-year, $44 million contract in 2023, is off to a promising start in camp after a 23-catch season. He also has Aaron Rodgers’ stamp of approval (they were teammates in Green Bay), which never hurts. But let’s be realistic: He’s not on the same level as Williams. The question with Williams is, can he be the same player he was before ACL surgery last fall? Rodgers needs a viable No. 2 option to balance the field. — Rich Cimini Baltimore Ravens Right guard The Ravens are replacing three starters on the offensive line, but it looks like Andrew Vorhees is the heavy favorite to win the left guard job and the hope is second-round pick Roger Rosengarten will take the spot at right tackle. The biggest battle remains at right guard, where Daniel Faalele, Malaesala Aumavae-Laulu and Ben Cleveland are contenders. Pittsburgh Steelers Quarterback Though Russell Wilson entered training camp in “pole position” and it appeared the starting job would be his job to lose, Wilson’s conditioning test calf injury makes things interesting for the Steelers. With Wilson slowly ramping up, Justin Fields has taken nearly all of the first-team reps, and his best practice came in the team’s first padded practice Tuesday where he completed every pass attempt. Not only did he connect with George Pickens on a one-handed touchdown grab, but he also showed off his wheels in a couple of designed runs. Wilson is still likely in the lead for the job, but if Fields can make routine — and splash — plays consistently, this might be more of a competition than it initially appeared. — Brooke Pryor Houston Texans Defensive tackle Folorunso Fatukasi, Tim Settle Jr., Kurt Hinish, Khalil Davis and Mario Edwards Jr. are battling for starting time at defensive tackle. Kansas City Chiefs Left tackle Wanya Morris returned to practice on Sunday after leaving early from the Chiefs’ previous session, but his presence didn’t alter the dynamics of his battle with rookie Kingsley Suamataia to be the starting left tackle. Suamataia, as he has for most of training camp, got all of the starters’ reps while Morris was working with the second team. Morris had also spent some time working at guard during previous practices. Dallas Cowboys Center The pads have only just come on for the Cowboys at training camp, but it seems pretty clear that this is Brock Hoffman’s job to lose. He took all of the snaps with the first team in the spring and continues to do so in training camp. Zack Martin said Hoffman is a “natural leader,” which is a must at the center spot, despite his lack of experience. Third-round pick Cooper Beebe will get a chance to show what he can do in the preseason games but he is still getting accustomed to a new spot so much so that he works on his snaps in 7-on-7 work. — Todd Archer New York Giants Tight end With Darren Waller retired, the Giants are looking to fill the void primarily with some combination of Daniel Bellinger, Lawrence Cager and rookie Theo Johnson. Bellinger is likely to be the starter, but who will fill pass catcher: Cager or Johnson? Cager started camp strong and coach Brian Daboll pegged him as one of the standouts of the spring, but he is now dealing with a hamstring injury. Johnson returned after starting camp on PUP with a hip problem. It’s anyone’s job to win this summer. — Jordan Raanan Philadelphia Eagles Cornerback The starting spot opposite Darius Slay Jr. is up for grabs. Former Colt Isaiah Rodgers and up-and-comer Kelee Ringo have split time with the first team during training camp, each making strong cases for why they should get the nod. Rookie first-round pick Quinyon Mitchell, meanwhile, is seeing more and more snaps at the starting nickel post. He’s been sticky in coverage and appears to be handling the transition from the MAC to the pros well. Mitchell is competing with veteran Avonte Maddox for the slot job. Overall, a defensive backfield that finished second-to-last in passing yards and passing touchdowns allowed in 2023 looks deeper and speedier than a year ago. — Tim McManus Washington Commanders Left tackle Washington has rotated veteran Cornelius Lucas and rookie Brandon Coleman with the starting offensive line at left tackle. It’s the one spot along the line most up for grabs. Both also have worked at right side as well. Washington drafted Coleman in the third round — he played both tackle and guard at TCU. Lucas has started 47 games during his first 10 seasons, serving primarily as a swing tackle. Coleman has impressed early with his footwork and balance. If Coleman wins the job, Washington might have solved a premium position for a few years. The Commanders would then have two expensive positions — with quarterback Jayden Daniels — filled by players on rookie deals. — John Keim Green Bay Packers Kicker There were actually three kickers in camp until rookie James Turner was cut last Tuesday, leaving veteran Greg Joseph to battle incumbent Anders Carlson. The Packers wanted competition after Carlson, a sixth-round pick last year, struggled at the end of his rookie season (including a missed 41-yard field goal late in the NFC divisional playoff loss to the 49ers). It’s been a close competition, but Joseph has a slight advantage through 10 practices based solely on the numbers. Kicking from similar distances throughout camp, Joseph has made 36 of 40 field goals, while Carlson was 33-of-40. In perhaps the most important test so far, though, Carlson was 8-of-9 in Saturday’s practice in front of more than 60,000 at Lambeau Field, while Joseph missed twice. Carlson’s only miss was from 57 yards. Joseph missed from 54 and 57. When asked whether the competition would extend throughout the preseason, coach Matt LaFleur said, “I would anticipate that, but things change.” — Rob Demovsky Discussion topics Athlon Sports Deion Sanders chaotic culture turns into locker room violence in Colorado Many programs pride themselves on nurturing talent, but that’s not Prime’s approach, and it’s becoming apparent. He desires “ready-made” players who can deliver immediate results. It’s not about gradually building up; it’s about achieving success right now. This approach has its flaws, and the foundation of Coach Prime’s Camelot is starting to show cracks. What was portrayed to the public as an outstanding program is missing the mark. Sanders seizes the spotlight in front of cameras but then vanishes until the next media opportunity. Outside of these appearances, it’s all about promoting his products and services. The real question for those skeptical of the hype is why there’s constant turnover within the program? Some players aren’t suited for “Prime Time,” or at least that’s what the CU staff wants everyone to believe. But conversations with those who’ve left Boulder reveals the true nature of the culture within the Buffaloes program. A few former players have spoken anonymously to Athlon, fearing retaliation, if they went on the record. “It’s like a real-life Grand Theft Auto video game,” one former player said. “There are many distractions with fights, guns, and money floating around. The environment is unlike any I’ve come from before.” Another former player went deeper into the violent incidents within CU’s football program, recounting three separate alleged occurrences over the past year, each unfathomable in any normal locker room. This insight sheds light on what happened with former five-star talent Cormani McClain and why his experience in Boulder was negative. “Cormani was taking a lot of heat from everyone,” said the former player. “At the same time Coach Prime was saying he was in the doghouse and needed to improve, Cormani was getting bullied by Shilo (Sanders). After the Oregon State game, Shilo slapped him several times, which left Cormani screaming ‘I’m going to kill you’ repeatedly. After that, you could tell he wasn’t mentally there. It’s hard when the coaches you trust are calling you derogatory names on the practice field.” This violence often seemed to come from personal vendettas, but not always. Jordan Seaton, another five-star recruit, was allegedly bullied into “proving his manhood” and picked to fight former CU lineman Savion Washington. In April, the two were said to have exchanged blows, leaving both bloody. Witnesses described it as “two bears scrapping for food.” While bullying was also a common theme, there was another alleged incident involving a gambling debt between backup QB Colton Allen and wide receiver Kaleb Mathis. Days after the Seaton-Washington melee, the son of Kevin Mathis, who’s CU’s defensive back coach, was asked to pay Allen over a gambling debt in excess of $10,000, according to a former CU player. When Mathis refused, he allegedly proceeded to punch Allen repeatedly in the locker room, with players and coaches witnessing the assault. AthlonSports reporter offers more details on Colorado football locker room drama, calls out CU’s gun culture Corder said that gun culture was “rampant” in Colorado’s locker room. “It’s rampant there,” Corder said of the gun allegations behind the scenes at CU. “There’s a video that’s circulating that I found after the piece, where they’re asking, I believe it’s Bucky, is going around asking who’s the most strapped on the team. And people are giving their opinions. It’s not just one person. It’s multiple people.”
7770	dbpedia	3	72	https://www.forbes.com/sites/susanadams/2018/09/11/mitch-daniels-is-making-purdue-more-affordable-and-upping-enrollment-higher-ed-purists-are-aghast/	en	Mitch Daniels Is Making Purdue More Affordable And Upping Enrollment. Higher-Ed Purists Are Aghast.	https://imageio.forbes.c…=1600&fit=bounds	https://imageio.forbes.c…=1600&fit=bounds	[ "https://specials-images.forbesimg.com/imageserve/5fd10037bede647804c9bf7b/400x0.jpg?cropX1=0&cropX2=1080&cropY1=0&cropY2=1080" ]	[]	[]	[ "Forbes", "Leaderboard", "Magazine" ]	null	[ "Susan Adams" ]	2018-09-11T00:00:00	In inflation-adjusted dollars, Purdue costs $4,000 less per year for out-of-state students than it did when Daniels took the job in 2013.	en	https://i.forbesimg.com/48X48-F.png	Forbes	https://www.forbes.com/sites/susanadams/2018/09/11/mitch-daniels-is-making-purdue-more-affordable-and-upping-enrollment-higher-ed-purists-are-aghast/	Waiting for Mitch Daniels to pick up a call to his office in West Lafayette, Indiana, you hear a recording of Purdue’s marching band followed by a hard-to-believe statement: “Purdue has frozen tuition at 2012 levels through 2019 for all undergraduate students.” Daniels, the president of Indiana’s flagship public university, then gets on the phone and says something even more startling: In inflation-adjusted dollars, Purdue costs $4,000 less per year for out-of-state students than it did when he took the job in 2013. In-staters pay nearly $3,000 less, at just under $23,000 this academic year for tuition, room, board and expenses. Back in 2013, Daniels, now 69, dashed hopes that he would run for the Republican presidential nomination, signing on at Purdue instead after two terms as Indiana’s popular moderate GOP governor—and setting out to fix the broken business of higher ed. His first priority: make good on Purdue’s mission as a land-grant university, a designation dating back to the Civil War, when the federal government allotted land and funds to universities that would teach agriculture and the mechanical arts to working-class Americans. Daniels believed Purdue wasn’t fulfilling that mission. “The only costs that have outrun healthcare in the last three decades are college tuition, room and board,” he says. His solution: Freeze student costs at 2012 levels. Purdue’s admissions staffers balked. “I said, ‘Look, I just landed here on Mars, and I can tell you that the people back on Earth think college costs too much.’ ” Attacking affordability from another angle, in 2016 he introduced income-share agreements. Students who exhaust federal loans can fund their education with an agreement to sign over a share of their future income, usually between 3% and 5% for up to ten years after they graduate. (Repayments are capped at 2.5 times initial costs.) Critics hate ISAs because they’re unregulated and untested. Milton Friedman is said to have invented the idea but famously noted that they were “economically equivalent ... to partial slavery.” Daniels says, “If you want indentured servitude, it’s the student-loan program. With ISAs, the risk shifts entirely to the lender,” since grads who don’t find work pay nothing. Daniels’ third bold move invited the most criticism from higher-ed purists. Last year he paid $1—yes, a dollar—to acquire the beleaguered for-profit, largely online Kaplan University from former Washington Post owner Graham Holdings Co. Purdue instantly boosted its enrollment by 30,000 Kaplan students—most of whom are female, between the ages of 30 and 60, and the first in their families to go to college. They are now working toward degrees at the newly named Purdue Global University. After Purdue covers operating costs and collects $50 million in tuition, Kaplan is entitled to 12.5% of Purdue Global’s revenue. So far, so good. Applications are up 67% since Daniels became president. Enrollment is at an all-time high, as are alumni donations, graduation rates and the number of startups launched by Purdue researchers. Purdue also ranks No. 126 on Forbes’ list of America’s top colleges, up from No. 143 last year. While other institutions are cutting tenure-track jobs, Purdue has added 75 tenured engineering professorships and increased the number of students earning STEM degrees by 33% (minorities are up 50%). Then there’s Boiler Gold, a craft beer on which Purdue’s hops and brewing analysis lab is collaborating with a local brewer. “It started as a research project,” says Daniels, “and now we can’t make the stuff fast enough.”
7770	dbpedia	3	7	https://www.goacta.org/2024/01/on-this-date-in-campus-freedom-mitch-daniels-becomes-the-president-of-purdue-university/	en	On This Date in Campus Freedom: Mitch Daniels Becomes The President of Purdue University	https://www.goacta.org/w…s-3-1024x681.png	https://www.goacta.org/w…s-3-1024x681.png	[ "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/themes/acta/assets/images/ACTA-Header.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/img_Excellence.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/img_Freedom.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/img_Accountability.jpeg", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/01/OTD-01.14.23-Mitch-Daniels-3-1024x681.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/themes/acta/assets/images/ACTA-Footer.png", "https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/themes/acta/assets/images/temp/ACTA_PoweredBy@2x.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Graham Andreae" ]	2024-01-14T21:54:36+00:00	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr., has had a wide-ranging career: political adviser, corporate executive, head of a federal agency, governor, and most recently, university president. As he was completing his second term as the governor of Indiana (and after opting against a presidential run in 2012), his interests turned to Purdue University’s then-vacant presidency. He became […]	en	https://www.goacta.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/favicon.ico	American Council of Trustees and Alumni	https://www.goacta.org/2024/01/on-this-date-in-campus-freedom-mitch-daniels-becomes-the-president-of-purdue-university/	Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr., has had a wide-ranging career: political adviser, corporate executive, head of a federal agency, governor, and most recently, university president. As he was completing his second term as the governor of Indiana (and after opting against a presidential run in 2012), his interests turned to Purdue University’s then-vacant presidency. He became president of the STEM-focused university on January 14, 2013, and quickly began setting his policy goals in motion, aided by his political skills and past experience balancing budgets. He froze undergraduate tuition for seven consecutive years; spearheaded partnerships with several engineering corporations to promote research and job opportunities for Purdue graduates; and helped created Purdue Polytechnic High School, a STEM preparatory charter school in Indianapolis. His insistence on a civic literacy requirement for all undergraduates evidenced his commitment to intellectual rigor. President Daniels also led to the way towards strengthening the university’s commitment to free expression and academic freedom. With his support, Purdue’s board of trustees adopted the Chicago Principles on Freedom of Expression in May 2015, signaling the university’s “solemn responsibility not only to promote a lively and fearless freedom of debate and deliberation, but also to protect that freedom when others attempt to restrict it.” In a 2017 interview with the George W. Bush President Center, President Daniels noted he was “very proud” that both the undergraduate and graduate student governments had recently passed free speech resolutions. He put the Chicago Principles into action by establishing a freshman orientation unit on free expression, which includes training on the First Amendment and live skits, wherein students learn how to navigate various dilemmas involving free speech.
7770	dbpedia	0	66	https://www.wishtv.com/news/local-news/mitch-daniels-steps-down-as-purdue-president-next-president-chosen/	en	Mitch Daniels steps down as Purdue president, next president chosen	https://www.wishtv.com/w…57926_ver1.0.png	https://www.wishtv.com/w…57926_ver1.0.png	[ "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/wishtvcom.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/Rotating-8-70-Bug-white-outline.gif", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/wishtvcom-white.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/8_and_70_Bug_100x100_BLK-Outline_V4Testing.gif", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/search-icon.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/themes/wishtv-2022/assets/img/search-icon.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/CCB-Horizontal.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/footer-logo-300x36-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/appstore_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/googleplay_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/appstore_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/googleplay_footer-1.png", "https://www.wishtv.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/CCB-Horizontal-white.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Kyle Bloyd" ]	2022-06-10T17:47:51+00:00	WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind. (WISH) — Mitch Daniels is stepping down as the president of Purdue University. The Purdue Board of Trustees has elected Dr. Mung Chiang to take his place, effective Jan. 1, 2023. Dr. Chiang is the the John A. Edwardson Dean of Engineering and Executive Vice President for Strategic Initiatives. He’s been at […]	en	https://www.wishtv.com/w…x512-1-32x32.png	Indianapolis News \| Indiana Weather \| Indiana Traffic \| WISH-TV \|	https://www.wishtv.com/news/local-news/mitch-daniels-steps-down-as-purdue-president-next-president-chosen/	WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind. (WISH) — Mitch Daniels is stepping down as the president of Purdue University. The Purdue Board of Trustees has elected Dr. Mung Chiang to take his place, effective Jan. 1, 2023. Dr. Chiang is the the John A. Edwardson Dean of Engineering and Executive Vice President for Strategic Initiatives. He’s been at Purdue University for five years. Daniels had been the university’s president since 2013. Chiang has as Ph.D. in electrical engineering from Stanford University. Prior to joining Purdue, he was an electrical engineering professor at Princeton University. He has also founded three companies and was New Jersey’s CEO of the Year in 2014. “It is the highest and most humbling honor to be selected by the Board of Trustees as the next president of Purdue University: the unique and most remarkable land-grant university in the land of the free,” Chiang said in a statement. “Throughout the past 153 years, and spanning from the Wabash River to the moon, generations of Boilermakers contributed to our state, to our country, and to humanity in immeasurable ways. There is no other place like Purdue.” “Mung is the ideal choice to lead Purdue into its next ‘giant leap,’” said Board of Trustees Chairman Michael Berghoff in a statement. “The board could not be more confident in this selection, as we have had the opportunity to observe his performance across a broad range of duties for five years.” Gov. Eric Holcomb issued this statement on the announcement: “My partner and friend, President Daniels, is part of a generation of proud Boilermakers who take small steps and turn them into giant leaps. Purdue University always has been a world class institution with successful graduates spanning the globe, and Mitch has taken the university to even higher levels. During his 10 years at the helm, Mitch has delivered higher education at the highest proven value, from freezing tuition during his entire tenure, to creating a national online university, establishing a network of Indiana STEM charter schools, and making record investments in world-class research. He has always kept Purdue’s land-grant mission as its core strategy and spent each day opening the doors of higher education to every Hoosier willing to put in the work to be a Boilermaker. I am eager to work with Dr. Mung Chiang as he takes the reins. I know he has had the opportunity to learn from the best and will keep the university’s forward motion moving at a fast pace.” Daniels, 73, was previously Indiana’s governor from 2005-13. This is a developing story and will be updated.
7770	dbpedia	0	82	https://patch.com/indiana/carmel/mitch-daniels-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-scholar-advisor	en	Mitch Daniels To Join Carmel-Based Liberty Fund As Scholar, Advisor	https://patch.com/img/cd…s-1024x714-1.jpg	https://patch.com/img/cd…s-1024x714-1.jpg	[ "https://cdn.patchcdn.com/assets/layout/icons/logo/logo.svg", "https://patch.com/img/cdn20/users/26158572/profile_pics/indiana-capital-chronicle___28141809977.png?width=64", "https://patch.com/img/cdn20/users/26158572/20230328/115329/styles/raw/public/processed_images/26158572_28115330122_GettyImages-1daniels-1024x714-1.jpg", "https://patch.com/img/cdn/assets/layout/footer_patch_logo.png", "https://patch.com/img/cdn/assets/layout/apple_appstore.png", "https://patch.com/img/cdn/assets/layout/google_play.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Indiana Capital Chronicle" ]	2023-03-29T01:41:40+00:00	Mitch Daniels To Join Carmel-Based Liberty Fund As Scholar, Advisor - Carmel, IN - The former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President will begin his new role on April 1.	en	https://cdn.patchcdn.com/assets/layout/icons/logo/favicon.ico	Carmel, IN Patch	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/briefs/mitch-daniels-to-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-as-scholar-advisor/	The former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President will begin his new role on April 1. By Casey Smith, Indiana Capital Chronicle March 28, 2023 Former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President Mitch Daniels will soon begin a new role at the Liberty Fund, a private education foundation based in Carmel. Daniels — who was named a distinguished scholar and senior advisor — will focus on “the creation of educational programs and partnerships that will strengthen Liberty Fund’s existing educational programs,” the foundation announced Tuesday. He begins his new role April 1. “I have watched for decades as the Liberty Fund, with impeccable scholarship and fidelity to principle, has labored to keep lit the lamp of freedom, and spread understanding of its historical and intellectual underpinnings,” Daniels said in a statement. “Now, with individual liberty under relentless threats foreign and domestic, I’m grateful for the Funds’ invitation that I try to assist it in its noble and essential mission.” After serving two terms as governor from 2005 to 2013, Daniels spent the last near-decade as the president of Purdue University, stepping down in December and fueling rumors that he would re-enter politics. After much speculation, however, Daniels announced in January that he would not run for a soon-to-be-open seat in Congress after sitting U.S. Sen. Mike Braun launched his own 2024 bid for governor. The Liberty Fund was founded by Indianapolis businessman and lawyer Pierre F. Carter in 1960. The foundation said it “conducts its own educational programs to encourage research and discussion on the values and institutions of a society of free and responsible individuals.” Socratic seminars and conferences hosted globally by the foundation focus on topics like politics, history and education. Programs especially emphasize individual liberty and “preservation” of a “free society.” The Indiana Capital Chronicle is an independent, nonprofit news organization dedicated to giving Hoosiers a comprehensive look inside state government, policy and elections. The site combines daily coverage with in-depth scrutiny, political awareness and insightful commentary.
7770	dbpedia	2	74	https://thespectator.com/topic/mitch-daniels-battle-with-jim-banks-could-hinge-on-the-culture-war/	en	Can Mitch Daniels fight the culture war?	https://thespectator.com…2023/01/md-1.jpg	https://thespectator.com…2023/01/md-1.jpg	[ "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/aug2024cover.jpg?w=69", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-design-block/images/scroll-logo.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-design-block/images/Logo.svg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/Spectator-World-Logo.png", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/share_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/facebook_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/x_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/linkedin_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/link_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/share_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/facebook_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/x_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/linkedin_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/link_icon.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/themes/spectator/assets/images/user-full.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/md-1.jpg?w=1024", "https://spectatorworld.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/thumbnail_image001.jpeg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/md-1.jpg?w=1024", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-custom-blocks/images/tool-ico-1.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-custom-blocks/images/tool-ico-2.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-custom-blocks/images/tool-ico-6.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-custom-blocks/images/tool-ico-3.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-custom-blocks/images/tool-ico-4.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/plugins/spectator-custom-blocks/images/tool-ico-5.svg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/GettyImages-2161733533.jpg?w=300", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/bill-e1719415310396.jpg?w=300", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/biden.jpg?w=300", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/bill-e1719415310396.jpg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/biden.jpg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/post.jpg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2154519515.jpg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/JDFM.jpg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/heath_06.04_israel-e1712330858346.jpg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Prayer-large-crop-less-whiteDB_3003-e1711731495447.jpg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/biden_940ef7.jpg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/iStock-1336092252-e1712071118186.jpg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/3Carys-Davies-March-2023no-credit-needed-e1711992084913.jpg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/kate-winslet-regime.jpg", "https://thespectator.nbalar.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/biden_add3b2.jpg", "https://thespectator.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Spectator-World-Logo.png?w=300" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Ben Domenech" ]	2023-01-28T03:47:19+00:00	If Daniels runs for the Senate, he will have to answer to Jim Banks supporters and media figures attacking his social issues 'truce' comment	en	https://thespectator.com…400x400.jpg?w=32	The Spectator World	https://thespectator.com/topic/mitch-daniels-battle-with-jim-banks-could-hinge-on-the-culture-war/	Mitch Daniels visited Washington this week to test the ground on the Senate side of Capitol Hill. “I’m worried about winning it and regretting it for six years,” he told Politico. And well he might. The former Indiana governor and Purdue University president is debating whether to run for the seat of incumbent Indiana Senator Mike Braun, who after just one term decided he’d rather be back as governor in Indianapolis than stay in the cooling saucer for even one more minute. Daniels may find it equally abhorrent to join a body as a junior senator at the age of seventy-three. Either way, a run by him would immediately thrust the Indiana Republican primary into the national narrative, framed as a war between the pre-Trump and post-Trump GOP. This frame isn’t exactly accurate, of course. Daniels left Washington, where he was George W. Bush’s Office of Management and Budget director, almost two decades ago, and spent the next eight years as governor followed by ten as president of Purdue. That’s a lot of time out of DC for someone his right-wing opponents will categorize as a swamp creature. And Daniels’s career is marked by a solid record of fiscal conservatism that attracted broad praise on the right. He dabbled in a run for the presidency in 2012, but ultimately decided against it. If he now decides in the opposite direction, his comments from that era about culture war issues will absolutely be brought up by his primary opponent, Representative Jim Banks. Yes, we’re talking about the “truce” remark. It originated in a 2010 Andrew Ferguson profile of Daniels: “[Daniels says] the next president, whoever he is, ‘would have to call a truce on the so-called social issues. We’re going to just have to agree to get along for a little while,’ until the economic issues are resolved.” Daniels explained his views further in an interview with Peter Robinson: “If you don’t believe that the American public is mortally threatened — as I do — by this one overriding problem we have built for ourselves, then of course I’m wrong… All I was saying was, we’re going to need to unify all kinds of people, and freedom is going to need every friend it can get.” Daniels’s comments were widely criticized at the time. It’s amusing to go back and read one of his chief critics, reliably fake conservative Jennifer Rubin, who hurled venom at Daniels’s approach — not because she cared about social issues but because she had doubts about Daniels’s insufficiently neocon foreign policy views. As she and other foreign policy utopians would learn to their shock and horror four years later, they had much worse to fear than Daniels on that score. In today’s backward-looking coverage, there’s a difference of opinion about what Daniels meant in context. Backers of Banks are deploying this charge against him, and the deep-pocketed Club for Growth is already running an ad calling him weak: “After fifty years in big government, big pharma and big academia, Mitch Daniels forgot how to fight. An old guard Republican clinging to the old ways of the bad old days.” Daniels’s friends at National Review are pushing back, noting last week that he continued to back policies on the issue of abortion in particular. (The fact that Daniels is a National Review-style candidate is itself a comment on his challenge of navigating this moment.) For a more critical view, Aaron Renn, an astute observer of Indiana politics, described last year what the “truce” approach meant in terms of Indiana policy: Since Republicans retook power in the state in 2005, Indiana has largely been run by Republicans from metro Indianapolis who have operated according to a philosophy Mitch Daniels called “the truce,” or the avoidance of social issues in favor of fiscal and economic development matters. In terms of actual legislation enacted, Indiana is actually one of the least socially conservative red states. But the economic results have been underwhelming to poor for the state and its people. The Indianapolis GOP elites and their truce both effectively disenfranchised and impoverished the state’s Republican voters, while the left, which never agreed to any part of a truce, made significant advances on its own social policy agenda in the state. From the standpoint of the average Republican voter, the truce was a thus a double failure. There’s no reason to believe abandoning cultural issues in favor of economics will work anywhere. If Daniels runs, he will clearly have to respond to attacks from Banks supporters and media figures on the right. The ground of the culture war has shifted a great deal since 2011, and that is worth addressing. Where social issues at the time largely involved legal rights and tolerance — at the time, not even Barack Obama was calling for gay marriage — the radical left has since become far more authoritarian, shifting to an approach that demands celebration and submission. I’m not sure what Daniels thinks about what he said at the time. Perhaps he will just defend it as obvious political strategy: that as the past two elections showed, if Republicans put forward the most alienating face of the right, it will drive away the suburbanites the party needs to win. But there’s another way to address it, which goes something like this: Like a lot of other people, I wish that we could have had a just peace in the culture wars more than a decade ago to focus on returning to fiscal sanity. Sadly, since then, the left has only doubled down, waging an open culture war that has gotten crazier and crazier, attacking our founding principles, literally tearing down our cities, towns, and monuments — working to destroy every institution we value from inside and out. There are a lot of people in this country who are tired of being called bigots and racists just because they wish things could be more like they were in 2010. I’m one of them. And I’m not sorry for wishing it could be more like it used to be. But I’m a realist, and it isn’t. And until the radicals stop trying to destroy what made America great, we’ll have to fight back to stop them. Perhaps that response would work, if it’s what Daniels now believes. But as much as many of us might yearn for a time when a campaign about fiscal balance and shrinking government could prevail, that time is long gone. The culture war cares about all of us now.
7770	dbpedia	1	21	https://publicintegrity.org/politics/during-mitch-daniels-decade-at-eli-lilly-the-drug-giant-paid-billions-in-fines-and-settled-thousands-of-lawsuits/	en	During Mitch Daniels’ decade at Eli Lilly, the drug giant paid billions in fines and settled thousands of lawsuits	https://i0.wp.com/public…it=60%2C60&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/public…it=60%2C60&ssl=1	[ "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/cropped-logo.png?fit=1270%2C261&ssl=1", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/ad516503a11cd5ca435acc9bb6523536?s=80", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/ad516503a11cd5ca435acc9bb6523536?s=80", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/mitch.daniels.jpg?fit=60%2C60&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/static-00-www.publicintegrity.org/files/styles/5col/public/img/2012watch_title_graphic.gif?w=780&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/static-00-www.publicintegrity.org/files/styles/5col/public/img/eli.lilly_.pho_.jpg?w=780&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Final-Student-homelessness-logo.jpg?resize=800%2C600&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-2121029847-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/04202024_FLvoterregistration_KC-9-1-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/GettyImages-1310798638-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/GettyImages-2107845465.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Photo2-scaled.jpg?resize=1200%2C900&ssl=1", "https://publicintegrity.org/wp-content/plugins/republication-tracker-tool/assets/img/creative-commons-sharing.png", "https://i.creativecommons.org/l/by-nd/4.0/88x31.png", "https://i0.wp.com/publicintegrity.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/cropped-logo.png?fit=1270%2C261&ssl=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Joanne Kenen", "Rochelle Sharpe" ]	2011-05-09T10:00:00+00:00	Key findings Mitch Daniels worked at Eli Lilly for 10 years in top positions including president of North American operations During his tenure, Lilly paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and settled 32,000 personal injury claims Zyprexa and Evista were marred by controversy during Daniels’ era Lilly was stung when it lost its Prozac […]	en	https://publicintegrity.…ns-new-color.jpg	Center for Public Integrity	https://publicintegrity.org/politics/during-mitch-daniels-decade-at-eli-lilly-the-drug-giant-paid-billions-in-fines-and-settled-thousands-of-lawsuits/	Reading Time: 11 minutes Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels, a potential Republican presidential candidate respected for his fiscal prudence, credits his success in government to the business skills he learned as a pharmaceutical executive. But when Daniels worked as a top executive at Eli Lilly & Co., one of the world’s largest drug firms, the pharmaceutical giant’s reputation was tarred by some of the nation’s ugliest drug scandals. In the decade that Daniels climbed the corporate ladder at Eli Lilly, the company was illegally marketing its leading osteoporosis drug, Evista, as well as its blockbuster antipsychotic, Zyprexa, putting tens of thousands of patients in harm’s way. Lilly pleaded guilty to two criminal misdemeanors, paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages, settled more than 32,000 personal injury claims — and copped to one of the largest state consumer protection cases involving a drug company in U.S. history, a review by iWatch News shows. The company also became embroiled in a high-profile legal brawl over its patent for the antidepressant Prozac. Daniels became increasingly influential as he rose through the company’s ranks in positions that involved polishing the drugmaker’s image and then shaping its policies. He was vice president of corporate affairs, president of Lilly’s North American pharmaceutical operations, and finally in 1997, became senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy. Decisions at pharmaceutical companies, whether scientific or commercial, aren’t made by any one executive, so Daniels’ precise role in decision-making about the controversial drugs is unclear. “These things transcend individuals — it’s more difficult to say this is the work of person A, B, or C,” said Dr. Sidney Wolfe, director of the Health Research Group at Public Citizen. “It’s industry-wide corporate culture.” Daniels’ press secretary, Jane Jankowski, said, “He had zero to do with marketing plans that were created for Zyprexa and Evista.” On Prozac, she said, “The company was the object of a multimillion-dollar smear campaign by a self-interested organization that was trying to drive vulnerable patients away from medical treatment for depression.” In a statement, Eli Lilly said the agreements to settle the Evista and Zyprexa criminal allegations did not happen under Daniels’ watch as president of North American operations. But given his senior management position in the company, “I would have hoped that he would have known about some of these issues, and if he didn’t, why didn’t he? That needs to be evaluated” said Stephen Sheller, a Philadelphia class action attorney instrumental in the Zyprexa settlement. “Bill Clinton had the bimbo factor. Mitch Daniels is going to need a strategy to counteract the assumption that will be made that he was somehow complicit in the misdeeds of Eli Lilly,” said Ira Loss, senior health care analyst at Washington Analysis, an investment research firm. “It’s possible that he wouldn’t have known a thing,” Loss said, but added, “Mitch Daniels can’t walk into the presidential race and not expect questions about this issue.” Lilly wasn’t the only drug company embroiled in multimillion-dollar drug scandals, although Zyprexa stands as one of the biggest cases of its kind on record. Critics say the big brand drug companies simply see fines and penalties as the cost of doing business. Indeed, in its recent annual SEC filing, Lilly itself, after a lengthy review of all the litigation, probes and investigations pending, noted, “We are also a defendant in other litigation and investigations, including product liability, patent, employment, and premises liability litigation, of a character we regard as normal to our business.” Daniels boasts of his business background on his official website. “Governor Daniels came from a successful career in business and government, holding numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors,” it says. “His work as CEO of the Hudson Institute and president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations taught him the business skills he brought to state government.” As governor, Daniels persuaded several senior Lilly staffers to join his administration, said Donald Woodley, financial analyst at Woodley Farra Manion Portfolio Management in Indianapolis. “He was an idea man, a thinker, and that’s why he ended up as head of corporate strategy and policy,” said Woodley, who describes himself as both an acquaintance and an admirer of Daniels. Lilly’s fortunes soared in the 1990s. Corporate assets rose from $5.8 billion to $12.8 billion, revenues doubled from $5 billion to $10 billion and income expanded from $1.1 billion to $2.6 billion, Woodley said. Cutting his teeth on politics Daniels grew up in Indiana, and was in and out of politics, starting as a young aide to then-Indianapolis Mayor Richard Lugar in the 1970s. He moved to Washington when Lugar won his Senate seat, and later was a senior White House political aide to President Ronald Reagan. In 1987, he left government to head the conservative Hudson Institute, a think tank then based in Indianapolis. In 1990, he made the switch to Lilly, where he stayed for a decade until he returned to public life as budget director for President George W. Bush in 2001. In his Lilly years, 1990 through the 2000 election cycle, the drug company’s political contributions to Republican causes and candidates more than tripled from $120,000 to $416,000. Donations to Democrats doubled, from $54,000 to $120,000. Federal lobbying records are not available for his entire tenure at Lilly, but the company spent more than $4.1 million in 1996 and $3.8 million in 1997, before dropping to between $2.5 million and $3 million annually from 1998-2000. Drug policy was front and center in Washington in the 1990s, because of the failed Clinton health care plan in 1993-94, the 1996-97 overhaul of the Food and Drug Administration, and assorted other prescription drug pricing and purchasing policies involving Medicaid and Medicare in an era of high growth and high competition in the drug industry. Later, when Daniels sought elective office, he received at least $80,000 from top Lilly executives in the 2004 and 2008 election cycles, according to an analysis of data from the National Institute on Money in State Politics. An additional $86,750 went to Daniels’ campaigns courtesy of the company’s political action committee. Protecting Prozac Daniels’ early years at Lilly were dominated by the company’s new blockbuster drug: Prozac, a drug that not only changed depression treatment but became part of U.S. popular culture. The antidepressant, the first of its kind, faced product liability lawsuits and was under siege by the Church of Scientology. Indiana news reports from the time described Daniels, then vice president of corporate affairs, as heading a pitched public relations battle — an assessment shared by one of Lilly’s outside public relations consultants at the time. The Church of Scientology named Daniels in a $20 million libel suit, which a federal judge dismissed in 1992. “The Church of Scientology is no church,” Daniels said in a 1991 interview published by USA Today, in which he criticized the Church of Scientology’s anti-Prozac advertisements. “It’s a commercial enterprise. Every judge and every investigative journalist who has ever looked at it has come away with that conclusion. It is organized for only one purpose, which is to make money.” The Scientology wars, which were fought on both public relations and legal fronts, may have captured the most public attention. The second battle pitted Lilly against generic drugmaker Barr Pharmaceuticals Inc., which wanted to get its own version of Prozac on the market sooner rather than later. Brand-name and generic drug makers sue each other frequently, but they don’t often have as much at stake as in the case of Prozac, which was bringing Lilly up to $3 billion a year or about 35 to 40 percent of companywide sales in the mid to late 1990s. Prozac “was the golden goose,” said Woodley. Profits from the drug allowed the company to invest in research, expand its sales force and raise its dividend — all of which contributed to the rising stock prices that helped Lilly stay independent in an era of mergers and consolidation among the pharmaceutical giants. Holding onto that patent — the ability to legally keep generic competitors off the market — was important. Billions were at stake. In 2001, Barr won a case arguing that Lilly had improperly “double-patented” Prozac, or had gotten two patents, only one of which was on a genuinely “new” compound as defined by pharmaceutical patent law. That second patent would have allowed the drugmaker to prolong the period of time it could exclusively sell Prozac.The ruling in favor of Barr cost Lilly two years of patent exclusivity, although Lilly did manage to patent a once-a-week version of the drug in June 1999, and to patent a version of the drug it named Sarafem, in a lavendar and pink capsule, for a severe form of premenstrual syndrome. It was further able to extend its regular Prozac patent for six months by testing it on children. As Forbes magazine put it: “Barr Pharmaceuticals wrested Lilly’s Prozac patent away. Lilly lost 90 percent of its Prozac prescriptions over a year and $35 billion of its market value in a single day.” Controversies over antipsychotic The next Lilly blockbuster drug to hit the headlines, and the courts, was Zyprexa, the company’s antipsychotic that became one of the best-selling drugs in the world. Ellen Liversidge believes “Eli Lilly killed my only son.” Her son Rob, 39, died in 2002 after taking Zyprexa. “I think they are terrible. They hid the side effects of so many drugs.” Liversidge, who sued the company and settled for an undisclosed amount, said her son gained about 100 pounds in the two years he was taking Zyprexa. “I just thought his appetite had increased,” saidthe San Diego woman. She didn’t realize her son had developed severe hyperglycemia, abnormally high blood sugar that can be a side effect from Zyprexa. When her son died and his doctor said he did not know why, Liversidge turned to the Internet and discovered that Japan and the United Kingdom had already mandated warning labels be put on Zyprexa to warn of the danger of diabetes, hyperglycemia and death. At that time, a Lilly spokeswoman said the company opposed a drug label warning in the United States because it had “the potential to misinform patients and their caregivers, causing them to cease taking the medication.” Daniels was Lilly’s president of North American operations in 1996 when the FDA approved Zyprexa. Within a year, he rose to senior vice president for corporate strategy and policy as the company aggressively — and illegally — marketed the drug. Lilly ultimately pleaded guilty to a criminal misdemeanor and paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages for deceptive sales tactics. Lilly paid $1.4 billion in 2009 to settle federal and state charges that it illegally marketed Zyprexa, then the largest government fine in U.S. history. In addition, it paid $1.2 billion to settle more than 32,000 personal injury claims by patients, as well as $62 million to 33 states to settle claims that it improperly marketed Zyprexa. Insurers, pension funds, and unions also sued Lilly for $6.8 billion for misleading marketing, but a U.S. appeals court ruled last fall that the plaintiffs could not sue Lilly as a class. The U.S. Supreme Court is considering whether it will take the case. Zyprexa, which generated more than one-fifth of Lilly’s $23 billion in revenues last year, became mired in controversy just weeks after it hit the market in 1996. Forty-five days after it approved Zyprexa, the FDA warned Lilly that it was breaking the law by claiming the drug could easily be used to treat the elderly and that the weight gain it caused was a therapeutic benefit. That was the first of literally tens of thousands of complaints and lawsuits about Zyprexa, which was approved only to treat schizophrenia and bipolar disorder. Over the years, Lilly downplayed Zyprexa’s side effects of significant weight gain and increases in blood sugar that could cause diabetes. More than 16 percent of patients in the company’s clinical trials gained more than 66 pounds while taking the drug for one year. In 1998, Lilly coached its salespeople about the weight gain controversy. “Don’t introduce the issue!!!” a presentation warned. “Be prepared for the issue and related concerns. No ‘flinch factor.’” In 1999, company officials concluded primary care physicians were “unaware of Zyprexa weight gain issue,” according to a memo. In 2000, during Daniels’ last year at the company, executives received advice from diabetes doctors retained as consultants, who warned: “Unless we come clean on this, it could get much more serious than we might anticipate,” according to an email obtained by The New York Times. Throughout Daniels’ tenure, the company also aggressively pursued selling Zyprexa to the lucrative elderly market. Lilly asked the FDA to approve the drug for Alzheimer’s disease in 1998, even though its studies showed it didn’t alleviate dementia symptoms and that elderly dementia patients died at nearly twice the rate of those taking placebos in clinical trials, according to the U.S. attorney. Although the company withdrew its application for the Alzheimer’s approval in 1999, it began marketing the drug to nursing homes the same year. Company officials told its salespeople to focus on “behavior treatment” at nursing homes, since the drug had never been approved for the elderly. It promoted the drug to nursing homes essentially as a chemical restraint to sedate disruptive patients, according to a statement from Brian Kenny, an attorney representing company whistleblowers. Lilly even devised a sales slogan, “5 at 5,” suggesting that patients get 5 milligrams of Zyprexa at 5 p.m. to keep them calm all night. Zyprexa increased the risk of sudden death, heart failure and pneumonia in the elderly. The drug’s label carried a black box warning, cautioning an increased risk of death when used to treat elderly patients with dementia. Off-labeling its osteoporosis drug One more major legal case in the late 1990s, when Daniels was senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy, challenged Lilly’s promotion of off-label use of its osteoporosis drug Evista. The practice would cost it $36 million to settle criminal and civil charges. The FDA also warned the company about lack of balance and unproven claims in some of its direct-to-consumer advertising about the drug in Health and Prevention magazines. Once a drug is approved by the FDA for a certain purpose, physicians can legally prescribe it for other “off-label” uses. But the company itself cannot market it for off-label use, as was alleged in the case. The Department of Justice in December 2005 announced a settlement: Lilly agreed to plead guilty to both criminal and civil charges. In the criminal case, the drugmaker agreed to pay $6 million for a violation of the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act and forfeit an additional $6 million. The company also settled the civil case by paying the government $24 million, the Justice Department said. The department noted that Evista’s first-year sales were less than a third of what Lilly had expected. “In October of 1998, the company reduced the forecast of Evista’s first year’s sales in the U.S. from $401 million to $120 million. An internal Lilly business plan noted that ‘Disappointing year versus original forecast.’” The Justice Department said that Lilly “sought to broaden the market for Evista by promoting it for unapproved uses.” The government alleged that the branding and sales forces at Lilly promoted Evista not just for its approved use against osteoporosis, but also for reducing the risk of breast cancer and cardiovascular disease. “Lilly promoted Evista as effective for reducing the risk of breast cancer, even after Lilly’s proposed labeling for this use was specifically rejected by the FDA,” the Justice Department said. Lilly eventually did obtain FDA approval to market Evista for reducing the risk of invasive breast cancer in some post-menopausal women. “The government’s position is that if a company wants to market a drug for a new intended use, it needs to go through the drug approval process,” government attorney Jeffrey Steger said at the settlement hearing, according to the transcript. “The drug approval process is very significant to protect the safety of the American people.” Lilly is one of many pharmaceutical companies that have been forced to pay massive fines for marketing drugs for off-label uses, a punishment that critics say is ineffective and has failed to stop the practice. Just last fall, FDA deputy chief of litigation Eric Blumberg warned that the government might start criminal prosecutions of drug executives for off-label promotion, even if they claim they were unaware of what their marketing departments were doing. “It’s clear we’re not getting the job done with large monetary settlements,” Blumberg said at a drug industry conference. “Unless the government shows more resolve to criminally charge individuals at all levels in the company, we cannot expect to make progress in deterring off-label promotion.” Wolfe, of Public Citizen, said of the practice, “That’s how they [drug companies] operate. They have a fiduciary responsibility to stockholders, and sometimes in their zeal to carry out their fiduciary responsibilities they cheat, lie or engage in criminal activity — and it works.” Daniels left Eli Lilly to become the director of the Office of Management and Budget for President George W. Bush in January 2001. He liquidated Lilly stock worth $27 million at the time. In 2002, Congress inserted into the legislation creating the Homeland Security Department a provision that would have given Lilly, maker of a then-controversial vaccine preservative, protection from lawsuits. The provision was repealed a few months later. Some parents of autistic children believe the preservative, thimerosal, caused autism but the scientific research that sought to establish that link has been proven to be fraudulent. Daniels told Congress in a letter he had not had any role in getting the Lilly-friendly liability provision passed — that he had not discussed it with Lilly representatives, nor with officials in the government. Daniels went back to Indiana and ran for governor in 2004. He won then, and was re-elected in 2008. Among the portraits on his office wall: Col. Eli Lilly, founder of the drug company. iWatch News reporters Laurel Adams and Aaron Mehta contributed to this story. Related Help support this work Public Integrity doesn’t have paywalls and doesn’t accept advertising so that our investigative reporting can have the widest possible impact on addressing inequality in the U.S. Our work is possible thanks to support from people like you.
