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5858
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https://search.proquest.com/openview/df3a248ad89762726b9fe2b90e5fcde3/1%3Fpq-origsite%3Dgscholar%26cbl%3D18750
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en
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Together we stand apart: Island and mainland Puerto Rican <i>independentistas</i>
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Database copyright ProQuest LLC; ProQuest does not claim copyright in the individual underlying works.
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https://www.dailyherald.com/20101030/news/state-nation-other-puerto-rico-tries-to-decide/
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en
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State, nation, other: Puerto Rico tries to decide
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2010-10-30T23:00:00-05:00
|
SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico — Dayra Rivera saw the letter as a slap in the face for Puerto Ricans: No, Apple Inc. told her, you cannot have the free iPhone case promised to U.S. customers.
Apple, which w...
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Daily Herald
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https://www.dailyherald.com/20101030/news/state-nation-other-puerto-rico-tries-to-decide/
|
SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico — Dayra Rivera saw the letter as a slap in the face for Puerto Ricans: No, Apple Inc. told her, you cannot have the free iPhone case promised to U.S. customers.
Apple, which was giving out plastic cases because of problems with dropped calls, said it would not ship to an "international" destination. Never mind that Puerto Rico's 4 million residents are American citizens, and that it is closer to the mainland than Hawaii.
"I felt like I was being treated like a second-class citizen," said Rivera, a 46-year-old manager of a clothing store near the capital, San Juan.
Apple, as it turns out, is hardly alone in considering the island 1,000 miles southeast of Florida a foreign land. Other businesses, politicians, entertainers and even Puerto Ricans themselves are not quite sure what to make of a place where highway distances are in kilometers but road speeds in miles per hour.
Puerto Rico and the United States are like one of those couples who have been together forever without getting married, forcing people to make awkward introductions at weddings like "and ... this is her special friend." Perhaps comedian Larry David captured the confusion most bluntly on the TV program "Curb Your Enthusiasm" as he riffed on America's boundaries, asking: What is Puerto Rico anyway?
It is a question the island asks itself all the time. For now at least, the most Puerto Rican thing about Puerto Rico could be its identity problem.
Puerto Ricans cannot decide whether they want to go for statehood, have some sort of in-between commitment or break up altogether. They have voted on the issue three times to date, in 1967, 1993 and 1998, and each time decided to keep the status quo.
The issue may come up again in 2011: The pro-statehood movement, which now controls the legislature and the governor's office, hopes to hold another vote. And the U.S. House of Representatives has passed a bill that would allow Puerto Rico's government to ask its residents if they want to change the island's commonwealth status.
But most exasperating of all is that, even as Puerto Rico is preoccupied with its status, much of the United States hardly seems to know or care.
Several months ago, House candidate Vaughn Ward, a Republican from Idaho, called Puerto Rico a "country" in a political debate. When corrected, he said, "I really don't care what it is. It doesn't matter."
______
For the record, Puerto Rico has been under U.S. jurisdiction — some would say boot heel — since 1898, its people citizens since 1917. The island is home to 150,000 military veterans, and three-quarters of its National Guard troops have been deployed overseas since the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks. The island shuts down and shoots off fireworks on the Fourth of July, American Independence Day.
Yet Puerto Ricans cannot vote for president, and their representative in Congress cannot vote either. They pay Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes that finance the government's retirement and principal medical programs; they do not pay federal income tax (they pay Puerto Rican income tax instead, so it is no paradise.)
And The Associated Press considers its reporters in Puerto Rico foreign correspondents.
Both Spanish and English are official languages, although you will hear much more of the former than the latter. The island has a holiday in honor of Eugenio Maria de Hostos, a figure associated with Puerto Rican independence. It puts up its own Miss Universe contestant and its own Olympic team.
Confused? So is Congress. Members of the U.S. Congress have wondered if they need passports to travel to Puerto Rico, according to an anecdote often told by New Jersey Sen. Robert Menendez, son of Cuban immigrants. And Joachim de Posada, an author and business consultant who lives in Puerto Rico, gets the passport question all the time, most recently in Germany. (Answer: U.S. citizens do not need passports).
"It is amazing the level of ignorance I find, not only in the U.S. but all around the world," de Posada said.
There are other U.S. territories, such as Guam and the U.S. Virgin Islands, but none has near the population of Puerto Rico and the huge cultural impact on the mainland that comes with it.
The question of what exactly the island is lingers even among Puerto Ricans in the United States, who outnumber those in Puerto Rico. U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor has called her parents immigrants, but they are not from another country; they are from Puerto Rico. Sotomayor herself in recent years has been careful not to come down publicly on one side or the other of the statehood issue.
Not so resident commissioner Pedro Pierluisi, the nonvoting representative in Congress.
"The question about the statehood for Puerto Rico is not whether it's going to happen, it's when," he said. "I have no doubt that's where we're headed." Pierluisi said that the growing Hispanic population in the United States will compel Congress to support statehood if islanders demand it.
Hector Pesquera, co-chairman of the National Hostos Independence Movement, has a very different take. To him, Puerto Rico would be obliterated by statehood.
"People who vote in favor of statehood are like chickens voting for Kentucky Fried Chicken," he said.
______
The rest of the world is similarly all over the place in its dealings with Puerto Rico. The island has its own ranking on World Economic Forum's annual ranking of global competitiveness, coming in at No. 41, between Cyprus and Spain. The United States is ranked No. 4.
Puerto Rico also got its own ranking in a Gallup World Poll published in July of the happiest countries (No. 23) and its own spot on Transparency International's annual list of corruption perceptions, coming in at 33rd least corrupt (the U.S. was 22nd). And technically it is a commonwealth, which means it has some political and economic autonomy.