7770	dbpedia	3	80	https://hls.harvard.edu/today/at-harvard-law-indiana-gov-mitch-daniels-promotes-a-model-for-secondary-education-reform-video/	en	At Harvard Law, Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels promotes a model for secondary education reform - Harvard Law School	https://hls.harvard.edu/…niels.inside.jpg	https://hls.harvard.edu/…niels.inside.jpg	[ "https://hls.harvard.edu/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/indiana_governor_mitch_daniels.inside.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2012-12-04T05:00:59+00:00	At a Nov. 29 talk co-sponsored by the Harvard Federalist Society, Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels shared his experience in leading the charge for a new law that enacted a series of secondary education reforms in Indiana last year—reforms which many observers have called the most far-reaching changes yet adopted by any state.	en	https://hls.harvard.edu/wp-content/themes/hls/static/favicons/favicon.ico	Harvard Law School	https://hls.harvard.edu/today/at-harvard-law-indiana-gov-mitch-daniels-promotes-a-model-for-secondary-education-reform-video/	At a Nov. 29 talk co-sponsored by the Harvard Federalist Society, Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels shared his experience in leading the charge for a new law that enacted a series of secondary education reforms in Indiana last year—reforms which many observers have called the most far-reaching changes yet adopted by any state. Under the new law, teachers are evaluated in reference to how well their students do, and will not be penalized for a lack of seniority, said Daniels, who is a Republican. But most importantly, he said, Indiana has expanded the ability of families to determine where their children go to school. A 2008 law had allowed children to attend any public school, including those outside their districts, without being charged tuition. The 2011 law further extended that, instituting a voucher program giving all families below an income cap a voucher for tuition at any eligible private school. In the program’s first year, nearly 10,000 students used vouchers, or 1 percent of the K-12 students in Indiana. Of those, 81 percent are from the lowest income category, 50 percent are minorities and two-thirds are from urban areas. To Daniels, these reforms are in large part about promoting choice, with consequences that are twofold. For one, the 2008 law almost immediately led to quality improvement. He began to see school-sponsored billboards across Indiana, advertising high test scores and exhorting families to send their children to particular schools. “Competition is real and springs into being rather quickly when you create the conditions for it,” Daniels said.“One percent of our students isn’t very many, but it’s having a highly leveraged effect on other schools who would like to successfully match what’s being done so kids don’t leave.” But more importantly, said Daniels, choice in education is also an issue of social justice. In his view, wealthy families should not have more options for their children to attend school than poor families. Inadequate education is blighting the lives of many children in the United States, he said, and people may have become desensitized. In Indiana, Daniels said, his proposed reforms were hindered by the teachers union as well as individuals “deeply invested in the bureaucracy of public education. But in 2010, the Republicans were elected to a majority in both houses of the state Congress. Though he had to make compromises—he had hoped for a higher income cap, for example – the law was passed. And in general, he argued, there is a sea change happening; support for legislation like Indiana’s is growing across the political spectrum. For example, Daniels said, Indiana’s superintendent of public education is an elected official, and last month a union leader was elected to that position. Although many Democrats may not support universal vouchers, Daniels said, they agree on the rest of his agenda. “There are so many good-hearted people with whom I differ on other issues to have come together around the kind of changes that we have enacted in Indiana that I have really high hopes that this time the forces of reaction will not roll things back,” he said. Following Daniels’ lecture, HLS Dean Martha Minow—who has worked on education issues over the course of her career—conducted a question-and-answer session with him to discuss some of the voucher program’s policy implications. Minow noted that the legislation requires that students attend public school for at least one year in order to receive a voucher. As a result, she said, a number of children who were previously attending private school have shifted to public school to become eligible. According to Daniels, this is just a transition issue. “We said to the public schools, you get first shot!” Daniels said. “If you do a good job they’re not going to want to leave. But if they come to your school for a year and the family decides that it’s not best for the child, then we shouldn’t incarcerate them there.” Asked about the charge that vouchers might hollow out the diversity of the “common school,” which is supposed to integrate children from different backgrounds, Daniels said that these criticisms are unfounded. Charter schools and voucher schools serve low-income children and are more integrated than the public schools nearby, he said. Minow then posed a hypothetical to Daniels: Parents have a right to choose to send their children to private school, and each state’s constitution protects the public school system. But what if there were no public schools—only private schools? Daniels said that providing quality education should be among the top priorities of government. “As free market as my instincts [are], I wouldn’t leave it to chance that the market called into existence the right kind of schools without that structure in place,” Daniels said. When his current term as governor expires in January 2013, Daniels will take up a new post as the president of Purdue University.
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"https://fivebooks.com/images/rNbtGCxcSlPcq95-/plain/fb/2023/12/Screenshot-2023-12-17-at-12.54.53-150x180.png", "https://fivebooks.com/images/CVNlV9x_aKYh1KJq/plain/fb/2024/08/kruimink-1-colour-150x180.jpg", "https://pixel.quantserve.com/pixel/p-vtXWdjTgf6e_3.gif" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Friedrich Hayek", "Charles Murray", "Mancur Olson", "Virginia Postrel", "Milton Friedman", "Five Books" ]	2010-07-04T05:00:00+00:00	The Governor of Indiana promotes a new philosophy of libertarianism and selects the books that have influenced him most.	en	/favicon.ico	Five Books	https://fivebooks.com/best-books/mitch-daniels-on-how-libertarians-can-govern/	Two of the books you’ve chosen are about freedom and two are about social dynamism. Hayek’s Road to Serfdom, I would say, is about both. It’s also the first of these books to be published, in 1944. Do you want to start with that one? Hayek, when I thumb back through it and look at what I marked when I first read it, was the book that, to me, convincingly demonstrated what was already intuitive: namely, the utter futility, the illusion of government planning as a mechanism for uplifting those less fortunate. I read it together with dozens of other books, but the way he dissected and depicted the inexorable tendencies in statism to self-perpetuation of bureaucracies, matched what I thought was the evidence I saw around me. What stage were you in life when you first encountered The Road to Serfdom? Well, post-college. In my mid 20s, probably. Did you recall it having a fairly profound effect on you at the time? I think it did. That could be said of one or two of these others as well, especially the Friedman: something that clarifies and confirms an intuition or a tentative empirical judgment you’ve come to. At the time, in the 1970s, it wasn’t hard to look at the wreckage, and say, ‘This isn’t working – and the more government tries to do, the more bureaucracies it piles up, the more regulations it writes, the less well off people at large seem to be…’ You’re a sitting governor [of Indiana], you’ve been an OMB [US Office of Management and Budget] director and you deal day to day with people who want to plan stuff – everything from zoning commissions to the legislature. How does this book inflect how you deal with that? With humility and caution. I think I would say that this is something you’ll see in the Postrel book as well, probably in several of these books. They led me to a view that government clearly has to establish rails around certain behaviour and economic activity. But simplicity, clarity of the rules, a caution about over-prescriptiveness in how to achieve a certain outcome or prevent a certain externality from happening – I think I probably first saw a lot of that in Hayek. For instance, I remember my first day on this job. We did a ton of things, we wanted to emphasise that a lot of change was afoot. But I went over to see our biggest regulatory agency – we had hundreds of people in the room or on the phone. It was an environmental management agency and I told them then, and I’ve told them since, that we did not intend to weaken or moderate a single rule that I knew of, in terms of environmental standards. But I said that what we were determined to do was to make regulation consistent, predictable and quick. We worked very hard on that. We measured to see if we were getting there. So I guess that, if you say, correctly, that this job involves overseeing necessary regulatory activity, that mentality came in some part from books like Hayek’s. Hayek goes in two directions: one is the value of freedom in and of itself, and the other is freedom as instrumental in creating a dynamic economy. Two of your books are about freedom per se, including Milton Friedman’s Free to Choose. Friedman is one of the few authors who have made it on to multiple lists, so why Free to Choose as opposed to Capitalism and Freedom or A Monetary History of the United States? What is the role of Friedman in your thinking? I could have flipped a coin and honestly, in my own mind, I wasn’t drawing the neatest of separations between these books. I think that Free to Choose probably is there because it expressed best to me the moral – I hate to say superiority – but the moral underpinnings of free economics, if one starts from the premise that the highest value is the autonomy and dignity and freedom of the individual. I thought it was Friedman who best summarised why that value is best protected and promoted by property rights, by free economic voluntary exchange. I suppose it’s there less for its economic analysis, which is very compelling to me but you can find it in a lot of other places, than for the moral emphasis that runs through it. It’s a clear, simple, very readable statement of the value of freedom. Exactly. Most people, I believe, would credit the book – and the preceding television shows maybe even more so – for conveying that profound insight to those of us who are not as brilliant as he. The book was published in January 1980 concurrent with or just after the TV series you mentioned. This was right at the time the Iowa caucuses and the New Hampshire primary were about to start, and the Reagan campaign was just gearing up when this book came out. In some ways it becomes the political manifesto of an era. Yes. It’s very telling. The other book on freedom on your list is Charles Murray, What It Means to Be a Libertarian. Are you a libertarian? By his definition I guess I’d say so. Like all these labels these days, a lot of them have been transmuted out of their original meaning. For instance, I’m what would have been called a liberal in the 19th and early 20th century. And still would be in Europe. Yes, I guess in Europe that’s still the case. That is, I suppose, the root of libertarian as Charles Murray would define it. I like most of the things Charles Murray has written, but I was drawn to this little book because in it he tries to look beyond what works economically. Sometimes some of us get stuck on the economics, and it is important. But when he writes about human happiness and about the end objectives of the way we try to organise society, I just think he adds a lot. I also liked his book In Pursuit of Happiness and Good Government. I guess I could have chosen that one instead. He’s talking about simple, clear, intelligible rules – a willingness to tolerate a lot of freedom going on within certain boundary lines or rules. Something that sets him apart from some others is that he adds an emphasis on responsibility going hand in hand with freedom and that when you diminish freedom you also diminish people’s ability and willingness to take responsibility for their lives. Absolutely. The way that diminishes human dignity. When I was talking earlier about dignity and autonomy, people like Murray really thought deeply about it and it’s certainly there in Friedman too. I think one of their heirs right now, who I’ve come to be impressed with, is Arthur Brooks. He’s the new president of the American Enterprise Institute and has a new book out, The Battle: How the Fight Between Free Enterprise and Big Government Will Shape America’s Future. Right. He talks about earned success. It’s his new coinage and it’s a good one because what he’s pointing out is that ultimate satisfaction in life comes from those things which one does oneself, or for oneself, or for others, and can point to real results. Charles Murray, in more than one place, including the little book I’ve chosen, is very data driven. These are not the meanderings of some philosopher. Charles points out, and to me proves, for instance, that the welfare state produces the very misery that it was supposed to eliminate. Can you govern as a libertarian in America? You’ve got all these state government programmes and you probably can’t get rid of a single one of them – or at least not more than one or two without a battle. Can you be a libertarian governor? I try to be. I mean, just to be simplistic about it, we believe that leaving the maximum number of dollars in the possession of those who earned them is an exercise in enlarging freedom. I do this little game sometimes if I’m in a high school classroom. I walk around and ask innocently, ‘Does anyone have a dollar bill?’ – and some kid will produce one and I just stuff it in my pocket and walk on. After the consternation and the giggling stop, I say, ‘What, What?’ Then I go into a little rap and I say, ‘Oh, Jonathan wants his money back – notice that he is a dollar less free than he was a minute ago; if he had that dollar he could decide, he could choose’. Then I talk about how inevitably we have to coerce money out of people to do necessary and important public business. But if we believe in freedom and liberty than we ought to do that only for necessary purposes. Then I go on to talk about competence and the fact that it becomes an equally solemn duty to never misspend a dollar. Maybe that’s not the right response but when I’m asked about governing as a libertarian, I would say that’s one way I do it. Do you have to accept the whole government leviathan that you inherited? No, of course not. I got an e-mail last night telling me that we now have the fewest state employees in Indiana state government since 1979. I’m not saying we’re doing a whole lot less but, yes, we have stopped doing some things and many other things we are doing by contract. We are still delivering the service we believe in, but in more cost-effective ways, and in ways that, in small amounts, have grown the private economy of our state as opposed to the public sector. It’s the kind of incrementalism that adds up. I think so. Our attitude here, I’ve expressed it a thousand times, is we believe in limited government, but within that sphere of things that government does, we believe government should do them as well as possible. We’ve done everything we can think of to implant the accountability that’s not really there. Government is a monopoly and we know how monopolies mistreat their customers and overcharge them because of the absence of competition, which is another major theme that runs through these books: the best regulator is competition. That leads us squarely to Mancur Olson, The Rise and Decline of Nations, who I’m thrilled to see on your list because to me he’s one of the great and underrated thinkers of the centre-right of the past century. This is a really extraordinary book. Olson has got a little bit of a pessimistic view. He makes it sound almost inevitable that free societies will become encrusted with these interest groups that form. It’s not sufficiently in anybody’s interest to oppose them, and because the cost they impose or diffuse over everybody, you need some sort of calamity to wipe them away if you really want growth to happen, if you really want the upward mobility of less fortunate individuals, which I think should be our highest priority. Olson’s thesis is that the gradual accumulation of perks carved out for special interests gradually saps the dynamism of economies and societies, leading to their decline if you don’t work very, very hard and constantly to try and counter those effects… Yes, and when I went to the shelf and pulled the book down – it had been years since I had – it reminded me how dense the thing is. It’s a very scholarly work but it leads one to ask – since we’d rather not have a war or an earthquake or an epidemic that wipes out these structures – what allows the green shoots of economic growth and mobility to happen again, what can be done to if not eliminate, at least minimise, the stultifying effects? This I know had a big effect on me because I had never run for public office before. I surprised myself by choosing to do so and then began thinking and speaking of why and what we were going to do if successful. My entire theme for years has been about making major change in our state. It was some of the books on this list that helped me to see that the real reactionary movements in a country like ours are what we call the left. These really are the forces of status quo: they may travel under different banners or masquerade as something else but these are the folks who are more often than not trying to freeze in place arrangements that worked well for the ‘ins’. So Olson shows you how that happens, Postrel shows you how this happens, Hayek shows you how this happens. So let’s go on to Virginia Postrel’s book, The Future and Its Enemies, which is also the most recent of these books, written in 1998. At the time she was a young writer still in her 30s – but her fundamental distinction is not between the left and the right but between ‘stasists’ who believe in the one best way, which you impose and freeze in place with a central authority, versus ‘dynamists’, who are very comfortable with an open-ended, unpredictable social situation, where you don’t know the outcome or the single best way and you just let stuff happen. Yes, absolutely, and I think that’s what drew me to that book. I’ve cited it many times in explaining to people who have looked at our approach to governance here in our little two per cent of America. They struggle to put a label on us because we look a little different and we don’t throw around the terms that are usually used in politics. I sometimes use her nomenclature – dynamism versus stasism. And you’re right, despite what I just said, there are plenty of people who we would describe as conservatives these days who are very uncomfortable with the risks and the uncertainties that come with an embrace of competition and change and simple rules. I think in general the Olson-like structures that we have to guard against in our country today tend to be those that favour the large interventionist state we built. I’m including here, by the way, the incumbent businesses who love the way in which it suppresses competition and puts up barriers to entry. That’s something that Postrel points out, that these right-wing, left-wing alliances create stasis. Can you give an example? Yes, look all around us right now – at this sudden explosion of subsidies. Look at who’s going after them in the main – it’s well-established companies, interests or industries and she would rightly see this as an unfortunate combination. Can you be a successful politician today and argue against and fight against these kinds of subsidies, many of which are very popular? Well, I like to feel we’ve done it and lived to tell about the tale. There are limits to our success and I’m not condemning each and every one. I was part of a large, global business for a long time – look at the behaviour of the healthcare business, that’s where I came from, a pharmaceutical business. Eli Lilly? That’s right. I’m very uncomfortable with the position that that industry and a couple of others have taken with regard to the recent healthcare debate. They have clearly decided that making a deal with government is in their own corporate interest, but I’m not at all convinced it’s in the national interest. They’re trying to lock in a set of certainties and benefits. Absolutely.
7770	dbpedia	1	99	https://www.accelify.com/industry-news/rising-medicaid-costs-mean-service-cuts-likely-in/	en	Rising-medicaid-costs-mean-service-cuts-likely-in			[ "https://www.accelify.com/assets/img/logo.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null			https://www.accelify.com…y-favicon-01.png		null	Rising Medicaid Costs Mean Service Cuts Likely (IN) December 2, 2010 Indiana lawmakers likely will cut some Medicaid-provided servicesin the upcoming legislative session after learning Wednesday that the state’sshare of government health insurance program costs will balloon by $1.1 billionover the next two years unless checked. The federal government pays about two-thirds of Indiana’s Medicaid costs, buthuman services chief Michael Gargano told the State Budget Committee that thestate’s share has been growing by more than 10 percent each year. He saidthat’s because the recession has made more people eligible for Medicaid, whichserves those who are needy and disabled. Gargano, secretary of the Indiana Family and Social Services Administration,asked for an additional $900 million in state Medicaid funds over the two-yearperiod starting next July 1. He recommended the General Assembly rein in thecosts by cutting some optional services the state currently provides. He didn’t identify specific services lawmakers could cut. But details willlikely come when the Family and Social Services Administration presents itsannual Medicaid spending forecast to the budget committee on Dec. 15. Lawmakers are so concerned about ballooning Medicaid costs that cutting someservices is not the only option they want to pursue. Senate AppropriationsChairman Luke Kenley,R-Noblesville, said Indiana should join Texas and other states that areconsidering opting out of Medicaid. "We can’t afford it. We have to be serious about finding alternatives,"Kenley, who also chairs the budget committee, told The Associated Press. The state has one of the most comprehensive Medicaid programs, providing about30 optional services including prescription drugs, eyeglasses, dental work,hospice care and smoking cessation. Enrollment has grown from about 850,000 Indiana residents in 2005 to about 1.1million currently in programs including Hoosier Healthwise for children andpregnant women, the Healthy Indiana Plan for uninsured, low-income adults andCare Select for people with disabilities. The Family and Social Services Administration projects that two years from now,total enrollment will approach 1.3 million. That means one in every fiveresidents would be on Medicaid. Gargano said the Medicaid appropriation from the General Assembly two years agohas been slashed through austerity moves ordered by Gov. Mitch Daniels and ison track to create a budget shortfall in the current fiscal year. Indiana alsowill lose more than $300 million per year now provided by federal stimulusfunding while incurring more than $500 million in new costs over the next twoyears unless lawmakers cut services, he said. "This Medicaid thing is shocking," said Rep. Jeff Espich,R-Uniondale, the new chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee, where thenew state budget will originate in the upcoming session. "We’re going tohave to reduce the growth." David Roos, state director of Covering Kids & Families of Indiana, said heand other public health insurance advocates want lawmakers to balance thelong-term interests of their constituents against short-term budget shortfalls. "Advocates hope the administration and our Legislature will continue toshow leadership and creative thinking to minimize any cuts in these vitalservices," Roos said. Kenley first raised the idea of Indiana opting out of Medicaid last spring whenactuaries for FSSA projected the federal health care overhaul passed byCongress would cost the state billions of dollars. He raised that prospectagain Wednesday as a way of dealing with the immediate budget problems facingthe state. He asked FSSA officials if the state could find a way to opt out of Medicaidwhile capturing the federal government’s share of the program’s costs tooperate an a lternative program more efficiently. Texas Gov. Rick Perry also hasraised the possibility of opting out of Medicaid in favor of a state-fundedinsurance system that backers claim could be more efficient and less expensive.Kenley said other states also are interested in doing that. "If we’re not reacting to the elephant in the room it’s just going tosquash us all," Kenley said during the budget meeting. Such an alternative most likely would require action by Congress, and that’sunlikely since Democrats stillcontrol the U.S. Senate and anylegislation that were to pass would need President Barack Obama’ssignature. But Kenley was hopeful, explaining that if Congress could pass the health care reformin a matter of months earlier this year, it could find a viable way for statesto opt out of Medicaid. "This problem extends beyond the state of Indiana," Kenley said. FSSA spokesman Marcus Barlow said the agency hasn’t planned for opting out ofMedicaid.
7770	dbpedia	1	60	https://247sports.com/longformarticle/leap-year-21-college-football-players-set-to-make-a-jump-in-2024-234528195/	en	Leap Year: 21 college football players set to make a big jump in 2024	https://s3media.247sport…1.91:1&fit=cover	https://s3media.247sport…1.91:1&fit=cover	[ "https://s3media.247sports.com/Content/Img/late-kick-show-watch-live.jpg?fit=bounds&width=262&height=147&crop=262:147", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/469/555/12555469.jpeg?fit=bounds&width=100&height=80&crop=100:80,offset-y0.50", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/49/461/12461049.jpg?fit=bounds&width=100&height=80&crop=100:80,offset-y0.50", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/465/542/10542465.jpeg?fit=bounds&crop=50:50,offset-y0.50&width=50&height=50", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/440/77/12077440.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/853/540/12540853.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/816/541/11541816.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/913/534/12534913.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/949/499/12499949.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/483/368/12368483.jpeg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/175/99/12099175.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/604/173/12173604.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/61/104/12104061.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/134/21/12021134.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/446/242/12242446.png?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/904/233/12233904.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/751/859/11859751.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/886/540/12540886.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/749/358/11358749.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/915/540/12540915.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/917/540/12540917.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/925/540/12540925.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/656/508/12508656.png?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/466/516/12516466.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320", "https://s3media.247sports.com/Uploads/Assets/43/466/12466043.jpg?fit=bounds&crop=620:320,offset-y0.50&width=620&height=320" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Blake Brockermeyer" ]	2024-08-12T12:28:00+00:00	Whether it's from promising role player to stud or a stud to a star, these are 21 players who are going to hit	en	https://s3media.247sport…Img/247touch.png	247Sports	https://247sports.com/longformarticle/leap-year-21-college-football-players-set-to-make-a-jump-in-2024-234528195/	Snaps in 2023: 560 Despite playing behind one of the greatest tight end prospects of our lifetime, Oscar Delp has had a solid career at Georgia (24 catches for 284 yards and three touchdowns in 2023). But the question now is whether Delp is ready to take over for the production of Brock Bowers in Athens? I would wager yes. Skilled as a blocker and receiver, Delp has the size and skills to be an impactful player on a loaded Bulldog offense. Snaps in 2023: 204 Avery Johnson had a huge debut as a freshman despite only starting two games in 2023. Johnson was a weapon rushing the football (two games over 70 yards rushing) and is poised to have a big year in Manhattan as a full-time starter. He struggled with his accuracy for much of the season, settling in at a completion percentage of 56. If he can take his passing game to the next level, watch out. Snaps in 2023: 569 Green shined as a freshman at Oklahoma playing both tackle and guard. At Missouri this season, Green is expected to start at guard, his more natural position. Green is a high end prospect with a bright future. Expect a big season from him on a Tigers team that could surprise in the SEC. Missouri did a nice job in the portal retooling its offensive line. Snaps in 2023: 811 Kadyn Proctor Proctor made his way back to Alabama after skipping spring football at Iowa. As a true freshman for the Crimson Tide, Proctor started every game and got better as the year progressed. I'm not sold that Proctor is a blind side protector in the future, but at 6-foot-7, 370-pounds, he is a giant human. Proctor has the skills to be a really good offensive lineman if he can button up his technique. Alabama needs him to be at his best this season while they break in a new right tackle. Snaps in 2023: 506 A freshman All-American in 2023, Khalil Barnes is primed to have a huge season for Clemson after forcing three fumbles and tallying three interceptions in seven starts. As his reps increased, Barnes finished the season strong and proved to be a force on the back end in both phases of the game. The 6-foot, 195-pound safety has a high ceiling and the room for improvement that I think we will see this season. Snaps in 2023: 340 Trey Amos gets his opportunity to shine on the big stage this season after getting 340 snaps last year in Tuscaloosa while backing up Kool-Aid McKinstry. Amos made the most of his opportunities which included a few key plays coming off the bench in the SEC Championship game. At 6-foot-1, 190-pounds, Amos has a lot of traits that will translate at the next level and he's played a lot of football, first at Louisiana and then last season at Alabama (he has over 1,600 career snaps). Expect a big year in Oxford for Amos and the Rebels in 2024. Snaps in 2023: 504 Nash Hutmacher is of the most underrated defensive tackles in the country. He plays with incredible balance and leverage, and his wrestling background is evident when you watch his film. Hutmacher is poised for a big season as a disruptive presence in the middle of the blackshirt defense. Expect his draft value to rise this season. Snaps in 2023: 532 Antwaun Powell-Ryland is a twitchy and relentless edge rusher who tallied 9.5 sacks and added 14.5 TFLs for a much improved Hokie defensive front in 2023. APR is a natural pass rusher with wide variety of pass rushing moves at his disposal. He has an excellent get-off, speed around the edge, and can run the hoop to cause chaos. Expect a dominant season for Powell-Ryland and a Hokie defense that will to surprise people this season in the ACC. Snaps in 2023: 387 Moose Muhammad III quickly fell out of favor with Jimbo Fisher in College Station, but expect the former four-star to have a breakout season under new Texas A&M offensive coordinator Collin Klein. Muhammad is a big bodied, strong receiver who has the ability to make contested catches in traffic and the speed to be a deep threat. Klein will make it a priority to utilize Muhammed's vast skill-set. Snaps in 2023: 232 Luke Hasz started off his freshman campaign on fire (16 passes for 253 yards and three touchdowns over five games) until he suffered a shoulder injury that ended his season in week five. In 2024, expect Hasz to pick up where he left off. He can be a big-time weapon for the Hogs and a consistent chain-mover who will now play like a veteran. Snaps in 2023: 276 Chris Tyree is a dynamic player who did most of his damage in the middle of the field last season. Tyree averaged about 25 catches a year at Notre Dame, but I expect him to get two times that many opportunities as Virginia's No. 1 pass-catching threat. In Charlottesville, Tyree will have the chance to flash his ability to also stretch the field as a deep threat. Snaps in 2023: 425 Mitchell Evans had his 2023 season cut short after eight games with an ACL but is expected to make a full recovery. Evans has soft hands and has the ability to make defenders miss and can be a big-time weapon in the short to intermediate areas. Evans needs to polish up his blocking to become an elite tight end. Snaps in 2023: 554 Cameron Horsley has already been a force in the ACC (41 total tackles, three TFLs, three PBUs in 2023), but on the national level I'm not sure people know too much about him. At 6-foot-4, 306-pounds, Horsley is great against the run, stout at the point, and counters well with his hands to shed blocks. He is an excellent athlete as well. If Horsley can take his pass rush to the next level in 2024 then watch out. Snaps: 238 Darius Taylor was one of the best backs in the country last year but missed six games due to injury. He racked up 800 yards and five touchdowns and had four games where he rushed for over 100 yards. Taylor is not a burner, but is instead a rather patient and methodical back who will body-blow you and wait for his opportunity for an explosive run. Taylor's style fits a Minnesota team that values physicality and moving the ball on the ground. Snaps: 476 Gavin Bartholomew is not a stranger to the field but has caught some buzz of late as a player to watch. I can see why. He is a natural receiver that attacks the ball and is a fluid runner with excellent game speed. Bartholomew caught only 19 balls last year but as clear mismatch, he deserves twice many targets in 2024. Bartholomew's blocking can improve but I would not be surprised to see him as a second or third round NFL draft pick next year. Snaps in 2023: 302 Benjamin Brahmer made his presence felt in a big way as a freshman in 2023 (28 receptions for 352 yards and two touchdowns). He still has a ton of potential to unlock. At 6-foot-7, 240-pounds, Brahmer is good route runner who moves well with the ball in his hands. He has an excellent catch radius, attacks the ball, and has soft hands. Brahmer will be a household name soon. Snaps in 2023: 395 Jay Toia has a quick first step, is violent at the point, and yet is still very elusive in congested areas. On tape, you can clearly see why Toia was a coveted player when he hit the portal (he returned to Westwood). He has the ability to be a game-wrecker inside but his pass rush moves still need some fine-tuning. That is the one thing holding Toia back from being elite. Snaps in 2023: 554 Savion Williams is a jumbo receiver with a ton of talent but only caught 41 passes last season. Williams is a way under-the-radar player who was vastly underused compared to his ability. I think Williams is a Day 1 NFL Draft talent. He has the speed, great length and is not scared to make contested catches in the middle of the field. With more opportunities, expect a dominant season for Williams at TCU in 2024. Snaps in 2023: 155 Garrett Nussmeier finally gets his time to shine after being behind Heisman Trophy winner Jayden Daniels. Nussmeier shined in his only start of his career when he threw for almost 400 yards and three touchdowns in the 35-31 ReliaQuest Bowl win over Wisconsin. Nussmeier isn't a stranger to action (over 400 career snaps) and will bring a veteran presence under center for the Tigers in 2024. He has played in 18 career games at LSU. Nussmeier has excellent mechanics and a big arm that can touch all the critical spots on the field. He is a better athlete than given credit for but will look to throw the ball first. I would not be surprised to see Nussmeier be big-time mover in the draft after this season. Snaps in 2023: 437 Percy Lewis got his first real action of his college career last season when he started eight games for Mississippi State. With a giant 6-foot-7, 355-pound frame and the great length and feet, Lewis is a huge addition for an Auburn offense line that has lacked elite talent the last few seasons. His technique is raw but if he can put it all together, watch out. Texas' new No. 2 running back after the unfortunate season-ending injury to CJ Baxter, I think Tre Wisner is going to go from totally off the radar to a crucial part of a skill group that will help Texas make another College Football Playoff run. Wisner was a dogged special teams player as a true freshman and has a ton of toughness in his 6-foot, 200-pound frame. He saw carries in late-season blowouts and shined vs. Texas Tech, ripping off 60 yards and a score on seven carries, flashing elite speed and great vision. The former three-star recruit isn't the most coveted running back the Longhorns have ever signed, certainly, but I'd say he's set for a national surprise.
7770	dbpedia	3	96	https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/04/mitch-daniels-purdue/606772/	en	The College President Who Simply Won’t Raise Tuition	https://cdn.theatlantic.…ops/original.jpg	https://cdn.theatlantic.…ops/original.jpg	[ "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/nav-archive-promo-5541b02ae92f1a9276249e1c6c2534ee.png", "https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/images/current-issue.large.jpg", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/media/img/specialreports/lead/2020/10/14/Thumbnail.jpg", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/assets/media/files/nav-crossword.png", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/media/files/archive-thumbnail.png", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/media/files/YourSubscription_300x300.jpg", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/DqFsL1wFwOSzUeryDw7IMvp9ZlQ=/0x0:3150x4200/96x128/media/img/issues/2020/03/05/0420_Cover/original.jpg, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/VOdHicST4UdUq9Rh8DteeY-Ig-M=/0x0:3150x4200/192x256/media/img/issues/2020/03/05/0420_Cover/original.jpg 2x, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/XPCWbMxaaQQdL12jPd3lE4C1ixc=/0x0:3150x4200/288x384/media/img/issues/2020/03/05/0420_Cover/original.jpg 3x", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/W1VANHfYgluh6uujr6qQBmOhtPs=/0x0:1125x1275/655x742/media/img/posts/2020/02/DIS_Sketch_Ferguson_Daniels_Full/original.jpg 655w, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/8pAIe_UInCoJeBwiaVEhto1hN28=/0x0:1125x1275/750x850/media/img/posts/2020/02/DIS_Sketch_Ferguson_Daniels_Full/original.jpg 750w, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/zFtysL2tmYrAscM4SfNYNwM2LTo=/0x0:1125x1275/850x963/media/img/posts/2020/02/DIS_Sketch_Ferguson_Daniels_Full/original.jpg 850w, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/CbTKCb21rVfdhgkvXF-U4xuZ9aI=/0x0:1125x1275/928x1051/media/img/posts/2020/02/DIS_Sketch_Ferguson_Daniels_Full/original.jpg 928w", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/P4NGnYPAX5nMj9YbNm_-edd9v44=/800x0:2700x1900/80x80/media/img/mt/2015/06/RTR31BGL/original.jpg, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/PdN9vIMgdSumHT9uKRbhExXUWcA=/800x0:2700x1900/160x160/media/img/mt/2015/06/RTR31BGL/original.jpg 2x", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/Qh47oj9-Rt4GFLXv5Pr6YOYg1SI=/875x0:2000x1125/80x80/media/img/2019/10/1219_WEL_Ferguson_Angels_lead/original.jpg, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/pH69xEw9e51W3rK_7OuS_X4fu9I=/875x0:2000x1125/160x160/media/img/2019/10/1219_WEL_Ferguson_Angels_lead/original.jpg 2x", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/GUO11nx5HrxKRTg6mjUyj116nEE=/1003x0:3336x2333/80x80/media/img/mt/2016/10/RTR3186O/original.jpg, https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/RCXissBpZgY9Li27bbPZf4HurAI=/1003x0:3336x2333/160x160/media/img/mt/2016/10/RTR3186O/original.jpg 2x", "https://cdn.theatlantic.com/thumbor/k2U8sJ3JagbhWpwHSEdm5aNrsd0=/1197x0:4268x3071/120x120/media/None/Fergusonheadshot/original.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "president of Purdue University", "Mitch Daniels", "Purdue University", "state student", "cost of a year of undergraduate college", "150-year-old land-grant school", "world of higher education.Most of the attention centers", "Next time", "inflationary helix of American higher education", "conference-average increase", "average annual cost of a degree", "full-time faculty", "average undergraduate leaves school", "online Kaplan University", "low end of the class", "public career", "next meeting of the board of trustees", "large stretches of Purdue", "first home football game of the season", "undergraduate degree", "new residence halls", "tuition freeze", "higher education", "college students", "state students", "20-year", "student-teacher ratio", "new research facilities", "Michael Berghoff", "price of food services", "Purdue rose", "university president", "financial health.Increased enrollment", "Purdue University income-share agreements", "Purdue’s full-time faculty", "public university", "debt.At Purdue", "young people", "economic sector", "Daniels worries", "long run of increases", "Indiana history", "Food service", "second installment", "part-time adjunct faculty", "larger student body", "one-off", "public universities", "place.While Daniels’s approach wins", "college guides" ]	null	[ "Andrew Ferguson" ]	2020-03-05T13:00:00+00:00	Mitch Daniels has frozen Purdue’s tuition—at less than $10,000—for seven straight years.	en	https://cdn.theatlantic.com/_next/static/images/favicon-3888b0e329526a975703e3059a02b92d.ico	The Atlantic	https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2020/04/mitch-daniels-purdue/606772/	“I’ll tell you a funny story,” said Mitch Daniels, the president of Purdue University. It was the day before the first home football game of the season and he was sitting in his corner office, overlooking the postcard-perfect quad. “So the cost of a year of undergraduate college at Purdue University, tuition and fees, is $9,992. I’m proud of that number. “One day I’m looking at one of those college guides, and it said, ‘Tuition and fees: $10,002.’ I called up our people and said, ‘Lookit here, there’s a mistake. You got the wrong number.’ They said, ‘That’s not a mistake.’ I said, ‘Yes, it is. Believe me. I know.’ They went back and checked and they said, ‘No, that’s the right figure.’ “It just bugged me to death. Does Walmart have a special and price it at $10.02? I found out what happened. There’s a second installment on a preexisting gym fee that got tacked on. Ten dollars plus $9,992 equals $10,002. “Next time I’m at the gym, I ask the guy who runs it, ‘How’s it going here?’ He said, ‘Membership’s up; we’re doing well, making a little profit.’ I thought, Okay, that’s all I needed to know. And the next meeting of the board of trustees, they repealed that fee. “So now we’re back to $9,992,” he said. There was both self-deprecation and a note of triumph in his chuckle. “I don’t know why it bugged me so much, but it did.” He may not know why, but I do, and so does everybody who’s followed Daniels in his nearly 20-year public career. He is notoriously tight with a dollar. Friends recall that as a beginning golfer, he played with a garden glove he already had instead of a store-bought, $3 golf glove. His parsimonious nature, when applied to public matters, is one reason he received more votes than any other officeholder in Indiana history in 2008, when he won reelection as governor, and it’s why he and his university—a 150-year-old land-grant school in West Lafayette, Indiana—are objects of curiosity and even wonderment in the world of higher education. Most of the attention centers on that all-important number, 9,992. Not only is that the dollar amount an in-state student will pay Purdue for tuition and fees next year; it is also the amount such a student paid Purdue when Daniels became university president, in 2013. The university has also reduced the price of food services and textbooks. An undergraduate degree from Purdue, in other words, is less expensive today than it was when Daniels arrived. Only when seen against the inflationary helix of American higher education can the singularity of this achievement be fully appreciated. The college-affordability crisis has become a staple of academic chin pulls, news stories, congressional hearings, and popular books written in tones of alarm and commiseration. From 2007 to 2017, the average annual cost of a degree at a four-year public university like Purdue rose from about $15,000 to more than $19,000—a jump of 28 percent after taking inflation into account. Only health care rivals higher education as an economic sector so consumed by irrational inefficiencies and runaway prices. The consequences are plain. Students and their parents have acquired debt totaling more than $1.5 trillion, more than all credit-card debt held in the U.S., and sufficiently large, according to the Federal Reserve, to be a drag on the economy. Roughly 70 percent of college students take out loans to finance their education. The average undergraduate leaves school more than $25,000 in debt. At Purdue, by contrast, nearly 60 percent of undergrads leave school without any debt at all. So how did Purdue do it? “I always say it’s easier to explain what we didn’t do,” Daniels told me. “We didn’t try to get more money from the state. We didn’t shift from full-time faculty and fill the ranks with cheaper, part-time adjunct faculty. We haven’t driven up our percentage of international or out-of-state students,” who pay more than in-staters. Each of these measures has been taken up by other public universities, even as most have increased their in-state tuition. Proud as he is of his number, Daniels worries that all the attention paid to the tuition freeze scants the improvements that the school says it has simultaneously made in educational quality and financial health. Increased enrollment since the freeze has brought in an extra $100 million, reckons Chris Ruhl, the university’s treasurer and chief financial officer. The benefits of the improved balance sheet can be seen across campus. According to the university’s figures, Purdue’s full-time faculty at all levels has increased, resulting in a student-teacher ratio of 13 to 1, compared with the Big Ten average of more than 15 to 1. Faculty pay is up too. The salary of a full-time professor at Purdue has increased by 12 percent over the past five years, against a conference-average increase of 7 percent. Meanwhile, a visitor can’t help but notice that large stretches of Purdue’s campus are construction sites: for new research facilities; new residence halls; a learning center the size of a power plant, which is what stood in its place until six years ago. Applications for admission are up 37 percent. Tuition increases were once a fact of life at Purdue. The chair of the board of trustees, Michael Berghoff, recalls his first meeting as a trustee, more than a decade ago, during which the school’s annual tuition hike came up: “Most discussions were about how much, very little about whether it was necessary.” A few years later, the board offered Daniels the presidency—a controversial choice, Berghoff told me, owing to Daniels’s lack of academic experience beyond his Princeton undergraduate degree and law degree from Georgetown. During his eight years as governor, Daniels had become famous for his penny-pinching, as he had in his previous job directing President George W. Bush’s budget office. Bush nicknamed him “The Blade.” On the day when representatives of government agencies came to pick up their copies of the annual federal budget, Daniels played the Rolling Stones’ “You Can’t Always Get What You Want” over the loudspeaker. As governor, in his effort to balance the budget and pile up a surplus, he devised a host of economizing measures, including printing all state documents in the narrowest font he could find to save on paper and ink. “No saving is too small to disregard,” he said then and says now. So Berghoff wasn’t completely surprised when Daniels, at his first trustee meeting, floated the idea of a tuition freeze. “I thought it would be a one-off, just to send a message that we could break this long, long run of increases,” Daniels told me. “It turned out we could do it a second year, then the third. Then it became the thing we’re known for.” In Indianapolis, Daniels’s administration was known for selecting successful businesspeople and placing them across state government. He’s done the same at Purdue. Michael B. Cline, the former head of the state’s transportation department, is now running Purdue’s administrative operations, and Ruhl, the former state budget director, is now the university’s CFO and treasurer. What they described to me could be a new model—a change in the culture—of finance in higher education, bringing market pressures to bear on processes that had never faced them before. Savings came, Daniels said, “from a couple of big things, and lots of little things.” Low-hanging fruit was plucked early: The residence halls, which housed young people who all owned cellphones, still used landlines, so they were quickly removed. Payroll, which incredibly was still using paper time sheets, was digitized. Food service was centralized. Daniels also addressed complaints from students and faculty about the price of textbooks. After six months of weighing options, Purdue struck a deal with Amazon to provide textbooks, saving students 30 percent on average and more than $2 million in the first few years, according to the school. The arrangement lapsed recently, but Amazon’s first brick-and-mortar store is still on campus, and textbook costs remain lower than before. And so a virtuous circle was established, according to Purdue and its president. The predictably flat tuition attracted more students, creating a larger student body that brought in increased revenue, which allowed for the hiring of more and higher-quality faculty, whose research the university could profitably license to the private sector, where alumni, delighted at the celebrated achievements of their alma mater, helped increase donations by 136 percent over six years, which in turn has helped keep the freeze in place. While Daniels’s approach wins mostly praise on campus, David Sanders, a biological-sciences professor and frequent critic of Daniels’s policies, told me he hears quiet grumbles. “The freeze is a marvelous admissions marketing tool,” Sanders said. But the surge in enrollment “puts a lot of stresses on the city and the campus.” In his own department of biological sciences, despite the campuswide improvement in the student-teacher ratio, “introductory-class sizes are much larger,” requiring more students to monitor lectures remotely. And as resources get reallocated, “there’s far more competition between faculty and between departments,” he said. “The institution is less collegial.” (Most faculty members contacted for this story declined to comment.) However widely these misgivings are shared, no one denies that the freeze and the other innovations have set Purdue in a new direction, one much more in keeping with Daniels’s brand of populism. “When I got here,” he told me, “there was an effort to become the ‘Stanford of the Midwest,’ an elite institution along those lines,” which would have meant shrinking enrollment, cutting out kids at the low end of the class to skew the average toward the top. Daniels speaks frequently of Purdue’s mission as a land-grant school, chartered under Civil War–era legislation that helped establish colleges devoted to teaching agriculture, engineering, and other practical arts to the children of prairie pioneers. “We were put here to democratize higher education,” he said. The number of domestic undergraduate “underrepresented minorities” at Purdue (URMs, in the acronym-happy world of college admissions) grew from 2,483 in 2012 to 3,461 in 2019. Yet as the student body has also grown, the percentage of URMs among undergraduates has remained about 10 percent—while black and Latino students alone account for 36 percent of the U.S. college-age population. Daniels expresses frustration at the relative lack of progress. A few years ago, he got the idea for the university to sponsor high schools in Indiana’s largest cities. “We realized we had to build our own pipeline if we wanted to recruit minorities and poor kids,” he said. “We couldn’t wait on the public high schools to catch up to us.” The original Purdue Polytechnic High School, in Indianapolis, will graduate its first class, of 115 kids, in 2021. “My dream is that we can slip a Purdue scholarship in with each diploma,” he said. Even so, Daniels hasn’t escaped the controversies that attend diversity issues in higher education. Last November, Purdue’s student newspaper released audio of Daniels discussing faculty hiring with a group of mostly minority students. “At the end of this week,” he told them, “I’ll be recruiting one of the rarest creatures in America—a leading, I mean a really leading, African American scholar.” Social media erupted. The hashtag #IAmNOTACreature took off on Twitter. D’Yan Berry, the president of Purdue’s Black Student Union, wrote that she was “disappointed but not at all surprised by his reference … to Black students as creatures. It afflicts me that this is how he speaks even when ‘boasting’ on students.” After complaining that his figure of speech had been misinterpreted, Daniels took two weeks to issue an apology. “The word in question was ill chosen and imprecise and, in retrospect, too capable of being misunderstood,” Daniels wrote. “I accept accountability for the poor judgment involved.” Beyond the new Purdue-run high schools, the other great populist initiative of Daniels’s tenure—and perhaps the most controversial—is the purchase, for $1, of the for-profit, mostly online Kaplan University, from the Washington, D.C., businessman Donald Graham, in 2017. Overnight, Purdue Global, as it’s now called, brought approximately 30,000 online students, most of them part-time, into Purdue’s orbit and made the school one of the largest online educators in higher ed. Daniels had long thought that online education would be crucial to expanding the school’s mission of accessibility, but the idea of building the infrastructure from scratch was daunting. The purchase of Kaplan U solved the problem. Kaplan—best known for its test-prep service—continues to provide back-end and marketing services for Purdue Global in return for a percentage of revenue. Daniels presented the Kaplan deal to the Purdue community as a fait accompli; the trustees quickly approved it. Reaction ranged from surprise to puzzlement to deep skepticism. Foremost was the worry about commingling the operations of a public university with a for-profit business. “It’s an attempt to inject free-market principles into public education,” says Bill Mullen, an American-studies professor. It’s “a way of blurring the lines between public and private. There’s less of an appreciation for higher education as a public good.” But Daniels appears unfazed by the criticism, and the larger Purdue community seems quite happy with the way the institution has grown in size and reputation. As it happens, Graham visited the campus last September, and we tagged along as Daniels snaked his way through the stadium parking lot, choked with tailgaters fussing over grills the size of Ping-Pong tables. Young and old greeted him like a rock star—a short, balding rock star. No one called him by his title or his last name. Mitch! A grill master in a Purdue apron, Purdue sweatshirt, and Purdue cap saw me scribbling and offered a comment. His name was Chuck, he said. He was from Greencastle, and his two kids had gone to Purdue. “This man here,” he said, pointing at Daniels, who was grinning for an endless line of selfies, “saved me thousands of dollars.” By the time we had crossed the parking lot, half an hour later, Don Graham was beaming from his trip through the delighted scrum of parents and students and alumni. “These people love you, Mitch!” Daniels shrugged but was clearly pleased. “Well,” he said, “they know it’s reciprocated.”
7770	dbpedia	1	37	https://www.bookey.app/quote-author/mitch-daniels	en	30 Best Mitch Daniels Quotes With Image	https://cdn.bookey.app/w…series/share.png	https://cdn.bookey.app/w…series/share.png	[ "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/logo.c1ef962f.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/logo3.3a93bda5.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/logo3.3a93bda5.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/quoteLogo.52d453ec.png", "https://cdn.bookey.app/web/deploy/assets/static/contetList.55e8a744.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "Mitch DanielsQuotes", "Mitch DanielsQuotes With Image" ]	null	[]	2023-10-24T12:11:12+08:00	1.The purpose of higher education is to develop the skills and intellectual capabilities of our students, not to indoctrinate them with a narrow ideological agenda.2.We need leaders who are more interested in solving pro	en	/favicon.ico		https://www.bookey.app/quote-author/mitch-daniels	Mitch Daniels \| Introduction Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. (known as Mitch Daniels) is an American politician, businessman, and academic who has had a prominent career in both the public and private sectors. Born on April 7, 1949, in Monongahela, Pennsylvania, Daniels has worked in various executive positions, served as a governor, and currently holds a prestigious role in academia. Daniels earned his bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971. He then went on to earn his Juris Doctor degree from Georgetown University Law Center in 1979. This strong educational foundation would prove essential in his subsequent career. Early in his professional life, Daniels worked as an aide to then-Indianapolis Mayor Richard Lugar, who would later become a prominent U.S. senator. This experience helped shape Daniels' political acumen and introduced him to the intricacies of public administration. He later served as a chief of staff to Senator Lugar during his tenure in the U.S. Senate. In the private sector, Daniels forged a successful career in business and finance. He worked for the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank, and later held executive positions in prominent companies such as Eli Lilly and Company and the pharmaceutical division of the North American Division of Hudson Foods, now known as Tyson Foods. Daniels' entrance into politics came in earnest in 2001 when he was appointed by President George W. Bush as the Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). In this role, he oversaw federal budgeting and management processes, earning a reputation for his fiscal responsibility and efficiency. Daniels was praised for his efforts to control government spending and eliminate waste, winning accolades such as the Government Computer News's A-76 Reinvention Lab Award for his efforts to improve government efficiency. Buoyed by his success as OMB Director, Daniels decided to run for governor of Indiana in 2004. He convincingly won the election and entered office in 2005 as the 49th Governor of Indiana. During his two terms in office, he focused on revitalizing Indiana's economy, attracting new businesses to the state, and improving education. Daniels' initiatives, such as the creation of the Indiana Economic Development Corporation, helped drive economic growth and job creation, establishing Indiana as a business-friendly state. Following his tenure as governor, Daniels transitioned to academia, becoming the president of Purdue University in January 2013. In this role, he has worked to enhance the university's reputation as a leading research institution and has implemented various initiatives to make higher education more affordable and accessible to all students. Outside of his political and academic pursuits, Mitch Daniels is known for his conservative ideology and pragmatic approach to governance. He has been recognized for his leadership and policy achievements, receiving numerous awards and honors throughout his career. In summary, Mitch Daniels has had a diverse and accomplished career, ranging from positions of political power to executive roles in top-tier companies, and currently as an esteemed academic leader. His commitment to fiscal responsibility, economic growth, and education reform has left an enduring impact on the state of Indiana and the broader national discourse. 5 Facts About Mitch Daniels 1. Mitch Daniels has a black belt in taekwondo: Despite his mild-mannered demeanor, Daniels is a highly skilled martial artist. He earned a black belt in taekwondo, showcasing both his physical discipline and dedication to personal development. 2. He considered becoming a professional opera singer: Before embarking on a career in politics, Daniels had a passion for music and honed his skills as a tenor singer. At one point, he even contemplated pursuing a career in opera singing before eventually deciding to focus on public service. 3. Daniels has taken a significant pay cut as a public servant: In order to set an example for fiscal responsibility, Daniels voluntarily reduced his salary when he became the governor of Indiana. He continued this practice throughout his tenure, earning wide acclaim for his commitment to frugality. 4. He served as the Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB): From 2001 to 2003, Daniels served as the Director of the OMB under President George W. Bush. During his tenure, he implemented reforms to streamline government operations and successfully eliminated $43 billion in wasteful spending. 5. Daniels was offered the opportunity to run for President: In 2012, there was significant speculation surrounding Mitch Daniels' potential candidacy for the Republican nomination in the presidential election. He was heavily courted by both party members and influential donors but ultimately decided not to run, surprising many political observers.
7770	dbpedia	2	58	https://patch.com/indiana/carmel/mitch-daniels-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-scholar-advisor	en	Mitch Daniels To Join Carmel-Based Liberty Fund As Scholar, Advisor	https://patch.com/img/cd…s-1024x714-1.jpg	https://patch.com/img/cd…s-1024x714-1.jpg	[ "https://cdn.patchcdn.com/assets/layout/icons/logo/logo.svg", "https://patch.com/img/cdn20/users/26158572/profile_pics/indiana-capital-chronicle___28141809977.png?width=64", "https://patch.com/img/cdn20/users/26158572/20230328/115329/styles/raw/public/processed_images/26158572_28115330122_GettyImages-1daniels-1024x714-1.jpg", "https://patch.com/img/cdn/assets/layout/footer_patch_logo.png", "https://patch.com/img/cdn/assets/layout/apple_appstore.png", "https://patch.com/img/cdn/assets/layout/google_play.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Indiana Capital Chronicle" ]	2023-03-29T01:41:40+00:00	Mitch Daniels To Join Carmel-Based Liberty Fund As Scholar, Advisor - Carmel, IN - The former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President will begin his new role on April 1.	en	https://cdn.patchcdn.com/assets/layout/icons/logo/favicon.ico	Carmel, IN Patch	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/briefs/mitch-daniels-to-join-carmel-based-liberty-fund-as-scholar-advisor/	The former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President will begin his new role on April 1. By Casey Smith, Indiana Capital Chronicle March 28, 2023 Former Indiana Governor and Purdue University President Mitch Daniels will soon begin a new role at the Liberty Fund, a private education foundation based in Carmel. Daniels — who was named a distinguished scholar and senior advisor — will focus on “the creation of educational programs and partnerships that will strengthen Liberty Fund’s existing educational programs,” the foundation announced Tuesday. He begins his new role April 1. “I have watched for decades as the Liberty Fund, with impeccable scholarship and fidelity to principle, has labored to keep lit the lamp of freedom, and spread understanding of its historical and intellectual underpinnings,” Daniels said in a statement. “Now, with individual liberty under relentless threats foreign and domestic, I’m grateful for the Funds’ invitation that I try to assist it in its noble and essential mission.” After serving two terms as governor from 2005 to 2013, Daniels spent the last near-decade as the president of Purdue University, stepping down in December and fueling rumors that he would re-enter politics. After much speculation, however, Daniels announced in January that he would not run for a soon-to-be-open seat in Congress after sitting U.S. Sen. Mike Braun launched his own 2024 bid for governor. The Liberty Fund was founded by Indianapolis businessman and lawyer Pierre F. Carter in 1960. The foundation said it “conducts its own educational programs to encourage research and discussion on the values and institutions of a society of free and responsible individuals.” Socratic seminars and conferences hosted globally by the foundation focus on topics like politics, history and education. Programs especially emphasize individual liberty and “preservation” of a “free society.” The Indiana Capital Chronicle is an independent, nonprofit news organization dedicated to giving Hoosiers a comprehensive look inside state government, policy and elections. The site combines daily coverage with in-depth scrutiny, political awareness and insightful commentary.
7770	dbpedia	3	14	https://kids.kiddle.co/Mitch_Daniels	en	Mitch Daniels facts for kids	https://kids.kiddle.co/i…itch_Daniels.jpg	https://kids.kiddle.co/i…itch_Daniels.jpg	[ "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-robot.svg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-search-engine.svg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/e/e4/Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg/300px-Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/f/f1/Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg/128px-Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg.png", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/2/2c/Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C39260_%28cropped%29.jpg/300px-Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C39260_%28cropped%29.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/a/a0/911-_President_George_W._Bush_with_Insurance_Representatives%2C_09-17-2001_%286124778524%29.jpg/300px-911-_President_George_W._Bush_with_Insurance_Representatives%2C_09-17-2001_%286124778524%29.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/9/92/Mitch_Daniels_for_Governor_Logo_2004.gif", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/b/ba/Mitch_Daniels_at_Camp_Arifjan%2C_Kuwait%2C_April_16%2C_2006.jpg/230px-Mitch_Daniels_at_Camp_Arifjan%2C_Kuwait%2C_April_16%2C_2006.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/8/8d/Indiana_National_Guard.jpg/300px-Indiana_National_Guard.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/7/7a/MitchDanielsOfficialHeadshot.jpg/230px-MitchDanielsOfficialHeadshot.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/3/38/FEMA_-_35668_-_FEMA_Administrator_Paulison_with_Indiana_Governor_Daniels_at_Press_Conference_in_Indiana.jpg/300px-FEMA_-_35668_-_FEMA_Administrator_Paulison_with_Indiana_Governor_Daniels_at_Press_Conference_in_Indiana.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/b/b3/Purdue_University_President_Mitch_Daniels_talks_with_Agriculture_Secretary_Tom_Vilsack_in_2014.jpg/300px-Purdue_University_President_Mitch_Daniels_talks_with_Agriculture_Secretary_Tom_Vilsack_in_2014.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/5/5f/Kids_robot.svg/60px-Kids_robot.svg.png", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-search-engine.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Learn Mitch Daniels facts for kids	en	/images/wk/favicon-16x16.png		https://kids.kiddle.co/Mitch_Daniels	Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. (born April 7, 1949) is an American academic administrator, businessman, author, and retired politician who served as the 49th governor of Indiana from 2005 to 2013. A Republican, he later served as president of Purdue University from 2013 until the end of 2022. Daniels began his career as an assistant to senator Richard Lugar, working as his chief of staff in the Senate from 1977 to 1982. He was appointed executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee when Lugar was chairman from 1983 to 1984. He worked as a chief political advisor and as a liaison to President Ronald Reagan in 1985. He then moved back to Indiana to become president of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. He later joined Eli Lilly and Company where he served as president of North American Pharmaceutical Operations from 1993 to 1997 and as senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy from 1997 to 2001. In January 2001, Daniels was appointed by President George W. Bush as the director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, where he served until June 2003. Daniels ran in Indiana's 2004 gubernatorial election after leaving the Bush administration. He won the Republican primary with 67% of the vote and defeated Democratic incumbent Governor Joe Kernan in the general election. In 2008, Daniels was reelected to a second term, defeating Jill Long Thompson. During his tenure, Daniels cut the state government workforce by 18%, cut and capped state property taxes, balanced the state budget through austerity measures and increasing spending by less than the inflation rate. In his second term, Daniels saw protest by labor unions and Democrats in the state legislature over Indiana's school voucher program, privatization of public highways, and the attempt to pass 'right to work' legislation, leading to the 2011 Indiana legislative walkouts. During the legislature's last session under Daniels, he signed a 'right-to-work law', with Indiana becoming the 23rd state in the nation to pass such legislation. It was widely speculated that Daniels would be a candidate in the 2012 presidential election, but he chose not to run. Daniels was selected by the Trustees of the Board of Purdue University, all of whom he appointed or re-appointed while Governor, to become the university president after his term as governor ended on January 14, 2013. He retired as Purdue president on January 1, 2023. Early life Family and education Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. was born on April 7, 1949, in Monongahela, Pennsylvania, the son of Dorothy Mae (née Wilkes) and Mitchell Elias Daniels. His father's parents were Syrian immigrants from Qalatiyah, Syria, of Antiochian Greek Orthodox descent. Daniels has been honored by the Arab-American Institute with the 2011 Najeeb Halaby Award for Public Service. His mother's ancestry was mostly English (where three of his great-grandparents were born). Daniels spent his early childhood years in Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Georgia. The Daniels family moved to Indiana from Pennsylvania in 1959 when his father accepted a job at the Indianapolis headquarters of the pharmaceutical company Pitman-Moore. The 10-year-old Daniels was accustomed to the mountains, and he at first disliked the flatland of central Indiana. He was still in grade school at the time of the move and first attended Delaware Trail Elementary, Westlane Junior High School, and North Central High School. In high school he was student body president. After graduation in 1967, Daniels was named one of Indiana's Presidential Scholars—the state's top male high school graduate that year—by President Lyndon B. Johnson. In 1971, Daniels earned a Bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University after completing a senior thesis titled "The Politics of Metropolitanization: City-County Consolidation in Indianapolis, Indiana". While at Princeton, he was a member of the American Whig–Cliosophic Society, where he overlapped with future Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito, who was a year below. He initially studied law at the Indiana McKinney School of Law in Indianapolis. After accepting a job with newly elected Senator Richard Lugar, he transferred to the Georgetown University Law Center, from which he earned a Juris Doctor. Early political career Daniels had his first experience in politics while still a teenager when, in 1968, he worked on the unsuccessful campaign of fellow Hoosier and Princeton alumnus William Ruckelshaus, who was running for the U.S. Senate against incumbent Democrat Birch Bayh. After the campaign, Daniels secured an internship in the office of then-Indianapolis mayor Richard Lugar, a Ruckelshaus ally. Daniels worked on Lugar's re-election campaign in 1971, and later, in 1974, he worked on Lugar's first campaign for Senate via L. Keith Bulen's Campaign Communicators, Inc, a political consultancy where Daniels served as vice president. Daniels joined Lugar's mayoral staff in December 1974. Within three years, he became Lugar's principal assistant. After Lugar was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1976, Daniels followed him to Washington, D.C., as his Chief of Staff. Daniels served as Chief of Staff during Lugar's first term (1977–1982), and, during this time, he met Cheri Herman, who was working for the National Park Service. The two married in 1978 and had four daughters. They divorced in 1993 and Cheri married again; Cheri later divorced her second husband and remarried Daniels in 1997. In 1983, when Lugar was elected chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Daniels was appointed its executive director. Serving in that position (1983–84), he played a major role in keeping the GOP in control of the Senate. Daniels was also manager of three successful re-election campaigns for Lugar. In August 1985, Daniels became chief political advisor and liaison to state and local governments for President Ronald Reagan. In 1987, Daniels returned to Indiana as president and CEO of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. In 1988, Dan Quayle was elected Vice President of the United States, and Indiana governor Robert D. Orr offered to appoint Daniels to Quayle's vacant Senate seat. Daniels declined the offer, saying it would force him to spend too much time away from his family. Daniels led the Reagan administration's response to the Supreme Court's ruling on the Fair Labor Standards Act, and advocated limiting the power of the federal government in defining overtime rules for state and local governments, summing up his position by asking "What business is it of the Federal Government to tell localities how to structure their personnel practices?". While serving as the executive director of the Senate Republican campaign committee, Daniels expressed concern about the honesty of Illinois elections saying in 1984, "ballot integrity will be the single most decisive factor in the Illinois Senate race", a theme Daniels has returned to throughout his career. Eli Lilly In 1990, Daniels left the Hudson Institute to accept a position at Eli Lilly and Company, the largest corporation headquartered in Indiana at that time. He was first promoted to President of North American Operations (1993–97) and then to Senior Vice President for Corporate Strategy and Policy (1997–2001). During his tenure Lilly pleaded guilty to two criminal misdemeanors, paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages, settled more than 32,000 personal injury claims—and copped to one of the largest state consumer protection cases involving a drug company in U.S. history. Eli Lilly experienced dramatic growth during Daniels's tenure at the company. Prozac sales made up 30–40% of Lilly's income during the mid-to-late 1990s, and Lilly doubled its assets to $12.8 billion and doubled its revenue to $10 billion during the same period. When Daniels later became governor of Indiana, he drew heavily on his former Lilly colleagues to serve as advisers and agency managers. During the same period, Daniels also served on the board of directors of the Indianapolis Power & Light (IPL). He resigned from the IPL Board in 2001 to join the federal government, and sold his IPL stock along with all other holdings in order to comply with federal ethics requirements. Later that year the value declined when Virginia-based AES Corporation bought IPL. Office of Management and Budget On December 22, 2000, President-elect George W. Bush announced that he would nominate Daniels to serve as the director of the Office of Management and Budget. and was confirmed by the United States Senate by a vote of 100–0 on January 23, 2001. In this role he was also a member of the National Security Council and the Homeland Security Council. During his time as the director of the OMB, Daniels sought to restrict congressional spending, saying Congress's motto apparently is "Don't just stand there, spend something." During his tenure he was criticized by Republicans and Democrats alike. After his first year in office Senator Ted Stevens, then the ranking member of the United States Senate Committee on Appropriations, suggested 'the best thing Daniels could do to repair relations with congress was to go back to Indiana'. Representative Bill Young, then chairman of the United States House Committee on Appropriations complained about Daniels' leadership saying ''I'm convinced the director of O.M.B. is only concerned about numbers ... and he has no concern about what those numbers do or do not do for the country, for our military, for our security." Then HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson complained that Daniels's office would reject a proposal "nine times out of 10, just to show you who the boss is". The $2.13 trillion budget Daniels submitted to Congress in 2001 would have made deep cuts in many agencies to accommodate the tax cuts being made, but few of the spending cuts were actually approved by Congress. Shortly after the invasion of Afghanistan, Daniels gave a speech to the National Press Club in which he challenged the view of those who wanted to continue typical spending while the nation was at war. "The idea of reallocating assets from less important to more important things, especially in a time of genuine emergency, makes common sense and is applied everywhere else in life," he said. Despite such efforts, during Daniels's 29-month tenure in the position, the projected federal budget surplus of $236 billion ballooned to a $400 billion deficit, due to the recession of 2001, tax cuts, the War in Afghanistan (2001–present), and Iraq War. Nobel economics Laureate Paul Krugman noted Daniels is "held up as an icon of fiscal responsibility" without having earned it. Commenting on Daniels leadership he wrote "what I can't forget is his key role in the squandering of the fiscal surplus Bush inherited. It wasn't just that he supported the Bush tax cuts; the excuses he made for that irresponsibility were stunningly fraudulent. So I just can't take his current pose of deficit hawkishness seriously." Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, Congress passed legislation authorizing the creation of the Department of Homeland Security. Just before the legislation was signed by Bush, Republican lawmakers inserted language into the bill that authorized protection from liability corporations that manufactured thimerosal, a controversial vaccine preservative that has been the subject of multiple lawsuits. Eli Lilly was once the largest maker of thimerosal and is a major target of the lawsuits. Daniels was the budget director at the time of the bill's passing and some have raised concerns over potential conflicts of interest. Congress repealed the thimerosal provision following expressions of public displeasure. Conservative columnist Ross Douthat stated in a column about Daniels's time at OMB that Daniels "carried water, as director of the Office of Management and Budget, for some of the Bush administration's more egregious budgets." But Douthat, while calling Daniels "America's Best Governor", defended Daniels against accusations that Daniels inaccurately assessed the costs of the Iraq war. In 2002, Daniels helped discredit a report by Assistant to the President on Economic Policy Lawrence B. Lindsey estimating the cost of the Iraq War at between $100-$200 billion. Daniels called this estimate "very, very high" and stated that the costs would be between $50-$60 billion. At the time Daniels would not provide specific costs for either a long or a short military campaign against Saddam Hussein, saying the administration was budgeting for both. The failure to provide long term cost estimates led opponents to claim that Daniels and the administration had suggested the entire war would cost less than $60 billion. The CBO has estimated the total cost of the war in Iraq to U.S. taxpayers will be around $1.9 trillion if it was carried on until 2017. Three months later, on March 25, 2003, five days after the start of the invasion, President Bush requested $53 billion through an emergency supplemental appropriation to cover operational expenses in Iraq until September 30 of that year. According to the Congressional Budget Office, Military operations in Iraq for 2003 cost $46 billion, less than the amount projected by Daniels and OMB. Douthat and other defenders of Daniels accuse Daniels's critics of mischaracterizing the six-month supplemental appropriation as a request to fund the entire war. The costs of the Iraq war have exceeded $800 billion. Between September 2001 and October 2012, lawmakers appropriated about $1.4 trillion for operations in both the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. On May 7, 2003, Daniels announced that he would resign as OMB director within 30 days in a move that Bush administration officials said was to prepare to run for governor of Indiana. 49th Governor of Indiana Election campaign Main article: 2004 Indiana gubernatorial election Daniels's decision to run for Governor of Indiana led to most of the rest of Republican field of candidates dropping out of the race. The only challenger who did not do so was conservative activist and lobbyist Eric Miller. Miller worked for the Phoenix Group, a Christian rights defense group. Daniels's campaign platform centered on cutting the state budget and privatizing public agencies. He won the primary with 67% of the vote. While campaigning in the general election, Daniels visited all 92 counties at least three times. He traveled in a donated white RV nicknamed "RV-1" and covered with signatures of supporters and his campaign slogan, "My Man Mitch". "My Man Mitch" was a reference to a phrase once used by President George W. Bush to refer to Daniels. Bush campaigned with Daniels on two occasions, as Daniels hoped that Bush's popularity would help him secure a win. In his many public stops, he frequently used the phrase "every garden needs weeding every sixteen years or so"; it had been 16 years since Indiana had had a Republican governor. His opponent in the general election was the incumbent, Joe Kernan, who had succeeded to the office upon the death of Frank O'Bannon. The 2004 election was the costliest in Indiana history, up until that time, with the candidates spending a combined US$23 million. Daniels won the election, garnering about 53% of the vote compared to Kernan's 46%. Kernan was the first incumbent governor to lose an election in Indiana since 1892. First term On his first day in office, Daniels created Indiana's first Office of Management and Budget to look for inefficiencies and cost savings throughout state government. The same day, he decertified all government employee unions by executive order, removing the requirement that state employees pay union dues by rescinding a mandate created by Governor Evan Bayh in a 1989 executive order. Dues-paying union membership subsequently dropped 90% among all state employees. Budgetary measures In his first State of the State address on January 18, 2005, Daniels put forward his agenda to improve the state's fiscal situation. Indiana has a biennial budget, and had a projected two-year deficit of $800 million. Daniels called for strict controls on all spending increases and reducing the annual growth rate of the budget. He also proposed a one-year 1% tax increase on all individuals and entities earning over $100,000. The taxing proposal was controversial and the Republican Speaker of the House, Brian Bosma, criticized Daniels and refused to allow the proposal to be debated. The General Assembly approved $250 million in spending cuts and Daniels renegotiated 30 different state contracts for a savings of $190 million, resulting in a budget of $23 billion. Annual spending growth for future budgets was cut to 2.8% from the 5.9% that had been standard for many years. Increase in revenues, coupled with the spending reductions, led to a $300 million budget surplus. Indiana is not permitted to take loans, as borrowing was prohibited in its constitution following the 1837 state bankruptcy. The state, therefore, had financed its deficit spending by reallocating $760 million in revenue that belonged to local government and school districts over the course of many years. The funds were gradually and fully restored to the municipal governments using the surplus money, and the state reserve fund was grown to $1.3 billion. Two of Daniels's other tax proposals were approved: a tax on liquor and beverages to fund the construction of the Lucas Oil Stadium and a tax on rental cars to expand the Indiana Convention Center. The new source of funding resulted in a state take-over of a project initially started by the city of Indianapolis and led to a bitter feud between Daniels and the city leadership over who should have ownership of the project. The state ultimately won and took ownership of the facilities from the city. In 2006, Daniels continued his effort to reduce state operating costs by signing into law a bill privatizing the enrollment service for the state's welfare programs. Indiana's welfare enrollment facilities were replaced with call centers operated by IBM. In mid-2009, after complaints of poor service, Daniels canceled the contract and returned the enrollment service to the public sector. Daylight Saving Time One of the most controversial measures Daniels successfully pushed through was the state adoption of Daylight Saving Time, which Daniels argued, in a complicated economy, was needed to end constant confusion and bring Indiana into a year-long alignment with the rest of the country. Prior to the change, the counties in the western side of the state did not observe daylight saving time, although the counties in southeastern Indiana near Cincinnati, Ohio, did observe it unofficially due to being in that city's metropolitan area. Interests for both time zones had prevented the official adoption of daylight saving since the 1960s, leading to decades of debate. Daniels pressed for the entire state to switch to Central Time, but the General Assembly could not come to terms. Ultimately after a long debate, the General Assembly adopted Eastern Daylight Saving Time in April 2005. The measure passed by one vote and put most of the state on the Eastern Time Zone, except for counties in the northwest and southwest corners that are in the Central Time Zone. Highways In 2006 the legislature enacted Daniels' controversial plan to remake the state's highways system by leasing the Indiana Toll Road. Called the Major Moves, the road was leased to Statewide Mobility Partners, a joint venture company owned by Spanish firm Cintra and Australia's Macquarie Infrastructure Group for 75 years in exchange for a one time payment of $3.85 billion and the commitment to make $4.4 billion worth of upgrades to the road. Most Democrats opposed the measure by starting an advertising campaign accusing Daniels of selling the road to foreign nations. Other critics characterized the deal for fundamentally changing the relationship between infrastructure and taxpayers" saying "the road intended to serve the people of Indiana now is serving the profit needs of a multinational corporation". Daniels defended the lease, claiming that the road was not earning the state money because of the historical lack of political will to raise tolls. He told a congressional committee, "…instead of making money for the state, the road had operated at a loss for 5 of the previous 7 years…Political timidity had kept tolls locked at the same price since 1985…Even if we raised the tolls, there was little reason to believe that the governors who would come after me would have the inclination or the political ability to do the same. I once asked how much it cost to collect that 15-cent toll on the road and the answer came back at 34 cents. I joked that we would have been better off with the honor system and a fishbowl for occasional donations." Daniels and an independent accounting firm believed the road was worth $2 billion at most and were surprised by the offer of nearly $4 billion in cash, plus that much in contracted improvements. Daniels called it the best deal since "Manhattan was sold for beads—except this time, the natives won." Initially, Daniels's support for the controversial legislation led to a rapid drop in his approval rating; in May 2005, a poll showed an 18-point drop in support and that only 42% of Hoosiers approved of the way he was doing his job. In the following months, many of his reforms appeared to have a positive effect and his approval ratings rebounded. The income from the lease was used to finance a backlog of public transportation projects and create a $500 million trust fund to generate revenue for the maintenance of the highway system. Local governments also received a significant windfall from the deal, including $150 million that went to Indiana's 92 counties for local roads, $240 million to seven counties for infrastructure and economic development projects, and $120 million for the Northwest Regional Development Authority for local economic development. Over the next ten years, Indiana would use the cash and interest from the deal to add or expand several major new roadways such as US 31, the Hoosier Heartland Highway, I-69, and the Ohio River bridges. It also rehabilitated 1,400 bridges and 50% of the state's roads without using tax dollars or taking on new debt. As anticipated, drivers experienced dramatic hikes in tolls after the lease, which increased the cost to travel on the public road from $4.65 to $8.80 for passenger vehicles, and semitrailer trucks from $18 to $35.20. Despite doubling toll prices, the foreign-owned operator of the toll road filed for bankruptcy in 2014, and its $3.85 billion purchase price resulted in $6 billion in debts owed by the company to its financiers. Indiana retained the $3.85 billion lump sum payment and the lease was transferred to another Australian investment company without altering the terms of the lease. An October 2014 ITR report to the Indiana Toll Road Oversight Board cited numerous deficiencies along the highway including: deficient pavements and signage at travel plazas, activities at vehicle maintenance facilities that could allow petroleum products or other chemicals into open storm water drains, and closed sewage dump stations at risk of unmonitored dumping. In response, the new lease owners pledged to invest $260 million in capital improvements. In June 2015, Ken Daley, the new CEO of the Indiana Toll Road Concession Company, announced that all of the original 1955 travel plazas would be demolished and replaced within the next five years. As of October 2015, the Booth Tarkington service area, the easternmost in Indiana, was permanently closed[citation needed] Healthy Indiana Plan In 2007, Daniels signed the Healthy Indiana Plan, which provided 132,000 uninsured Indiana workers with coverage. The program works by helping its beneficiaries purchase a private health insurance policy with a subsidy from the state. The plan promotes health screenings, early prevention services, and smoking cessation. It also provides tax credits for small businesses that create qualified wellness and Section 125 plans. The plan was paid for by an increase in the state's tax on cigarettes and the reallocation of federal Medicaid funds through a special waiver granted by the federal government. In a September 15, 2007, Wall Street Journal column, Daniels was quoted as saying about the Healthy Indiana Plan and cigarette tax increase saying, "A consumption tax on a product you'd just as soon have less of doesn't violate the rules I learned under Ronald Reagan." The plan allows low to moderate income households where the members have no access to employer provided healthcare to apply for coverage. At the time of initial implementation, the fee for coverage was calculated using a formula that resulted in a charge between 2%–5% of a person's income. A $1,100 annual deductible was standard on all policies and allowed applicants to qualify for a health savings account. The plan paid a maximum of $300,000 in annual benefits. Property tax reform See also: Taxation in Indiana In 2008, Daniels proposed a property tax ceiling of one percent on residential properties, two percent for rental properties and three percent for businesses. The plan was approved by the Indiana General Assembly on March 14, 2008, and signed by Daniels on March 19, 2008. In 2008, Indiana homeowners had an average property tax cut of more than 30 percent; a total of $870 million in tax cuts. Most money collected through property taxes funds local schools and county government. To offset the loss in revenues to the municipal bodies, the state raised the sales tax from 6% to 7% effective April 1, 2008. Fearing a future government might overturn the statute enforcing property tax rate caps, Daniels and other state Republican leaders pressed for an amendment to add the new tax limits to the state constitution. The proposed amendment was placed on the 2010 General election ballot and was a major focus of Daniels's reelection campaign. In November 2010, voters elected to adopt the tax caps into the Indiana Constitution. Daniels's successes at balancing the state budget began to be recognized nationally near the end of his first term. Daniels was named on the 2008 "Public Officials of the Year" by the Governing magazine. The same year, he received the 2008 Urban Innovator Award from the Manhattan Institute for his ideas for dealing with the state's fiscal and urban problems. Voter registration Main article: Crawford v. Marion County Election Board In the 2005 session of the General Assembly, Daniels and Republicans, with some Democratic support, successfully enacted a voter registration law that required voters to show a government issued photo ID before they could be permitted to vote. The law was the first of its kind in the United States, and many civil rights organizations, including the ACLU, opposed the bill, saying it would unfairly impact minorities, poor, and elderly voters who might be unable to afford an ID or be physically unable to apply for an ID. To partially address those concerns, the state passed another law authorizing state license branches to offer free state photo ID cards to individuals who did not already possess another type of state ID. A coalition of civil rights groups began a court challenge of the bill in Indiana state courts, and the Daniels administration defended the government in the case. The U.S. District Court granted summary judgment to the state. The petitioners appealed the bill to the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, and that body upheld the U.S. District Court decision in the case of Crawford v. Marion County Election Board. Upon appeal the United States Supreme Court also ruled in favor of the state in April 2008, setting a legal precedent. Several other states subsequently enacted similar laws in the years following. Reelection campaign See also: 2008 Indiana gubernatorial election Daniels entered the 2008 election year with a 51% approval rate, and 28% disapproval rate. Daniels's reelection campaign focused on the state's unemployment rate, which had decreased during his time in office, the proposed property tax reform amendment, and the successful balancing of the state budget during his first term. On November 4, 2008, Daniels defeated Democratic candidate Jill Long Thompson and was elected to a second term as governor with 57.8% of votes, despite Barack Obama carrying the state in the presidential race. He was re-inaugurated on January 12, 2009. Washington Post blogger Chris Cillizza named the Daniels reelection campaign "The Best Gubernatorial Campaign of 2008" and noted that some Republicans were already bandying about his name for the 2012 presidential election. Daniels garnered 20 percent of the African American vote and 37 percent of Latinos in his 2008 re-election campaign. He won with more votes than any candidate in the state's history. On July 14, 2010, at the Indianapolis Museum of Art, Daniels was on hand to help announce the return of IndyCar Series chassis manufacturing to the state of Indiana. Dallara Automobili would build a new technology center in Speedway, Indiana and the state of Indiana would subsidize the sale of the first 28 IndyCar chassis with a $150,000 discount. Daniels has been recognized for his commitment to fiscal discipline. He is a recent recipient of the Herman Kahn Award from the Hudson Institute, of which he is a former president and CEO, and was one of the first to receive the Fiscy award for fiscal discipline. A November 2010 poll gave Daniels a 75% approval rate. Second term Democrats won a majority in the Indiana House of Representatives in the 2006 and 2008 elections, resulting in Indiana having a divided government, with Democrats controlling the Indiana House of Representatives and the Republicans controlling the governor's office and the Indiana Senate. This led to a stalemate in the budget debate, which caused Daniels to call a special session of the General Assembly. Due to the national financial crisis, the state was faced with a $1.4 billion shortfall in revenue for the 2009–2011 budget years. Daniels proposed a range of spending cuts and cost-saving measures in his budget proposal. The General Assembly approved some of his proposals, but relied heavily on the state's reserve funds to pay for the budget shortfall. Daniels signed the $27 billion two-year budget into law. 2011 legislative walkout See also: 2011 Indiana legislative walkouts In the 2010 mid-term elections, Republican super-majorities regained control of the House, and took control of the Senate, giving the party full control of General Assembly for the first time in Daniels's tenure as governor. The 2011 Indiana General Assembly's regular legislative session began in January and the large Republicans majorities attempted to implement a wide-ranging conservative agenda largely backed by Daniels. Most of the agenda had been dormant since Daniels's election due to divided control of the assembly. In February, Republican legislators attempted to pass a right to work bill in the Indiana House of Representatives. The bill would have made it illegal for employees to be required to join a workers' union. Republicans argued that it would help the state attract new employers. Unable to prevent the measure from passing, Democratic legislators fled the state to deny the body a quorum while several hundred protesters staged demonstrations at the capital. Minority walkouts are somewhat common in the state, occurring as recently as 2005. While Daniels supported the legislation, he believed the Republican lawmakers should drop the bill because it was not part of their election platform and deserved a period of public debate. Republicans subsequently dropped the bill, but the Democratic lawmakers still refused to return to the capital, demanding additional bills be tabled, including a bill to create a statewide school voucher program. Their refusal to return left the Indiana General Assembly unable to pass any legislation, until three of the twelve bills they objected to were dropped from the agenda on March 28. The minority subsequently returned to the statehouse to resume their duties. Daniels was interviewed in February 2011 about the similar 2011 Wisconsin budget protests in Madison. While supporting the Wisconsin Republicans, he said that in Indiana "we're not in quite the same position or advocating quite the same things they are up in Madison." Education Following the legislative walkouts, the assembly began passing most of the agenda and Daniels signed the bills into law. Written in collaboration with Indiana Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Bennett, a series of education reform laws made a variety of major changes to statewide public schools. A statewide school voucher program was enacted. Children in homes with an income under $41,000 could receive vouchers equal to 90% of the cost of their public school tuition and use that money to attend a private school. It provides lesser benefits to households with income over $41,000. The program was gradually phased in over a three-year period and became available to all state residents by 2014. Other funds were redirected to creating and expanding charter schools and expanding college scholarship programs. The law also created a merit pay system to give better performing teachers higher wages, gave broader authority to school superintendents to terminate the employment of teachers, and restricted the collective bargaining rights of teachers. WGU Indiana was established through an executive order on June 14, 2010, by Daniels, as a partnership between the state and Western Governors University in an effort to expand access to higher education for Indiana residents and increase the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Economy Raising Hoosier incomes was a key focus of his tenure as governor. Critics argue that during his administration Indiana's per capita income dropped from 33rd to 38th among states, growing slightly slower than the national average, and the percentage of people living in poverty in Indiana rose from 10.2% to 14.9%. Supporters argue that economic progress was delayed by the Great Recession and when adjusted for Indiana's low cost of living, Hoosier incomes actually climbed following Daniels' leadership and Indiana rebounded from the recession faster than the rest of the nation in job growth and consumer spending. Main article: Indiana Economic Development Corporation Immigration On May 10, 2011, Daniels signed into law two immigration bills; one denying in-state tuition prices to illegal immigrants and another one imposing fines for employers that employed illegal immigrants. Several protestors, at least five of whom were illegal immigrants, were arrested while protesting the law at the statehouse when they broke into Daniels's office after being denied a meeting. Student leaders called for their release, while some state legislators called for their deportation. State Democratic Party leaders accused Daniels and the Republicans of passing controversial legislation only to enhance Daniels's image so he could seek the presidency. Daniels, however, denied the charges, saying he would have enacted the same agenda years earlier had the then-Democratic majority permitted him to do so. Budget cuts The state forecast continued revenue declines in 2010 that would result in a $1.7 billion budget shortfall if the state budget grew at its normal rate. Daniels submitted a two-year $27.5 billion spending plan to the General Assembly which would result in a $500 million surplus that would be used to rebuild the state reserve funds to $1 billion. He proposed a wide range of budget austerity measures, including employee furloughing, spending reductions, freezing state hiring, freezing state employee wages, and a host of administrative changes for state agencies. The state had already been gradually reducing its workforce by similar freezes, and by 2011, Indiana had the fewest state employees per capita of any state—a figure Daniels touted to say Indiana had the nation's smallest government. Daniels backed the creation of additional toll roads, expanding on his 2006 overhaul of the Indiana Toll Road system (known as "Major Moves"), in an attempt to secure an additional source of revenue for the state. But opposition from within his own party led to the bill being withdrawn by its Republican sponsor, Sen. Tom Wyss, Daniels's only significant legislative defeat during the 2011 session. The legislative walkouts delayed progress on the budget passage for nearly two months, but the House of Representatives was able to begin working on it in committee in April. The body made several alterations to the bill, including a reapportionment of education funding based more heavily on the number of students at a school, and removing some public school funding to finance the new voucher system and charter schools. Energy Daniels announced in October 2006 that a substitute natural gas company intended to build a facility in southern Indiana that would produce pipeline quality substitute natural gas (SNG). The lead investor was Leucadia National, which proposed a $2.6 billion plant in Rockport, Indiana. Under the terms of the deal endorsed by Daniels, the state would buy almost all the Rockport gas and resell it on the open market throughout the country. If the plant made money from the sale, excess profits would be split between Leucadia National's Indiana subsidiary, Indiana Gassification, and the state. If it lost money from the sale, then 100% of the losses would be passed onto Indiana consumers. Leucadia agreed to reimburse the state for any losses, up to $150 million over 30 years. Gas from the plant would make up about 17 percent of the state's supply. Critics feared that if gas prices fell over the next 30 years, the costs of the lost profits would be passed onto the bills of residents after the $150 million guarantee by Leucadia was exhausted. The deal also received criticism concerning government intrusion in the energy markets. Questions were also raised because Leucadia National hired Mark Lubbers, a former aide and close friend of Daniels, to promote the deal. The Daniels administration maintained that the plant would create jobs in an economically depressed part of the state and offer environmental benefits through an in-state energy source. The project was ultimately rejected by the state legislature in 2013. Right to Work Indiana became the first state in a decade to adopt Right to Work legislation. Indiana is home to many manufacturing jobs. The Indiana Economic Development Corp. has reported that 90 firms said the new law was an important factor in deciding to move to Indiana. Daniels signed the legislation on February 1, 2012, without much fanfare in the hopes of dispersing labor protesters before the Super Bowl in Indianapolis. 2012 presidential speculation Although Daniels had claimed to be reluctant to seek higher office, many media outlets, including Politico, The Weekly Standard, Forbes, The Washington Post, CNN, The Economist, and The Indianapolis Star began to speculate that Daniels intended to seek the Republican nomination for president in 2012 after he joined the national debate on cap and trade legislation by penning a response in The Wall Street Journal to policies espoused by the Democratic-majority Congress and the White House in August 2010. The speculation included Daniels's record of reforming government, reducing taxes, balancing the budget, and connecting with voters in Indiana. His "willingness to consider tax increases to rectify a budget deficit" was another source of contention. In August 2010, The Economist praised Daniels's "reverence for restraint and efficacy" and concluded that "he is, in short, just the kind of man to relish fixing a broken state—or country." Nick Gillespie of Reason called Daniels "a smart and effective leader who is a serious thinker about history, politics, and policy," and wrote that "Daniels, like former New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson, is a Republican who knows how to govern and can do it well." In February 2011, David Brooks of The New York Times described Daniels as the "Party's strongest [would be] candidate", predicting that he "couldn't match Obama in grace and elegance, but he could on substance." On December 12, 2010, Daniels suggested in a local interview that he would decide on a White House run before May 2011. Various groups and individuals pressured Daniels to run for office. In response to early speculation, Daniels dismissed a presidential run in June 2009, saying "I've only ever run for or held one office. It's the last one I'm going to hold." However, in February 2010 he told a Washington Post reporter that he was open to the idea of running in 2012. On March 6, 2011, Daniels was the winner of an Oregon (Republican Party) straw poll. Daniels drew 29.33% of the vote, besting second place finisher Mitt Romney (22.66%) and third place finisher Sarah Palin (18.22%), and was the winner of a similar straw poll in the state of Washington. On May 5, 2011, Daniels told an interviewer that he would announce "within weeks" his decision of whether or not to run for the Republican presidential nomination. He said he felt he was not prepared to debate on all the national issues, such as foreign policy, and needed time to better understand the issues and put together formal positions. Later in May, as the Republican field began to resolve with announcements and withdrawals of other candidates, Time said, "Even setting aside his somewhat unusual family situation, Daniels would need to hurry to put together an organization" and raise enough money if he intended to run. Daniels announced he would not seek the Republican nomination for the presidency on the night of May 21, 2011, via an email to the press, citing family constraints and the loss of privacy the family would experience should he become a candidate. In 2021 it was alleged by Max Eden, who led the Draft Daniels Student Group which provided much of the pressure for Daniels to run, that potentially damaging information was being held by some members of the Jon Huntsman campaign, chiefly John Weaver, the political advisor of the Huntsman campaign, regarding Daniels's wife. Eden also stated that Weaver had contacted him about a "seat at the table" of the Huntsman campaign, and further went on to state that Huntsman, then a potential top candidate for the Republican nomination, was himself unaware of Weaver's actions. Eden stated that the potential backlash from Weaver's information was a large contributor to Daniels's decision not to seek the Republican nomination, among other privacy concerns. 2016 presidential speculation In January 2014, the Republican National Committee sent an email to subscribers, asking them to pick their top three presidential choices. The poll included 32 potential candidates, including Daniels. In March 2015, Fortune Magazine named Daniels No. 41 on its list of the world's 50 greatest leaders, generating a new round of calls for Daniels to consider his options in 2016. Daniels was the only American university president and one of two national political figures to make the global list. President of Purdue University Student interactions Daniels consistently argued that his top priority as president was students such as in 2020 when he said: "We are only here, all of us, because of students, and to imagine that that is not our driving priority is a serious confusion..." Daniels worked out most days at the student gym and ate frequently with students in dining facilities and Greek houses. In March 2013, he joined forces with a group of engineering students to create a viral music video promoting engineering and Purdue University. Within 24 hours, the video had received over 50,000 views. Purdue home football games featured a segment entitled "Where's Mitch?", in which, the stadium video board showed the camera panning the crowd and eventually finding Daniels sitting among the fans, sometimes in the student section. Former Purdue presidents rarely left their suite in the press-box structure. In April 2019, Daniels received a T-shirt gun for his birthday that he used to shoot t-shirts with his printed picture into the student section during home basketball games. At the Spring 2021 Commencement, Daniels rode into the Purdue Football Stadium on a couch car designed by Purdue students that was often spotted on campus during that academic year. Purdue Polytechnic Indianapolis high school In 2015, Daniels announced plans to open the Purdue Polytechnic Indianapolis high school, designed to be a bridge for inner-city students to Purdue by admitting graduates directly to Purdue. Daniels described the high school as an attempt to increase the number of low-income, first-generation, and minority students who are prepared for Purdue. Purdue now operates three such high schools but as of summer 2021, only one school had existed long enough to graduate a class of seniors. Of that class, forty students were admitted to Purdue for fall 2021, more than double the average of 15 who attend Purdue from Indianapolis Public Schools. Racial equity and handling of racist incidents Daniels has been criticized by student groups and faculty for his unwillingness to take stronger stances on public displays of white supremacy on campus. In November 2016, posters appeared on campus with drawings of white people with sayings such as "We have a right to exist," and "Defending your people is a social duty, not an anti-social crime." Daniels called the posters, left by a racist organization, a "transparent effort to bait people into overreacting, thereby giving a minuscule fringe group attention it does not deserve, and that we decline to do." He also noted that the views of the organization behind the posters "are obviously inconsistent with the values and principles we believe in here at Purdue." In January 2017, students staged a sit-in of Hovde Hall, where Daniels's office is located. The occupation continued for 91 days. During that time, Daniels refused to meet the students. In 2019, Daniels met with Purdue student government leaders to discuss a controversy surrounding a Purdue student who was unable to buy cold medicine when an off-campus CVS clerk did not accept his Puerto Rican driver's license as valid. Following the scheduled meeting, Daniels had an impromptu 30-minute meeting with student activists who had various concerns about diversity at Purdue. At one point in the conversation, Daniels described his ongoing efforts to recruit an African American faculty member by calling the individual "one of the rarest creatures in America—a leading, I mean a really leading, African-American scholar". The University Senate's Equity and Diversity Committee issued a statement calling Daniels's phrasing "problematic" stating, "The idea that there is a scarcity of leading African American scholars is simply not true". In a New York Times op-ed, G. Gabrielle Starr, president of Pomona College, wrote, "In just a few sentences, Mr. Daniels seemed to question the possibility of sustained black excellence:. Following the criticism, Daniels issued an apology. "I retract and apologize for a figure of speech I used in a recent impromptu dialogue with students ... The word in question was ill chosen and imprecise". In June 2020, as the Black Lives Matter movement gained national momentum, Daniels endorsed the creation of a university system-wide task force to examine racial inequality in response to the murder of George Floyd and other incidents of racial injustice. The task force resulted in the inclusion of racial equity as one of five goals in Purdue's $260 million strategic plan update. As of May 2021, Daniels had helped Purdue raise $27 million for minority scholarship and recruitment efforts in that year, an increase of about 15% over the previous year. As president, Daniels has made the defense of free expression a priority by becoming the first public institution to adopt the Chicago principles for free speech and inquiry and one of roughly two dozen universities to receive the highest rating from the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education. Tuition freezes and cost reductions Tuition at Purdue, prior to Daniels' arrival, had increased every year since 1976. Two months after Daniels assumed his role as president, Purdue announced it would freeze tuition for two years, eventually extending the freeze for ten years, through 2023. As a result, multiple graduating classes will leave Purdue having never experienced a tuition increase. Annual student borrowing is down a third and the Purdue loan default rate is 2.2% versus 7.1% for the average borrower from a four-year public university and 5.1% for Purdue borrowers prior to the tuition freeze. The university claims that students and families will have saved over a billion dollars over the course of the ten years. No student fees have been approved since the tuition freeze was enacted, although a mandatory student wellness fee that students lobbied for prior to Daniels' arrival at Purdue was allowed to take effect but was later reduced under Daniels' direction. The total cost of attending Purdue has fallen since Daniels assumed Purdue's presidency. However, revenue per student increased modestly despite the freeze, partially because the number of foreign and out-of-state students increased, most significantly among graduate students. Daniels announced the first tuition freeze before the state had determined Purdue's funding for the next biennium. Amidst questions about the timing, Daniels argued that he didn't need to wait because "it doesn't matter what the General Assembly does. This is the right thing to do and we are going to do it" The first tuition freeze required the university to find $40 million in savings or new revenue. In order to make up for the lost revenue from tuition freezes, Daniels and the Purdue Board of Trustees focused on finding operating efficiencies such as consolidating information technology data centers, investing cash reserves, and switching to a consumer-driven health plan for employees. Daniels also reduced meal plan rates for students by 10 percent, froze housing costs, and cut the university's cooperative education fees which had previously increased every year. Due to the adjustments, the average cost of room and board at Purdue declined from the second most expensive to the most affordable in the Big Ten. In fall 2014, Daniels announced a deal with Amazon to save students on textbooks and provide students, faculty and staff with free one day shipping to locations on campus. The partnership was ended by Amazon in 2018 but the on campus stores remain in place. Purdue Moves initiatives In September 2013, Daniels announced the first major priorities of his administration, known as "Purdue Moves". The plan continued Daniels' focus on affordability but also called for new investments such as the hiring of 165 new faculty in STEM disciplines, expansion of flipped classrooms, growing summer enrollment, investments in plant science and drug discovery research, and the creation of competency-based degree programs and some three-year degree options. The Purdue Moves also emphasized commercialization of research. Under Daniels' leadership, Purdue increased the number of affiliated start-up companies by more than 400 percent and broke the university record for patents. In 2021, Daniels announced an expansion of the original moves called "Next Moves". Acquisition of Kaplan and launch of Purdue Global In 2017, Daniels and the Purdue Board of Trustees announced the intention to acquire Kaplan University for the purpose of transforming it into an online, self-sustaining, public benefit corporation, now rebranded as Purdue University Global. The acquisition has been met with both considerable praise and significant criticism. Among those who expressed favor before the deal closed included Barack Obama's Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Ted Mitchell who led Obama's crackdown on for-profit universities. Among the critics of the acquisition were Purdue faculty. At the time, the Purdue University Senate called the deal a "violation of common-sense educational practice". During the acquisition Purdue Faculty senate responded by established a Select Committee to provide oversight for the new entity. Shortly after the intended acquisition was announced, 319 signed a petition opposing the deal citing numerous concerns, including, "Purdue University is not creating new access to higher education but merely becoming the owner of a preexisting corporation, with some danger to Purdue's current reputation and operation" and "The business model of Kaplan University rests upon adult learners and is completely dependent on the federal loans that most are required to take to fund their educations." In May 2017, the Purdue University Senate passed a resolution condemning the deal between Kaplan Higher Education and Purdue University. In September 2017, Senators Dick Durbin(D-IL) and Sherrod Brown (D-OH) warned that Purdue's acquisition of Kaplan University posed major risks for Purdue University's students and reputation. They added that Kaplan has a "shameful record" as a "predatory" school. While leaders of the university senate have continued to object to the manner in which Purdue Global was acquired, the current chair of the senate has been quoted saying she is "giving Purdue Global the benefit of the doubt" and sees Global as an extension of Purdue's land grant mission "without spending $50 million building a new building to house students 10 years from now." The co-chair of the Select Committee on Global said in January 2020, "it's more a wait-and-see kind of thing". The American Association of University Professors criticized PG's (now former) arbitration requirement for students calling the policy "the stuff of predatory for-profit colleges, not a leading public research institution". In September 2018, Senators Durbin and Brown called for Purdue to get rid of that policy, which came from the Kaplan rulebook. Robert Shireman, a former deputy undersecretary at the U.S. Department of Education, also criticized the move saying the colleges merely claimed nonprofit status while continuing to enrich Kaplan, Inc., company officials. Purdue University Global In 2019, Purdue Global had lost $61 million dollars from operations. In February 2020, Graham Holdings reported that Purdue University Global owed Kaplan, Inc. $68.4 million for services and deferred fees, and $18.6 million for an advance from the Kaplan University transaction. In the first few years of operation, Purdue Global invested significantly in marketing, leading to signifiant financial losses. The details of the acquisition agreement meant Purdue Global was insulated from the losses, and even profited while the shortfalls were shifted to Kaplan, Inc. Financial results from 2021 show, Purdue Global's operating revenues exceeded operating costs for the first time that year, however, from a cumulative perspective Purdue Global has accumulated $43 million in losses due to past years' performance. Purdue Global enrollment has grown since 2018 while other "Global" style campuses have remained flat or declined. Critics have noted that if, or when, Purdue Global produces an operating profit that any operating gains from Purdue Global will be paid to Kaplan Higher Education until all losses are paid. Compensation When Daniels was hired by Purdue, he requested that his salary be less than his predecessor's, however he's accepted compensation at more than twice the levels of the previous President, including 103% of performance pay in 2019, and his raise increases far exceed those offered to Purdue faculty and staff. In 2013, Daniels' base salary of $420,000 was $135,000 less than the prior president's salary. Under the initial contract, his salary could grow to a maximum of $546,000 based on the results of a performance-bonus system—at the time this was less than his predecessor and the third lowest in the 14-member Big Ten, however since that time his salary has increased more than 200% to $902,207. Between 2014 and 2019, Daniels's total compensation rose sharply, and now ranks fourth among Big Ten presidents. His total compensation was $533,400 In 2015, $721,600 in 2016, $769,500 in 2017, $830,000 in 2018, and $902,207 in 2019 inclusive of 103% of his at-risk pay, and a $250,000 retention bonus. End of Presidency Daniels was replaced by Dr. Mung Chiang as President of Purdue University effective January 1, 2023. As Daniels left Purdue, he openly explored a run for the U.S. Senate but ultimately declined, saying in a statement, "it's just not the job for me, not the town for me, and not the life I want to live at this point ... some people seek public office to be something, others to do something. My one tour of duty in elected office involved, like those in business before and academe after it, an action job, with at least the chance to do useful things every day. I have never imagined that I would be well-suited to legislative office, particularly where seniority remains a significant factor in one's effectiveness, and I saw nothing in my recent explorations that altered that view." One month after Daniels's departure from Purdue, the university's trustees named the business school the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business. The trustees had previously announced that State Street, a major campus corridor Daniels renovated, would be named Mitch Daniels Boulevard. That announcement was made at street festival in which hundreds waited to greet Daniels and bid him farewell. Board service In February 2013, Daniels was asked to co-chair a National Research Council committee to review and make recommendations on the future of the U.S. human spaceflight program. Daniels also co-chairs a Council on Foreign Relations Task Force on NonCommunicable diseases. In March 2013, Daniels was elected to the board of Energy Systems Network (ESN), Indiana's industry-driven clean technology initiative. In June 2015, Daniels was elected to serve on the board of directors for Indiana software company Interactive Intelligence (ININ) until its sale to Genesys . In July 2015, Daniels became a co-chair of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. In November 2016, Daniels was elected to serve on the board of directors for Norfolk Southern Corporation. Electoral history Main articles: 2004 Indiana gubernatorial election and 2008 Indiana gubernatorial election Indiana gubernatorial election, 2004 Party Candidate Votes % ±% Indiana gubernatorial election, 2008 Party Candidate Votes % ±% Honors Woodrow Wilson Award, Princeton University (2013) Order of the Rising Sun, 2nd Class, Gold and Silver Star (2017) See also In Spanish: Mitch Daniels para niños
7770	dbpedia	0	16	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/briefs/former-staffers-push-mitch-daniels-to-seek-governors-office/	en	Former staffers push Mitch Daniels to seek governor's office • Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalch…niels-scaled.jpg	https://indianacapitalch…niels-scaled.jpg	[ "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/mobileHeader.svg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/headerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/GettyImages-1daniels-1536x1071.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/plugins/sn2/republisher/assets/img/ccwhite.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/whitney-scaled-e1655741761473-150x150.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/Tim-Smith-Headshot-300x300.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/Voter-lists-scaled-1-300x200.jpeg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/GettyImages-1166957803-300x200.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/footerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/themes/genesis-child/icons/ccwhite.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Whitney Downard", "Leslie Bonilla Muñiz", "Guest Author" ]	2022-08-16T19:06:49+00:00	Mitch Daniels' former staffers crafted a political action committee encouraging the former governor to run again in 2024	en	https://indianacapitalch…2560px-32x32.png	Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/briefs/former-staffers-push-mitch-daniels-to-seek-governors-office/
7770	dbpedia	2	97	https://www.courierpress.com/story/news/2020/07/29/evansville-leaders-remember-gov-joe-kernan/5538356002/	en	Shepard, Mayors Winnecke and Weinzapfel, Lt. Gov. Crouch remember Joe Kernan	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	[ "https://www.gannett-cdn.com/appservices/universal-web/universal/icons/icon-instagram_24.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Justin L. Mack, Chris Sikich and John T. Martin, Courier & Press", "Justin L. Mack", "Chris Sikich", "John T. Martin" ]	2020-07-29T00:00:00	Joseph E. Kernan, the 48th governor of Indiana and the last Democrat to serve in the position, died Wednesday after\u00a0a battle with Alzheimer's disease.	en	https://www.gannett-cdn.…ages/favicon.png	Evansville Courier & Press	https://www.courierpress.com/story/news/2020/07/29/evansville-leaders-remember-gov-joe-kernan/5538356002/	Joseph E. Kernan, the 48th governor of Indiana and the last Democrat to serve in the position, died Wednesday after a battle with Alzheimer's disease. Kernan, 74, served as Indiana lieutenant governor under Frank O'Bannon from 1997 to 2003. After O'Bannon's death by stroke in September 2003, Kernan filled O'Bannon's term as governor until 2005, losing a bid for reelection to Republican Mitch Daniels. As governor, he's perhaps most known for pushing to fund all-day kindergarten eight years before it became reality in Indiana and for appointing Kathy Davis as the first woman to serve as the state's lieutenant governor. He also led South Bend for a dozen years as mayor and was a Vietnam war veteran. After serving as governor, Kernan was appointed by Daniels to co-chair a statewide commission on local government reform, along with former Indiana Supreme Court Chief Justice Randall Shepard of Evansville. Gov. Eric Holcomb directed flags to be flown at half staff through sunset Aug. 5 to honor Kernan. "Through his decades of servant leadership and sacrifice," Holcomb said, "Joe Kernan modeled all the best of what it means to be a Hoosier and his legacy will continue to live on in each of us whom he inspired." Evansville Mayor Lloyd Winnecke and his predecessor in office, Jonathan Weinzapfel, joined those making tributes to the former governor. "Today, we remember a model public servant, Joe Kernan," Winnecke said in a prepared statement. "I appreciated former Governor Kernan’s leadership — along with Supreme Court Justice Randall T. Shepard — on reforming and restructuring local government in Indiana. We ask Evansville residents to keep the Kernan family in their thoughts and prayers." Weinzapfel said in a Facebook post: "Joe Kernan was a war hero, an exemplary public servant and a friend. He cared deeply about people and made a huge difference for South Bend, the State of Indiana and the nation. Keeping (Kernan's wife) Maggie, his family and many friends in our thoughts and prayers today." Shepard said he has fond memories of working with Kernan on local government reforms, many of which were adopted. "Our experiences together confirmed what everybody could see in daily life, which is that he was fully committed to spending his energy and ingenuity in improving cities like South Bend and the greater state of Indiana," Shepard told the Courier & Press. "He was as good an example of a fine public servant as you could hope to imagine. Just a genuinely nice person to stand with and talk to." Lt. Gov. Suzanne Crouch of Evansville said in a tweet: "(I'm) joining Hoosiers all across our state in mourning the loss of our former governor, Joe Kernan. He was a model servant leader who devoted his life to the service of his country, state and local community. Praying for his entire family and remembering all he did to inspire us." Kernan spoke at the University of Southern Indiana's 2003 commencement. His remarks touched on the importance of kindness. "Of all the challenges we face I believe that bigotry is the greatest barrier to our living a life where we recognize that we are all God's children — equally — every day," Kernan told the USI graduates. "Intolerance is one of the simplest, and most destructive, of human feelings. And the more certain and self-righteous we become in knowing that our way is the right way, and the only way, and that those who are different must be wrong, the more destructive it becomes." Pence, Buttigieg join praise of Kernan Vice President Mike Pence, Indiana's former Republican governor, said he and his wife Karen Pence were deeply saddened by Kernan's death. "As lieutenant governor and then governor of Indiana," Pence said, "Joe Kernan was a steady hand of leadership at a difficult time for our state. Even though our politics differed, Joe Kernan was always kind, always willing to work together for Hoosiers, and Joe Kernan was my friend." Former South Bend mayor and one-time presidential hopeful Pete Buttigieg posted on Twitter there will not be another like Kernan. "South Bend will always be proud of his heroism in uniform and his leadership as our mayor and governor," Buttigieg wrote. "And his friends will always remember his exuberant joy, his compassion for the vulnerable, his ready smile, and his inimitable laugh." Kernan known for personal touch in South Bend Kernan’s adult life began as a United States Navy lieutenant. He and his co-pilot were shot down while on a reconnaissance mission over North Vietnam in 1972. He spent 11 months as a POW in Hanoi, including at the infamous "Hanoi Hilton" prison. After the war, Kernan married his longtime girlfriend, the former Maggie McCullough. He had a bachelor's degree from Notre Dame and went to work at Procter & Gamble in Cincinnati in late 1974 as a manufacturing supervisor. But the Kernans wanted to return to South Bend, so he took a job as a sales representative at Schwarz Paper Co. in the city. In 1980, South Bend Mayor Roger Parent asked him to serve as the city controller in his administration. Kernan, who had majored in government, found he liked working for the city. In 1987, he was elected to his first of three consecutive terms as mayor of South Bend. During his tenure as South Bend mayor from 1988 to 1997, he kept his phone number listed and residents often called him at home. He left office as the longest-serving mayor in South Bend's history, though his successor, Steve Luecke, surpassed him. “One of the brightest people I know and very serious about getting things done,” said Lou Pierce, owner of Mishawaka-based The Big Idea Company, who for 40 years has consulted Kernan on strategies. “I never met anyone like that.” Pierce said he once asked Kernan what was the best job he ever had. His response: "mayor." “As governor, you don’t get to see up close how your decisions affect people,” Kernan explained. “As mayor, you see it every day.” While mayor, Kernan was known for his personal touch. A longtime friend, Denise Sullivan, recalled a day when Kernan drove by a home on a busy street with the front yard adorned in colorful impatiens. Kernan stopped and wrote on a card that he left in the front door: “Thanks for making South Bend so beautiful." “Who does that?” Sullivan, who worked as an assistant in the mayor’s office, recently told Notre Dame Magazine. “He just took that little moment to say thank you for somebody planting flowers in their yard.” In his time leading the city, Kernan oversaw several key development projects and helped establish the Center for the Homeless after a fire destroyed an apartment building in 1998. The city's collaboration with Notre Dame on the project drew praise because the university had not been much involved in city issues. Kernan’s response to the fire “was his most defining moment as mayor,” said Lou Nanni, who was hired as director of the Center for the Homeless two year after it opened. “The mark of a community is what it does for the least among us. It speaks to the soul of a community.” To mixed reviews, Kernan also put together a taxpayer-heavy financial deal to lure the College Football Hall of Fame from Cincinnati to downtown South Bend. It operated in South Bend for 17 years before moving to Atlanta in 2014. Kernan elected as lieutenant governor In 1996, O’Bannon asked Kernan to join him as the candidate for lieutenant governor. The two had gotten to know each other on a trip through Europe in 1990 following the fall of the Berlin Wall. At the time, O'Bannon was Evan Bayh's lieutenant governor and Kernan was mayor of South Bend. "Joe carried with him a box from a family in South Bend," Judy O'Bannon recalled Wednesday, " which contained a new pair of shoes, to give to their relative in need who lived in the former communist Poland. He carried that box in his luggage across several countries, including the Soviet Union, until we got to Poland and could hand deliver the shoes to the relative." O’Bannon and Kernan were elected in November 1996 and won again in 2000. As O'Bannon neared the end of his second term, Kernan insisted he had no interest in running for governor. Democrats had held the office for 16 years, making Kernan's decision the talk of the town. His viewpoint changed when O'Bannon died of a stroke in September 2003. Kernan was sworn in as the state’s 48th governor and made history immediately by appointing Kathy Davis as Indiana’s first female lieutenant governor. It set a precedent. Only women have been elected to that position since, though Holcomb was appointed briefly in 2016 before becoming governor. "Joe Kernan was a partner in governing and leading Indiana with Frank," Judy O'Bannon said, "and most importantly the best of friend to both of us and to his beloved South Bend and Hoosier state." In November 2003, Kernan announced he would run for governor. While he was the incumbent, Kernan faced an uphill battle. Republican Mitch Daniels was travelling Indiana in a campaign RV with President George W. Bush's blessing as "My Man Mitch," pointing out economic hardships and job losses in the state. Kernan made up ground late in the campaign criticizing Daniels' plans to privatize, sell or lease state assets. Kernan also began a high profile push to convince the state legislature to add full-day kindergarten for all public schools. The Republican-led Indiana Senate, citing cost concerns, declined to pass the bill. Daniels won with 53% to Kernan's 46%. Eight years later, Daniels convinced the General Assembly to fund full-day kindergarten, bringing to a close part of Kernan's legacy. "Joe Kernan was at different times my ally, opponent, and advisor, but always a friend to me, and as far as I could tell to everyone he met," Daniels said. "In wartime and in peace, he embodied patriotism and the goodwill toward all we associate with the term 'Hoosier.'" Daniels commissions the Kernan-Shepard report While Kernan lost the 2004 election to Daniels, the two later became political allies. In 2007, Daniels asked Kernan and Indiana Supreme Court Chief Justice Randall T. Shepard to chair a bipartisan commission to examine local government reform. Daniels told IndyStar he and Kernan had both campaigned on updating Indiana's antiquated government structure. Daniels said he knew reforming government would take a bipartisan approach and so asked Kernan for help. "I couldn't think of a more well-respected figure," Daniels said Wednesday, "and he agreed willingly." The two delivered the Kernan-Shepard report, which called for 27 changes, perhaps most prominently the elimination of township government, shifting its responsibilities to the county level. While Daniels supported the plan, the legislature never did eliminate township government. Over time, the majority of township assessors were eliminated, and county assessors began managing all property assessments. Daniels said his administration did implement many of the changes, including anti-nepotism rules and consolidating library districts. Shepard told the Courier & Press he's proud of what the Kernan-Shepard report accomplished. "Over the long haul, the transfer of the role in township assessor duties to county assessors will have a good impact in not only the fairness of taxation on the local level but also a favorable impact on the Indiana economy," Shepard said. Dr. Woody Myers, the Democratic nominee for governor, said Kernan was a true statesman. "History will forever remember his dedication to Indiana and his selfless service to Hoosiers," Myers said. Kernan retires from politics Aside from his stint on the local government commission, Kernan largely retired from politics. He went back to South Bend after leaving office and taught as an adjunct professor at Notre Dame, which had given him an honorary doctorate degree while he was lieutenant governor. John I. Jenkins, president of the University of Notre Dame, said Kernan was always a personal supporter and friend to the university. “Joe Kernan’s many and noteworthy contributions to Notre Dame, our community, the state and our nation cannot be overstated,” Jenkins said. “In addition to his government service, he was a beloved civic leader who never shied away from challenges." In 2005, Kernan, who had played catcher and utility infielder as a student at Notre Dame, convinced 50 members of the community to purchase the minor league South Bend Silver Hawks baseball team. The team, now known as the South Bend Cubs, was close to leaving the city. "We're safe at home," said a visibly giddy Kernan at the announcement of the sale. "Baseball is here to stay in South Bend." In 2011, Andrew Berlin of Chicago-based Berlin Packaging took over ownership of the baseball club. Kernan also became involved in several community and political causes. In 2009, he donned red high-heel shoes for the YWCA’s Men’s March to End Violence Against Women. The fundraiser, dubbed “Walk a Mile in Her Shoes,” saw Kernan lead a group of men in high heels across town to Coveleski Stadium, where they made their way around the bases. “I’m like 5-11 now,” he quipped at the finish. “It feels pretty good.” In 2017, South Bend renamed Viewing Park — on Northside Boulevard between Howard Park and the Farmer's Market — as Gov. Joe Kernan Park. It was a spot where South Bend residents often saw Kernan, an avid kayaker, out on the St. Joseph River. No public services Kernan is survived by his wife Maggie and seven siblings who live in the state of Maine and the Washington, DC area. Due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, there will be no public services. Arrangements are being made by Welsheimer’s Funeral Home in South Bend. Kernan has expressed a preference for Welsheimer’s because the funeral home sponsored his Little League team in 1958 when he was 12 years old. Memorial contributions may be made to the Veterans Fund at the University of Notre Dame. Please direct your gift to support scholarships and fellowships for military-connected students to giving.nd.edu, by phone 574-631-5150, or by mail: University of Notre Dame, Department of Development, 1100 Grace Hall, Notre Dame, Indiana 46556.
7770	dbpedia	2	78	https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/17/republicans-mitch-daniels-2012	en	Mitch Daniels: a middle-of-the-road Republican \| Stewart J Lawrence	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…76daa20fcfda866b	https://i.guim.co.uk/img…76daa20fcfda866b	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=6035250&cv=2.0&cj=1&cs_ucfr=0&comscorekw=Republicans%2CIndiana%2CUS+politics%2CTea+Party+movement%2CMitt+Romney%2CUS+elections+2012%2CUS+news%2CRon+Paul%2CNewt+Gingrich%2CUS+healthcare%2CBarack+Obama%2CUS+taxation%2CUS+immigration%2CSarah+Palin%2CMike+Huckabee%2CMitch+Daniels", "https://i.guim.co.uk/img/static/sys-images/Guardian/Pix/red/blue_pics/2011/02/17/mitchdaniels_460x276.jpg?width=465&dpr=1&s=none" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Stewart J Lawrence", "www.theguardian.com", "stewart-j-lawrence" ]	2011-02-17T00:00:00	<p><strong>Stewart J Lawrence:</strong> The Indiana governor may ride a Harley, but he's the sort of sober moderate the GOP should back if it wants to win in 2012</p>	en	https://assets.guim.co.u…e-touch-icon.svg	the Guardian	https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/feb/17/republicans-mitch-daniels-2012	Diehard libertarian Ron Paul won the annual "straw poll" contest at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Washington, DC last week, just as he did in 2010. But the real winner may have been Mitch Daniels. The two-term Indiana governor, who's preparing to announce his candidacy for the presidency in 2012, gave a lengthy, well-received speech to the Reagan banquet in which he called the federal deficit the "new red menace", referring, of course, to red ink, but cleverly evoking the right's Communist threat of old. For a man whose studied oratory is often considered too dry and subdued to fire up a crowd, that's about as pep rally-friendly as Daniels ever gets. And it probably won't be enough, even though he's widely regarded as the kind of GOP candidate that could actually beat President Obama, assuming the economy's still foundering two years from now. Why the optimism? His sterling fiscal record as governor, for one. It's made him something of a legend among conservatives, and has big money backers waiting to support him. When he was first sworn into office in January 2005, Indiana faced a $600m deficit and a subpar credit rating. But over the next three years, he reduced the state's rate of spending growth from 5.9% to 2.8%, shaving $450m off the deficit. And by 2009, the state sported $1.3bn in cash reserves, giving it one of the highest credit ratings in the nation. Amazingly, Daniels over this same period also managed to enact the largest tax cut in Indiana history, slashing property taxes alone by one third. And he did all this while working with a Democrat-controlled lower house, earning him the bipartisan kudos that's been in short supply with Republicans nationally. It's small wonder that Daniels cruised to re-election by a whopping 18 points in 2008, the same year that Obama narrowly took the state, and the presidency, and the Democrats swept to power. Daniels sports another important feather in his cap: he's already enacted free market-friendly, patient-centered healthcare reform. His Healthy Indiana Programme (HIP) helps state residents who can't qualify for Medicaid enroll in individual health-savings accounts, and the state contributes up to $1,100 per enrollee to these accounts on a sliding, income-dependent scale. The dollars are controlled, and owned, by the individual to spend on health services as he or she sees fit, with almost no interference from government or insurance-company bureaucrats. To date, some 50,000 Hoosiers are enrolled in the plan, and only current federal regulations, which Daniels opposes, have prevented tens of thousands more from enjoying its benefits of the plan. It's not at all clear how well HIP would work at the federal level, but it's an alternative model, and that's enormously compelling to Republicans at a time when American voters are leaning toward scaling back, if not repealing, Obamacare. And it makes Daniels an attractive alternative to former Republican Governor Mitt Romney, whose decision to implement an "Obamacare"-style healthcare programme while serving as Massachusetts' chief executive has already damaged his presidential prospects, perhaps fatally. Daniels also does surprisingly well with minorities, which is important to GOP moderates who recognise that long-term voter demographics currently favour the Democrats. In his re-election bid in 2008, Daniels won 20% of the black vote, more than double what Republicans typically take at the national level. And his 37% share of the Latino vote exceeded the 30% for McCain, and 20-25% that most Republicans garnered before the arrival of George W Bush. But Daniels, unlike Newt Gingrich and other GOP contenders, has yet to articulate a comprehensive policy position on the hot-button immigration issue. He says he support Arizona's law for Arizona, but isn't sure it's needed in Indiana. He'll have to say a lot more than that if he expects to maintain the support of the far right, while still convincing Latinos that he's prepared to do more than simply ratchet up enforcement. Undoubtedly Daniels' no-nonsense, results-oriented pragmatism and successful track record as governor could make him highly appealing to those independents who are still disenchanted with Obama. But social conservatives, who already adore Sarah Palin and Mike Huckabee, are deeply suspicious of Daniel's recent – and eminently common-sensical – statements urging Republicans to declare a "truce" on culture war issues and focus on the economy. A truce wasn't much in evidence last week when the major social conservative groups boycotted CPAC because of the presence of GOProud, a Republican gay advocacy group. Huckabee and Palin skipped the event, and other GOP hopefuls, including Senator Rick Santorum, as well as radio host Rush Limbaugh, have already blasted Daniels for his remarks. Right now, Daniels has a shot at grabbing the national spotlight, and with the right business support, might eventually overtake Romney. But it will take more than a fawning introduction by conservative columnist George Will to convince Republicans that Daniels is a "thinking man's Marlon Brando" – or that they even want one. Will was referring to the fact that Daniels drives a Harley Davidson, and projects an iconoclastic image. But despite his sterling record, the short (5'7"), thin, soft-spoken Daniels doesn't have the charismatic or forceful personality that normally transforms a politician with gravitas and smarts into a full-fledged statesman, the kind his Democratic opponent in 2012 already has. On a bad day, Daniels looks and sounds less like Reagan, or Brando, or even Bill Clinton, than another diminutive wonk: Democrat Michael Dukakis, who won his party's nomination but whose campaign never really left the starting blocks. Daniels made a great debut last week, arriving at the starting line with his engine revving. But if he expects to stay in the running, amid an unusually crowded GOP field, he'd better get into gear – and soon.
7770	dbpedia	3	75	https://www.wndu.com/2022/06/10/purdue-president-mitch-daniels-retiring-new-president-selected/	en	Purdue President Mitch Daniels retiring; new president selected	https://gray-wndu-prod.c…t=600&smart=true	https://gray-wndu-prod.c…t=600&smart=true	[ "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/4RRLVTLLUZG23FJVETXSQ6P2BQ.jpg?auth=f3f6738591a4860270724037d3eead9adf0cebb566c75ca0f63dd54f31e6a870&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/https%3A%2F%2Fdo0bihdskp9dy.cloudfront.net%2F08-18-2024%2Ft_68c13b67d13748fc95db517d415d4c35_name_file_1280x720_2000_v3_1_.jpg?auth=697dba318799763b44dc362c2f0711b89d9cd5918c573f7d6ac6c98b3f676226&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/https%3A%2F%2Fdo0bihdskp9dy.cloudfront.net%2F08-18-2024%2Ft_913477e1837f418f81487934f62ae97a_name_file_1280x720_2000_v3_1_.jpg?auth=07677781eb7f96a5677d9b8d58d7672b139493632a82519d71bb176ce839e30b&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/ZRKQCDS4DBCV5FMDM5EC2GSDMM.jpg?auth=77d872493acfa3bbe6a65192453ca01895f6158a94ca137ed8a8b9a7fffaf4e3&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/https%3A%2F%2Fdo0bihdskp9dy.cloudfront.net%2F08-18-2024%2Ft_5f4bcf88cb7448ed9eded381c8838c40_name_file_1280x720_2000_v3_1_.jpg?auth=7f26a420246474cd88926e5460ba4799d4ce8612d9196bddfa05c40ccb5154dc&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/TOWBWDA4XJHADKT7VYBREZS7SM.jpg?auth=02d46610664cd37e7950946fd4f1324d13ada7e26167784a0b925e4c225db841&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/https%3A%2F%2Fdo0bihdskp9dy.cloudfront.net%2F08-18-2024%2Ft_be18d58ccfb24e77b3174a5d9130af25_name_file_1280x720_2000_v3_1_.jpg?auth=35e4456a344a83a806c722c29e93de81a28aed0dc448bff38803b5d4220a02d3&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/46DL4GKVDRC2VIAOVHBNJ322ME.jpg?auth=32206b6dad14452286d80a34cdfe95cd585895be0cf7e7060702544d823438d9&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/https%3A%2F%2Fdo0bihdskp9dy.cloudfront.net%2F08-18-2024%2Ft_32b41db2f0824d5b844bf64cf06026bd_name_file_1280x720_2000_v3_1_.jpg?auth=9ad7f646fe8dd73f88ab3c2d652174dddd70573a6e67a98c11ab9b077456d6a4&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/SSG3VR7TB5FLVNT4YMSS64XSK4.jpg?auth=cba6f90d627f6a08f6279d6b12e43abcd0be762d2f4933910c18642bc19d7bf9&width=800&height=450&smart=true", "https://gray-wndu-prod.cdn.arcpublishing.com/resizer/v2/DBVCN5LVPBAZVKQBYDOXNBINRI.png?auth=1007f5ea6b0d3c78ce5f6c3b97df3fae1b03d78dfb2508a975a54df044f48028&width=800&height=450&smart=true" ]	[ "https://d1l66zlxaqpl1u.cloudfront.net/wp-gray/20220610/62a3a8473080c46086b1fd0e/file_1920x1080-5400-v4/file_1280x720-2000-v3_1.mp4" ]	[]	[ "mitch daniels", "purdue", "purdue university", "president", "retiring", "dr. mung chiang", "mung chiang" ]	null	[ "16 News Now Staff" ]	2022-06-10T00:00:00	Purdue President Mitch Daniels will be retiring at the end of the year.	en	//webpubcontent.gray.tv/gray/arc-fusion-assets/images/favicons/wndu/favicon.ico?d=427	https://www.wndu.com	https://www.wndu.com/2022/06/10/purdue-president-mitch-daniels-retiring-new-president-selected/	WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind. (WNDU) - Purdue President Mitch Daniels will be retiring at the end of the year. Daniels became the 12th president of Purdue in 2013 at the end of his second term as governor of Indiana. The Purdue Board of Trustees also stated that its elected Dr. Mung Chiang as the university’s next president. He’ll replace Daniels on January 1, 2023. Indiana Gov. Eric Holcomb released a statement on Friday: Indiana Sen. Todd Young also released a statement: Press Release from Purdue University: The Purdue Board of Trustees announced today (June 10) its unanimous election of Dr. Mung Chiang, currently the John A. Edwardson Dean of Engineering and Executive Vice President for Strategic Initiatives, as the university’s next president. Dr. Chiang will replace current president Mitch Daniels effective Jan. 1, 2023. Daniels has served since January 2013. During Chiang’s five years at Purdue, he has led his college to its highest rankings ever, even as it has grown dramatically at both the undergraduate and graduate levels. Purdue is currently ranked No. 4 among graduate programs, No. 3 for online programs, and No. 8 for undergraduate education, and is the largest school in the nation’s top 10. Both government and industry-sponsored research funding have set new records, as do the 12 national research centers now housed at the university. Meanwhile, Chiang has played a central role in establishing new relationships with federal agencies in the national security and economic development sectors, and in recruiting new companies to invest and create jobs in Purdue’s Discovery Park District. He spent 2020 as scientific and technology advisor to the U.S. secretary of state on a prestigious Intergovernmental Personnel Act appointment. Chiang earned a B.S. (Hons.) in electrical engineering and mathematics, and an M.S. and Ph.D. in electrical engineering from Stanford University. He came to Purdue from Princeton University, where in his role as the Arthur LeGrand Professor of Electrical Engineering, he was recognized for a number of innovations in teaching and was the first chairman of Princeton’s Entrepreneurial Council. The holder of 25 patents, he founded three companies and was named New Jersey’s CEO of the Year in 2014. Among many other academic honors, Chiang received the Alan T. Waterman Award in 2013 as the nation’s top scientist under the age of 40 for his excellence in edge computing, internet congestion, cloud and video optimization, and other research areas. Chiang’s research publications have received over 30,000 citations with an H-index of 81. He has graduated more than 50 Ph.D. students and postdocs, including 24 who have become faculty in research universities. His full biography is attached. Chiang will lead a transition of his duties as dean, while continuing his strategic initiatives assignment. Board of Trustees Chairman Michael Berghoff said, “Mung is the ideal choice to lead Purdue into its next ‘giant leap.’ The board could not be more confident in this selection, as we have had the opportunity to observe his performance across a broad range of duties for five years. “He has displayed not only academic excellence but also administrative acumen, effective relationship-building with academic, governmental, and business partners, and the skills of public communications. He brings the entire package of talents and experience necessary to take our university further forward. It is no surprise that Mung has been offered the presidency of several other schools, and the board is grateful that his loyalty to Purdue kept him here and available as this time of transition arrived.” Berghoff thanked President Daniels for his service, saying, “The last decade has seen Purdue attain unprecedented levels of national recognition, reflected in record enrollments, academic rankings, and overall reputation. Statement from Dr. Mung Chiang “It is the highest and most humbling honor to be selected by the Board of Trustees as the next president of Purdue University: the unique and most remarkable land-grant university in the land of the free. Throughout the past 153 years, and spanning from the Wabash River to the moon, generations of Boilermakers contributed to our state, to our country, and to humanity in immeasurable ways. There is no other place like Purdue. “And there is no other university leader like ours. President Daniels built Purdue into the most consequential public university in the United States. Under Mitch’s leadership, our university attained the strongest academic reputation, from record-breaking enrollment to all-time-high research excellence, from the Ever True campaign to the transformed campus. Purdue led the country in safely reopening during the pandemic, while its financial foundation is fortified stronger than ever before. But there’s even more. Mitch is also the most innovative president in America: affordability through tuition freeze, 21st century land grant through Purdue Global, and economic growth in Indiana through entrepreneurship and the Discovery Park District in West Lafayette. “The amazing success of the Daniels’ Decade must continue. While my family and I are blessed with the pride of gold and black, I’m also humbled by a daunting task: ensure the continuity of today’s momentum into the next giant leaps. I’ve had the privilege to be a part of the Purdue team in the past five years, and there’s much more that I need to keep learning, like a student, from each of you. In the next seven months and beyond, my responsibilities start with listening, to students, faculty, staff, alumni, neighbors, and state, national and global partners, friends and families of Purdue. “Neil Armstrong said, ‘Knowledge is fundamental to all human achievement and progress.’ A university gifts a time when lives are lifted by student access and success. My own life was lifted out of scarcity because of education. A university preserves a place for all minds in pursuit of open inquiry. And I’m ever grateful for the honor to serve the talents at our university. As an immigrant living the American dream and as a citizen of the greatest nation in human history, I’m also proud to serve, in higher education as I did in the U.S. State Department, the best hope for freedom and opportunity in the ‘shining city on the hill.’ “Opportunities and challenges are intensifying for American higher education, from modality and value of learning to R&D investment by government and the private sector. We believe the entire Purdue system, across all campuses and all units, will innovate together and excel together: one brick at a time, toward boundless potential in the Boilermaker future. “Hail Our Purdue!”
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"www.facebook.com" ]	2016-11-16T13:02:56+00:00	Meet President Donald Trump's family, inner circle and team.	en		BBC News	https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-37999969	The former Indiana governor is a favourite among social conservatives and boasts considerable experience in Washington. Mr Pence was raised Roman Catholic along with his five siblings in Columbus, Indiana, and says he was inspired by liberal icons John F Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. He is known for his staunch opposition to abortion, signing a bill to ban abortion in Indiana on the basis of disability, gender or race of the foetus. He has said he would favour overturning a 1973 Supreme Court judgement, often referred to as the Roe v Wade case, which bars the US government from prohibiting abortions. Women's rights advocates have mounted online campaigns against his views, including asking people to call his office to tell them about their periods or to make donations to family-planning organisations in Mr Pence's name. He served as the chair of the House Republican Conference, the third highest-ranking Republican leadership position. He also chaired the Republican Study Group, a coalition of conservative House Republicans, which could give him a boost with some evangelicals of the party that have questioned Mr Trump's ideological purity, the BBC's Anthony Zurcher says. Who is Mike Pence? The president initially nominated the retired Marine General to oversee Homeland Security before promoting him to chief of staff, replacing Reince Priebus. Mr Kelly was a key influence on the decision to fire the director of communications, Anthony Scaramucci, after just 10 days in office. The former four-star general, whose military career spans four decades, quit as head of the military's Southern Command, which oversees military activities in Latin America and the Caribbean, to join the Trump administration. Mr Kelly is the highest-ranking military officer to lose a child in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. His son Robert, a first lieutenant in the Marines, was killed in combat when he stepped on a landmine in Afghanistan in 2010. The seasoned commander had previously clashed with the Obama administration on illegal immigration at the US-Mexican border. In December Mr Trump said Mr Kelly would leave his post by the end of the year. It followed reports that the relationship between the two had deteriorated. Known for his walrus moustache, Mr Bolton has served in the administrations of Ronald Reagan, George HW Bush and George W Bush. The second Bush appointed him as US envoy to the UN, during which time diplomats privately criticised Mr Bolton's style as abrasive. A strident neo-conservative, Mr Bolton helped build the case that Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction, which turned out to be wrong. Mr Bolton does not appear to have moderated his views since his last spell in government. He stands by the invasion of Iraq and has called for the US to attack Iran and North Korea. Bush-era war hawk makes comeback The Republican strategist and veteran pollster serves as the highest-ranking woman in the White House after having earlier been considered for the role of press secretary. "She is a tireless and tenacious advocate of my agenda and has amazing insights on how to effectively communicate our message," Mr Trump said. The mother of four was promoted as Mr Trump's third campaign manager in August 2016 as part of another staff shake-up after the Republican convention. She has been praised as the "Trump whisperer" and became the first woman to run a successful US presidential campaign. Mr Cohen was more than a lawyer, he was a self-professed fixer. And his loyalty was unflinching - he once said he would take a bullet for Mr Trump. The two were introduced by Donald Trump Jr in 2006 and Mr Cohen soon became part of the family. But that close personal and professional relationship began disintegrating the moment Stormy Daniels became news. Ever since the porn actress claimed she had an affair with Mr Trump - and that Mr Cohen paid her off - their friendship has been under strain. After his offices were raided by the FBI, he said his family was his top priority. In return, Mr Trump and his aides have been disparaging of Mr Cohen. This soured further when audio was released by Mr Cohen's lawyer of a conversation in 2016 of candidate Trump and Mr Cohen discussing the payment. Now the news that Mr Cohen had struck a deal with the FBI - as they investigate possible fraud and campaign finance violations - could put even greater distance between them. She has stood by her husband despite reports of his infidelities, alleged sexual assaults, and campaign revelations that he boasted about groping women. In July 2016 she made headlines after making a speech at the Republican National Convention, which she was accused of having plagiarised from one made by Michelle Obama in 2008. In an October interview with CNN, she was asked what she would change about her husband. She replied: "His tweeting". She stayed in New York with their son Barron until he finished his school term, before formally moving into the White House in June 2017. Perhaps the best-known of Donald Trump's children, the only daughter of his marriage to Ivana, his first wife. A model in her early years, she was a vice-president at The Trump Organization, before stepping down when her father became president. She also launched her eponymous fashion line and was also a judge on her father's reality TV show The Apprentice. Her brother Donald Junior says Ivanka is the favourite child and is referred to as "Daddy's little girl". She was given a level of authority in the family business that none of his wives ever had and is said to have handled some of the company's biggest deals. Since Mr Trump became president, she has regularly been seen at his side. She, rather than the first lady, travelled with him to an air base in early February 2017 to mark the return of the body of a soldier killed in a raid in Yemen. She joined her father's administration as an unpaid aide with the title Adviser to the President, and has her own office in the West Wing of the White House. After her father became president, Ivanka said she had resigned from her signature apparel and accessories brand. She converted to Judaism after marrying Jared Kushner in 2009. America's other First Lady? Mr Trump's media-shy son-in-law is the son of a prominent New York property developer and is married to Ivanka Trump. Mr Kushner arrived at the White House with the broadest of briefs and has come out on top of several rounds of infighting in the West Wing. But he increasingly faces a battle for relevance - stripped of his top-level security clearance and locked in a power struggle. It emerged that Mr Kushner had attempted to arrange a communications backchannel with Russia during the presidential transition. But Mr Kushner denies any suggestion of collusion with the Kremlin. He is a wealthy property developer and publisher. He owns 666 Fifth Avenue, a skyscraper a few blocks down from Trump Tower, and in 2006, aged just 25, he bought the once-venerable New York Observer newspaper. Mr Kushner was born and raised in comfort in Livingston, New Jersey, alongside two sisters and a brother. His grandparents escaped Poland during the war, arriving in the US in 1949, and his father Charles made his fortune as a New Jersey property mogul. Trump's right-hand man Donald Trump's eldest son from his first marriage to Ivana is now executive vice-president of The Trump Organization, but had played a significant role during Mr Trump's campaign. In July 2017, it emerged that Mr Trump Jr - along with Jared Kushner and former campaign manager Paul Manafort - had met with a Russian lawyer with links to the Kremlin during Mr Trump's presidential campaign. He initially explained that the meeting was held to discuss Russian adoptions, which were suspended after the US announced sanctions on Russia in 2012. But emails showed that he decided to attend the meeting after being offered damaging information about Hillary Clinton. He and President Trump have since described the meeting as "opposition research" that any politician would engage in. The former hardline Republican Congressman became US spymaster as head of the CIA. Now he has been nominated to take over as America's top diplomat following Mr Trump's abrupt firing of Rex Tillerson. The three-term Tea Party Republican from Wichita, Kansas, was a vehement critic of the Obama administration's nuclear deal with Iran and has defended the National Security Agency's bulk data collection programme. He also opposes closing Guantanamo Bay and, after visiting the prison in 2013, he remarked that some inmates who had declared a hunger strike looked like they had put on weight. In January, he told the BBC that Russia would target the US mid-term elections. Trump's new loyalist top diplomat Not all of Mr Trump's supporters welcomed the idea of handing the levers of national tax policy to a consummate Wall Street insider. During his time running the OneWest bank, his business oversaw thousands of home foreclosures in the aftermath of the subprime mortgage crisis. Mr Mnuchin amassed a fortune during his 17 years at Goldman Sachs before founding the movie production company behind such box office hits as the X-Men franchise and American Sniper. Five things about Steve Mnuchin The treasury secretary found himself under investigation after he took a government-subsidised trip to Fort Knox with his Scottish wife Louis Linton, amid claims they were sightseeing. US treasury secretary's wife rues missteps From 2010-13 he led US Central Command, which covers an area from the Horn of Africa into Central Asia and includes all US military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. He is known for his blunt comments. In 2005 he was criticised after saying - in reference to Afghan men who "slap women around... because they didn't wear a veil" - that "it's a hell of a lot of fun to shoot them". But he is also described as a popular leader, well-liked by those he commanded, and an avid reader of literature on warfare. His nicknames were warrior monk and mad dog. As Gen Mattis retired in 2013, the law that bans military officers from serving as defence chief for seven years after leaving active duty was waived. 'Warrior Monk' to head Pentagon Born in Taiwan, she became the first Asian-American woman to hold a position in a presidential cabinet when she led the Labor Department under President Bush from 2001-09. Ms Chao, who is married to Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, served as deputy secretary of transportation and director of the Peace Corps in former President George HW Bush's administration. She came to the US with her family at the age of eight and settled in New York, where her father became a shipping magnate. Mr Sessions had been one of Mr Trump's closest allies throughout the campaign, and his loyalty was rewarded when he became the nation's top prosecutor. But the former senator from Alabama has appeared isolated after the president said he never would have appointed him if he had known that Mr Sessions would later recuse himself from the Russian investigation. Mr Sessions later said the president's attacks were "kinda hurtful". Allegations of racism have dogged him throughout his career, and were raised during his confirmation hearing in the Senate. He lost out on a federal judgeship back in 1986 when former colleagues said he had used the N-word. But during the hearing, he acknowledged "the horrendous impact that relentless and systemic discrimination and the denial of voting rights has had on our African-American brothers and sisters". Ms Haspel has been chosen by Mr Trump to take over from Mike Pompeo as he steps up to become secretary of state. If confirmed, she will become the first female director of the Central Intelligence Agency. A career intelligence officer with more than 30 years' experience, she was appointed CIA deputy director last year. Controversially, she ran a prison in Thailand where suspected al-Qaeda members were tortured by waterboarding in 2002. Trump's pick as new CIA director The former Texas governor heads an agency he proposed to eliminate during his failed 2012 presidential campaign. The former Dancing with the Stars contestant was a vocal critic of Mr Trump, calling him a "barking carnival act" and a "cancer on conservatism" before he dropped out of his second unsuccessful bid for the White House in 2015. As governor of Texas, Mr Perry called for lighter regulation on the oil industry and referred to the science around climate change as "unsettled". After being picked by Mr Trump, he stepped down from the board of directors at Energy Transfer Partners, the company behind the controversial Dakota Access Pipeline in North Dakota. Mrs DeVos is an advocate of Republican-favoured charter schools, which are publicly funded and set up by teachers, parents, or community groups outside the state school system. She also previously supported the Common Core education standards that Mr Trump and many conservatives have pilloried. Mr Trump called her "a brilliant and passionate education advocate" but she was criticised after appearing to struggle at times during her nomination hearing. Why is Betsy DeVos so unpopular? The former Florida International University law dean has worked for the National Labor Relations Board, the Justice Department's civil rights division, and the US Attorney for the Southern District of Florida. Before joining the Trump administration, he was chairman of the US Century Bank, the largest domestically owned Hispanic community bank in Florida. During his time serving as US Attorney in Florida, he cut a secret deal with billionaire financier Jeffrey Epstein, who had been accused of sexual misconduct with underage girls. The deal was criticised by lawyers representing the alleged victims, saying that the punishment was too lenient. Mr Zinke has bucked his party on the issue of privatisation or transfer of public lands to states, which he believes should remain under federal control. Environmental advocacy groups condemned the pick, accusing him of being in hock to corporate polluters. Mr Zinke's time in office has been overshadowed by a series of alleged ethics violations. President Trump announced on 15 December 2018 that he would leave his post at the end of the month. Who is Ryan Zinke? Andrew Wheeler- Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) boss The former energy lobbyist was appointed chief of the EPA after Scott Pruitt resigned amid a string of scandals regarding his spending habits and allegations of ethical misconduct. Mr Wheeler, who served as the No 2 official at the EPA, was confirmed as Mr Pruitt's deputy in April. The 53-year-old Ohio native worked for nine years as lobbyist for the coal industry, representing companies that often had business before the EPA. He worked as a special assistant for the EPA's Office of Pollution Prevention and Toxics during the 1990s before becoming an aide at the Senate's Environment Committee. He also was a staffer for Republican Senator Jim Inhofe, who served as a chairman for the Senate environmental panel and has dismissed global warming as a hoax. In announcing Mr Pruitt's resignation, the president tweeted he has "no doubt that Andy will continue on with our great and lasting EPA agenda. We have made tremendous progress and the future of the EPA is very bright!" Mr Navarro is a top economic advisor to the president and director of the White House's Trade and Manufacturing Policy office. A staunch anti-China and pro-tariff economist, Mr Navarro was sidelined and demoted by Chief of Staff John Kelly and other free trade economists on the National Economic Council last autumn. However, the former Trump campaign advisor - an economics professor at the University of California, Irvine - still wields influence in the White House, as seen by the tariffs placed on steel and aluminium.
7770	dbpedia	2	15	https://kids.kiddle.co/Mitch_Daniels	en	Mitch Daniels facts for kids	https://kids.kiddle.co/i…itch_Daniels.jpg	https://kids.kiddle.co/i…itch_Daniels.jpg	[ "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-robot.svg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-search-engine.svg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/e/e4/Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg/300px-Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/f/f1/Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg/128px-Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg.png", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/2/2c/Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C39260_%28cropped%29.jpg/300px-Reagan_Contact_Sheet_C39260_%28cropped%29.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/a/a0/911-_President_George_W._Bush_with_Insurance_Representatives%2C_09-17-2001_%286124778524%29.jpg/300px-911-_President_George_W._Bush_with_Insurance_Representatives%2C_09-17-2001_%286124778524%29.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/9/92/Mitch_Daniels_for_Governor_Logo_2004.gif", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/b/ba/Mitch_Daniels_at_Camp_Arifjan%2C_Kuwait%2C_April_16%2C_2006.jpg/230px-Mitch_Daniels_at_Camp_Arifjan%2C_Kuwait%2C_April_16%2C_2006.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/8/8d/Indiana_National_Guard.jpg/300px-Indiana_National_Guard.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/7/7a/MitchDanielsOfficialHeadshot.jpg/230px-MitchDanielsOfficialHeadshot.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/3/38/FEMA_-_35668_-_FEMA_Administrator_Paulison_with_Indiana_Governor_Daniels_at_Press_Conference_in_Indiana.jpg/300px-FEMA_-_35668_-_FEMA_Administrator_Paulison_with_Indiana_Governor_Daniels_at_Press_Conference_in_Indiana.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/b/b3/Purdue_University_President_Mitch_Daniels_talks_with_Agriculture_Secretary_Tom_Vilsack_in_2014.jpg/300px-Purdue_University_President_Mitch_Daniels_talks_with_Agriculture_Secretary_Tom_Vilsack_in_2014.jpg", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/thumb/5/5f/Kids_robot.svg/60px-Kids_robot.svg.png", "https://kids.kiddle.co/images/wk/kids-search-engine.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Learn Mitch Daniels facts for kids	en	/images/wk/favicon-16x16.png		https://kids.kiddle.co/Mitch_Daniels	Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. (born April 7, 1949) is an American academic administrator, businessman, author, and retired politician who served as the 49th governor of Indiana from 2005 to 2013. A Republican, he later served as president of Purdue University from 2013 until the end of 2022. Daniels began his career as an assistant to senator Richard Lugar, working as his chief of staff in the Senate from 1977 to 1982. He was appointed executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee when Lugar was chairman from 1983 to 1984. He worked as a chief political advisor and as a liaison to President Ronald Reagan in 1985. He then moved back to Indiana to become president of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. He later joined Eli Lilly and Company where he served as president of North American Pharmaceutical Operations from 1993 to 1997 and as senior vice president of corporate strategy and policy from 1997 to 2001. In January 2001, Daniels was appointed by President George W. Bush as the director of the U.S. Office of Management and Budget, where he served until June 2003. Daniels ran in Indiana's 2004 gubernatorial election after leaving the Bush administration. He won the Republican primary with 67% of the vote and defeated Democratic incumbent Governor Joe Kernan in the general election. In 2008, Daniels was reelected to a second term, defeating Jill Long Thompson. During his tenure, Daniels cut the state government workforce by 18%, cut and capped state property taxes, balanced the state budget through austerity measures and increasing spending by less than the inflation rate. In his second term, Daniels saw protest by labor unions and Democrats in the state legislature over Indiana's school voucher program, privatization of public highways, and the attempt to pass 'right to work' legislation, leading to the 2011 Indiana legislative walkouts. During the legislature's last session under Daniels, he signed a 'right-to-work law', with Indiana becoming the 23rd state in the nation to pass such legislation. It was widely speculated that Daniels would be a candidate in the 2012 presidential election, but he chose not to run. Daniels was selected by the Trustees of the Board of Purdue University, all of whom he appointed or re-appointed while Governor, to become the university president after his term as governor ended on January 14, 2013. He retired as Purdue president on January 1, 2023. Early life Family and education Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. was born on April 7, 1949, in Monongahela, Pennsylvania, the son of Dorothy Mae (née Wilkes) and Mitchell Elias Daniels. His father's parents were Syrian immigrants from Qalatiyah, Syria, of Antiochian Greek Orthodox descent. Daniels has been honored by the Arab-American Institute with the 2011 Najeeb Halaby Award for Public Service. His mother's ancestry was mostly English (where three of his great-grandparents were born). Daniels spent his early childhood years in Pennsylvania, Tennessee, and Georgia. The Daniels family moved to Indiana from Pennsylvania in 1959 when his father accepted a job at the Indianapolis headquarters of the pharmaceutical company Pitman-Moore. The 10-year-old Daniels was accustomed to the mountains, and he at first disliked the flatland of central Indiana. He was still in grade school at the time of the move and first attended Delaware Trail Elementary, Westlane Junior High School, and North Central High School. In high school he was student body president. After graduation in 1967, Daniels was named one of Indiana's Presidential Scholars—the state's top male high school graduate that year—by President Lyndon B. Johnson. In 1971, Daniels earned a Bachelor's degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University after completing a senior thesis titled "The Politics of Metropolitanization: City-County Consolidation in Indianapolis, Indiana". While at Princeton, he was a member of the American Whig–Cliosophic Society, where he overlapped with future Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito, who was a year below. He initially studied law at the Indiana McKinney School of Law in Indianapolis. After accepting a job with newly elected Senator Richard Lugar, he transferred to the Georgetown University Law Center, from which he earned a Juris Doctor. Early political career Daniels had his first experience in politics while still a teenager when, in 1968, he worked on the unsuccessful campaign of fellow Hoosier and Princeton alumnus William Ruckelshaus, who was running for the U.S. Senate against incumbent Democrat Birch Bayh. After the campaign, Daniels secured an internship in the office of then-Indianapolis mayor Richard Lugar, a Ruckelshaus ally. Daniels worked on Lugar's re-election campaign in 1971, and later, in 1974, he worked on Lugar's first campaign for Senate via L. Keith Bulen's Campaign Communicators, Inc, a political consultancy where Daniels served as vice president. Daniels joined Lugar's mayoral staff in December 1974. Within three years, he became Lugar's principal assistant. After Lugar was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1976, Daniels followed him to Washington, D.C., as his Chief of Staff. Daniels served as Chief of Staff during Lugar's first term (1977–1982), and, during this time, he met Cheri Herman, who was working for the National Park Service. The two married in 1978 and had four daughters. They divorced in 1993 and Cheri married again; Cheri later divorced her second husband and remarried Daniels in 1997. In 1983, when Lugar was elected chairman of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, Daniels was appointed its executive director. Serving in that position (1983–84), he played a major role in keeping the GOP in control of the Senate. Daniels was also manager of three successful re-election campaigns for Lugar. In August 1985, Daniels became chief political advisor and liaison to state and local governments for President Ronald Reagan. In 1987, Daniels returned to Indiana as president and CEO of the Hudson Institute, a conservative think tank. In 1988, Dan Quayle was elected Vice President of the United States, and Indiana governor Robert D. Orr offered to appoint Daniels to Quayle's vacant Senate seat. Daniels declined the offer, saying it would force him to spend too much time away from his family. Daniels led the Reagan administration's response to the Supreme Court's ruling on the Fair Labor Standards Act, and advocated limiting the power of the federal government in defining overtime rules for state and local governments, summing up his position by asking "What business is it of the Federal Government to tell localities how to structure their personnel practices?". While serving as the executive director of the Senate Republican campaign committee, Daniels expressed concern about the honesty of Illinois elections saying in 1984, "ballot integrity will be the single most decisive factor in the Illinois Senate race", a theme Daniels has returned to throughout his career. Eli Lilly In 1990, Daniels left the Hudson Institute to accept a position at Eli Lilly and Company, the largest corporation headquartered in Indiana at that time. He was first promoted to President of North American Operations (1993–97) and then to Senior Vice President for Corporate Strategy and Policy (1997–2001). During his tenure Lilly pleaded guilty to two criminal misdemeanors, paid more than $2.7 billion in fines and damages, settled more than 32,000 personal injury claims—and copped to one of the largest state consumer protection cases involving a drug company in U.S. history. Eli Lilly experienced dramatic growth during Daniels's tenure at the company. Prozac sales made up 30–40% of Lilly's income during the mid-to-late 1990s, and Lilly doubled its assets to $12.8 billion and doubled its revenue to $10 billion during the same period. When Daniels later became governor of Indiana, he drew heavily on his former Lilly colleagues to serve as advisers and agency managers. During the same period, Daniels also served on the board of directors of the Indianapolis Power & Light (IPL). He resigned from the IPL Board in 2001 to join the federal government, and sold his IPL stock along with all other holdings in order to comply with federal ethics requirements. Later that year the value declined when Virginia-based AES Corporation bought IPL. Office of Management and Budget On December 22, 2000, President-elect George W. Bush announced that he would nominate Daniels to serve as the director of the Office of Management and Budget. and was confirmed by the United States Senate by a vote of 100–0 on January 23, 2001. In this role he was also a member of the National Security Council and the Homeland Security Council. During his time as the director of the OMB, Daniels sought to restrict congressional spending, saying Congress's motto apparently is "Don't just stand there, spend something." During his tenure he was criticized by Republicans and Democrats alike. After his first year in office Senator Ted Stevens, then the ranking member of the United States Senate Committee on Appropriations, suggested 'the best thing Daniels could do to repair relations with congress was to go back to Indiana'. Representative Bill Young, then chairman of the United States House Committee on Appropriations complained about Daniels' leadership saying ''I'm convinced the director of O.M.B. is only concerned about numbers ... and he has no concern about what those numbers do or do not do for the country, for our military, for our security." Then HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson complained that Daniels's office would reject a proposal "nine times out of 10, just to show you who the boss is". The $2.13 trillion budget Daniels submitted to Congress in 2001 would have made deep cuts in many agencies to accommodate the tax cuts being made, but few of the spending cuts were actually approved by Congress. Shortly after the invasion of Afghanistan, Daniels gave a speech to the National Press Club in which he challenged the view of those who wanted to continue typical spending while the nation was at war. "The idea of reallocating assets from less important to more important things, especially in a time of genuine emergency, makes common sense and is applied everywhere else in life," he said. Despite such efforts, during Daniels's 29-month tenure in the position, the projected federal budget surplus of $236 billion ballooned to a $400 billion deficit, due to the recession of 2001, tax cuts, the War in Afghanistan (2001–present), and Iraq War. Nobel economics Laureate Paul Krugman noted Daniels is "held up as an icon of fiscal responsibility" without having earned it. Commenting on Daniels leadership he wrote "what I can't forget is his key role in the squandering of the fiscal surplus Bush inherited. It wasn't just that he supported the Bush tax cuts; the excuses he made for that irresponsibility were stunningly fraudulent. So I just can't take his current pose of deficit hawkishness seriously." Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, Congress passed legislation authorizing the creation of the Department of Homeland Security. Just before the legislation was signed by Bush, Republican lawmakers inserted language into the bill that authorized protection from liability corporations that manufactured thimerosal, a controversial vaccine preservative that has been the subject of multiple lawsuits. Eli Lilly was once the largest maker of thimerosal and is a major target of the lawsuits. Daniels was the budget director at the time of the bill's passing and some have raised concerns over potential conflicts of interest. Congress repealed the thimerosal provision following expressions of public displeasure. Conservative columnist Ross Douthat stated in a column about Daniels's time at OMB that Daniels "carried water, as director of the Office of Management and Budget, for some of the Bush administration's more egregious budgets." But Douthat, while calling Daniels "America's Best Governor", defended Daniels against accusations that Daniels inaccurately assessed the costs of the Iraq war. In 2002, Daniels helped discredit a report by Assistant to the President on Economic Policy Lawrence B. Lindsey estimating the cost of the Iraq War at between $100-$200 billion. Daniels called this estimate "very, very high" and stated that the costs would be between $50-$60 billion. At the time Daniels would not provide specific costs for either a long or a short military campaign against Saddam Hussein, saying the administration was budgeting for both. The failure to provide long term cost estimates led opponents to claim that Daniels and the administration had suggested the entire war would cost less than $60 billion. The CBO has estimated the total cost of the war in Iraq to U.S. taxpayers will be around $1.9 trillion if it was carried on until 2017. Three months later, on March 25, 2003, five days after the start of the invasion, President Bush requested $53 billion through an emergency supplemental appropriation to cover operational expenses in Iraq until September 30 of that year. According to the Congressional Budget Office, Military operations in Iraq for 2003 cost $46 billion, less than the amount projected by Daniels and OMB. Douthat and other defenders of Daniels accuse Daniels's critics of mischaracterizing the six-month supplemental appropriation as a request to fund the entire war. The costs of the Iraq war have exceeded $800 billion. Between September 2001 and October 2012, lawmakers appropriated about $1.4 trillion for operations in both the war in Iraq and Afghanistan. On May 7, 2003, Daniels announced that he would resign as OMB director within 30 days in a move that Bush administration officials said was to prepare to run for governor of Indiana. 49th Governor of Indiana Election campaign Main article: 2004 Indiana gubernatorial election Daniels's decision to run for Governor of Indiana led to most of the rest of Republican field of candidates dropping out of the race. The only challenger who did not do so was conservative activist and lobbyist Eric Miller. Miller worked for the Phoenix Group, a Christian rights defense group. Daniels's campaign platform centered on cutting the state budget and privatizing public agencies. He won the primary with 67% of the vote. While campaigning in the general election, Daniels visited all 92 counties at least three times. He traveled in a donated white RV nicknamed "RV-1" and covered with signatures of supporters and his campaign slogan, "My Man Mitch". "My Man Mitch" was a reference to a phrase once used by President George W. Bush to refer to Daniels. Bush campaigned with Daniels on two occasions, as Daniels hoped that Bush's popularity would help him secure a win. In his many public stops, he frequently used the phrase "every garden needs weeding every sixteen years or so"; it had been 16 years since Indiana had had a Republican governor. His opponent in the general election was the incumbent, Joe Kernan, who had succeeded to the office upon the death of Frank O'Bannon. The 2004 election was the costliest in Indiana history, up until that time, with the candidates spending a combined US$23 million. Daniels won the election, garnering about 53% of the vote compared to Kernan's 46%. Kernan was the first incumbent governor to lose an election in Indiana since 1892. First term On his first day in office, Daniels created Indiana's first Office of Management and Budget to look for inefficiencies and cost savings throughout state government. The same day, he decertified all government employee unions by executive order, removing the requirement that state employees pay union dues by rescinding a mandate created by Governor Evan Bayh in a 1989 executive order. Dues-paying union membership subsequently dropped 90% among all state employees. Budgetary measures In his first State of the State address on January 18, 2005, Daniels put forward his agenda to improve the state's fiscal situation. Indiana has a biennial budget, and had a projected two-year deficit of $800 million. Daniels called for strict controls on all spending increases and reducing the annual growth rate of the budget. He also proposed a one-year 1% tax increase on all individuals and entities earning over $100,000. The taxing proposal was controversial and the Republican Speaker of the House, Brian Bosma, criticized Daniels and refused to allow the proposal to be debated. The General Assembly approved $250 million in spending cuts and Daniels renegotiated 30 different state contracts for a savings of $190 million, resulting in a budget of $23 billion. Annual spending growth for future budgets was cut to 2.8% from the 5.9% that had been standard for many years. Increase in revenues, coupled with the spending reductions, led to a $300 million budget surplus. Indiana is not permitted to take loans, as borrowing was prohibited in its constitution following the 1837 state bankruptcy. The state, therefore, had financed its deficit spending by reallocating $760 million in revenue that belonged to local government and school districts over the course of many years. The funds were gradually and fully restored to the municipal governments using the surplus money, and the state reserve fund was grown to $1.3 billion. Two of Daniels's other tax proposals were approved: a tax on liquor and beverages to fund the construction of the Lucas Oil Stadium and a tax on rental cars to expand the Indiana Convention Center. The new source of funding resulted in a state take-over of a project initially started by the city of Indianapolis and led to a bitter feud between Daniels and the city leadership over who should have ownership of the project. The state ultimately won and took ownership of the facilities from the city. In 2006, Daniels continued his effort to reduce state operating costs by signing into law a bill privatizing the enrollment service for the state's welfare programs. Indiana's welfare enrollment facilities were replaced with call centers operated by IBM. In mid-2009, after complaints of poor service, Daniels canceled the contract and returned the enrollment service to the public sector. Daylight Saving Time One of the most controversial measures Daniels successfully pushed through was the state adoption of Daylight Saving Time, which Daniels argued, in a complicated economy, was needed to end constant confusion and bring Indiana into a year-long alignment with the rest of the country. Prior to the change, the counties in the western side of the state did not observe daylight saving time, although the counties in southeastern Indiana near Cincinnati, Ohio, did observe it unofficially due to being in that city's metropolitan area. Interests for both time zones had prevented the official adoption of daylight saving since the 1960s, leading to decades of debate. Daniels pressed for the entire state to switch to Central Time, but the General Assembly could not come to terms. Ultimately after a long debate, the General Assembly adopted Eastern Daylight Saving Time in April 2005. The measure passed by one vote and put most of the state on the Eastern Time Zone, except for counties in the northwest and southwest corners that are in the Central Time Zone. Highways In 2006 the legislature enacted Daniels' controversial plan to remake the state's highways system by leasing the Indiana Toll Road. Called the Major Moves, the road was leased to Statewide Mobility Partners, a joint venture company owned by Spanish firm Cintra and Australia's Macquarie Infrastructure Group for 75 years in exchange for a one time payment of $3.85 billion and the commitment to make $4.4 billion worth of upgrades to the road. Most Democrats opposed the measure by starting an advertising campaign accusing Daniels of selling the road to foreign nations. Other critics characterized the deal for fundamentally changing the relationship between infrastructure and taxpayers" saying "the road intended to serve the people of Indiana now is serving the profit needs of a multinational corporation". Daniels defended the lease, claiming that the road was not earning the state money because of the historical lack of political will to raise tolls. He told a congressional committee, "…instead of making money for the state, the road had operated at a loss for 5 of the previous 7 years…Political timidity had kept tolls locked at the same price since 1985…Even if we raised the tolls, there was little reason to believe that the governors who would come after me would have the inclination or the political ability to do the same. I once asked how much it cost to collect that 15-cent toll on the road and the answer came back at 34 cents. I joked that we would have been better off with the honor system and a fishbowl for occasional donations." Daniels and an independent accounting firm believed the road was worth $2 billion at most and were surprised by the offer of nearly $4 billion in cash, plus that much in contracted improvements. Daniels called it the best deal since "Manhattan was sold for beads—except this time, the natives won." Initially, Daniels's support for the controversial legislation led to a rapid drop in his approval rating; in May 2005, a poll showed an 18-point drop in support and that only 42% of Hoosiers approved of the way he was doing his job. In the following months, many of his reforms appeared to have a positive effect and his approval ratings rebounded. The income from the lease was used to finance a backlog of public transportation projects and create a $500 million trust fund to generate revenue for the maintenance of the highway system. Local governments also received a significant windfall from the deal, including $150 million that went to Indiana's 92 counties for local roads, $240 million to seven counties for infrastructure and economic development projects, and $120 million for the Northwest Regional Development Authority for local economic development. Over the next ten years, Indiana would use the cash and interest from the deal to add or expand several major new roadways such as US 31, the Hoosier Heartland Highway, I-69, and the Ohio River bridges. It also rehabilitated 1,400 bridges and 50% of the state's roads without using tax dollars or taking on new debt. As anticipated, drivers experienced dramatic hikes in tolls after the lease, which increased the cost to travel on the public road from $4.65 to $8.80 for passenger vehicles, and semitrailer trucks from $18 to $35.20. Despite doubling toll prices, the foreign-owned operator of the toll road filed for bankruptcy in 2014, and its $3.85 billion purchase price resulted in $6 billion in debts owed by the company to its financiers. Indiana retained the $3.85 billion lump sum payment and the lease was transferred to another Australian investment company without altering the terms of the lease. An October 2014 ITR report to the Indiana Toll Road Oversight Board cited numerous deficiencies along the highway including: deficient pavements and signage at travel plazas, activities at vehicle maintenance facilities that could allow petroleum products or other chemicals into open storm water drains, and closed sewage dump stations at risk of unmonitored dumping. In response, the new lease owners pledged to invest $260 million in capital improvements. In June 2015, Ken Daley, the new CEO of the Indiana Toll Road Concession Company, announced that all of the original 1955 travel plazas would be demolished and replaced within the next five years. As of October 2015, the Booth Tarkington service area, the easternmost in Indiana, was permanently closed[citation needed] Healthy Indiana Plan In 2007, Daniels signed the Healthy Indiana Plan, which provided 132,000 uninsured Indiana workers with coverage. The program works by helping its beneficiaries purchase a private health insurance policy with a subsidy from the state. The plan promotes health screenings, early prevention services, and smoking cessation. It also provides tax credits for small businesses that create qualified wellness and Section 125 plans. The plan was paid for by an increase in the state's tax on cigarettes and the reallocation of federal Medicaid funds through a special waiver granted by the federal government. In a September 15, 2007, Wall Street Journal column, Daniels was quoted as saying about the Healthy Indiana Plan and cigarette tax increase saying, "A consumption tax on a product you'd just as soon have less of doesn't violate the rules I learned under Ronald Reagan." The plan allows low to moderate income households where the members have no access to employer provided healthcare to apply for coverage. At the time of initial implementation, the fee for coverage was calculated using a formula that resulted in a charge between 2%–5% of a person's income. A $1,100 annual deductible was standard on all policies and allowed applicants to qualify for a health savings account. The plan paid a maximum of $300,000 in annual benefits. Property tax reform See also: Taxation in Indiana In 2008, Daniels proposed a property tax ceiling of one percent on residential properties, two percent for rental properties and three percent for businesses. The plan was approved by the Indiana General Assembly on March 14, 2008, and signed by Daniels on March 19, 2008. In 2008, Indiana homeowners had an average property tax cut of more than 30 percent; a total of $870 million in tax cuts. Most money collected through property taxes funds local schools and county government. To offset the loss in revenues to the municipal bodies, the state raised the sales tax from 6% to 7% effective April 1, 2008. Fearing a future government might overturn the statute enforcing property tax rate caps, Daniels and other state Republican leaders pressed for an amendment to add the new tax limits to the state constitution. The proposed amendment was placed on the 2010 General election ballot and was a major focus of Daniels's reelection campaign. In November 2010, voters elected to adopt the tax caps into the Indiana Constitution. Daniels's successes at balancing the state budget began to be recognized nationally near the end of his first term. Daniels was named on the 2008 "Public Officials of the Year" by the Governing magazine. The same year, he received the 2008 Urban Innovator Award from the Manhattan Institute for his ideas for dealing with the state's fiscal and urban problems. Voter registration Main article: Crawford v. Marion County Election Board In the 2005 session of the General Assembly, Daniels and Republicans, with some Democratic support, successfully enacted a voter registration law that required voters to show a government issued photo ID before they could be permitted to vote. The law was the first of its kind in the United States, and many civil rights organizations, including the ACLU, opposed the bill, saying it would unfairly impact minorities, poor, and elderly voters who might be unable to afford an ID or be physically unable to apply for an ID. To partially address those concerns, the state passed another law authorizing state license branches to offer free state photo ID cards to individuals who did not already possess another type of state ID. A coalition of civil rights groups began a court challenge of the bill in Indiana state courts, and the Daniels administration defended the government in the case. The U.S. District Court granted summary judgment to the state. The petitioners appealed the bill to the United States Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit, and that body upheld the U.S. District Court decision in the case of Crawford v. Marion County Election Board. Upon appeal the United States Supreme Court also ruled in favor of the state in April 2008, setting a legal precedent. Several other states subsequently enacted similar laws in the years following. Reelection campaign See also: 2008 Indiana gubernatorial election Daniels entered the 2008 election year with a 51% approval rate, and 28% disapproval rate. Daniels's reelection campaign focused on the state's unemployment rate, which had decreased during his time in office, the proposed property tax reform amendment, and the successful balancing of the state budget during his first term. On November 4, 2008, Daniels defeated Democratic candidate Jill Long Thompson and was elected to a second term as governor with 57.8% of votes, despite Barack Obama carrying the state in the presidential race. He was re-inaugurated on January 12, 2009. Washington Post blogger Chris Cillizza named the Daniels reelection campaign "The Best Gubernatorial Campaign of 2008" and noted that some Republicans were already bandying about his name for the 2012 presidential election. Daniels garnered 20 percent of the African American vote and 37 percent of Latinos in his 2008 re-election campaign. He won with more votes than any candidate in the state's history. On July 14, 2010, at the Indianapolis Museum of Art, Daniels was on hand to help announce the return of IndyCar Series chassis manufacturing to the state of Indiana. Dallara Automobili would build a new technology center in Speedway, Indiana and the state of Indiana would subsidize the sale of the first 28 IndyCar chassis with a $150,000 discount. Daniels has been recognized for his commitment to fiscal discipline. He is a recent recipient of the Herman Kahn Award from the Hudson Institute, of which he is a former president and CEO, and was one of the first to receive the Fiscy award for fiscal discipline. A November 2010 poll gave Daniels a 75% approval rate. Second term Democrats won a majority in the Indiana House of Representatives in the 2006 and 2008 elections, resulting in Indiana having a divided government, with Democrats controlling the Indiana House of Representatives and the Republicans controlling the governor's office and the Indiana Senate. This led to a stalemate in the budget debate, which caused Daniels to call a special session of the General Assembly. Due to the national financial crisis, the state was faced with a $1.4 billion shortfall in revenue for the 2009–2011 budget years. Daniels proposed a range of spending cuts and cost-saving measures in his budget proposal. The General Assembly approved some of his proposals, but relied heavily on the state's reserve funds to pay for the budget shortfall. Daniels signed the $27 billion two-year budget into law. 2011 legislative walkout See also: 2011 Indiana legislative walkouts In the 2010 mid-term elections, Republican super-majorities regained control of the House, and took control of the Senate, giving the party full control of General Assembly for the first time in Daniels's tenure as governor. The 2011 Indiana General Assembly's regular legislative session began in January and the large Republicans majorities attempted to implement a wide-ranging conservative agenda largely backed by Daniels. Most of the agenda had been dormant since Daniels's election due to divided control of the assembly. In February, Republican legislators attempted to pass a right to work bill in the Indiana House of Representatives. The bill would have made it illegal for employees to be required to join a workers' union. Republicans argued that it would help the state attract new employers. Unable to prevent the measure from passing, Democratic legislators fled the state to deny the body a quorum while several hundred protesters staged demonstrations at the capital. Minority walkouts are somewhat common in the state, occurring as recently as 2005. While Daniels supported the legislation, he believed the Republican lawmakers should drop the bill because it was not part of their election platform and deserved a period of public debate. Republicans subsequently dropped the bill, but the Democratic lawmakers still refused to return to the capital, demanding additional bills be tabled, including a bill to create a statewide school voucher program. Their refusal to return left the Indiana General Assembly unable to pass any legislation, until three of the twelve bills they objected to were dropped from the agenda on March 28. The minority subsequently returned to the statehouse to resume their duties. Daniels was interviewed in February 2011 about the similar 2011 Wisconsin budget protests in Madison. While supporting the Wisconsin Republicans, he said that in Indiana "we're not in quite the same position or advocating quite the same things they are up in Madison." Education Following the legislative walkouts, the assembly began passing most of the agenda and Daniels signed the bills into law. Written in collaboration with Indiana Superintendent of Public Instruction Tony Bennett, a series of education reform laws made a variety of major changes to statewide public schools. A statewide school voucher program was enacted. Children in homes with an income under $41,000 could receive vouchers equal to 90% of the cost of their public school tuition and use that money to attend a private school. It provides lesser benefits to households with income over $41,000. The program was gradually phased in over a three-year period and became available to all state residents by 2014. Other funds were redirected to creating and expanding charter schools and expanding college scholarship programs. The law also created a merit pay system to give better performing teachers higher wages, gave broader authority to school superintendents to terminate the employment of teachers, and restricted the collective bargaining rights of teachers. WGU Indiana was established through an executive order on June 14, 2010, by Daniels, as a partnership between the state and Western Governors University in an effort to expand access to higher education for Indiana residents and increase the percentage of the state's adult population with education beyond high school. Economy Raising Hoosier incomes was a key focus of his tenure as governor. Critics argue that during his administration Indiana's per capita income dropped from 33rd to 38th among states, growing slightly slower than the national average, and the percentage of people living in poverty in Indiana rose from 10.2% to 14.9%. Supporters argue that economic progress was delayed by the Great Recession and when adjusted for Indiana's low cost of living, Hoosier incomes actually climbed following Daniels' leadership and Indiana rebounded from the recession faster than the rest of the nation in job growth and consumer spending. Main article: Indiana Economic Development Corporation Immigration On May 10, 2011, Daniels signed into law two immigration bills; one denying in-state tuition prices to illegal immigrants and another one imposing fines for employers that employed illegal immigrants. Several protestors, at least five of whom were illegal immigrants, were arrested while protesting the law at the statehouse when they broke into Daniels's office after being denied a meeting. Student leaders called for their release, while some state legislators called for their deportation. State Democratic Party leaders accused Daniels and the Republicans of passing controversial legislation only to enhance Daniels's image so he could seek the presidency. Daniels, however, denied the charges, saying he would have enacted the same agenda years earlier had the then-Democratic majority permitted him to do so. Budget cuts The state forecast continued revenue declines in 2010 that would result in a $1.7 billion budget shortfall if the state budget grew at its normal rate. Daniels submitted a two-year $27.5 billion spending plan to the General Assembly which would result in a $500 million surplus that would be used to rebuild the state reserve funds to $1 billion. He proposed a wide range of budget austerity measures, including employee furloughing, spending reductions, freezing state hiring, freezing state employee wages, and a host of administrative changes for state agencies. The state had already been gradually reducing its workforce by similar freezes, and by 2011, Indiana had the fewest state employees per capita of any state—a figure Daniels touted to say Indiana had the nation's smallest government. Daniels backed the creation of additional toll roads, expanding on his 2006 overhaul of the Indiana Toll Road system (known as "Major Moves"), in an attempt to secure an additional source of revenue for the state. But opposition from within his own party led to the bill being withdrawn by its Republican sponsor, Sen. Tom Wyss, Daniels's only significant legislative defeat during the 2011 session. The legislative walkouts delayed progress on the budget passage for nearly two months, but the House of Representatives was able to begin working on it in committee in April. The body made several alterations to the bill, including a reapportionment of education funding based more heavily on the number of students at a school, and removing some public school funding to finance the new voucher system and charter schools. Energy Daniels announced in October 2006 that a substitute natural gas company intended to build a facility in southern Indiana that would produce pipeline quality substitute natural gas (SNG). The lead investor was Leucadia National, which proposed a $2.6 billion plant in Rockport, Indiana. Under the terms of the deal endorsed by Daniels, the state would buy almost all the Rockport gas and resell it on the open market throughout the country. If the plant made money from the sale, excess profits would be split between Leucadia National's Indiana subsidiary, Indiana Gassification, and the state. If it lost money from the sale, then 100% of the losses would be passed onto Indiana consumers. Leucadia agreed to reimburse the state for any losses, up to $150 million over 30 years. Gas from the plant would make up about 17 percent of the state's supply. Critics feared that if gas prices fell over the next 30 years, the costs of the lost profits would be passed onto the bills of residents after the $150 million guarantee by Leucadia was exhausted. The deal also received criticism concerning government intrusion in the energy markets. Questions were also raised because Leucadia National hired Mark Lubbers, a former aide and close friend of Daniels, to promote the deal. The Daniels administration maintained that the plant would create jobs in an economically depressed part of the state and offer environmental benefits through an in-state energy source. The project was ultimately rejected by the state legislature in 2013. Right to Work Indiana became the first state in a decade to adopt Right to Work legislation. Indiana is home to many manufacturing jobs. The Indiana Economic Development Corp. has reported that 90 firms said the new law was an important factor in deciding to move to Indiana. Daniels signed the legislation on February 1, 2012, without much fanfare in the hopes of dispersing labor protesters before the Super Bowl in Indianapolis. 2012 presidential speculation Although Daniels had claimed to be reluctant to seek higher office, many media outlets, including Politico, The Weekly Standard, Forbes, The Washington Post, CNN, The Economist, and The Indianapolis Star began to speculate that Daniels intended to seek the Republican nomination for president in 2012 after he joined the national debate on cap and trade legislation by penning a response in The Wall Street Journal to policies espoused by the Democratic-majority Congress and the White House in August 2010. The speculation included Daniels's record of reforming government, reducing taxes, balancing the budget, and connecting with voters in Indiana. His "willingness to consider tax increases to rectify a budget deficit" was another source of contention. In August 2010, The Economist praised Daniels's "reverence for restraint and efficacy" and concluded that "he is, in short, just the kind of man to relish fixing a broken state—or country." Nick Gillespie of Reason called Daniels "a smart and effective leader who is a serious thinker about history, politics, and policy," and wrote that "Daniels, like former New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson, is a Republican who knows how to govern and can do it well." In February 2011, David Brooks of The New York Times described Daniels as the "Party's strongest [would be] candidate", predicting that he "couldn't match Obama in grace and elegance, but he could on substance." On December 12, 2010, Daniels suggested in a local interview that he would decide on a White House run before May 2011. Various groups and individuals pressured Daniels to run for office. In response to early speculation, Daniels dismissed a presidential run in June 2009, saying "I've only ever run for or held one office. It's the last one I'm going to hold." However, in February 2010 he told a Washington Post reporter that he was open to the idea of running in 2012. On March 6, 2011, Daniels was the winner of an Oregon (Republican Party) straw poll. Daniels drew 29.33% of the vote, besting second place finisher Mitt Romney (22.66%) and third place finisher Sarah Palin (18.22%), and was the winner of a similar straw poll in the state of Washington. On May 5, 2011, Daniels told an interviewer that he would announce "within weeks" his decision of whether or not to run for the Republican presidential nomination. He said he felt he was not prepared to debate on all the national issues, such as foreign policy, and needed time to better understand the issues and put together formal positions. Later in May, as the Republican field began to resolve with announcements and withdrawals of other candidates, Time said, "Even setting aside his somewhat unusual family situation, Daniels would need to hurry to put together an organization" and raise enough money if he intended to run. Daniels announced he would not seek the Republican nomination for the presidency on the night of May 21, 2011, via an email to the press, citing family constraints and the loss of privacy the family would experience should he become a candidate. In 2021 it was alleged by Max Eden, who led the Draft Daniels Student Group which provided much of the pressure for Daniels to run, that potentially damaging information was being held by some members of the Jon Huntsman campaign, chiefly John Weaver, the political advisor of the Huntsman campaign, regarding Daniels's wife. Eden also stated that Weaver had contacted him about a "seat at the table" of the Huntsman campaign, and further went on to state that Huntsman, then a potential top candidate for the Republican nomination, was himself unaware of Weaver's actions. Eden stated that the potential backlash from Weaver's information was a large contributor to Daniels's decision not to seek the Republican nomination, among other privacy concerns. 2016 presidential speculation In January 2014, the Republican National Committee sent an email to subscribers, asking them to pick their top three presidential choices. The poll included 32 potential candidates, including Daniels. In March 2015, Fortune Magazine named Daniels No. 41 on its list of the world's 50 greatest leaders, generating a new round of calls for Daniels to consider his options in 2016. Daniels was the only American university president and one of two national political figures to make the global list. President of Purdue University Student interactions Daniels consistently argued that his top priority as president was students such as in 2020 when he said: "We are only here, all of us, because of students, and to imagine that that is not our driving priority is a serious confusion..." Daniels worked out most days at the student gym and ate frequently with students in dining facilities and Greek houses. In March 2013, he joined forces with a group of engineering students to create a viral music video promoting engineering and Purdue University. Within 24 hours, the video had received over 50,000 views. Purdue home football games featured a segment entitled "Where's Mitch?", in which, the stadium video board showed the camera panning the crowd and eventually finding Daniels sitting among the fans, sometimes in the student section. Former Purdue presidents rarely left their suite in the press-box structure. In April 2019, Daniels received a T-shirt gun for his birthday that he used to shoot t-shirts with his printed picture into the student section during home basketball games. At the Spring 2021 Commencement, Daniels rode into the Purdue Football Stadium on a couch car designed by Purdue students that was often spotted on campus during that academic year. Purdue Polytechnic Indianapolis high school In 2015, Daniels announced plans to open the Purdue Polytechnic Indianapolis high school, designed to be a bridge for inner-city students to Purdue by admitting graduates directly to Purdue. Daniels described the high school as an attempt to increase the number of low-income, first-generation, and minority students who are prepared for Purdue. Purdue now operates three such high schools but as of summer 2021, only one school had existed long enough to graduate a class of seniors. Of that class, forty students were admitted to Purdue for fall 2021, more than double the average of 15 who attend Purdue from Indianapolis Public Schools. Racial equity and handling of racist incidents Daniels has been criticized by student groups and faculty for his unwillingness to take stronger stances on public displays of white supremacy on campus. In November 2016, posters appeared on campus with drawings of white people with sayings such as "We have a right to exist," and "Defending your people is a social duty, not an anti-social crime." Daniels called the posters, left by a racist organization, a "transparent effort to bait people into overreacting, thereby giving a minuscule fringe group attention it does not deserve, and that we decline to do." He also noted that the views of the organization behind the posters "are obviously inconsistent with the values and principles we believe in here at Purdue." In January 2017, students staged a sit-in of Hovde Hall, where Daniels's office is located. The occupation continued for 91 days. During that time, Daniels refused to meet the students. In 2019, Daniels met with Purdue student government leaders to discuss a controversy surrounding a Purdue student who was unable to buy cold medicine when an off-campus CVS clerk did not accept his Puerto Rican driver's license as valid. Following the scheduled meeting, Daniels had an impromptu 30-minute meeting with student activists who had various concerns about diversity at Purdue. At one point in the conversation, Daniels described his ongoing efforts to recruit an African American faculty member by calling the individual "one of the rarest creatures in America—a leading, I mean a really leading, African-American scholar". The University Senate's Equity and Diversity Committee issued a statement calling Daniels's phrasing "problematic" stating, "The idea that there is a scarcity of leading African American scholars is simply not true". In a New York Times op-ed, G. Gabrielle Starr, president of Pomona College, wrote, "In just a few sentences, Mr. Daniels seemed to question the possibility of sustained black excellence:. Following the criticism, Daniels issued an apology. "I retract and apologize for a figure of speech I used in a recent impromptu dialogue with students ... The word in question was ill chosen and imprecise". In June 2020, as the Black Lives Matter movement gained national momentum, Daniels endorsed the creation of a university system-wide task force to examine racial inequality in response to the murder of George Floyd and other incidents of racial injustice. The task force resulted in the inclusion of racial equity as one of five goals in Purdue's $260 million strategic plan update. As of May 2021, Daniels had helped Purdue raise $27 million for minority scholarship and recruitment efforts in that year, an increase of about 15% over the previous year. As president, Daniels has made the defense of free expression a priority by becoming the first public institution to adopt the Chicago principles for free speech and inquiry and one of roughly two dozen universities to receive the highest rating from the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education. Tuition freezes and cost reductions Tuition at Purdue, prior to Daniels' arrival, had increased every year since 1976. Two months after Daniels assumed his role as president, Purdue announced it would freeze tuition for two years, eventually extending the freeze for ten years, through 2023. As a result, multiple graduating classes will leave Purdue having never experienced a tuition increase. Annual student borrowing is down a third and the Purdue loan default rate is 2.2% versus 7.1% for the average borrower from a four-year public university and 5.1% for Purdue borrowers prior to the tuition freeze. The university claims that students and families will have saved over a billion dollars over the course of the ten years. No student fees have been approved since the tuition freeze was enacted, although a mandatory student wellness fee that students lobbied for prior to Daniels' arrival at Purdue was allowed to take effect but was later reduced under Daniels' direction. The total cost of attending Purdue has fallen since Daniels assumed Purdue's presidency. However, revenue per student increased modestly despite the freeze, partially because the number of foreign and out-of-state students increased, most significantly among graduate students. Daniels announced the first tuition freeze before the state had determined Purdue's funding for the next biennium. Amidst questions about the timing, Daniels argued that he didn't need to wait because "it doesn't matter what the General Assembly does. This is the right thing to do and we are going to do it" The first tuition freeze required the university to find $40 million in savings or new revenue. In order to make up for the lost revenue from tuition freezes, Daniels and the Purdue Board of Trustees focused on finding operating efficiencies such as consolidating information technology data centers, investing cash reserves, and switching to a consumer-driven health plan for employees. Daniels also reduced meal plan rates for students by 10 percent, froze housing costs, and cut the university's cooperative education fees which had previously increased every year. Due to the adjustments, the average cost of room and board at Purdue declined from the second most expensive to the most affordable in the Big Ten. In fall 2014, Daniels announced a deal with Amazon to save students on textbooks and provide students, faculty and staff with free one day shipping to locations on campus. The partnership was ended by Amazon in 2018 but the on campus stores remain in place. Purdue Moves initiatives In September 2013, Daniels announced the first major priorities of his administration, known as "Purdue Moves". The plan continued Daniels' focus on affordability but also called for new investments such as the hiring of 165 new faculty in STEM disciplines, expansion of flipped classrooms, growing summer enrollment, investments in plant science and drug discovery research, and the creation of competency-based degree programs and some three-year degree options. The Purdue Moves also emphasized commercialization of research. Under Daniels' leadership, Purdue increased the number of affiliated start-up companies by more than 400 percent and broke the university record for patents. In 2021, Daniels announced an expansion of the original moves called "Next Moves". Acquisition of Kaplan and launch of Purdue Global In 2017, Daniels and the Purdue Board of Trustees announced the intention to acquire Kaplan University for the purpose of transforming it into an online, self-sustaining, public benefit corporation, now rebranded as Purdue University Global. The acquisition has been met with both considerable praise and significant criticism. Among those who expressed favor before the deal closed included Barack Obama's Secretary of Education Arne Duncan and Ted Mitchell who led Obama's crackdown on for-profit universities. Among the critics of the acquisition were Purdue faculty. At the time, the Purdue University Senate called the deal a "violation of common-sense educational practice". During the acquisition Purdue Faculty senate responded by established a Select Committee to provide oversight for the new entity. Shortly after the intended acquisition was announced, 319 signed a petition opposing the deal citing numerous concerns, including, "Purdue University is not creating new access to higher education but merely becoming the owner of a preexisting corporation, with some danger to Purdue's current reputation and operation" and "The business model of Kaplan University rests upon adult learners and is completely dependent on the federal loans that most are required to take to fund their educations." In May 2017, the Purdue University Senate passed a resolution condemning the deal between Kaplan Higher Education and Purdue University. In September 2017, Senators Dick Durbin(D-IL) and Sherrod Brown (D-OH) warned that Purdue's acquisition of Kaplan University posed major risks for Purdue University's students and reputation. They added that Kaplan has a "shameful record" as a "predatory" school. While leaders of the university senate have continued to object to the manner in which Purdue Global was acquired, the current chair of the senate has been quoted saying she is "giving Purdue Global the benefit of the doubt" and sees Global as an extension of Purdue's land grant mission "without spending $50 million building a new building to house students 10 years from now." The co-chair of the Select Committee on Global said in January 2020, "it's more a wait-and-see kind of thing". The American Association of University Professors criticized PG's (now former) arbitration requirement for students calling the policy "the stuff of predatory for-profit colleges, not a leading public research institution". In September 2018, Senators Durbin and Brown called for Purdue to get rid of that policy, which came from the Kaplan rulebook. Robert Shireman, a former deputy undersecretary at the U.S. Department of Education, also criticized the move saying the colleges merely claimed nonprofit status while continuing to enrich Kaplan, Inc., company officials. Purdue University Global In 2019, Purdue Global had lost $61 million dollars from operations. In February 2020, Graham Holdings reported that Purdue University Global owed Kaplan, Inc. $68.4 million for services and deferred fees, and $18.6 million for an advance from the Kaplan University transaction. In the first few years of operation, Purdue Global invested significantly in marketing, leading to signifiant financial losses. The details of the acquisition agreement meant Purdue Global was insulated from the losses, and even profited while the shortfalls were shifted to Kaplan, Inc. Financial results from 2021 show, Purdue Global's operating revenues exceeded operating costs for the first time that year, however, from a cumulative perspective Purdue Global has accumulated $43 million in losses due to past years' performance. Purdue Global enrollment has grown since 2018 while other "Global" style campuses have remained flat or declined. Critics have noted that if, or when, Purdue Global produces an operating profit that any operating gains from Purdue Global will be paid to Kaplan Higher Education until all losses are paid. Compensation When Daniels was hired by Purdue, he requested that his salary be less than his predecessor's, however he's accepted compensation at more than twice the levels of the previous President, including 103% of performance pay in 2019, and his raise increases far exceed those offered to Purdue faculty and staff. In 2013, Daniels' base salary of $420,000 was $135,000 less than the prior president's salary. Under the initial contract, his salary could grow to a maximum of $546,000 based on the results of a performance-bonus system—at the time this was less than his predecessor and the third lowest in the 14-member Big Ten, however since that time his salary has increased more than 200% to $902,207. Between 2014 and 2019, Daniels's total compensation rose sharply, and now ranks fourth among Big Ten presidents. His total compensation was $533,400 In 2015, $721,600 in 2016, $769,500 in 2017, $830,000 in 2018, and $902,207 in 2019 inclusive of 103% of his at-risk pay, and a $250,000 retention bonus. End of Presidency Daniels was replaced by Dr. Mung Chiang as President of Purdue University effective January 1, 2023. As Daniels left Purdue, he openly explored a run for the U.S. Senate but ultimately declined, saying in a statement, "it's just not the job for me, not the town for me, and not the life I want to live at this point ... some people seek public office to be something, others to do something. My one tour of duty in elected office involved, like those in business before and academe after it, an action job, with at least the chance to do useful things every day. I have never imagined that I would be well-suited to legislative office, particularly where seniority remains a significant factor in one's effectiveness, and I saw nothing in my recent explorations that altered that view." One month after Daniels's departure from Purdue, the university's trustees named the business school the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business. The trustees had previously announced that State Street, a major campus corridor Daniels renovated, would be named Mitch Daniels Boulevard. That announcement was made at street festival in which hundreds waited to greet Daniels and bid him farewell. Board service In February 2013, Daniels was asked to co-chair a National Research Council committee to review and make recommendations on the future of the U.S. human spaceflight program. Daniels also co-chairs a Council on Foreign Relations Task Force on NonCommunicable diseases. In March 2013, Daniels was elected to the board of Energy Systems Network (ESN), Indiana's industry-driven clean technology initiative. In June 2015, Daniels was elected to serve on the board of directors for Indiana software company Interactive Intelligence (ININ) until its sale to Genesys . In July 2015, Daniels became a co-chair of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. In November 2016, Daniels was elected to serve on the board of directors for Norfolk Southern Corporation. Electoral history Main articles: 2004 Indiana gubernatorial election and 2008 Indiana gubernatorial election Indiana gubernatorial election, 2004 Party Candidate Votes % ±% Indiana gubernatorial election, 2008 Party Candidate Votes % ±% Honors Woodrow Wilson Award, Princeton University (2013) Order of the Rising Sun, 2nd Class, Gold and Silver Star (2017) See also In Spanish: Mitch Daniels para niños
7770	dbpedia	2	9	https://www.arabamerica.com/arabamericans/mitchell-daniels/	en	Mitchell Daniels	https://i0.wp.com/www.ar…=140%2C172&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/www.ar…=140%2C172&ssl=1	[ "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/themes/arabamerica/assets/img/logo.png", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/themes/arabamerica/assets/img/logo-big.png", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/12/gluten-free-turkish-takeaway-falafel-228x155.jpg", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/plugins/wp-polls/images/loading.gif", "https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/Mitchell-Daniels.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/9/94/Mitch_Daniels.jpg/340px-Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/ea/Mitch_Daniels_during_Indianapolis_Navy_Week_Aug_2006.jpg/340px-Mitch_Daniels_during_Indianapolis_Navy_Week_Aug_2006.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5f/Entrance_to_the_office_of_the_Governor_of_Indiana%2C_Indiana_Statehouse%2C_Indianapolis%2C_Indiana.jpg/440px-Entrance_to_the_office_of_the_Governor_of_Indiana%2C_Indiana_Statehouse%2C_Indianapolis%2C_Indiana.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/8/8d/Indiana_National_Guard.jpg/440px-Indiana_National_Guard.jpg", "http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/fe/StateCapitolIndiana.jpg/440px-StateCapitolIndiana.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	2015-06-02T20:03:14+00:00	Mitchell Daniels: Arab American academic administrator and former politician who was Governor of Indiana from 05' to 13'. A member of the Republican Party.	en	https://www.arabamerica.com/wp-content/themes/arabamerica/assets/img/favicon.ico	Arab America	https://www.arabamerica.com/arabamericans/mitchell-daniels/
7770	dbpedia	2	8	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/2023/01/31/former-gov-daniels-opts-out-of-senate-run/	en	Former Gov. Daniels opts out of Senate run • Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalch…niels-scaled.jpg	https://indianacapitalch…niels-scaled.jpg	[ "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/mobileHeader.svg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/headerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/GettyImages-1daniels-1536x1071.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/01/DSC_6522-300x200.jpeg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/plugins/sn2/republisher/assets/img/ccwhite.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/06/whitney-scaled-e1655741761473-150x150.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/GettyImages-524816639-300x203.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/IMG_8943-300x225.jpg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/classroom-300x200.jpeg", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/footerLogo.png", "https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/wp-content/themes/genesis-child/icons/ccwhite.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Whitney Downard", "Leslie Bonilla Muñiz" ]	2023-01-31T00:00:00	Former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels decided not to run for an open Senate seat in 2024, saying "It's not the job for me."	en	https://indianacapitalch…2560px-32x32.png	Indiana Capital Chronicle	https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/2023/01/31/former-gov-daniels-opts-out-of-senate-run/	After much speculation, former Gov. Mitch Daniels announced Tuesday he will not run for a soon-to-be-open seat in Congress after sitting U.S. Sen. Mike Braun launched his own 2024 bid for governor. “With full credit and respect for the institution and those serving in it, I conclude that it’s just not the job for me, not the town for me, and not the life I want to live at this point,” Daniels said in a lengthy statement. Daniels visited Washington D.C. earlier this month, publicly weighing a run in what could be a highly competitive Republican primary against Rep. Jim Banks of the Third Congressional District, who announced his candidacy on January 17. No other candidates have filed to run for Indiana’s open Senate seat – though Indiana’s open gubernatorial position has already attracted three Republicans, including Braun, and promises to be an expensive race. Even before Banks’ formal announcement, a conservative super PAC with ties to Banks released an ad attacking Daniels, calling him “out of date.” Immediately after Daniels’ announcement not to run, the National Republican Senatorial Committee, the fundraising arm of the party, threw its considerable support behind Banks. “I have the utmost respect for the years of service Governor Daniels has given to Indiana and wish him well in the future,” NRSC Chair Steve Daines said in a statement. “I’m looking forward to working with one of our top recruits this cycle, Jim Banks, to keep Indiana red in 2024.” Banks released a statement saying “I respect Governor Daniels and I learned a lot from him when I served in the Statehouse. I’m excited about the early momentum and support for our campaign but we’ve got a long way to go. Over the next two years, I’m going to work hard every day to make my case to Hoosier voters that I’m best prepared to be their conservative Senator in Washington.” Daniels speculation After serving two terms as governor from 2005 to 2013, Daniels spent the last near-decade as the president of Purdue University, stepping down in December and fueling rumors that he would re-enter politics. Daniels, in his 500-word statement, said he would have only spent one term in the U.S. Senate “given (his) age,” and dedicated himself to long-term issues involving the country’s safety net programs. Need to get in touch? Have a news tip? “… So that we can keep promises we have made to older and vulnerable Americans and avoid a terrible national crisis of confidence and betrayal,” Daniels said. “… To avoid crushing our economy and today’s younger citizens with the unpayable debts we are on course to leave them.”
7770	dbpedia	3	19	https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2022/06/13/daniels-retire-purdue-successor-already-named	en	Daniels to Retire at Purdue; Successor Already Named	https://www.insidehigher…pg?itok=4Hf1kOFs	https://www.insidehigher…pg?itok=4Hf1kOFs	[ "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/logo.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/facebook.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/x84.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/Linkedin.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/email.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/print.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/max_650x650/public/media/GettyImages-1235087550.jpg?itok=SlOL-noJ", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/envlope.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-08/KHEAA-13_edit.jpg?itok=LWQ6H9V-", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/facebook.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/x84.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/Linkedin.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/email.svg", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-07/GettyImages-1474097343_edit.jpg?itok=ZP7EXqAV", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-07/GettyImages-1266808508.jpg?itok=lSKNkivW", "https://www.insidehighered.com/sites/default/files/styles/image_192_x_128/public/2024-03/Berkeley.jpeg?itok=MwpMjnRD", "https://www.insidehighered.com/themes/custom/ihe/assets/images/svg/envlope.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "Higher", "Education", "News", "Jobs", "Events", "Career" ]	null	[ "Josh Moody" ]	2022-06-13T00:00:00	Mitch Daniels announced his retirement from Purdue on Friday. The Board of Trustees announced on the same day they’d hired an internal candidate. The search did not include public input.	en	/sites/default/files/favicon.ico	Inside Higher Ed \| Higher Education News, Events and Jobs	https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2022/06/13/daniels-retire-purdue-successor-already-named	Mitch Daniels is stepping down after 10 years as president of Purdue University, per an announcement made Friday. And a successor was named on the same day—without public input. Purdue did not respond to a media inquiry about the closed internal search process, which breaks from the norm at public universities when seeking a successor for a departing president. Daniels, a former Indiana governor from 2005 to 2013, joined Purdue in 2013 after his term ended. Daniels will vacate the president’s office at the end of the year and be replaced on Jan. 1 by Mung Chiang, who currently serves as dean of engineering and executive vice president for strategic initiatives. Last year Chiang was considered to be the front-runner for the University of South Carolina presidency before dropping out of consideration, citing responsibilities to his family and Purdue. The Hire Once Daniels made his interest in retiring clear to the board, an internal search for his successor began, according to details shared with local reporters at Friday’s Board of Trustees meeting, where the announcement was made. Other internal candidates were also considered. Chiang said at Friday’s meeting that he was first approached about the presidency in April. Chiang was the unanimous choice to succeed Daniels, according to a Purdue news release in which Board of Trustees chairman Michael Berghoff noted Chiang had turned down other offers. “He has displayed not only academic excellence but also administrative acumen, effective relationship-building with academic, governmental, and business partners, and the skills of public communications,” Berghoff said in the news release announcing the hire. “He brings the entire package of talents and experience necessary to take our university further forward. It is no surprise that Mung has been offered the presidency of several other schools, and the board is grateful that his loyalty to Purdue kept him here and available as this time of transition arrived.” Before Purdue, Chiang spent almost 14 years in various roles at Princeton University. Chiang completed his undergraduate education, master’s degree and Ph.D. at Stanford University. Purdue made the hire after an internal search. “The Board of Trustees is empowered by statute and bylaw to screen and select the president of Purdue University by whichever process they deem appropriate. In this case, it was decided that there were enough qualified internal candidates to fill the position without an external search. Therefore, the board members have been informally gathering feedback and input on the candidates of interest, and announced their selection on Friday, June 10,” Colleen Brady, chair of Purdue’s University Senate said by email. The Reactions Across Indiana, public officials praised the work Daniels has done and celebrated the new hire. “During his 10 years at the helm, Mitch has delivered higher education at the highest proven value, from freezing tuition during his entire tenure, to creating a national online university, establishing a network of Indiana STEM charter schools, and making record investments in world-class research,” Indiana governor Eric Holcomb said in a statement Friday. “He has always kept Purdue’s land-grant mission as its core strategy and spent each day opening the doors of higher education to every Hoosier willing to put in the work to be a Boilermaker.” Holcomb added that he is “eager to work with Dr. Mung Chiang as he takes the reins.” Pamela Whitten, president of Indiana University, also paid respect to Daniels. “Congratulations to Mitch Daniels on his great success in leading Purdue. He is a highly valued colleague; we wish him the best. Congratulations also to Dr. Mung Chiang on being named president of Purdue University,” Whitten tweeted Friday. “I look forward to making progress toward our shared goals of student success, research and strengthening the state.” Some higher education observers found the move puzzling because of how the search was carried out in a secret fashion, with both the retirement of Daniels and his successor named on the same day, noting that the process used at Purdue breaks from the norm at public institutions. “To my knowledge, this is a very unusual arrangement for a public institution,” said Neal Hutchens, a professor at the University of Mississippi who studies legal issues in higher education. While Hutchens said some states have dialed down transparency in searches, limiting the number of candidates revealed as finalists, Purdue’s approach here is atypical of the presidential hiring process. “I don’t understand the advantages of doing it this way. To me, it would seem to shut down transparency and the ability to get feedback from different constituencies across campus,” Hutchens said. David Sanders, a professor at Purdue, told local TV station WLFI that the surprise hire limited the ability of the university to properly vet Chiang as he steps into the role of the president. “We can’t guarantee we had the best outcome without knowing if it was an open process,” Sanders told the TV station Friday. “There had been other examples at other universities where they engaged in this closed process, and it turned out if there had been an open process, information about the appointee would have come out. And they wouldn’t have been considered. They wound up having to fire, or the person has moved on because they weren’t vetted appropriately, which would have happened better if it had been an open process.” Daniels leaves a legacy at Purdue that has seen him both celebrated and castigated. He has earned praise for an 11-year tuition freeze, developing corporate partnerships and growing the student body, among other accomplishments. At the same time, Daniels has been criticized for expanding Purdue’s online offerings by acquiring the troubled for-profit Kaplan University, and foot-in-mouth missteps when commenting on Black scholars and student gender gaps. Daniels told reporters at Friday’s meeting that he is not weighing other job offers and does not have immediate plans following his departure from Purdue at the end of this year.
7770	dbpedia	1	16	https://www.heraldtimesonline.com/story/lifestyle/2013/01/20/daniels-legacy-both-good-and-bad-aspects-of-governors-time-in-office-recounted-by-indiana-outdoor-experts/117392544/	en	Daniels’ legacy: Both good and bad aspects of governor’s time in office recounted by Indiana outdoor experts	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	[]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Kasey Husk Special to the Hoosier Times, The Herald-Times" ]	2013-01-20T00:00:00	After eight years in office, former Gov. Mitch Daniels says he’s leaving Indiana’s environment better than he found it: with the cleanest air and water in the modern era “by every measure” and thousands of acres of new conservation lands.	en	https://www.gannett-cdn.…ages/favicon.png	The Herald-Times	https://www.heraldtimesonline.com/story/lifestyle/2013/01/20/daniels-legacy-both-good-and-bad-aspects-of-governors-time-in-office-recounted-by-indiana-outdoor-experts/117392544/	After eight years in office, former Gov. Mitch Daniels says he’s leaving Indiana’s environment better than he found it: with the cleanest air and water in the modern era “by every measure” and thousands of acres of new conservation lands. For others, however, the two-term governor’s legacy when it comes to environmental issues is seen as more of a mixed bag. While Daniels’ conservation efforts have earned high praise from environmental groups within the state, other moves — in particular the development of a new coal-fired power plant within the state — tarnish the governor’s record in some activists’ eyes. “I think that his record is certainly mixed,” said Steve Francis, state chairman of the Hoosier Chapter of the Sierra Club. “I would say it borders on mediocre from our issues.” But Daniels said the numbers show — “without leaving room for doubt” — that Indiana is better off today than when he first took office in 2005. He said that “for the first time in the history of the Clean Air Act,” every county in Indiana met federal air quality standards during his tenure. Daniels also notes that when he took office, 108 Indiana communities were dealing with “combined sewer overflows,” a situation where combined storm and sanitary sewer systems resulted in untreated sewage being dumped into rivers and streams after a hard rain. Today, 106 of those communities have programs in place to prevent such overflows and a third of those communities have rebuilt their entire sewer systems to combat the problem, he said. Daniels also credits the elimination of a backlog of applications for air, water and land use permits — as many as 300 in each category — for “enormous reductions in emissions and effluence” because delays had allowed some applicants to continue under older, less-stringent standards. Turnaround time was reduced to a few weeks, he said. Francis, however, takes a dimmer view of the quicker turnaround time for permits. The Sierra Club representative charges that Daniels’ administration has been “more concerned about getting permits approved . even when they have done so in violation of federal law and on several occasions had to revise those permits.” Francis was also sharply critical of the former governor’s support of the construction of a new coal-fired power plant in Edwardsport, at a time when he believes the state should be pursuing cleaner sources of energy to help combat climate change. The Edwardsport plant may use a novel process of coal “gasification,” he said, but it is still expected to vent roughly 4 million tons of carbon dioxide into Indiana’s atmosphere every year. The state is “not moving off of coal rapidly enough to play our part in Indiana of preventing climate change,” Francis said, noting that the Edwardsport plant is one of the few new coal plants being built in the nation. Francis was also disappointed by the governor’s failure to “advocate for and implement a renewable energy standard for the state of Indiana.” Such a standard, already implemented in other states, would mandate that utilities produce a certain percentage of their power from renewable sources. Daniels, meanwhile, defends the Edwardsport plant as “the cleanest coal plant ever built, it’s essentially pollution free.” He also believes a mandatory renewable energy standard would lead to much higher energy costs that many Hoosiers can’t afford, and would ultimately cost residents much-needed jobs. Opponents to the construction of I-69 — a project Daniels funded with proceeds from leasing the Indiana Toll Road — have also consistently raised concerns, and sometimes lawsuits, about the interstate’s effect on the local ecosystem. In particular, groups have said the construction could hurt the endangered Indiana bat, as well as destroying wetlands and karst features. Still, Daniels has led Indiana to three “landscape-scale” conservation programs during his tenure, Indiana Wildlife Federation executive director Barbara Simpson said: the Health Rivers INitiative, the Bicentennial Nature Trust and the acquisition of the 8,000-acre Goose Pond Fish & Wildlife Area near Linton. That leadership earned him the federation’s Theodore Roosevelt Award in 2012, she said. In 2010, the former governor launched the Healthy Rivers Initiative with the aim of securing permanent conservation protection for nearly 70,000 acres along Sugar Creek, the Wabash River and the Muscatatuck River. As of this month, the state had acquired more than 10,000 acres of that land. “When the Wabash River corridor is completed in two or three years, a person who wants to will be able to put a canoe in Sugar Creek and spend the next 100-plus miles canoeing, fishing, bird-watching and never leave a protected wetlands,” Daniels said. Daniels’ Bicentennial Nature Trust, announced last year, is intended to celebrate the state’s 200th anniversary in four years with “a surge in additional environmental protection,” Daniels said. Already the state has committed $20 million to fund projects throughout the state, such as purchasing additional wetlands or forests. But it is the sheer scale of the acquisition of Goose Pond, however, that ranks it among Daniels’ most significant conservation efforts, Simpson said, calling the purchase of 8,000 acres an opportunity the state may never see again. Having such a large preserve will have a positive impact on migratory birds and other wildlife who have seen their homes reduced to smaller, scattered preserves, known as “habitat fragmentation.” “When you can have land programs for wildlife habitats on a scale that large, 8,000 acres, when you have a vision of 70,000 acres .. It’s the scale that really makes a difference,” she said. “Clearly the governor understands the importance of these large-scale projects to protect habitats,” she added. “We’d like to see even more of that, but the things he could do as governor he certainly did.” Conservation Day at the Statehouse The Nature Conservancy will sponsor Conservation Day at the Statehouse on Wednesday. The event gives the public a chance to interact with state legislators and voice their opinions and concerns about environmental issues. For more information and to register, go to www.nature.org/ourinitiatives/regions/northamerica/unitedstates/indiana/partners/conservation-day-2013.xml.
7770	dbpedia	0	76	https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/omb/speeches_daniels071202	en	OMB			[ "https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/sites/default/files/MS-header-omb_0.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "President", "Barack Obama", "White House", "United States of America", "44th President", "White House history", "President Obama", "Barck", "Barek", "Barak", "Barrack", "Barrak", "Obma", "Barack" ]	null	[]	null	See the President's daily schedule, explore behind-the-scenes photos from inside the White House, and find out all the ways you can engage with the most interactive administration in our country's history.	en	/sites/default/themes/whitehouse/favicon.ico	The White House	https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/node/17002	PRESS BRIEFING BY OMB DIRECTOR MITCH DANIELS July 12, 2002 Room 450 Dwight D. Eisenhower Executive Office Building 2:33 P.M. EDT DIRECTOR DANIELS: I'll give a quick synopsis of the budget portions of the mid-session review. I hope everyone will pay similar attention on Monday, when the entire report comes out. It will have for the first time a full section on management of the federal government, which has not been a feature of previous reports and we hope you'll be similarly interested in that. But I'll just brief today on the budget sections, and then take any and all questions. The report we're issuing Monday will show, I think, some significant and interesting developments. First, the economy has proven much stronger than we estimated in February. Our projections in February turned out to have been far to pessimistic, about .7 percent growth for this year, low by 2 full percentage points, versus what we now see and what the consensus forecasts see. Nonetheless, revenues, tax payments to the federal government, which generally rise and fall, historically have risen and fallen with the economy and with economic growth, have been weaker than we expected. And this is due, apparently, almost entirely to what I will call stock market related income: capital gains and, to lesser extents, income from mutual fund distributions, options, perhaps bonuses tied to stock performance. And this is a new, I think, important phenomenon we're all going to have to understand much better. No one, as far as I know, really saw this coming. And as I say, it has produced a new paradox in which we were too cautious about recovery from the recession, about economic growth. But, still, receipts to the federal government trailed significantly below what we saw even a few months ago. Wage and payroll taxes are running close to our federal -- our February estimates -- sorry -- and above last year. But overall revenues down very significantly. It's now very clear that the explosion in revenue to the federal government between '95 and 2000, which the federal government tax receipts grew by $600 billion -- more than 40 percent in five years -- it's very clear that was more closely tied to the stock market run-up than perhaps was thought at the time. And now we're seeing the mirror image effect. So, as I say, this is a new phenomenon we all have got to understand better. This chart here gives you a rough sense of the close correlation and the dimension of the change. Now, looking forward, the recession, milder than we had anticipated and the recovery more rapid than we anticipated gives us the prospect of regaining balance in the federal government perhaps by 2005. There's no assurance of this, it's subject to the usual three big "ifs." The first is the economy. We still are operating on conservative assumptions. Our forecast for this year is below the private sector consensus, and we're essentially identical with the blue chip consensus going forward. We believe -- and the revenue estimates we use come from Treasury, but we believe they are also very, very cautious. We are forecasting much lower growth rates in revenue than we've experienced in recent years. The second big "if," the course of the war. The budget base line incorporating the President's policies does include further increases in defense. But one cannot know what the needs may be and what decisions the President may make. And then the final and largest "if" is the course of other spending. The most important chart in the document is the one to my right, and it reflects the fact that following the President's policy we will return, or could return to balance in 2005 and experience surpluses thereafter. This doesn't -- as I said, this does contemplate some increases in spending for defense, also for health care, the beginnings of prescription drug coverage, health care tax credits for the uninsured being some of the bigger features. But it also contemplates real restraint in spending in the rest of the budget, and that's the biggest "if." It is very crucial to get off the current trend line, or the recent trend line. And I've illustrated that here by showing that in contrast to the path of the President's budget, so-called base line path with the policy changes he's already recommended, the difference between that and simply extending the 7 to 8 percent annual increase in discretionary spending that has been the pattern of the last four or five years -- so not an extravagant assumption at all, just simply continuing on a business as usual path. The difference over the next 10 years is $2 trillion. It is the difference between surpluses and large permanent deficits, and that's really the policy question facing the country fiscally in the next few years. So we are pleased to bring this to you, on time delivery this year, in contrast to last year, when the administration got a late beginning. And we appreciate your attendance, and any questions you may have. Q Can we interpret from this that the income taxes paid on capital gains, including the stock market effect, you're anticipating it falling to the neighborhood of $50 billion, from this year's roughly $110 billion, is that -- DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, we think that may well be the neighborhood. We draw those question marks in the line that we think is most likely, and also the patterns -- it follows the correlation, the rough correlation we've seen historically. We won't know for a while. This data does trail. What we know most about is non-withheld income, that is the part that is not held back from people's payroll checks. That is dominated by capital gains, but there are a number of other -- there are other factors in it, such as proprietorship income. And so actually understanding what capital gains versus, let's say, options income or other specific pieces like that were, data tends to trail by more than a year. Q Can I just follow by asking, how long ago given the volatility of the stock market and what's happened -- how long ago was this projection -- I mean, what sort of S&P level is this predicated on? What's the level for the Dow in these projections? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, the -- it's interesting. You know, I have, and the budget always produces a sensitivity table, in which the model projects the effect of various changes, an extra percent of GDP of 1 percent more or less of inflation, unemployment and so forth on the budget. A factor which has never been there, but one day may need to be, is some measurement of stock market movement. We have no model at this time, and it will be very difficult, I know, to produce one, but we need to try to understand this phenomenon earlier. That was my message earlier. We have, as you know now, a tax system in which the incidence of income taxation falls on the upper half. One percent of American taxpayers pay over a third of the income tax, 5 percent pay over half, 50 percent pay almost all, 95 percent. And those taxpayers, in recent years particularly, have come to receive more of their income in what I'll call stock market related forms, as opposed to standard wages. And so we have some change here, and it's particularly in a time when the market went up very fast and came down very fast. We've had a real whipsaw that was hard, I think, for anybody to see in advance. Q Mr. Director, this administration over the course of the last year or certainly this year, since the budget came out, has proposed or has supported any number of different tax cuts that have not been offset. Some would take effect in the long-term, such as tax cut permanency, others in various bills moving through Congress would have a more short-term effect. In light of the fact that the deficit in the first couple of years is larger than you previously projected, and the surpluses would be a little smaller in the middle years, and in light of the fact that revenue is lagging, as you just described, is there any chance that this administration would then back away from its call for non-offset tax cuts in the future, and urge Congress not to do that, for fear of increasing the deficit picture? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Oh, but I don't know which ones you're thinking of, but odds are not. This is a fragile recovery still. It's very important that recovery occur, or growth occur at at least the conservative levels we have projected. And tax increases at a time like this we think would be a bad idea from, first, the jobs and income standpoint, a pocketbook standpoint; and, secondly, from the standpoint of the government's own situation. There is no question our report will list a few of many, many economic testimonies that the tax cut of last year -- in part, by luck -- was very well timed and very well designed. These numbers would be a lot worse, in my opinion, if there had been no tax cut last year. Q Just to clarify, you regard any offset as a tax increase? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, I take them up one by one. Q One of the things that these numbers seem to point out is just sort of how little control you have over the fluctuations in the -- so, bearing that in mind, why is the administration, you know, going to the mat on the current negotiations on the supplemental over a billion or two dollars and then over $9 billion for the '03 bill? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Yes, absolutely. This illustrates exactly the answer to your question. At the size of the federal government has now attained, $2 trillion, the compounding effect is very profound. That's exactly the point here. The President's budget contemplates growth on the order of 3 or 4 percent over time. The difference between that and 7.5 percent is $2 trillion. So, also, when we are trying very hard to get back to balance, every dollar counts. And with this President -- this President never intends to spend a single taxpayer dollar unnecessarily. But right now every dollar does count. We're spending more than we really ought to be, and that's because a war forced us to do that. But that ought not be a permanent state of affairs. You know, I'm amused when -- or bemused -- when people on Capitol Hill and elsewhere talk about a mere $4 billion and a supplemental they'd like to add, a mere $11 billion in the '03 appropriations bills. In Indiana, where I come from, people don't use "mere" and "billions" in the same sentence very often. And especially under the circumstances illustrated on this chart, we can't afford to, either. Q Can you talk about the methodology that was used, whether or not you used dynamic scoring and your reasoning behind that? DIRECTOR DANIELS: No dynamic scoring has been used -- again, in this report. There is no agreement to do it. And, admittedly, it would be a very, very difficult thing to know how to do it accurately and fairly. So there is no dynamic scoring here. This refers, of course, to the question of what effect, for instance, lower taxation might have on revenues, if it increased growth it might partially offset its cost. What I always say about this is, we're using the one answer we know is wrong. Economists debate whether you get back a quarter, a third or more of a tax cut because of more people working and paying taxes. But no one that I know of thinks that you get zero. But that's the assumption we use, so it's a very cautious one. Q And what's your reaction that some Democrats -- DIRECTOR DANIELS: The projections are as conservative as they can be. And, you know, the real uncertainty -- the only uncertainty here is the one they have the most to say about: how much will we spend? And we can work on that together. We can produce a future and a fairly near-term future of balance, or we can produce a future of permanent deficits, and we seek their cooperation. Q On the defense number, there's been a fairly public discussion about the possibility of going into Iraq, as many as 250,000 American troops deployed in an operation of unknown duration. Is that factored into your defense number in any way? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, no specific operation at all, anywhere, is factored in. However, obviously this President has sought substantial defense increase for this year. He has also sought a $10 billion additional reserve against decisions he might make. And we have built in $10 billion additional growth above base line growth for the next five years. So to some extent, we have provided for what may well be an ongoing hostile environment. But I don't know how to go further until we know what decisions he makes. Q To what degree does the higher government borrowing that goes along with the forecast so far -- deficits over the coming years -- lead to -- what impact is that going to have on interest rates? And do you see any crowding out of private investment as a result of higher government borrowing? DIRECTOR DANIELS: No, I really don't. You know, this has been said for recent years, over and over, that lower deficits or surpluses were essential to keep down interest rates. And the President believes that surpluses are important and we want to regain them as quickly as possible. But in honesty, there's no historical evidence at all of any correlation, or no curve that looks like this for government deficits versus interest rates. And, in fact, even though the recession has changed our fiscal picture, interest rates are at nearly at all-time lows and have remained throughout this administration. So just not an issue for the moment. Q Mr. Daniels, in this dispute over the -- about the supplemental, the appropriators are accusing you of proposing shady accounting. This use of airline loan guarantees as an offset. And that rather than setting an example for Enron and other entities in corporate America, that you're showing them an example of shady accounting. DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, I'm glad you asked the question. You know, not to be impolite, but this was their idea. We did not submit an offset based on the fact -- and it is a fact -- that we're going to spend, or put at risk of, through the loan guarantee process, several billion fewer -- or billions less in taxpayer dollars. That's a fact. The airline rescue package provided for $10 billion in loan guarantees. The window closed last week. And if every outstanding guarantee were granted, the money at risk would be only $4 billion to $5 billion. So it's a fact that money appropriated will now be recoverable. But please note, we did not propose that offset. The House of Representatives, the same people who said some harsh things today, came up with it. We looked at it and found it legitimate. It's real money. And so we -- frankly, with the thought that we would help them get to a bill they could accept, we said okay. And I found it a little ironic to be attacked about their own idea. Q Mr. Daniels, can you tell me what you're assuming is going to happen with the stock market and with capital gains receipts for next year, to get the revenue projections that you're using for the '03 number? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Jonathan, we have very guarded assumptions about -- we make no specific assumption about the market itself. But non-withheld receipts we expect to grow from this low base they've been driven to, but only modestly. We want to be very cautious about this, because no one really knows the report -- when you read the report, you will see us point out that we don't know the extent of non-realized -- unrealized losses that are out there, and -- or carried over -- or losses that have been realized, but will carry over to future years. So we're -- we've tried to be pretty cautious about expecting any upside. Q To follow that, are you making any assumptions, dramatic assumptions on revenue changes in income tax? I mean, what -- as you've seen, other projections for next -- for the '03 are actually worse than '02, because they're assuming that revenues are going to continue to be pretty bleak in '03. DIRECTOR DANIELS: Yes, we are, too. We're assuming modest growth. Over the whole time period, we assume between 5 and 6 percent annual growth in revenues. And that contrasts with seven and a half in the last decade. But this is a subject we've got to work on very, very carefully. And, again, it points out the need to be very, very careful about the thing we can control, and that's government spending. Q Can I just follow up on that. Are you -- you said you're being cautious in predictions of the market, but are you predicting almost a sustained market, or investor malaise over the accounting scandals? I mean, are you assuming that investors are going to continue to have this lack of confidence? DIRECTOR DANIELS: No, we make no explicit assumption, no budget ever has, about what the market will do, let alone what investors are thinking. All we can attempt to forecast is what the tax consequences ultimately will be. And there we see a recovery from this very low point we've fallen into, but a slow and gradual one. > Q Director Daniels, given that the market has had two lousy years, and nobody in February was looking for a gangbuster year this year, why was this such a surprise? I mean, it seems pretty common sense that capital gains would be going down, and that you wouldn't be getting as much as you did in the go-go years. DIRECTOR DANIELS: I guess I would say that the models that everyone has used historically have fastened, as I understand them, principally on the link between economic growth and tax payments. And that's become somewhat disconnected, because of the new realities I was talking about earlier. So as I said at the very beginning, it's very important to note, we underestimated by a very large margin economic growth. Many budgets have been criticized for rosy scenarios. That always meant they forecast a stronger economy than actually was going -- was likely to happen. We estimated a far weaker economy and a slower recovery, and yet through this disconnect, revenues were even lower than history taught us to expect. Q I'm wondering if you could sort of preview Monday for us? Based on this chart on your right, can we assume that in the management section of your briefing that you're going to target some programs that should be phased out, that are poorly managed? DIRECTOR DANIELS: This is -- this is one of the five principal objectives of the President's management agenda, to begin to measure what works and what doesn't in the federal government, and to move money to what works and away from things that don't. And you will read about that in the report, and you'll read a lot about that in the next budget. It debuted -- that rather common sense concept debuted in this year's budget. Q When you talk about the disconnect and the desire to study that more, what specifically are you doing as Director to leave some kind of -- are you talking about something specific that you want to do internally? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, our friends at Treasury are the experts and the custodians of this. And I trust that -- I know that they're working on it very hard. I think that they've made a lot of headway and all I'm saying today is that I think all of us need to come to understand it better. I don't think there's a model out there that has correctly forecast and anticipated it. But it's our folks at Treasury that we work with in the so-called troika process that have the responsibility. Q -- incorporation of the President's next budget, are you expecting Treasury to debut something in terms of modeling, are you expecting anything to be different by December when he signs off on a budget? DIRECTOR DANIELS: All I can say is that this will be one of the questions we look at the very hardest: have we been careful enough -- whatever history says about receipts related to economic growth -- have we been careful enough about this component of receipts? Q As you noted, federal spending has risen by 7 to 8 percent over the last four or five years. It's not a terribly good record. What can you do differently this year to actually rein in federal spending? One obvious solution is for the President to come out and say spending bills that come in over the ceiling will be vetoed. Are you ready to say things like that? DIRECTOR DANIELS: The President has said that the budget resolution passed by the House of Representatives -- which is the only one, unfortunately, that passed this year -- is acceptable to him, and that the levels that add up to that budget will be acceptable to him. And it may be that he has to police that. But the answer to your question is that circumstances compel a significant increase in spending this year. The President asked for a greater increase, it's only fair to point out, than this recent trend rate. Because we've got damage to pay for, a war to fight and a homeland security apparatus to build. That need not be the case, however, year on year in the future. And the answer to your question is those things have to take the paramount importance they deserve. Everything else that we have suggested can grow, but only at 2 percent. Let me point out to you that the 50 states of this country collectively -- and many of them facing difficulty now, too -- collectively are holding total spending growth to 2 percent this year. And that's all we have asked the Congress to do with respect to the other programs of government, not to freeze them, not to slash them -- simply to restrain the growth to 2 percent. That ought not be an unattainable goal. The 50 states just did it. Q Is that 2 percent, though, for the next five -- each of the next five years? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, I was referring to this year, but looking forward at the next few years, it would be a number like that. It will depend on inflation assumptions, for example. Q -- policy, or -- revenue, is the administration looking at any way of closing existing tax loopholes for -- what is your view as far as the Ways and Means proposal that came out yesterday, in terms of corporate inversion? And do you see this as any possible source of revenue? DIRECTOR DANIELS: I don't think either the President or the Secretary of the Treasury has spoken on that, we've not had -- so I won't either. But the Secretary of the Treasury is looking, as you know, at a broad simplification agenda. And this could comprise elements that you might find as loophole closers. I don't know what he'll ultimately recommend. Q What average annual increase, percent increase are you assuming over the next decade for overall discretionary spending? DIRECTOR DANIELS: About three to four, Alan, all in. Q (Inaudible.) DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, let me say, I think it should be. There is a great deal of money that the federal government spends now, which is spends poorly. And we ought to -- if we ever get serious about isolating that and rotating it to things that are more urgent and that work well, we have an awful lot of room. As I pointed out, state governments find a way to do it; there's no reason that this government couldn't, too. And, lastly, I'll just say that I see some other projections around that say that the deficits will be even worse, let's say, next year, than we have. They assume spending we don't assume, and we are not prepared to assume the defeat of the American taxpayer just because there's been a recent pattern of spending a lot of money. Q The President has endorsed the House's $350 billion Medicare drug bill. The first question is, is that assumed in here? And the second question is, if it's not, are we going to see higher deficits or do you want to see discretionary spending reduced -- DIRECTOR DANIELS: First, the President has not endorsed that bill, although he said it had good elements to it, he thought it was a good idea if it moved forward, it would advance the cause and the process of trying to reach Medicare reform including prescription drug coverage. For that reason, it is not here. We continue to assume $190 billion, which is the net cost of the President's proposal, which includes a similar prescription drug coverage, does include some reform features that at present the House bill does not. Q I'm sorry, if I could just follow that up. Are you saying that he would not support spending $350 billion for -- DIRECTOR DANIELS: I think the President wants to see what the process provides. He'll continue, I think, to argue for real reform in Medicare as we add prescription drug coverage. And for the moment, we're assuming -- we're not assuming anything beyond the proposal that he has made. Q Will September 11th related assistance to New York be affected at all by these new figures? DIRECTOR DANIELS: No. The President requested the last installment of the $20 billion -- and, actually, it'll be closer to $21 billion when you add together the things that he has endorsed for New York City in the supplemental. And we look forward to getting that accomplished, if not there, in some fashion. But that absolutely is assumed in. Q Well, what's going to happen with the supplemental? DIRECTOR DANIELS: I continue to hope that -- and urge the Congress to pass this. We're in an unfortunate situation. In an attempt to force on the President and the taxpayer spending we don't need, they are withholding the spending we do need. And we've done everything we could think of to make it possible for that bill to pass and to be signed. But so far, without success. It is a fact that we have about 40 percent of the money appropriated in December still left. It has -- we've been, try to be careful about how it was spent, and we have spent it more slowly than was expected. So we still have something like $15 billion unobligated. In addition, it's been 113 days since the President asked for money to prosecute the war, defend Americans at home and repair New York City. And in that time, we have first of all learned that we don't need every penny of what he asked for, and secondly, there's only 80 days left. And so we could not spend all of it if we got it all today. So we asked the Congress -- or actually I should say, we offered to the conferees, first of all, to take back and rescind some of the money that remains unspent; secondly, to draw down, take out some of the money originally requested by the President. And, frankly, this was to make room for things they wanted, that the President had not found essential. And we're disappointed -- I actually as of late last night thought that this might lead to an agreement today, but sadly it didn't. Q On that subject, Mr. Daniels, the conferees were indicating that they might have actually reached that agreement today, but Democrats, and particularly Senator Byrd, is blaming you for intervening, saying the administration is meddling too much in the process. If you could comment a little bit on that. And he -- Mr. Byrd suggested that it was the veto threat that essentially upset the final conferees meeting today. And, secondarily, if there isn't a resolution soon, we heard from the Pentagon today that certain war-related programs will have to be looked at, and perhaps even not undertaken. Can you talk about a fall-back position in the absence of a supplemental in that regard? DIRECTOR DANIELS: For most departments of government, we could manage, as I said. We have a lot of money left, more than we expected. But for a couple of the most critical functions -- Defense and the Transportation Security Agency, the bringing into being of better protection of Americans in the air -- the money has, from December has about run out. And, unfortunately, the Congress' delay, attempt to hold hostage this bill, so they could compel unnecessary spending, does put at risk certain activities. And we are preparing contingency plans. Certain purchases at TSA might have to be delayed. And in the defense area, some maintenance might have to be proposed, some training exercises. And this is all so unnecessary. So we would hope that, still, that the Congress would trim the fat and send the bill. And failing that, as I said, we offered them billions in offsets if it helped, so that they could have extras that they found important. Q If I could just follow up. Did you indicate again to them today a Presidential veto threat that they say scuttled the meetings this morning? DIRECTOR DANIELS: No, and I don't even know what they're talking about there. The President has made it plain for 113 days that the amount of money he asked for was all he thought was necessary. And we've tried and tried and tried to accommodate their interests inside that number. But nothing new was said, no conversations about vetoes today. Q What elements of your original request were you willing to trim, in order to get it down to an acceptable figure? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, we were -- we really asked them to have a look at many elements. For instance, economic grants, national economic grants, which are aimed at unemployment and training and so forth, there's not time left between now and the remaining 80 days to get all those out the door. We could -- they had already sought to trim that, we said that could be trimmed still further. The best example is there's more money, by far, than can be spent on personnel and expense -- and personnel related expenses, because many of the departments that are growing in the homeland security area can't hire people fast enough. And that money should be easy to cancel. Q Mr. Director, when you put out the numbers for the budget in February, if I understand this correctly, the OMB set of numbers assumes the President's policies being enacted, is that correct? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Yes. Q One of the things that you proposed in February with the budget was a total of $591 billion worth of revenue measures. It doesn't appear that Congress is going to enact such measures this year. Do your numbers still assume the President's call in February for those kinds of revenue reductions, or do they not? DIRECTOR DANIELS: They do, Bud. They have very, very little effect any time soon. They are at the end of the time period, but they do. Q Coming back to the supplemental, you mentioned that you may have to scale back some training and maintenance at DOD. And TSA you may have to curb some of the spending there. Could you be a little more specific on what could happen to that agency? DIRECTOR DANIELS: It's in part a matter of some large contracts. They're trying to -- they've done a fabulous job over there, trying to put together a large and complex operation in short time, meet certain deadlines in the law Congress passed. And there are some large contracts that have to be led along the way, for hiring and also for equipment. And some of those may have to be postponed. Q Would you have to go back to Congress then and ask them to extend the deadlines, because they're running up against November and December 31st deadlines to get the equipment in place? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, we're not there yet. We don't know. I know they're still working very hard to meet the deadlines. For other reasons, there are things about the original law that probably do need to be adjusted. It was a good -- a great job of legislation under the circumstances, but we know a lot more now than we did just a couple months after September 11th. Q You said that in Defense and TSA were the areas where you were close to running out of money. What are the areas where you actually had more money than you wanted to? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Almost everywhere else. There's money in almost every Department of government. And we have -- let me explain it maybe this way: Defense, at the end of May, had used 76 percent of its supplemental money from December. And so something in excess of that by now. The rest of government had only used 39 percent of the money. And many, many departments had used 10 or 20 percent. So it will not be possible to spend all that money by September 30th. And, again, in an attempt to be helpful and to make room for preferences of the appropriators, we offered to rescind some of that money. It would be real money, real savings to the American taxpayer and I still hope it's something we could agree on. Q Yesterday at the White House briefing, Ari painted very dire consequences if this doesn't happen. He talked about furloughs and even naval deployments that defer -- resulting in some disruption in naval deployments. If this would result in such dire consequences to homeland security, why wouldn't the President do whatever it takes to assure that this isn't jeopardized? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, the President and the Secretary of Defense and Secretary of Transportation and all other responsible members of the administration will do what it takes to see that vital security -- national and homeland -- activities move forward. We've done an awful lot already during the 113 days we've waited. But the President, respectfully, does not intend to be held hostage for more spending, particularly when we don't even need all that we originally asked for. Q So he's willing to have, like, the veterans not receive their disability payments and baggage screeners not to be hired and several military personnel possibly not to receive payments, furloughs -- he's willing to have all that happen over $4 billion -- DIRECTOR DANIELS: No, he's not willing to have that happen. He's willing to do it and take other measures and maybe find other ways to see that it -- legislatively to see that it doesn't happen, you know. But this is all, again, so unnecessary; 113 days, $27 billion, lots of money, should not have been necessary to prove some sort of point and try to force the President to take $4 billion or $5 billion extra. Q How are you projecting '03 revenues when compared to '02? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Up between 5 and 6 percent over the whole time period, I believe, Alan. From 2002 to 2003 specifically, up by 8.7%. Q So you're projecting a 5 6 percent decline '01 to '02. What accounts for that turnaround? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, it's almost -- it's axiomatic in economic recovery that revenues bounce back, and they usually bounce back much more sharply than that following a recession. But here, too, again we have assumed a relatively modest snap back for the reasons we've been discussing. Q But along those lines and in light of just the events of the last two to three weeks, would you think that a re-examination needs to be taken now, since you made that -- DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, I think we'll keep examining it all the time, Jonathan, absolutely. Q A clarification on homeland security. This document assumes no additional spending for the Department, even though the administration has talked about transition. DIRECTOR DANIELS: Yes, on a net basis, that's right. Q (Inaudible.) DIRECTOR DANIELS: Yes, with the new Department. I remind you that we've requested an enormous increase for the -- between $10 billion and $15 billion -- for '03. There's just an astonishing amount of new money. And I'll also tell you we're already beginning to find what -- the first of what I know will be a long list of duplications and economies. And within the next day or two, for instance, we will be suspending or freezing temporarily a host of redundant information technology investments all aimed at building communications infrastructure. This new department should have one world-class infrastructure. And on the books right now are plans totalling between $1 billion and $2 billion. And so a review board has been constituted to pick the best of those and to move forward with one plan. This move alone will save hundreds of millions of dollars. We have the same thing coming right behind it in financial systems where, again, we don't need dozens but, rather, one. And so the new Department, when all is said and done, there may be some near-term transition costs offset later, but there are going to be very, very large savings and also an enormous amount of new money requested from which to fund transition. Q Back on the sup -- two Republicans today, Young and Stevens, said the President was being ill-served by you. What's your response? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Oh? (Laughter.) One day soon, Alan, I think I'll bleed to death through the tongue, I've been biting it so much, and I will today. Well, I leave that to their judgment. They're both excellent gentlemen; everybody involved is. I just think it inheres in the job. I've told some friends lately that I think the President chose the wrong nickname in my case, and that he might instead have chosen pinata -- (laughter) -- because I think some folks think if they can knock my head off, all the goodies in town will fall out. (Laughter.) I think it just inheres in the job. And the real dispute here is between folks who I guess sincerely believe much more money should be spent, and the President, who feels there must be a limit, that we must bend this recent trend line, that we must move back towards balanced budgets. That's the dispute. I'm simply his instrument. But he has a 75 percent approval rating, and I don't. And so in their shoes, I think I would aim my criticism at me, too. Q Director, I have a sort of non-budget related question. In last night's Treasury-Postal bill on the Senate side, they included a provision that said you can't put any numbers to the competitive sourcing. Does that thwart your efforts in the management agenda? Would you recommend the President veto that bill? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Oh, I'm sorry, it's the bill that was offered the other day? Yes, we would recommend a veto of any such bill. It's very important that we begin, or begin again, to capture for the taxpayer both the better service and the economy and efficiency that can come through competition for those services that are suited to it. We're still, to too great an extent in the federal government, cutting our own grass, doing our own laundry, our own printing, and things that are available through the private sector. And there ought to be a competition. We don't care who wins. It's fine if the incumbent federal agencies win, as long as we get a better deal for taxpayers. That's an important initiative, and we would oppose any bill that attempts to stop it. Q Do you see any risk in your future that due to the aggravation of fiscal condition, the long-term interest rate goes up and the consequently discourage the capital spending and the rate the economy recovery? DIRECTOR DANIELS: I don't see that. It follows along the line of the question we had earlier. Again, interest rates, mortgage rates all at historic lows right now. And, in fact, the deficits we're looking at, whether you favor our projection or even some of those that have a slightly higher deficit for the next couple three years, are historically pretty low, measured against a $10.4 trillion economy, much lower than those that we've suffered in the past. So even if -- and to date we don't have any evidence of this -- but even if there is some causal relationship, I don't see any great risk. Q Mr. Director, as you know, the Senate has yet to spend an -- set an FY '03 spending cap through a budget resolution or other means. A few weeks ago they came within one vote of committing a vote on a cap that would have been higher than what the administration has proposed. So there is some support for that, apparently, in the Senate. Are there any negotiations underway with Senator Conrad or others in the Senate where the administration might agree to a number that's higher than the 759, but lower than the 768 the Senate seemed about to -- ready to embrace, and which the Appropriations Committee over there has embraced? DIRECTOR DANIELS: I've had many conversations with Senator Conrad about it, and appreciate his continuing interest in finding a new or a renewed control mechanism. The President agrees with that. Once again, the price tag was not acceptable -- the price tag for controls that might have helped. It gave no guarantee of control, but might have helped. The price tag was -- fairly measured, was $20 billion, and that's hundreds of billions over the years. That wasn't something that the President found acceptable. Q Senator Lott had indicated that he might support a 764-65 number. I'm wondering if that's leading the way to the administration? Might you support a number that's midway between the two, in an effort to get a Senate spending cap? DIRECTOR DANIELS: We'd like to see a spending cap at the levels that the House has voted for already. That would also, by the way, ensure a quick agreement between the bodies. Once again, at those levels, we are increasing spending 10 percent this year, due to circumstances. And I would hope that eventually the Congress would agree that that's really all we should be doing, especially in view of the difficulty we're having at the bottom line. Q At those levels, many of the House appropriators, your friends, say that they don't have a schedule to move some of their bills because they don't believe they can pass them, and they are seeing gridlock in September. How do you respond to that? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, I never presume to tell them how to do their business. I can just come back to the facts that the President has asked for money, he's asked for healthy increases. He's not asking that they do anything that state governments or U.S. federal governments during wartime before have not routinely done. And so we hope that they will think harder about that. Q Are you concerned at all that they have no plans presently to advance bills like Labor HHS? DIRECTOR DANIELS: The one bill that the President has concerns about is the Defense bill. It ought to be passed, we ought to have certainty. We ought to have the assurance of funding. The House has moved. We thank Chairman Young and the Speaker for that. And we do hope that the Senate will. And there seems to be some intent to do that. That the President has very serious interest in seeing happen quickly. And then we'd like to work out the rest, but all in the proper order. Q Earlier you were talking about postponing some of the infrastructure buys at TSA. Then you mentioned the consolidation of the IT infrastructure buys at the new Department of Homeland Security. One of the big infrastructure buys at TSA is their IT infrastructure. How will, if they have nothing -- how does that fit together? How do you save the millions, if you have this $1 billion buy plan? DIRECTOR DANIELS: Well, they're really independent questions. One is being forced on us by circumstance for the moment. The other makes sense anyway, for the reasons I gave. And it's important that, again, that TSA and the rest of the new Department have the best possible communication. And there needs to be, again, one network. The worker at the airport in LaGuardia ought to be able, if she needs, to immediately contact someone at the Port of Los Angeles or at the border station in Texas or at the agricultural inspection station in Canada, and so on and so forth. And so you're quite right. They had a proposal on the street for a $1.4 billion investment over the next seven years. And, meanwhile, there are high quality infrastructures available. And some of it is Customs and INS and some other places. And this board needs to look and decide on which platform to build, and obviously not continue building on several at the same time. Q Can you talk a little bit about the board that you just mentioned, and any specifics about what infrastructure they're leaning toward in the new Department of Homeland Security? DIRECTOR DANIELS: I can only tell you these are IT professionals from some other departments that are coming together to be teammates in the new department. And I hope it will be the first of many good exercises for creating a new team and a new unified department. But we can get you some more information, it's early day. END 3:23 P.M. EDT
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governor of Indiana is the head of government of the U.S. state of Indiana. The governor is the head of the executive branch of Indiana's state government and is charged with enforcing state laws. While a territory, Indiana had two governors appointed by the president of the United States. Since statehood in 1816, it has had 49 governors, serving 51 distinct terms; Isaac P. Gray and Henry F. Schricker are the only governors to have served non-consecutive terms. Four governors have served two four-year terms; territorial governor William Henry Harrison served for 11 years. The shortest-serving governor is Henry S. Lane, who served two days before resigning to become a U.S. senator. The current governor is Eric Holcomb, who took office on January 9, 2017. Indiana Territory was formed on July 4, 1800, from the Northwest Territory. Despite remaining a territory for nearly 16 years, it had only two governors appointed by the president of the United States before it became a state. Governors of Indiana Territory No. Governor Term in office[a] Appointed by 1 William Henry Harrison[b] (1773–1841) May 13, 1800[c] – December 28, 1812 (successor appointed) 2 Thomas Posey (1750–1818) March 3, 1813[d] – November 7, 1816 (lost election) Indiana was admitted to the Union on December 11, 1816. The original 1816 Constitution of Indiana provided for the election of a governor and a lieutenant governor every three years, limited to six years out of any nine-year period.[12] The second and current constitution of 1851 lengthened terms to four years and set the commencement of the governor's term on the second Monday in the January following the election.[13] Governors were allowed to serve for four years in any eight-year period,[13] but a 1972 amendment permitted governors to serve for eight years in any twelve-year period.[14] Should the office of governor become vacant, the lieutenant governor becomes governor.[15] If the office of lieutenant governor is vacant, the president pro tempore of the Indiana Senate becomes governor;[15] this has happened once, when James B. Ray succeeded William Hendricks.[16] Governors of the State of Indiana No.[e] Governor Term in office Party Election Lt. Governor[f] 1 Jonathan Jennings (1784–1834) [19] November 7, 1816[20] – September 12, 1822 (resigned)[g] Democratic- Republican 1816 (resigned December 18, 1818)[h] Vacant 1819 2 Ratliff Boon (1781–1844) [24] September 12, 1822 – December 4, 1822 (successor took office) Democratic- Republican Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 3 William Hendricks (1782–1850) [26] December 4, 1822[27] – February 12, 1825 (resigned)[i] Democratic- Republican 1822 (resigned January 30, 1824) Vacant 4 James B. Ray (1794–1848) [29] February 12, 1825 – December 7, 1831 (term-limited)[j] Democratic- Republican[k] Succeeded from president of the Senate[l] 1825 [m] 1828 5 Noah Noble (1794–1844) [33] December 7, 1831[34] – December 6, 1837 (term-limited)[j] National Republican 1831 Whig 1834 6 David Wallace (1799–1859) [36] December 6, 1837[37] – December 9, 1840 (did not run) Whig 1837 7 Samuel Bigger (1802–1846) [40] December 9, 1840[41] – December 6, 1843 (lost election) Whig 1840 8 James Whitcomb (1795–1852) [44] December 6, 1843[45] – December 27, 1848 (resigned)[n] Democratic 1843 (resigned December 8, 1845) Vacant 1846 9 Paris C. Dunning (1806–1884) [48] December 27, 1848[49] – December 5, 1849 (did not run) Democratic Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 10 Joseph A. Wright (1810–1867) [51] December 5, 1849[52] – January 12, 1857 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1849 1852[p] 11 Ashbel P. Willard (1820–1860) [56] January 12, 1857[57] – October 4, 1860 (died in office) Democratic 1856 12 Abram A. Hammond (1814–1874) [60] October 4, 1860[61] – January 14, 1861 (successor took office) Democratic Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 13 Henry S. Lane (1811–1881) [63] January 14, 1861[64] – January 16, 1861 (resigned)[q] Republican 1860 14 Oliver P. Morton (1823–1877) [67] January 16, 1861[68] – January 24, 1867 (resigned)[r] Republican Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant Union[69] 1864 [s] 15 Conrad Baker (1817–1885) [72] January 24, 1867[73] – January 13, 1873 (term-limited)[o] Republican Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 1868 (resigned January 11, 1871) Vacant 16 Thomas A. Hendricks (1819–1885) [75] January 13, 1873[76] – January 8, 1877 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1872 [t] 17 James D. Williams (1808–1880) [78] January 8, 1877[79] – November 20, 1880 (died in office) Democratic 1876 18 Isaac P. Gray (1828–1895) [81] November 20, 1880[82] – January 10, 1881 (successor took office) Democratic Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 19 Albert G. Porter (1824–1897) [84] January 10, 1881[85] – January 12, 1885 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1880 20 Isaac P. Gray (1828–1895) [81] January 12, 1885[86] – January 14, 1889 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1884 (resigned July 1886) Vacant 21 Alvin Peterson Hovey (1821–1891) [88] January 14, 1889[89] – November 23, 1891 (died in office) Republican 1888 22 Ira Joy Chase (1834–1895) [91] November 23, 1891[92] – January 9, 1893 (lost election) Republican Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 23 Claude Matthews (1845–1898) [94] January 9, 1893[95] – January 11, 1897 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1892 24 James A. Mount (1843–1901) [97] January 11, 1897[98] – January 14, 1901 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1896 25 Winfield T. Durbin (1847–1928) [100] January 14, 1901[101] – January 9, 1905 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1900 26 Frank Hanly (1863–1920) [103] January 9, 1905[104] – January 11, 1909 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1904 27 Thomas R. Marshall (1854–1925) [106] January 11, 1909[107] – January 13, 1913 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1908 28 Samuel M. Ralston (1857–1925) [109] January 13, 1913[110] – January 8, 1917 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1912 29 James P. Goodrich (1864–1940) [112] January 8, 1917[113] – January 10, 1921 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1916 30 Warren T. McCray (1865–1938) [115] January 10, 1921[116] – April 30, 1924 (resigned)[u] Republican 1920 31 Emmett Forest Branch (1874–1932) [118] April 30, 1924[119] – January 12, 1925 (did not run) Republican Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant 32 Edward L. Jackson (1873–1954) [121] January 12, 1925[122] – January 14, 1929 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1924 33 Harry G. Leslie (1878–1937) [124] January 14, 1929[125] – January 9, 1933 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1928 34 Paul V. McNutt (1891–1955) [127] January 9, 1933[128] – January 11, 1937 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1932 35 M. Clifford Townsend (1884–1954) [130] January 11, 1937[131] – January 13, 1941 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1936 36 Henry F. Schricker (1883–1966) [133] January 13, 1941[134] – January 8, 1945 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1940 37 Ralph F. Gates (1893–1978) [136] January 8, 1945[137] – January 10, 1949 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1944 (resigned April 1, 1948) Vacant (appointed April 14, 1948) (died January 2, 1949) Vacant 38 Henry F. Schricker (1883–1966) [133] January 10, 1949[138] – January 12, 1953 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1948 39 George N. Craig (1909–1992) [140] January 12, 1953[141] – January 14, 1957 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1952 40 Harold W. Handley (1909–1972) [143] January 14, 1957[144] – January 9, 1961 (term-limited)[o] Republican 1956 41 Matthew E. Welsh (1912–1995) [146] January 9, 1961[147] – January 11, 1965 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1960 [t] 42 Roger D. Branigin (1902–1975) [149] January 11, 1965[150] – January 13, 1969 (term-limited)[o] Democratic 1964 43 Edgar Whitcomb (1917–2016) [152] January 13, 1969[153] – January 8, 1973 (did not run)[v] Republican 1968 1976 1984 1992 2000 48 Joe Kernan (1946–2020) [164] September 13, 2003[165] – January 10, 2005 (lost election) Democratic[164] Succeeded from lieutenant governor Vacant (appointed October 20, 2003) 49 Mitch Daniels (b. 1949) [166] January 10, 2005[167] – January 14, 2013 (term-limited)[w] Republican[166] 2004 2008 50 Mike Pence (b. 1959) [168] January 14, 2013[169] – January 9, 2017 (withdrew)[x] Republican[168] 2012 (resigned March 2, 2016) Vacant (appointed March 3, 2016) 51 Eric Holcomb (b. 1968) [171] January 9, 2017[172] – Incumbent[y] Republican[171] 2016 2020 Gubernatorial lines of succession in the United States § Indiana List of Indiana General Assemblies General Constitutions Specific
7770	dbpedia	3	23	https://www.nationalreview.com/2019/12/mitch-daniels-purdue-university-president-conversation/	en	Mitch Daniels Purdue University President: A Conversation, Part I	https://i0.wp.com/www.na…057%2C1200&ssl=1	https://i0.wp.com/www.na…057%2C1200&ssl=1	[ "https://sb.scorecardresearch.com/p?c1=2&c2=23390304&cv=2.0&cj=1" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Jay Nordlinger" ]	2019-12-16T06:30:22-05:00	Curbing costs, protecting free speech, and more.	en	https://www.nationalrevi…e-touch-icon.png	National Review	https://www.nationalreview.com/2019/12/mitch-daniels-purdue-university-president-conversation/
7770	dbpedia	3	74	https://www.vox.com/conversations/2016/11/11/13587000/mitch-daniels-donald-trump-republican-party-democratic-party-student-debt-2016-election	en	Will Trump's victory redefine the GOP? 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https://platform.vox.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/08/Trump_Musk.jpg?quality=90&strip=all&crop=0.0031249999999972%2C0%2C99.99375%2C100&w=2048 2048w, https://platform.vox.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2024/08/Trump_Musk.jpg?quality=90&strip=all&crop=0.0031249999999972%2C0%2C99.99375%2C100&w=2400 2400w" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Sean Illing" ]	2016-11-11T00:00:00	Former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels on the GOP’s future after Trump.	en	/static-assets/icons/favicon.ico	Vox	https://www.vox.com/conversations/2016/11/11/13587000/mitch-daniels-donald-trump-republican-party-democratic-party-student-debt-2016-election	Not long ago, former Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels was a sleeper pick to win the Republican presidential nomination. He was courted to run in 2012 and, as recently as this summer, was being prodded by conservative luminaries like George Will, who declared in a June column that Daniels is “the president America needs.” There were good reasons for this. As governor of Indiana, Daniels developed a reputation as a practical and competent leader. Several prominent conservative governors have foundered in recent years (e.g., Bobby Jindal in Louisiana and Sam Brownback in Kansas), but Daniels thrived. Against the backdrop of a recession, he balanced the budget without raising taxes, left the state with a $500 million surplus, and created a massive school-choice program for low-income students. For liberals, Daniels’s tenure was less than thrilling, but by conservative standards he was undeniably a success. In the end, though, he decided against running. A big reason, according to a 2011 Politico report, was resistance from his family, his wife in particular, who did not want to deal with the media scrutiny a presidential campaign involves. Today, he serves as president of Purdue University, a position he has held since 2012. I spoke with Daniels yesterday morning. It was a sprawling conversation about Donald Trump, the future of the Republican Party, the perils of one-party rule in Washington, the student debt crisis, and why he didn’t run for president. Our conversation, lightly edited for length and clarity, follows. Sean Illing One of the more consequential results of this election is that Republicans now have near-total control over the government, with the presidency and both chambers of Congress. If you were Paul Ryan, what are two or three things you’d go all in on legislatively? Mitch Daniels I don’t think I should start handing out advice to anyone, but I’ll say a couple things. At some point in these four years, I earnestly hope that people in both parties will get serious about the debt problems that we’re about to dump on future generations. There’s no argument about this — it’s basic arithmetic. These aren’t matters of opinion, and the problem has grown and grown. The health care bill that we have is clearly collapsing on itself, and people in both parties have acknowledged that, so a reset there is probably an early focus. I suppose the main thing is, and it won’t be entirely for the legislature for the address, but this country desperately needs an economy that grows faster than 1 or 2 percent. This is one reason, I think, certainly not the only reason, for the Trump surprise. This won’t be easy, but it’s something the country badly needs. Sean Illing Speaking of the economy, how disorienting is it to see an anti-trade protectionist become the next Republican president? Mitch Daniels Apparently, we were going to get one regardless of who won. This was such a strong theme in the Democratic primaries, after all. Let’s wait and see what really happens here. The issues I mentioned previously are more important to trying to get on a better growth track than which trade agreements are or aren’t initial to the next couple years. Sean Illing Trump seems to have drawn a lot of white working-class voters to his side by opposing unpopular trade deals like NAFTA or the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Assuming you support those deals, how would you pitch them to rural voters in Pennsylvania or Michigan or Wisconsin? Mitch Daniels I’d say there are alternative explanations. The economic concern is very real: Eight years of a lousy economy and a comparatively weak recovery from a recession will do that. People are looking for explanations, and you have to articulate a vision of change that appears promising to people. The other thing I’d say that’s missing is this: Economic pessimism was clearly a driver of this, but another one is the strong sense among a lot of people that they were tired of being treated with contempt and looked down upon, and I’m not talking about the Clinton campaign in particular, but the broader political establishment. People feel that their values and life choices are suddenly considered backward and uneducated, and there was a recoil to that. A starting point for people who weren’t successful in this election is to at least consider this. Sean Illing I’ve heard this point of view, it’s the J.D. Vance position, and I understand. But here’s the thing: There’s an element of the Republican base that, while I wouldn’t use the words “backward” or “stupid,” I would say they are racist and nativist and reactionary. Trump empowered this element of the base, he normalized it, and I think we absolutely have to reckon with that. And I think we can do that without painting all Trump voters or Republicans as uneducated bigots. Mitch Daniels Sure, and I think every time a party gets thumped badly, how they react is important. We ultimately need two competitive parties that can compete for the center as they once did. And if you step back from this moment, it’s clear the Democratic Party is down, and I hope that they’ll reflect a bit about that and perhaps try to empathize with some of the voters they lost. Sean Illing As a current university president, I have to ask you about the student debt problem, and college affordability more generally. As it stands, middle-class Americans are being priced out of college, or are forced to take on mountains of debt in order to attend. Will that change anytime soon? Mitch Daniels I think it’s an urgent problem. At Purdue, we’ve tried to deal with it directly. We’re in the fourth year of a five-year tuition freeze. We also cut the costs of room and board and books. It’s less expensive to go to our school than it was four years ago, and it’ll be less expensive next year. Sean Illing But Purdue isn’t representative of what’s happening nationally, right? Mitch Daniels No, and I’m surprised by that. I really thought, incorrectly, that the market was about to demand more restraint on the part of universities in terms of cost increases, but it was much less than I expected. Students who graduate with large amounts of debt struggle mightily. They’re less likely to start a family, they’re less likely to own a home, they’re less likely to start a business. So there are serious consequences to forcing students to go into debt. Sean Illing Do you think we have too many people in college? By that I mean there are a lot of people who are going into debt to earn useless degrees with no applicability in the labor market. Would they be better served with job training or vocational programs? Mitch Daniels Some certainly would. We don’t necessarily have too many people in college, but we do have too many people in college in exactly the setting you just described: studying things with little or no rigor, things with little or no applicability in the world of work that has evolved, and being charged too much for it. Many of these people could have found a better option that would better serve them after school. And there are careers emerging all the times, fulfilling and well-paying careers, that don’t require the traditional college diploma. There are many technological fields like IT, for example, in which a diploma is far less important than what you know, what you can actually do, and it doesn’t matter where or how you learned the skills. Sean Illing Let’s circle back to politics. How surprised were you by Trump’s victory? Mitch Daniels Very much so. It completed my perfect season of being wrong about almost everything all year long. I don’t think I’m alone in that. Look, I was surprised just because while we’ve all learned to be skeptical about public opinion survey methodologies, toward the end data seemed so consistent and so clear that one had to believe it. What we saw is that there’s a big swath of America that, in various ways, the elites or the political class in this country didn’t know existed, and now they do. Sean Illing What do you make of this bipartisan revolt against the establishment? Did you see it coming? Mitch Daniels I think we all saw elements of it in the extremity of the primary seasons on both sides. In addition to Trump, a serious contender on the Democratic side who had never really been a Democrat and was always on the fringe of the party made a serious run. So it was clear that there was enormous dissatisfaction, but that it would ultimately be manifested this way was very much a surprise to me. Sean Illing Give the populist mood of the country, do you think Bernie Sanders would’ve defeated Trump in a general election? Mitch Daniels It’s very hard to tell. Mr. Trump told us very little about what he thinks or what he would do. Sanders, on the other hand, told us in detail, and, honestly, it was enormously impractical and might have scared the pants off a lot of America. But I can’t tell you how that might have turned out. We certainly could not have had an outcome more surprising than this, though. Sean Illing Does Trump’s nomination and election fundamentally change the GOP, both philosophically and politically? Mitch Daniels I don’t know. It was a very successful night for the party nationally, and the vast majority of those people still believe in a set of center-right principles that we’re all familiar with. So it remains to be seen whether the obviously very different set of ideas, if you can call them that, that Mr. Trump ran on will change anyone’s mind or whether they’ll have to be assimilated. Presumably, he’s going to want to be a successful president, and to do that he’s going to have to work with people. And many of the people with whom he’ll have to work are not going to see things the way he does. Sean Illing Evan McMullin, the conservative candidate who challenged Trump in Utah, said after Trump’s victory that “the Republican Party can no longer be considered the home for conservatives.” Do you agree? Mitch Daniels I don’t think we can say that yet. Again, you have 52 senators, well over 200 congresspeople, and lots of governors who, as far as I can tell, ran on the sort of platform, such as it was, that Mr. Trump campaigned on. Most folks would agree that he campaigned mainly as a matter of personality and vague thematics, and so it’s not at all clear to me that those millions who came out to vote for him were voting for any specific policy. Sean Illing Well, whatever the reason, they have a considerable amount of power now. What do you think they’ll do with it? Mitch Daniels I’m not sure, but it’s certainly one of the moments that is equal parts opportunity and danger. The dangers are obvious. If they produce poor results, they’ll pay a price. They’re in a similar position to what Obama and his majorities were in years ago. They’ll have to do better than that, and it depends on how Trump decides to work with these allies. Again, there are few people in Congress who stood for exactly the same things he did, but there’s every reason to work with them if he wants to accomplish anything. Sean Illing Your name was floated around as a possible candidate for president this year, especially among the Republican intelligentsia. I imagine you would have had a lot of support. Why didn’t you run? Mitch Daniels I seriously looked at it when many people I respected urged me to do it in 2012. Having decided not to do it, and having accepted the opportunity to work here at Purdue, it just didn’t enter my mine this time. I will say, though, that I don’t think I would’ve been a particularly effective candidate in the environment that evolved in 2016. Maybe in 2012 I would’ve been stronger, but things were much different then. But not this year, not in this atmosphere. Sean Illing I believe, and a lot of people do as well, that our process is broken. Campaigns are too long, the process is too invasive, the discourse is too frivolous. I have no idea why decent people would subject themselves to it, frankly. How do we fix this? Mitch Daniels That’s exactly right. It’s really a savage process, and most people have to think twice about subjecting themselves and their family to it. I remember in 2012 a friend of mine said I had a fatal flaw as a presidential candidate, and that was that I could live without it. To do it these days, you almost have to be obsessive about it in order to go through the process and endure what candidates have to endure. What would make it better? I think what we’ve seen recently has caused a lot of thoughtful people to have a whole new appreciation for the system that we tore up and left behind a few decades ago, namely a more deliberative system in which the parties had more to say about the process. I applaud the Democrats’ use of superdelegates, which preserves a modicum of this. Sean Illing The idea being that doing so would produce less polarizing candidates? Mitch Daniels Exactly. As we’ve become more polarized, this becomes more important, because when you let primaries decide the outcome, as they now do, you empower the extremists on both sides, as these are the people who vote disproportionately in the primaries. Trump, for example, was nominated by a series of minorities that weren’t necessarily representative of the broader Republican Party. So I think a system that restores some authority to the actual parties and conventions would be preferable. Sean Illing Have we seen the last of candidate Daniels? Mitch Daniels No, I’ve got no plans. I’ve always believed in the citizen-service idea. I never expected to run for public office myself. When I did, it was a marvelous opportunity. I’d like to think we left a much better state behind. But there’s more to life than politics, and what I’m doing now is just as rewarding as public service.
7770	dbpedia	3	1	https://www.nga.org/governor/mitch-daniels/	en	National Governors Association	https://www.nga.org/wp-c…hare_.light_.png	https://www.nga.org/wp-c…hare_.light_.png	[ "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/themes/nga/images/branding/logo.svg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/themes/nga/images/branding/logo.svg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/MDANIELS.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/IN-MikePence-1.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/MDANIELS.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/KERNAN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/FRANKOBANNON.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGBAYHIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGORRIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/bowen.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGWHITCOMBIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGBRANIGININ.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/PGWELSHIN.jpg", "https://www.nga.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/NGA-Logo-Brandmark-Dark-265x300.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "www.facebook.com" ]	2018-10-31T00:29:16-04:00	Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. became governor of Indiana in January of 2005. Daniels was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels held numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His …		https://www.nga.org/wp-c…ding/favicon.png	National Governors Association	https://www.nga.org/governor/mitch-daniels/	About Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. became governor of Indiana in January of 2005. Daniels was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels held numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His was CEO of the Hudson Institute and president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations. He also has served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. Daniels created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation. He spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. He also enacted the Healthy Indiana Plan to provide health care coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults and a sweeping property tax reform. Additionally, Daniels created Indiana’s Major Moves program, an aggressive 10-year transportation plan, to significantly improve and expand Indiana’s highway infrastructure. A total of $2.6 billion was committed to Major Moves from the long-term lease of the Indiana Toll Road. He earned a bachelor’s degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979.
7770	dbpedia	1	82	https://www.si.com/nfl/2024/04/24/2024-nfl-draft-latest-buzz-news-caleb-williams-jayden-daniels-drake-maye	en	2024 NFL Draft: Caleb Williams, Jayden Daniels, Drake Maye Likely Going 1, 2, 3	https://images2.minuteme…ra726qcm01g1.jpg	https://images2.minuteme…ra726qcm01g1.jpg	[ "https://images2.minutemediacdn.com/image/upload/c_crop,w_4929,h_2772,x_0,y_167/c_fill,w_720,ar_16:9,f_auto,q_auto,g_auto/images/ImagnImages/mmsport/si-temp/01hw8fypra726qcm01g1.jpg", "https://images2.minutemediacdn.com/image/upload/c_fill,w_180,ar_1:1,f_auto,q_auto,g_auto/shape/cover/sport/Albert_Breer-850ac74490678cb5ed5a9826ff9fc5a7.jpg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Albert Breer" ]	2024-04-24T00:00:00	Albert Breer has the latest buzz on top picks and prospects with the Bears, Commanders and Patriots locked in on taking quarterbacks.	en	https://images2.minutemediacdn.com/image/upload/c_fill,w_1440,ar_1:1,f_auto,q_auto,g_auto/v1713365891/shape/cover/sport/SI-f87ae31620c381274a85426b5c4f1341.ico	SI	https://www.si.com/nfl/2024/04/24/2024-nfl-draft-latest-buzz-news-caleb-williams-jayden-daniels-drake-maye
7770	dbpedia	1	94	https://www.jconline.com/story/news/2020/05/07/coronavirus-purdue-makes-good-daniels-promise-lays-groundwork-bring-students-back-campus/5180753002/	en	Coronavirus: ‘Foot on the gas,’ Mitch Daniels, Purdue trustees lay groundwork for bringing students back to campus this fall	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	https://www.gannett-cdn.…=pjpg&width=1200	[ "https://www.gannett-cdn.com/appservices/universal-web/universal/icons/icon-instagram_24.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Dave Bangert, Journal and Courier", "Dave Bangert" ]	2020-05-07T00:00:00	After weeks of Purdue President Mitch Daniels signaling that the university was prepared to do all it could to bring students back to campus as a coronavirus pandemic continued, the university’s trustees laid the groundwork Thursday.	en	https://www.gannett-cdn.…ages/favicon.png	Lafayette Journal & Courier	https://www.jconline.com/story/news/2020/05/07/coronavirus-purdue-makes-good-daniels-promise-lays-groundwork-bring-students-back-campus/5180753002/	WEST LAFAYETTE – After weeks of Purdue President Mitch Daniels signaling that the university was prepared to do all it could to bring students back to campus as a coronavirus pandemic continued, the university’s trustees laid the groundwork Thursday with a fall semester that would end at Thanksgiving and other measures meant to make that happen. Daniels said the six recommendations approved Thursday were a “first installment” from more than 100 being reviewed by his 15-member Safe Campus Task Force, who he said had been on a “crash course” since being appointed March 31 to come up with ways to make a fall 2020 semester happen, as Purdue anticipates a record freshman class. “Everyone should expect many, many more as fast as we can vet them and determine that they are practical to accomplish,” Daniels said. “It weighs on us constantly that we need every day if we’re going to do this right by the end of August. That’s why we have not delayed. Obviously, we’re going to watch events. But we weren’t going to wait and watch events, because it would probably subvert our opportunity to make this campus the safest and best prepared it possibly can be.” Trustees set a second round of meetings, the first coming May 26, to go through more details. THE FIRST SIX RECOMMENDATIONS On Thursday, the six recommendations accepted were: Setting a calendar that started in late August and then cleared campus for Thanksgiving break, with any remaining parts of the semester finished remotely. That also would eliminate fall break to keep students from traveling away from campus, if possible. Purdue hadn’t set a firm start date. Setting a goal to have at least one-third of Purdue employees working remotely. Doing systematic, in-house testing of students and staff who show symptoms of coronavirus and for those who want tests, along with a way “for actively and accurately tracing contacts of those who test positive for the virus.” Adding an annual flu vaccine to required shots for students, faculty and staff working or going to class on campus. Maintain a 90-day supply of personal protection equipment on campus. Set aside “a substantial number of rooms” to quarantine students and those who test positive for COVID-19 on campus. “There’s lots of topics yet to address,” Michael Berghoff, trustees chairman, said. “This is a process that has to get started, because it is our intent to have students on campus this fall.” Trustee Malcolm DeKryger said the plan could be a template for Purdue’s regional campuses. He said the plan recognizes that “there potentially will be spots where we have to stop, back up and redirect.” The Purdue trustees’ plan came during a special meeting Thursday, in what would have been one of the last days of finals week during a normal semester. DANIELS SENT OUT THE CALL Daniels has done more than hint in recent days that Purdue was aimed at something as close to normal as possible – including the return of students for the first time since Purdue went to remote classrooms and asked all students who could to move out of residence halls after spring break in mid-March. More: Coronavirus: Purdue's Daniels stands by 'near zero lethal risk' contention for students, hints at ways to get them back to campus by fall Two days before trustees met, Daniels released a video that reiterated his contention – first made in an April 21 letter to the campus community that would up making national headlines – that students were eager to get back to campus and that emerging science was pointing to ways to make social distancing work. Daniels said Purdue’s incoming class, based on trends with deposits for the fall semester, would put the freshman class over 8,000 students, which would be close to record numbers for a third consecutive year. Daniels also made a case that Purdue could avoid the financial straits of other colleges – including those that have announced wide budget cuts, staff layoffs or even closing – with a plan that brings students back to campus. More: Coronavirus: Mitch Daniels intent on reopening Purdue this fall. But what do faculty say? ‘So many questions ’“The world of science has learned a ton about the virus itself,” Daniels said. “For instance &mldr; the discovery that virtually all those at mortal risk having one or more comorbidities, and which of those are the most dangerous. The effectiveness of various kinds of protective tools and social distance practices. And, of special relevance to a place like Purdue, the consistent finding everywhere that the young people who make up over 80 percent of our campus population are at near zero lethal risk.” On a campus built to be efficient and compact – and therefore crowded with 44,551 students, more than 1,900 faculty members and 15,000 staff – Daniels promised to “use time, space and technology in new ways to de-densify classes, and offices and campus gatherings.” WHAT’S COMING NEXT Berghoff said the next measures would look at how to handle accommodations in residence halls and food service – “Those are going to be important to figure out,” he said – and how to handle the close quarters of classroom settings. Berghoff said he understood there had been rumors about plans that would keep new students off campus. He said that wasn’t the aim. “The planning is all centered around having all of our students on campus this fall,” Berghoff. “There will be a segment of the student population and the faculty and staff population that might be uncomfortable with that. So, there will be an option for those folks to participate remotely. That would allow, at least in current thinking, students who want to be in person and faculty and staff who want to be in person can do so. And those who don’t can do so remotely.” More: Coronavirus: Purdue students use spring break to pack up, leave dorms, as campus empties How would that work for everyone involved? Berghoff said those details were still in the works. The same went, Berghoff said, for how much the plan would cost. He estimated that pieces of it would cost millions of dollars. He said Purdue was developing contingency plans that factored enrollment projections – including the traditional “summer melt” of those incoming freshmen who simply don’t show up – among other things. THE INITIAL REACTION Daniels’ stance, defined as proactive and even aggressive by supporters and critics, met with a mixed reaction among faculty, staff, students and the West Lafayette community. Assata Gilmore, Purdue student body president for 2020-21, said she was concerned about the impact of a semester with no scheduled breaks. But she said she thought the plan prioritized health and safety on campus. “Many students have expressed excitement in returning to campus in the fall, myself included,” Gilmore said. “I just hope that we – students, faculty, staff, community members, etc. – all understand how different campus life could and will be as the plan moves forward.” Emma Clemenz, a junior studying law and society and classical studies, said her friends were anxious to get back to campus, too. But Clemenz said she had her doubts and wondered whether it would make sense to flip the schedule, going remote during the early part of the semester instead of the end, to give more time to get a grip on what coronavirus cases are doing. More: Coronavirus: Purdue students scramble, events scrapped as campus restrictions kick in “I think Purdue – and Indiana in general – is rushing into making things normal again and that could be dangerous,” Clemenz said. “Online learning isn’t great, but I’d rather do that than see my peers and professors get sick. I want to be back at Purdue just as much as my peers, but I think going back in August is too soon and can lead to more harm than good.” Taylor Bailey is a doctoral student in comparative pathobiology and president of Purdue Graduate Student Government. “I am comfortable with in person courses, within reason,” Bailey said. “I do think that the large lectures – can be upwards of 400-plus students – are problematic and need to be dealt with systematically, but I do not see a reason that most courses could not be accommodated by a realistic level of protective measures. I do not think this comes without risk, but I think we should be working toward that.” Li Qiao, an associate professor in the School of Aeronautics and Astronautics and a member of the faculty-led University Senate, said that she was personally fine with in-person courses and interactions on campus, saying that her risk was low as someone in her early-40s. But she said she had concerns about others on campus. More: Coronavirus: Will Purdue be back to normal by fall? ‘Absolutely not,’ Daniels’ task force assumes “Let's say, once students are back to campus in the fall, no matter what we do such as every possible way to prevent spread of virus – smaller classes, social distancing, disinfecting campus, frequent cleaning, sufficient and adequate testing capability, etc. – there will be an outbreak, which is unavoidable,” Qiao said. “Young students will socialize, gather together, do fun things together, regardless. The most frightening part is that many young people don't show any symptoms while having the virus.” Attempts to reach leaders of the Campus Support Staff Advisory Committee and Administrative and Professional Staff Advisory Committee, two groups that represent staff members on campus, were not immediately successful. Dr. Jeremy Adler, Tippecanoe County’s health officer, said Wednesday that the county health department “had some discussions with Purdue University” about reopening. Adler said he understood the plans would include ways to protect students and staff on campus, as well as what to do if students become sick during a semester on campus. More: Coronavirus: Did Gov. Holcomb go too fast easing Indiana's stay-at-home rules? Or too slow? West Lafayette Mayor John Dennis – who has been balancing discussions about campus-oriented businesses hurting without classes in session with encouragement for people not to backslide on stay-at-home era social distancing guidelines – said he put his trust in Daniels to get it right. “Unless you’re living in a cave, you know what’s going on,” Dennis said. “And the two big mantras we’ve been saying are social distancing and, when necessary, wear a mask. And Purdue, because of their plan to open this fall, is making that not just something to be heard, but something to be recognized and understood.” More: Coronavirus: With lawsuit targeting Purdue as profiteer, student suing not only one grousing about tuition refunds In the background, Purdue is among dozens of schools facing class action lawsuits from students aiming to get refunds on tuition, fees and room and board. Purdue has yet to formally respond to one case, filed in March in federal court. Though a Purdue spokesman initially said that it was “sadly predictable that some plaintiff’s lawyer would attempt to profit from this unprecedented public health crisis that’s affected us all,” saying the case “baseless and has no chance of ultimate success.” Berghoff said trustees stood behind Daniels from the start. That included how Purdue had staked itself as what he considered a leader in higher ed, as many colleges were more cautious. He said he believed Purdue would make it happen. “We thought it was important to publicly state our intentions early and pretty firmly, so all of the work that needed to occur after to make that happen could do so in earnest, with intensity and with purpose,” Berghoff said. “We are foot on the gas right now, fully intending to have a residential, on-campus experience for everybody.” Reach Dave Bangert at 765-420-5258 or at dbangert@jconline.com. Follow on Twitter: @davebangert.
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]	null	[]	2015-06-01T00:00:00	Purdue's dean of education Maryann Santos de Barona bluntly described the pernicious effects of "reform" on enrollment in the College of Education, as Purdue President Mitch Daniels listened quietly. As Governor of Indiana, Daniels was responsible for the "reforms" she was describing. Maryann Santos de Barona, dean of Purdue University's College of Education…	en	https://dianeravitch.net…2/diane.jpg?w=32	Diane Ravitch's blog	https://dianeravitch.net/2015/06/01/purdue-dean-slams-pernicious-effects-of-reform-as-mitch-daniels-sits-and-listens-quietly/	Purdue’s dean of education Maryann Santos de Barona bluntly described the pernicious effects of “reform” on enrollment in the College of Education, as Purdue President Mitch Daniels listened quietly. As Governor of Indiana, Daniels was responsible for the “reforms” she was describing. Maryann Santos de Barona, dean of Purdue University’s College of Education for the past six years, was at the front of a Stewart Center meeting room May 14 for one of those death-by-PowerPoint presentations. From among her dozens of slides, the dean was showing the university’s trustees a sinking trend line of undergraduates enrolled in Purdue’s teacher education program. At the other end of a conference table, one big enough to seat 10 trustees and assorted support staff, was Mitch Daniels. The Purdue president fidgeted as his education dean unflinchingly laid out her hypotheses for why students were avoiding careers in elementary and secondary education, as well as why test-weary schools were increasingly reluctant to experiment with Purdue-developed curriculum. Wait, you know where this one is going, right? Probably so. But it still was stunningly awkward, as the dean heaped so much of the blame at the feet of her boss, without calling him out by name. She didn’t have to. Not a person in the room — probably not in the state — was unfamiliar with Daniels’ role for clearing the way for education reform in Indiana in his previous life as a two-term Republican governor. “What is happening in (pre-kindergarten to 12th-grade) education, in legislative bodies and in governmental offices, affects our enrollment, our course offerings and our administrative responsibilities,” Santos de Barona said during an annual update for the trustees’ Academic Affairs Committee. “Our profession is at a critical juncture,” she said. “The pervasive negativity about the teaching profession, and the misconception that education is broken, has resulted in increased pressures on practicing teachers. As a result, they are less likely to want to mentor our student teachers — and have less time to do so. Teachers and administrators are reluctant to let our faculty research in their classrooms, as this represents a risk that might impact test scores.” Santos de Barona said undergraduate enrollment in the College of Education is down 33 percent since 2010, even as recruitment efforts have been ramped up to interest high school seniors across Indiana and students looking into changing majors once on campus. (Graduate student enrollment at the education college is up 32 percent during the same time. “We saw this coming and diversified our portfolio,” Santos de Barona said after the meeting.) Santos de Barona told the trustees that Purdue wasn’t alone in this — that it was a national issue. One example: Ball State University, once called Ball State Teachers College, has seen a 45 percent drop in undergraduates in its elementary and kindergarten prep programs in the past decade. Santos de Barona didn’t specifically mention it, but the trend at Purdue tracks the timeline of education reform in Indiana, when teachers’ bargaining power was busted, scores on standardized tests were tied more closely to pay raises and to overall A-to-F grades for schools, and the introduction and expansion of a private school voucher system sold on the idea that there had to be something better than what public schools could provide. How refreshing that the dean brought the terrible consequences of the Governor’s actions to his face and let him know that he is responsible for a catastrophic decline in the number of young people entering the teaching profession. Being a reformster means you are never held accountable for your actions. Former Governor Mitch Daniels was confronted with the facts. Wonder what he heard? Or did he just tune out his dean? Yes, as readers have suggested, Dean Barona belongs on the blog’s honor roll for speaking truth to power.
7770	dbpedia	0	60	https://www.badgerinstitute.org/wisconsin_interest/how-daniels-got-his-budget-act-together/	en	How Daniels Got His Budget Act Together	https://e74sq7k37a8.exac…istopherRuhl.jpg	https://e74sq7k37a8.exac…istopherRuhl.jpg	[ "https://www.facebook.com/tr?id=297417943220389&ev=PageView&noscript=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-rev-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-rev-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-rev-logo-tag236.png?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-rev-logo-tag236.png?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-tag236.png?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-tag236.png?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-rev-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-rev-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-tag472.png?strip=all&fit=236%2C80&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/ChristopherRuhl.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/ChristopherRuhl.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/d0c3bd74fd0861fc027eaf0b4dceb7b4?s=95&d=mm&r=g", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/d0c3bd74fd0861fc027eaf0b4dceb7b4?s=95&d=mm&r=g", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-rev300.png?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/badger-institute-logo-rev300.png?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1", "https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 1841w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-300x149.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 300w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-1024x509.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 1024w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-768x382.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 768w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-1536x764.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 1536w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-150x75.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 150w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-450x224.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 450w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks-1200x597.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&ssl=1 1200w, https://e74sq7k37a8.exactdn.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/Top-Picks.jpg?strip=all&lossy=1&w=604&ssl=1 604w" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Badger Institute" ]	2011-03-05T10:26:00+00:00	The lessons from Indiana’s playbookBy Christopher Ruhl After more than six years in office, Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels has earned a reputation for smart fiscal discipline. It’s easy to forget the problems he inherited when he took office in early 2005. The state had an annual public expenditure growth rate of 6% during the previous	en	https://e74sq7k37a8.exac…ze=32%2C32&ssl=1	Badger Institute	https://www.badgerinstitute.org/wisconsin_interest/how-daniels-got-his-budget-act-together/	The lessons from Indiana’s playbook By Christopher Ruhl After more than six years in office, Indiana Gov. Mitch Daniels has earned a reputation for smart fiscal discipline. It’s easy to forget the problems he inherited when he took office in early 2005. The state had an annual public expenditure growth rate of 6% during the previous decade. The state was consistently paying out more than it was collecting in annual revenue, and had been running a negative cash balance for years, with debts exceeding cash balances. To pay its bills, the state had forcibly borrowed more than $700 million from local governments, schools and public universities. And it raided the teachers’ pension fund as well. Today, Indiana has an AAA rating from all three credit rating agencies — one of only nine states to enjoy such a privileged status. What turned things around? Gov. Daniels implemented a four-step plan to restore fiscal health when he took office: Balance the budget, pay back debts, build net worth, and cut taxes. To balance the budget, the rate of spending growth had to be slowed. This was achieved through a combination of initiatives. We looked for ways to introduce competition into service delivery, consolidate overlapping services, implement health savings accounts and employ hawk-like discipline as we reviewed whether jobs that opened up through retirement and attrition needed to be filled. As a result, the rate of spending growth slowed from 6% to 2%; indeed, Indiana’s spending between 2004 and 2008 increased at one-third the rate of most other states. We turned around the budget situation and structurally balanced it four years running as a result of these reforms. The governor also negotiated a deal that transferred a money-losing toll road to experienced private-sector operators — creating a nearly $4 billion pay-out that eliminated a multibillion-dollar infrastructure backlog without raising taxes or incurring new debt. Gov. Daniels knew that we had to institutionalize sound budgeting practices. So he created an Office of Management and Budget (OMB) to oversee seven separate financial agencies that were previously uncoordinated. Within OMB, he created a Government Efficiency Division to measure agency and program performance. Its job is to set clear performance standards and hold agencies accountable. No more business as usual. Accountability and performance became the cultural imperatives of the entire government. States can get into deep trouble when they use borrowing to avoid difficult budget decisions. We took multiple debt-issuing authorities and combined them into a single agency (the Indiana Finance Authority), which is housed within OMB. Gov. Daniels made it a priority to increase oversight and coordination of state borrowing. Accountability, performance, cost-benefit analysis, consolidation — this kind of discipline enables you to focus on other key priorities such as paying off debt and building reserves. We were able to pay off the $700 million forcibly borrowed from other governmental units in the governor’s first term and reduce total outstanding debt by $1.4 billion. Indiana has now enjoyed five straight years of positive cash balances, reaching a high point of $1.3 billion in cash reserves and rainy day funds with no debts to other units of government. We have been able to achieve these results during a debilitating recession because Gov. Daniels began implementing his reforms when it wasn’t popular to do so. Many states are now discovering this kind of discipline out of necessity. Indiana embraced it out of principle. The reforms are critical to making sure taxpayer dollars are spent efficiently and effectively. When this is done, the benefits need to be directed into taxpayer savings that will support productivity and growth. In the governor’s first term, we passed major business tax cuts, research and development initiatives, and a phase-in for property taxes on purchases of new equipment and machinery. In 2008, we enacted a significant property tax reform package that was the largest tax cut in state history. It resulted in a net reduction of $600 million in Hoosier taxes in 2010 and capped homeowner taxes at no more than 1% of a home’s value. Though we haven’t succeeded yet, the governor is trying to further reduce taxes by adding an automatic tax refund for Hoosiers when state reserves exceed 10% of budgeted appropriations. Such a reform creates a new constituency for government performance. If voters know they get a refund when government is run well and spending is constrained, lawmakers will be less likely to let the spending interests dictate the contours of the budget debate. Through the Indiana equivalent of impoundment authority, we achieved $2 billion in spending cuts in the 2009-2011 budget cycles, as the recession reset state revenue to levels not seen since the mid-2000s. We cut most state agencies by 25%, enabling the state to prioritize education and public safety spending by cutting those by lesser amounts. Taxpayer satisfaction with government services is up, and the state is running well. That’s because our reforms were enacted before the recession began. And doing more, or as much, with less was already in Indiana’s DNA. The AAA rating was the capstone of our multi-year track record in Indiana. But there are other important results. The number of state employees has been cut to the 1970s level. We have had no tax increases during a time when the majority of states raised taxes to meet their spending obligations. (Our neighbor, Illinois, recently raised income taxes by 66%.) Finally, even in the wake of a tough, protracted recession, Indiana’s cash reserves are strong. We will have an estimated 5% of our budgeted appropriations in reserves at the end of 2011, with a plan in place to grow those over the next two-year budget cycle. States have most, if not all, of the tools they need to get their fiscal houses in order and become attractive destinations for investment. Indiana is a story of taking what we know works for families and businesses and applying it to the business of government: Spend within your means, use borrowed money frugally, set aside money in a savings account and, most importantly, keep taxes low. It takes discipline, leadership and consistency from the state’s CEO. I’m privileged to share these successes on behalf of our CEO, Mitch Daniels, who has instilled these principles since his inauguration in 2005. Christopher Ruhl is the director of the Indiana Office of Management and Budget.
7770	dbpedia	2	79	https://reason.com/2016/09/16/with-mitch-daniels-republicanism-on-the/	en	With Mitch Daniels Republicanism on the Outs, Mitch Daniels Cozies up to Gary Johnson	https://d2eehagpk5cl65.c…740438902399.jpg	https://d2eehagpk5cl65.c…740438902399.jpg	[ "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo_2ea65906.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo_2ea65906.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo-inverted-without-tag_c6a8c72e.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo-inverted-without-tag_c6a8c72e.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./r-in-g1-01_36e38c66.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./r-in-g1-01_36e38c66.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/img/c800x450-w800-q80/uploads/2016/09/14740438902399.jpg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/img/c800x450-w800-q80/uploads/2016/09/14740438902399.jpg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/img/q60/uploads/assets/mc/mwelch/2016_09/GarJoPurdue.jpg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/img/q60/uploads/assets/mc/mwelch/2016_09/GarJoPurdue.jpg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./reason-plus-logo_fa18e919.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./reason-plus-logo_fa18e919.svg" ]	[ "https://www.youtube.com/embed/RGg6w5jA_Tg" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Matt Welch", "C. Jarrett Dieterle", "Jacob Sullum", "Joe Lancaster", "Patrick McDonald", "Brian Chau" ]	2016-09-16T00:00:00	Former Indiana governor pushes for Libertarian nominee's inclusion in the debates, hosts a big event for him at Purdue, and writes WSJ op-Ed about an issue only Johnson is any good on	en	https://d2eehagpk5cl65.c…x57_30d0df5c.png	Reason.com	https://reason.com/2016/09/16/with-mitch-daniels-republicanism-on-the/	"You just gave a string of…intelligent, candid, politically risky, unpredictable answers, all apparently grounded in a consistent political philosophy," former Indiana governor and current Purdue University President Mitch Daniels told Libertarian Party presidential nominee Gary Johnson Tuesday night, after an hour-long Q&A in front of 1,000* enthusiastic attendees at Purdue. "What are you doing in this election?" If it were up to some #NeverTrump conservatives, the question would be inverted, and thrown back at Mitch Daniels: "What are you doing NOT in this election?" In June, syndicated columnist George Will, a longtime fan, lamented that "Purdue has the president America needs." (Asked about Daniels by the Lafayette Journal & Courier last December, Will said "Every time I open the page and see who's running for president, I think of the man who isn't there.") The case for Daniels would have been obvious in your father's GOP. As governor of Indiana from 2005-2013, he was Scott Walker without the drama, reforming public-sector union rules and benefits, reducing the state's workforce, contracting out stuff the government didn't need to monopolize, introducing right-to-work laws, fixing the Bureau of Motor Vehicles, balancing budgets and leaving a surplus. He was chief of staff for Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Ind.) in the '70s and '80s, helped Indianapolis mayor Stephen Goldsmith make that city a trailblazer for privatization in the '90s, served as George W. Bush's director of Office of Budget and Management in the early aughts, and bracketed those governmental stints with work at nonprofits (Hudson Institute) and mega-profits (Eli Lilly). He is a decent and likable fellow who takes federalism seriously, name-checks Virginia Postrel, famously called for a "truce" on Culture War issues while we focus like a laser beam on fixing the country's godawful long-term fiscal picture, and genuinely believes that government can be done better by making it smaller. In other words, there's very little room for Mitch Daniels in today's GOP. This may help explain why, over the past 10 days, Daniels has been all up in the business of a similar former governor, Gary Johnson, in the run-up to the Libertarian Party nominee finding out whether he will be selected to participate in the first presidential debate on Sept. 26. Daniels is no mere spectator to that decision—he's one of 14 board members of the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD), the controversial "nonpartisan" body created by the Republican and Democratic parties in 1987 to serve as gatekeepers for general election presidential debates. And on Sept. 7, while conducting a public Q&A with the co-chair of the CPD, former Bill Clinton White House spokesman Mike McCurry, Daniels became the first board member to publicly endorse the inclusion of Gary Johnson into the debates. "People are so obviously shopping and wishing for some other choice," Daniels said. "This is awfully important." As for the Democratic-Republican matchup, "I hope each party will come to be led by people who want to compete for the center." That last sentiment in particular fits snugly into one of Johnson's go-to campaign pitches (one that he repeated by Daniels' side six days later): that he and vice presidential nominee William Weld are in the six-lane highway at the neglected center of American politics. And in that center are some distinctly Danielsesque notions of good government, personal decency, and an honest confrontation of the country's most pressing and difficult policy issues, starting with the dire long-term fiscal outlook of the United States. And lo and behold, Mitch Daniels had a Wall Street Journal op-Ed on that topic the very next day. Excerpt: A national government that, year after year, borrows enormous sums and spends them not on genuine investment in the future but on current consumption, passing the bill down to others, pretending that the problem is smaller than it really is, lacks not only good judgment but integrity. It is not hyperbole to label such behavior immoral. […] In fairness, a few members in each political party have tried to address the coming crisis. To them, all thanks and credit. To those still in denial, or even advocating steps that would make our debts even higher, please reconsider. Your careers may end happily before the reckoning. Your re-elections may not be threatened by your inaction. But your consciences—and what Lincoln called "government of the people, by the people, for the people"—will be. The piece, half of which is just pure exasperation at how obvious these observations should be to governing Democrats and Republicans, does not mention any third-party politicians. But as I point out in my October-issue cover story, it is remarkable the extent to which the major parties and their presidential candidates have recently abandoned even rhetorical feints toward clipping the growth of long-term spending, and instead have made extravagant promises of vast new government spending projects. Meanwhile, the only White House aspirants who make tackling the debt central to their campaign are Johnson and Weld. Given the death of the Mitch Daniels GOP, and the fact that the only people acting like the adults in the room are Libertarians, a natural question arises: Where the heck are the endorsements from politicians who in their heart know Johnson is right? In Daniels' case, he doesn't want to ruffle political feathers as the ex-politician head of a public university. But he's hardly the only limited-government and/or independent-bent Republican ex-pol who feels alienated from Donald Trump's crass, big-government GOP, and who can certainly recognize a ticket of '90s blue-state Republican governors as two of their own. Yet about the only thing you'll get from the Christine Todd Whitmans and Arnold Schwarzeneggers of the world is "let them debate." Which is better than nothing, but the reluctance to endorse is still striking, particularly for those (unlike, say, sitting senators such as Mike Lee and Jeff Flake), who no longer have to face voters and endure caucus meetings. It is a testament to the abiding power of two-party mental frameworks and social habits that, faced with two of the most statist presidential candidates either major party has thrown up in several generations, no major libertarian-leaning politicians or ex-politicians can bring themselves to endorse the ticket that absolutely agrees with them about the core issue facing the country. * Some Johnson campaign staffers are furious at my estimate here, insisting it was closer to 2,000, and pointing to a Lafayette Journal & Courier article estimating a crowd of "at least" 1,380. For what it's worth, I counted the seats beforehand, and conducted five audience head-counts, the last of which came to 900, 10 minutes before the start of the Q&A. Bonus link 1: Me presciently disagreeing with The Volokh Conspiracy's David Bernstein in May 2011, when he argued that given the GOP prominence of Mitch Daniels, Ron Paul, and Gary Johnson, it was time for the Libertarian Party to "fold shop."
7770	dbpedia	0	17	https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mitch_Daniels	en	Simple English Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia	https://upload.wikimedia…itch_Daniels.jpg	https://upload.wikimedia…itch_Daniels.jpg	[ "https://simple.wikipedia.org/static/images/icons/wikipedia.png", "https://simple.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-wordmark-en.svg", "https://simple.wikipedia.org/static/images/mobile/copyright/wikipedia-tagline-simple.svg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/e/e4/Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg/220px-Indiana_Governor_Mitch_Daniels.jpg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/f/f1/Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg/128px-Mitch_Daniels_Signature.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg/12px-Commons-logo.svg.png", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/d/d4/George-W-Bush.jpeg/180px-George-W-Bush.jpeg", "https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/7/73/US-OfficeOfManagementAndBudget-Seal.svg/75px-US-OfficeOfManagementAndBudget-Seal.svg.png", "https://login.wikimedia.org/wiki/Special:CentralAutoLogin/start?type=1x1", "https://simple.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/wikimedia-button.svg", "https://simple.wikipedia.org/static/images/footer/poweredby_mediawiki.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Contributors to Wikimedia projects" ]	2015-07-29T22:38:46+00:00		en	/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png		https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mitch_Daniels	Mitch Daniels (born April 7, 1949) is an American politician. He served as the 49th Governor of Indiana from 2005 to 2013. He was the Director of the Office of Management and Budget from 2001 until 2003. He is a Republican.[1] Daniels was born on April 7, 1949 in Monongahela, Pennsylvania. He studied at Princeton University and at Georgetown University. He is married to Cheri Herman. Other websites [change \| change source]
7770	dbpedia	3	15	https://www.purdue.edu/president/about/	en	About the Office of the President	https://www.purdue.edu/p…DW540023-HDR.jpg	https://www.purdue.edu/p…DW540023-HDR.jpg	[ "https://www.purdue.edu/purdue/images/PU-H.svg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/themes/purdue-wp-theme/icons/search-menu-icon.png", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/themes/purdue-wp-theme/icons/close-icon.png", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options-1.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options2.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options3.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options4.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options7.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options8.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options9.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/uploads/2023/09/Chiang-Microsite-gallery-options12.jpg", "https://www.purdue.edu/purdue/images/PU-H.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	The Office of the President includes President Mung Chiang and key advisors who work together to make important institutional decisions and set policies that align with the university’s mission and values.	en	https://www.purdue.edu/president/wp-content/mu-plugins/boilerup-wp/favicon/favicon.ico	Office of the President	https://www.purdue.edu/president/about/	Meet President Chiang Mung Chiang, Purdue University’s president and the Roscoe H. George Distinguished Professor of Electrical and Computer Engineering, began his term on January 1, 2023. Meet First Lady YingKei Hui Dr. YingKei Hui is excited and honored to serve as the First Lady of Purdue University. In her role as First Lady, she hopes to function as a catalyst for new Purdue families to integrate and thrive in a beautiful and rapidly growing community. Board of Trustees The Board of Trustees is the governing body of the university and is responsible for overseeing its operations and ensuring that critical decisions are made to enhance and further its mission, long-term interests and priorities.
7770	dbpedia	0	6	https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/voices-mitch-daniels/	en	Voices \| Mitch Daniels	https://americandemocrac…Logo_2-32x32.png	https://americandemocrac…Logo_2-32x32.png	[ "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Final-Logo.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Final-Logo.png", "https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/files/2024/06/31-01.png", "https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/files/2024/06/31-01.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Shorthand-Mark_Shorthand_BL-e1717338903374.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/CSIS-1024px-CSIS_logo_blue.svg-1.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Covid-Collaborative-logo-2048x606-2.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Shorthand-Mark_Shorthand_BL-e1717338903374.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/CSIS-1024px-CSIS_logo_blue.svg-1.png", "https://sites.brown.edu/americandemocracyhealthsecurity/files/2024/06/Covid-Collaborative-logo-2048x606-2.png" ]	[ "https://drive.google.com/file/d/1O21mFZF-FCzYgVUK0V-zaPplwknH1SxN/preview", "https://drive.google.com/file/d/1Xe7scdE_ufN1bqWsmBp-nYSStl_9eekh/preview\n", "https://drive.google.com/file/d/1bFwZ0y2Je_fCvo8eyUqE_cPgtPhlODi5/preview\n", " https://drive.google.com/file/d/15kgRCaHU48Fbm_5nh-ZXaE_iI-BpJeaz/preview\n", " https://drive.google.com/file/d/1PV9Ef0IKy42YNf6hQ41FZei32oRio7w6/preview\n", " https://drive.google.com/file/d/1WtFcI_e8lwmyFaTNN-BRPBiGqPyIjKIT/preview\n" ]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[]	null	Lighting a Path Forward Amid Pandemic Polarization	en	https://americandemocrac…Logo_2-32x32.png	americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org	https://americandemocracyandhealthsecurity.org/voices-mitch-daniels/	Mitch Daniels President Emeritus, Purdue University Former Governor, State of Indiana Mitchell E. Daniels Jr is President Emeritus of Purdue University and served as a two-term governor of the state of Indiana from 2004 to 2012 as well as the 12th president of Purdue University from 2013 to 2022. He was elected governor in his first bid for any elected office, and then re-elected with more votes than any candidate in the state’s history. During his tenure, Indiana went from an $800 million deficit to its first AAA credit rating, led the nation in infrastructure building, passed sweeping education and healthcare reforms, and transformed its business climate into one of the nation’s best. At Purdue, Daniels prioritized student affordability and reinvestment in the university’s strengths. He ended 36 straight years of rising prices by freezing tuition and mandatory fees at 2012 levels for all students. The freeze is still in place today. As a result, the total cost of attendance is lower today than in 2012, even without adjusting for inflation and aggregate student borrowing has declined 37%. In recognition of his leadership as both a governor and a university president, Daniels was named among the Top 50 Greatest World Leaders by Fortune Magazine in 2015 and was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2019. In 2023, Purdue University named its business school the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. He also was the CEO of the Hudson Institute and had an 11-year career as an executive at Eli Lilly and Company. Daniels earned a bachelor’s degree from Princeton’s Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and a law degree from Georgetown. He is the author of three books and a contributing columnist in the Washington Post. Mitch Daniels President Emeritus, Purdue University Former Governor, State of Indiana Mitchell E. Daniels Jr. became governor of Indiana in January of 2005. Daniels was re-elected in 2008 to a second and final term, receiving more votes than any candidate for any public office in the state’s history. Prior to becoming governor, Daniels held numerous top management positions in both the private and public sectors. His was CEO of the Hudson Institute and president of Eli Lilly and Company’s North American Pharmaceutical Operations. He also has served as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar, senior advisor to President Ronald Reagan and director of the Office of Management and Budget under President George W. Bush. Daniels created the public-private Indiana Economic Development Corporation. He spearheaded a host of reforms aimed at improving the performance of state government. He also enacted the Healthy Indiana Plan to provide health care coverage for uninsured Hoosier adults and a sweeping property tax reform. Additionally, Daniels created Indiana’s Major Moves program, an aggressive 10-year transportation plan, to significantly improve and expand Indiana’s highway infrastructure. A total of $2.6 billion was committed to Major Moves from the long-term lease of the Indiana Toll Road. He earned a bachelor’s degree from the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs at Princeton University in 1971 and his law degree from Georgetown University in 1979
7770	dbpedia	3	97	https://reason.com/video/2015/05/19/mitch-daniels/	en	Mitch Daniels on How to Cut Government & Improve Services	https://d2eehagpk5cl65.c…320480562625.jpg	https://d2eehagpk5cl65.c…320480562625.jpg	[ "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo_2ea65906.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo_2ea65906.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo-inverted-without-tag_c6a8c72e.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./logo-inverted-without-tag_c6a8c72e.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./r-in-g1-01_36e38c66.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./r-in-g1-01_36e38c66.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/img/q60/uploads/assets/mc/_external/2015_05/mitch-daniels-purdue-universit.jpg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/img/q60/uploads/assets/mc/_external/2015_05/mitch-daniels-purdue-universit.jpg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./reason-plus-logo_fa18e919.svg", "https://d2eehagpk5cl65.cloudfront.net/wp-content/themes/reason-dot-com-theme/dist/./reason-plus-logo_fa18e919.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Matt Welch", "Joshua Swain", "Jim Epstein", "C. Jarrett Dieterle", "Jacob Sullum", "Joe Lancaster", "Patrick McDonald", "Brian Chau" ]	2015-05-19T00:00:00	The former Indiana governor and current president of Purdue University gets real about making the public sector cheaper - and better.	en	https://d2eehagpk5cl65.c…x57_30d0df5c.png	Reason.com	https://reason.com/video/2015/05/19/mitch-daniels/	When Mitch Daniels served as a hugely popular governor of Indiana between 2005 and 2013, he would apply what he called the "Yellow Pages Test." Which is to say: If a good or service had multiple providers listed in the business section of the telephone directory, the government shouldn't be doing it. Prior to being elected governor, Daniels had served as President George W. Bush's first director of the Office of Management and Budget. A lawyer by training, Daniels has also worked at pharmaceutical giant Eli Lilly and headed up the Hudson Institute, a think tank founded by futurist Herman Kahn. During his eight years in office, Daniels led one of most successful cost-cutting and privatization campaigns in modern political history. He contracted out welfare services, started a school-voucher program, slashed the size of the state work force, and ended collective bargaining for public employees. In one of his most controversial moves, Daniels leased a money-losing 157-mile toll road to a group of private investors in a deal that brought nearly $4 billion to the state. By the end of his second term, Indiana's public-sector employment was 18 percent smaller, its credit rating was upgraded to AAA for the first time in history, and even the state's long-hated Bureau of Motor Vehicles had become known for its excellent customer service. His outstanding record as governor led some Republicans to pine openly for Daniels to run for the 2012 GOP presidential nomination but he declined. Daniels credits the work of Reason Foundation, especially of co-founder Robert W. Poole, Jr. with helping him identify and work through innovative ways to improve public services while controlling costs. He also cites former Reason Editor Virginia Postrel's 1998 book The Future and Its Enemies as one of the most powerful influences on his strategic thinking and planning. Now the president of Purdue University, the 66-year-old Daniels has kept his thrifty habits intact, privatizing some services and applying a tuition freeze to keep higher education affordable for middle class families. This May, Mitch Daniels became the first recipient of the Reason Foundation's annual Savas Award for Public-Private Partnerships, which is awarded to policymakers with outstanding legacies of improving the delivery and effectiveness of services while reducing the cost and scope of government. Reason magazine Editor in Chief Matt Welch interviewed Daniels in New York City shortly before the award was presented. Among the topics covered: How Daniels cut the public-sector work force in Indiana and ended collective bargaining without much controversy; the surprising, bipartisan pushback on leasing the Indiana Toll Road; his challenges and plans for Purdue, including an ongoing tuition freeze; runaway spending by Republicans during the Bush years; the need for old-age entitlement reform and reduction in national debt; and more. About 30 minutes. Scroll below for a rush transcript of the interview and downloadable versions. Subscribe to Reason TV's YouTube channel to receive automatic emails when new material goes live. Produced by Joshua Swain; camera work and introducution by Jim Epstein; additional camera by Anthony L. Fisher. NOTE: This is a rush transcript. All quotes should be checked against the audio for accuracy. REASON: You inherited deficits of $200 million. Why public sector unions? Why was that a focus straight off the bat? What's the importance of that? Mitch Daniels: Well, it wasn't primarily about money. We had to address that the old fashioned way and reconcile spending with revenue and so forth. No, it was much more about call them work rules, but there were something like 160 pages of do's and don't's in these agreements that the state had signed and I used to say you couldn't pick up a coffee cup from one desk and move it to the next without a 30-day, 60-day consultation with somebody. And you certainly couldn't, as we were determined to do, to combine departments, break off departments for more direct supervision. You certainly couldn't outsource anything under those conditions. We'd been paralyzed really from doing those things that would make government work, so it was much more about making a totally dysfunctional government operate effectively within the zone, the more limited zone that we thought it ought to operate at all. REASON: Wisconsin became the site of three years' worth of scuttlebutt over this, even though there was Hurricane Mitch and I'm sure it felt crazy in the eye of the storm. It didn't feel like the same kind of thing. Why didn't that happen in Indiana? Mitch Daniels: Well, we were able to strike quickly and did. Here's a confession: I don't often procrastinate or over-cogitate and so forth, but on that decision, I really spent a long time. I was trying to talk myself into either waiting until after the legislative session or maybe splitting the baby somehow, maybe these important departments and not these. The key distinction was we didn't need legislation as in almost every other venue including the federal government when JFK did it, collective bargaining which FDR and Fiorello LaGuardia and lots of friends of unions always said had no place in the public sector, had gotten there almost always through executive orders later codified in statute. Indiana, the advocates of collective bargaining never got into statute so I had the ability which Walker did not, to take it out by executive order. I tried to persuade myself, though, that maybe we shouldn't do it right away because I could imagine a scene like we saw in Wisconsin and I thought, man, the whole rest of the agenda—we've got this huge agenda of things that we think are really important to do, and I could imagine all being brought to a halt if we had an eruption like they did. Instead, I just finally decided, no, we cannot fix this place under these conditions. We're just going to have to take this action and hope for the best, so I went and told the union leaders myself my first day in office. I thought they deserved to hear it from me. Went back, signed the order, pulled up the covers and held my breath and nothing happened, except that over the first about 11 months, 90+% of the state employees stopped paying their dues. Once it was their choice, they gave themselves a pay raise. I think the swiftness maybe. Maybe they just didn't think we'd do it, but we did it and then their members began to speak, at least tacitly, and it was never an issue. REASON: This led to be able to reduce the state workforce by some 18%. Tell us about the knock-on practical benefits that you've received from doing that? Mitch Daniels: Some of it's had to do simply with being able to organize the government for better effect. A good example: we had the worst child protection system in the country. HHS was fining us and probably deservedly so. The ratios of people who were supposed to be watching over these endangered children were way out of whack. No training and all that, so we had pledged to do something direct about that. Pulled it out of this massive social services bureaucracy and created a unit entirely of its own reporting directly to the governor and five years later, we were winning national awards, but that sort of restructuring or combining units and extracting the synergies that were possible there. In most of life, I've always said I'm pretty much a libertarian, but when it comes to IT I believe in dictatorship. You can't let everybody have their own computers and their own little customized software so that nothing talks to each other, right? And so establishing one unitary and unified IT system across all of government. I still bump into people who said how did you get that done because it's a problem that afflicts lot of large organizations, private and public, and so things like that. We were able to go straight for them. We went right away to a new benefits plan which is HSAs. Indiana rather quickly had almost all state employees on what we now call a consumerist or a high deductible plan. The penetration of such plans in public sector America last I looked was about 1 or 2% and we must've been half of that because we were 90+. Couldn't have done that. Saved buckets of money. Employees wound up with millions of dollars accumulating in their accounts which were theirs. You know how that works. And likewise, Indiana as far as I know is still the only state that has. We reformed the civil service rules such that employees are paid for performance, not in lockstep grids. The best performers got the biggest pay raises by far in state history. Those at the other end got a warning and often second chance, but that's all they got. So, those were the sorts of things. Now, that translated into dollars. Sure, it did. But I did some stressing here that our principal objective was to demonstrate that government actually could deliver. Every state hates its license branches, right? I guarantee you, Indiana probably had a candidate for the worst. I used to say that people went to an Indiana Bureau of Motor Vehicles office with a box lunch and a copy of War & Peace and hoped not to finish both of them before somebody noticed they were there. So, by about three or four years in, they're winning national awards. I'd get a report once a month, the average visit time door to door was down to nine minutes and something. The average customer satisfaction was 97%. REASON: At a DMV? Mitch Daniels: That's right. REASON: That's crazy talk. I live in Brooklyn, and I think the average time is 5½ days or something. Mitch Daniels: Business school cases have been written about it. It's a very interesting story all by itself. A lot of that was accomplished, by the way, by creating all sorts of ways that you didn't have to go to the branch in the first place if you didn't want. Online, in the mail, on the phone, etc. I was really fixed on those things that touched lots of people, so everybody has to deal with the Bureau of Motor Vehicles. Everybody has to deal with the Department of Revenue. We really worked hard on those. REASON: So people could see the practical benefits and understand. Mitch Daniels: Yes. And I saw that also as an important investment of capital in that metaphorical sense, because, first of all, I'm a limited government person of the first order, but I don't think that unadulterated cynicism about government is healthy for our democracy and so, no. 1, I wanted people to develop a sense of confidence that the folks running the people's business really were committed to try to do it well. And the second thing was, I wanted to build momentum for the next reform and literally I think a lot of people concluded, well, they can fix the damn DMV, maybe that new idea they've got is worth a look, too. REASON: Talk a little bit about privatization, both in terms of what you did there, but also where did you get acquainted with and enamored with the idea to begin with? Mitch Daniels: In the early '90s, a lot of people were enamored with it. I was convinced it was such an obvious and smart thing to do so a fellow named Osborne was reputed to be Bill Clinton's favorite thinker at the time and he writes a book Reinventing Government or something was the title. And it's all about this, using the private sector where appropriate to deliver services more effectively and efficiently. A friend and a really good public official named Steve Goldsmith got elected mayor in my hometown and when he was running, I said to him you're going to want a signature thing. Your predecessors have had some big ones and you should want one. I said this business of privatizing services for the benefit of service recipients and taxpayers is a good one. I said, why don't you have a citizens' commission to go look through state government and see where the opportunities are and aren't. Big mistake because he makes me the chairman of the commission. We got some great people, some good businesspeople and they divided local government into functional areas and people went in and came out with a host of ideas, so that's where I got— And most of them got acted on, so that's where I guess got the notion but I got a lot of it from reading Reason Magazine, not to kiss up here, but it's true, all this at a time when I had no intention, no premonition that I'd ever hold elected office myself. I just never expected that to be the case, but when it came along, I had the benefit of the reading I'd done and that one experience. REASON: The most notorious or infamous or something, at least controversial, privatization was I guess one of your first which is the toll road. Why was that controversial? Of all things in the world to be controversial. Mitch Daniels: It's an interesting thing, because it is beyond any question was a slam dunk grand slam spectacular success. We were very self-critical in our administration. Most things, you know, give yourself a B or a B+, but not this one. We had valued the road in public hands around $1.3 billion, $1.4 billion, and you had to make some rosy assumptions to get it up to that and I had told myself if the bids come in— If the bids aren't well over $2, we probably won't— It won't be worth going for it, but if they get up there closer to what we're aiming at, we well, so the bid comes in $3.9 billion. Unbelievable. And when I announced on a Monday morning into a jam-packed room, there were gasps and cheers and clapping and everybody in that room at that moment believed this thing would fly because holy cow, well, you saw what happened? Xenophobia happened. The notion that— Well, first of all, there was just some vague sense which our partisan opposition pounced on, that maybe we were giving something up. People didn't understand necessarily the transaction at the beginning and then the fact that the financing was organized by a foreign entity, Australian bank— REASON: You know how those Australians can be, come on. Mitch Daniels: Yeah. A friend of mine said he went in a barber shop when the thing was really white hot and people were in there arguing about it and he finally said you're right, it's even worse than I thought. I'd just been out there. They've changed all the signs to Australian. So it became what could have been and should have been— A bipartisan celebration became a very partisan thing, but we got it through and the results speak for themselves. We're in the tenth of 10 consecutive years of record infrastructure investment in Indiana and there were more than 200 projects that wouldn't have happened that did, including some big ones that people had waited for literally for decades and a big fraction of all the bridges in the state were rebuilt, so there's still more to do. Always will be, but it was a tremendous piece of luck for the state. Here's the thing that haunts me. On that day when I made that announcement, I pointed out that as of the closing that we were headed for, this would be the largest such transaction in American history by a factor of 2. It was about twice as big as the Chicago Skyway which was the biggest one at the time. I said, but what won't last. That won't last a year because this is such an obvious partial answer to the national problem we have of infrastructure that other places— It's being done all over the world already anyway. It's just a little late getting here to America. Look for this to happen in a lot of other places. Astonishingly to me, we sit here a decade later and it's still the record and that's a darn shame. REASON: Your record has governor of Indiana at time when we went through the financial crisis when we started seeing trillion dollar annual federal deficits got you very much in the conversation in the 2012 presidential race like he's the coming wonk that we need and somewhere in 2010, I guess you made a statement that had libertarians just high-fiving and conservatives not quite so high-fiving about how Republicans are conservatives and need to start thinking in terms of a truce on social issues. Looking back on that and transposing it to today, do you still feel that and what's your assessment of the way the Republicans are going after issues like gay marriage or pot legalization or even immigration if you see that as a social issue? Mitch Daniels: It's still my view. By the way, the comment wasn't directed just at so-called conservatives. It was directed at their opponents on the other side, too. It was a general appeal based on my belief which is stronger now several trillion dollars of debt later than it was then that we have urgent problems. We've got to get this country on a pro-growth footing. We need years of consistent high growth if we're going to remain a country of upward mobility and opportunity and we've got to begin the process of flattening this debt burden we're about to dump on future generations and I thought that it would be wise to try to rally the nation and focus the nation on these problems which we all share and I chose the word truce advisedly to distinguish it from surrender or retreat. Just stand down, agree to disagree. Let's try to see if we can't work on those things that genuinely threaten us all. That was the idea and I think it's absolutely true today. We've just come through a little storm in my home state where I think there were some misunderstandings and some unfairness and all that, but still, I think it illustrates the fact that these kind of issues can get in the way of truly serious business. I think that this idea has a lot more agreement than many people think it does. Even in 2012— 2011, actually. After I had retained my senses, not run for national office, a Wall Street Journal reporter who had trailed me around a little bit and I'd gotten to know, called and said they had put a question on that subject on their poll and Republican primary voters agreed with the idea of the truce by something like 7 to 1, so there're people who're very passionate about those issues. They have a right to be and they will be heard but I think in growing numbers, Americans are more concerned about other things and many more are inclined to a live and let live attitude. REASON: How terrified are you of an $18 trillion debt and the entitlements coming and washing down when there doesn't seem to be a lot of discussion even on the Republican side anymore about doing much about that? What is your articulated dread when you wake up in the night sweating and thinking about the future of our accounts? Mitch Daniels: It's going to be a huge drag on growth. It already is. Just wait until interest rates return to anything like normal from these artificial levels and there are certainly situations in which it could threaten the country's future more seriously than that and there's a moral aspect to it. By the way, I don't blame the American people. They've been misled about how all these things work—it's just my money, you know, they stuck it in a drawer for me. I'm just taking it out. People have been actively misled about it and I don't think too many of our fellow Americans knowingly would plunder their children, would borrow tons of money and spend it on themselves, on consumption for themselves today. That's exactly what we're doing, so I think there's a moral dimension, an economic dimension. I even worry about national security implications of a country that will soon be spending upwards of two-thirds of all its money on transfer payments and interests. REASON: You were director of the Office of Management and Budget at the kind of the dawn of the Bush era. Bush, looking in hindsight, was no great fiscal steward of these United States even if you isolate military post-9/11 spending. What went wrong with Bush conservativism and fiscal conservativism? Mitch Daniels: Those numbers I think have been largely misrepresented. I'm not defending every decision that was made at that time. I would've strongly preferred less spending than happened, but the first thing that went wrong was a bubble burst, so everybody— I was one of the guilty parties, although so was Alan Greenspan, so was the Congressional Budget Office, so was everybody, the Federal Reserve and everybody else around, misunderstood that the revenue that was coming in temporarily in the late '90s was a base from which you could project some sort of growth. It wasn't. And when the stock market bubble burst, those revenues, a lot of them evaporated, so the apparent fiscal strength of the country was somewhat illusory. Then there was a recession that followed the bubble. Then comes the war, the decision right or wrong to build a homeland security capability and all these things piled up on top, so I think after you've factored all those things, yeah, there was some spending, sometimes to accommodate a Congress that was reluctant necessarily to fund the war on terror spending. REASON: It's a unified Republican Congress for a large part of that. Mitch Daniels: A big part of that time, and so, again, I think it's really ahistorical to suggest that somehow he just spent a flush Treasury bare. That's just not what happened. REASON: I think it's more than total federal spending non-defense grew by 50% in eight years, which is not fiscally conservative by any stretch of the imagination. Mitch Daniels: Yeah. As I sometimes said, I never had a disagreement with anybody during the 2½ years I was there where I was for more spending than they were. When we got a chance in Indiana to deal with a fewer zeroes but a very serious fiscal problem, we found a way to do so. REASON: You were referencing Reinventing Government in the 1990s and intellectual stuff and even our recent former editor, a beloved figure, Virginia Postrel wrote a book called The Future and Its Enemies and I understand that that had some influence on you. Talk about that. Mitch Daniels: I thought it was a wonderful insight. And it certainly informed or colored my thinking when I got to office. The dichotomy she illustrated between stasis and dynamism and those who are comfortable with change recognize that it's largely inevitable and therefore the goal ought to be to shape it and adapt to it effectively. And as I mentioned already, Indiana historically has been a change adverse state and our whole argument, everything we said and everything we tried to, a speech that I gave for 10 years basically, had as their central theme that won't work anymore, that if you tread water in this world, you will sink and if you stand still, you will be passed by and I wanted Indiana to be an active vanguard state and I think I can document that after eight years, we were. We were looked to in a variety of ways, whether it's infrastructure or fiscal probity or education reform or property tax controls or you name it or government that works. REASON: Talk about your role. Purdue a little bit here in most of the country, including where I'm from—California—the story about universities is all about a higher education bubble. It's about tuitions trending like this. You've actually cut tuitions. Do I have this right? Mitch Daniels: Frozen. REASON: How have you been able to do that? Mitch Daniels: Edict. I mean, I don't consider that we've done anything particularly dramatic yet. I suggested to our board that we do this and I'd only been there two or three months when the decision had to be made so I didn't have nearly the information to be sure but I had a suspicion that we could do it, and limits have a lot of value. That's why balanced budget requirements lead people to make decisions they wouldn't otherwise make, establish priorities that they wouldn't otherwise establish. In business, when times are flush, people are not as attentive to that expense account or the less essential items. Sales go flat, suddenly people sharpen their pencils, so I thought if we established that limit and I said to the campus, we all care about this, don't we? We all would like this to remain a school that students from any income level if they can meet our standards can afford to attend and people at Purdue do agree with that—faculty, staff, everybody, so I said let's all find ways to do this. I said let's try something different. Instead of asking our students' families to adjust their budgets to our preferred spending, let's adjust our spending to their budgets. We did it once and then we were able as it turned out to extend it. This second year it'll be at least one more year. To an extent, it's a statement that we believe that higher education ought to be of the highest possible value and that controlling costs, maintaining access to the extent we can is an important part of that. REASON: How have you done it? What's the blueprint for Purdue? Mitch Daniels: Well, people always want to know some great master stroke. There weren't too many of those. We had a very very expensive health care benefit plan. We modernized it. It's more consumerist and it's over-performing in terms of, as it has all over the country. The minute people get a little bit of skin back in the game, they start to ask common sense questions. They experienced that in Indiana state government in a big way, so that was one. We consolidated information technology there, too, a big big savings. REASON: I think you being involved with two successful large-scale IT projects put you on a very short list of people. Mitch Daniels: Well, I won't claim to have contributed anything except the determination that it had to happen. REASON: For those of us who don't spend a lot of time on college campuses and get our information through oftentimes partisan media, it can seem like it's just a hell broth of micro-triggering and people in free speech cages over in a corner. What's your assessment of the climate of free speech on campus nationwide and at Purdue? Is it as bad as some of us suspect? Mitch Daniels: In places it obviously is. We all read about them and you just shake your head. I can tell you that Purdue's different and I think you don't hear about the places where free speech is respected and protected. Naturally enough you don't. We feel very strongly about it. About to take some future actions to insure that what's been a good record remains that way and we've indentified some small policies that were less than ideal and we're changing those but, no, I think that the spirit of free inquiry is still strong on our campus and I hope on most, but clearly there are places where it's violated in truly unfortunate ways. REASON: Thank you very much. Mitch Daniels: I enjoyed it. Thanks for the good work and the provocative work that Reason's always done. Always been a courageous place and one that held faithful to principle that's why I've been a reader and often agreed. Not always, but was always stimulated. REASON: You mean you're not ready to legalize heroin? I don't understand. … Mitch Daniels: Stop short of that, yeah. Original text had an error here since deleted.
7770	dbpedia	3	78	https://www.concordcoalition.org/press-releases/concord-coalition-to-honor-mitch-daniels-and-evan-bayh-iii-as-economic-patriots-this-thursday-in-washington/	en	Concord Coalition to Honor Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh III as Economic Patriots this Thursday in Washington	https://www.concordcoali…1067-150x150.png	https://www.concordcoali…1067-150x150.png	[ "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/logo.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/who-wr-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/what-wd-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/what-ycd-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/budject-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/research-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/podcast-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/subscribe-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/support-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/02/contact-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/search-icon.svg", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/facebook.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/twitter.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/pinterest.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/linkedin.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/facebook.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/twitter.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/pinterest.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/linkedin.png", "https://www.concordcoalition.org/wp-content/themes/concord-child/assets/images/logo.svg" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "Tyler Sweeney" ]	2015-06-23T18:41:01+00:00	WASHINGTON — The Concord Coalition on Thursday will honor Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh III — two former Indiana governors who have both wrestled with difficult fiscal decisions — with the 2015 Paul E. Tsongas Economic Patriot Award. WASHINGTON — The Concord Coalition on Thursday will honor Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh III — two […]	en	https://www.concordcoali…1067-150x150.png	The Concord Coalition	https://www.concordcoalition.org/press-releases/concord-coalition-to-honor-mitch-daniels-and-evan-bayh-iii-as-economic-patriots-this-thursday-in-washington/	WASHINGTON — The Concord Coalition on Thursday will honor Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh III — two former Indiana governors who have both wrestled with difficult fiscal decisions — with the 2015 Paul E. Tsongas Economic Patriot Award. WASHINGTON — The Concord Coalition on Thursday will honor Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh III — two former Indiana governors who have both wrestled with difficult fiscal decisions — with the 2015 Paul E. Tsongas Economic Patriot Award. Bayh served as Indiana’s 46th governor from 1989 to 1997, presiding over eight consecutive balanced budgets. After his second gubernatorial term, Bayh, a Democrat, served two terms in the U.S. Senate and now practices law. Daniels, a Republican, served as director of the Office of Management and Budget after holding a variety of other positions in the public and private sectors. He was elected Indiana’s 49th governor in 2004, and soon turned a large budget deficit into a surplus. After his second term, he became president of Purdue University in 2013. “Throughout their distinguished careers, Mitch Daniels and Evan Bayh have each demonstrated not only a thorough understanding of the importance of fiscal responsibility but the courage to champion it even in the face of heavy resistance, sometimes from within their own parties,” says Robert L. Bixby, Concord’s executive director. “Both have also shown the ability to work towards constructive, bipartisan solutions that could strengthen the nation and protect future generations from excessive government debt.” The award ceremony will be held this Thursday night at the Phoenix Park Hotel in Washington. The honorees will also participate in a panel discussion on the nation’s fiscal and economic challenges. Other panel members will be Concord Coalition co-chairs and former U.S. House members Michael Castle and John Tanner; Bixby; and Maya MacGuineas, president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. The Patriot Award is named for the late Paul E. Tsongas, one of Concord’s founding co-chairmen. It honors those who have demonstrated a commitment to fiscal responsibility and the protection of younger generations from irresponsible fiscal policies. Over the years the award has been given to individuals of varied backgrounds and political affiliations. Media coverage of the program, which will begin at approximately 8:15 p.m., is welcome. WHAT: 2015 Economic Patriot Award Presentation and Panel Discussion WHEN: Thursday, June 25. Program begins at 8:15 p.m. WHERE: The Phoenix Park Hotel; 520 N. Capitol Street, NW; Washington Media Contact: Steve Winn, (703) 254-7828, [email protected] ### The Concord Coalition is a nonpartisan, grassroots organization dedicated to fiscal responsibility. Since 1992, Concord has worked to educate the public about the causes and consequences of the federal deficit and debt, and to develop realistic solutions for sustainable budgets. For more fiscal news and analysis, visit concordcoalition.org or see us on facebook.com/concordcoalition and follow us on Twitter: @ConcordC
7770	dbpedia	3	81	https://kesq.com/news/national-politics/2021/03/23/mitch-daniels-fast-facts/	en	Mitch Daniels Fast Facts	https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2…kesq-860x484.jpg	https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2…kesq-860x484.jpg	[ "https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2020/03/nc3xsm.png", "https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2021/06/kesq.jpg", "https://kesq.com/wp-content/themes/storymate-npg/assets/images/weather-icons/9000_clear_night.png", "https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2024/08/3-2-375x225.png", "https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2023/10/67562-BREAKING-NEWS-FULLCSCREEN-1024X576.png", "https://ktvz.b-cdn.net/2022/06/comment_icon.png", "https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/?s=96&d=mm&f=y&r=g", "https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2020/08/nc3.png", "https://s3.us-east-1.wasabisys.com/kesq.com/2019/11/kesq-news-app-icon.jpg", "https://s3.us-east-1.wasabisys.com/kesq.com/2019/11/kesq-weather-app-icon.png" ]	[]	[]	[ "" ]	null	[ "CNN Newsource" ]	2021-03-23T00:00:00	Here’s a look at the life of Mitch Daniels, former governor of Indiana. Personal Birth date: April 7, 1949 Birth place: Monongahela, Pennsylvania Birth name: Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. Father: Mitchell Daniels Sr., a drug company salesman Mother: Dorothy Mae (Wilkes) Daniels Marriage: Cheri (Herman) Daniels (1997-present and May 20, 1978-1994, divorced) Children: Margaret; Meredith;	en	https://kesq.b-cdn.net/2…avicon-32x32.jpg	KESQ	https://kesq.com/news/national-politics/2021/03/23/mitch-daniels-fast-facts/	Here’s a look at the life of Mitch Daniels, former governor of Indiana. Personal Birth date: April 7, 1949 Birth place: Monongahela, Pennsylvania Birth name: Mitchell Elias Daniels Jr. Father: Mitchell Daniels Sr., a drug company salesman Mother: Dorothy Mae (Wilkes) Daniels Marriage: Cheri (Herman) Daniels (1997-present and May 20, 1978-1994, divorced) Children: Margaret; Meredith; Melissa; Meagan Education: Princeton University, B.A., 1971; Georgetown University, J.D., 1979 Religion: Presbyterian Other Facts Daniels is a motorcycle enthusiast and rides a Harley Davidson. Daniels has worked in the presidential administrations of Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. He is known for being fiscally responsible, balancing Indiana’s budget in his first term as governor, cutting expenditures wherever possible and having a surplus over multiple years. Timeline 1971-1976 – Serves as aide and later adviser to Indianapolis Mayor Richard Lugar. 1977-1983 – Serves as chief of staff to Senator Richard Lugar (R-Indiana). 1983-1984 – Executive Director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC). 1985-1987 – Serves as senior adviser to President Reagan. 1987-1990 – Chief Executive Officer, Hudson Institute. 1990-2001– Executive at Eli Lilly. 2001-2003 – Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). 2004 – Is elected the 49th governor of Indiana. January 10, 2005-January 14, 2013 – Two-term Republican governor of Indiana. May 22, 2011 – Announces he will not be running for president in 2012. June 21, 2012 – Purdue University announces Daniels has been unanimously elected to be the school’s next president. January 15, 2013 – Daniels starts his position as president of Purdue University. January 27, 2015 – Daniels writes a Wall Street Journal opinion piece, “How Student Debt Harms the Economy.” He writes that there is “evidence that it’s not just consumer spending that these debts are denting, but also economic dynamism.”