But Puerto Rico does not make the Forbes list of best countries to do business. It doesn't have its own seat at the United Nations, and it is not invited to the annual Ibero-American summit of Spanish-speaking countries.
"You've got your fast food, your Costco, the mall. It's definitely very American," said 32-year-old Adriana Pons, who was born on the island and later moved to New York but has now returned to help out in her family's water-bottling business. "But it's very hard to categorize. It's neither here nor there."
Which comes back around to the question of whether Puerto Ricans can get free iPhone cases.
A number of companies do not ship to Puerto Rico to avoid conflicts over exclusive distribution agreements that some manufacturers have in the island. Others will not ship because it is too expensive, often more than twice what it costs with the major shipping companies to a mainland U.S. destination. Sometimes, there also are problems with warranties that might not be applicable in Puerto Rico.
At least one company, www.buyonlineshiptopr.com, allows people to work around it by having their goods shipped to Miami, Florida, then sent by U.S. Postal Service. Primo Delgado, the marketing director, said they have worked with most of the major online retailers since opening in April. Even if Puerto Rico should become a state, he said, it would face the same complexities and shipping would still be a problem.
But Rivera sees it as injustice all the same. She fired off a note to popular consumer rights advocacy blog Consumerist.com, which publicized her cause, as did several other online forums.
"A lot of people were really upset over this situation," she said. "They weren't treating Puerto Rico right."
Rivera says she generally stays out of the status debate, but the iPhone saga has pushed her toward statehood. "I want Puerto Rico to be a state so this situation gets fixed," she said.
She may not have to wait. An Apple spokeswoman said the cancellation of Rivera's iPhone case had been a mistake, although she would not say why or how it was made. And in August, Rivera got a follow-up: Another e-mail that her case was en route.
This time the e-mail was in Spanish.
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https://www.bu.edu/articles/2019/making-the-case-for-puerto-rico-judge-juan-r-torruella/
|
en
|
Making the Case for Puerto Rico
|
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2019-03-06T05:00:39-04:00
|
Judge Juan R. Torruella, the first Hispanic judge to serve on the US Court of Appeals for the First Circuit, has argued for decades and American citizens who live in Puerto Rico should have the same rights as those who live on the mainland.
|
en
|
Boston University
|
https://www.bu.edu/articles/2019/making-the-case-for-puerto-rico-judge-juan-r-torruella/
|
I remember that I arrived in October, and it was so rainy and dreary that I almost got on a plane and went back to Puerto Rico. But I soon became enthusiastic with law school. I think I was probably the youngest in the class, which had a large component of Korean War veterans. To tell you how different law school was then, I will just mention that there were only 3 women in our first-year class of around 350. I have to say we had some great professors. I remember taking my wife to Tom Lambert’s Saturday morning classes, he was so good.
I can’t really say that I was discriminated against as such. But at that time, it was very hard to get a job at a law firm in Boston—the legal scenario was controlled by the Brahmin elites, and I suspect BU was looked down upon by this class. You really had to have connections, like a relative who worked there, so the chances of getting a job were very small. I remember in one of the interviews, the only thing they asked me was whether I had a camera, so I could take pictures of accidents. Women, of course, were even worse off; they were usually offered secretarial jobs, if they were lucky enough to even get an interview.
The week I was supposed to take the Massachusetts Bar I ended up getting the mumps, so I didn’t take it. Instead, I went back to Puerto Rico and I took the Puerto Rico Bar. Then I was hired as a law clerk in the Puerto Rico Supreme Court, which was a great postgraduate course for me, as I was able to become familiar with Puerto Rico civil law—a branch of the Napoleonic Code. At the end of that period, I was hired by the National Labor Relations Board as a trial attorney, labor law being my best subject at BU. I did that for three years and as things go, I tried a major case against one of Puerto Rico’s principal newspapers and won the case. This resulted in a job offer by the law firm that was my opponent. I was there for eight years, became a partner, and then decided to go out on my own, which I must say were the best years of my private practice, economically and professionally.
Before long, my success caught up with me and I had a large firm surrounding me, which I had tried to avoid once already. Then I had a chance to go on the US District Court for Puerto Rico and took it. I was a district judge for 10 exciting years, and then a Court of Appeals opening came up, and here I am, 34 years later.
I can’t say that I have personally, although I have seen plenty of cases where this goes on. I think it goes on even more at the highest levels. But without question, I am discriminated against collectively. I think the fact that Puerto Ricans have been citizens of the United States for 117 years yet they have no national political representation is an unfortunate example of this collective discrimination. This collective discrimination was put in place by the Insular Cases [a series of 1901 US Supreme Court opinions about the status of US territories acquired in the Spanish-American War] by the same court that decided Plessy v. Ferguson [separate but equal], and unfortunately, the Supreme Court has been reluctant to apply Brown v. Board of Education principles of equality to the Puerto Rico US citizens. I find it nothing short of ironic that here I am, sitting on the second highest court of the United States, deciding issues of national importance, yet not having any national political representation. I cannot vote for the president and vice president and have no voting representative in Congress simply because I am a resident of Puerto Rico. The bottom line is that US citizens who live in Puerto Rico have no political equality. It is incredible that in the 21st century, the United States, a nation that fought a war for independence to break its colonial chains, has today what amounts to a colonial empire.
There are many, but one that comes to my mind, because it is demonstrative of the absurdity with which Puerto Rico is treated, is a case where a woman from Puerto Rico was living in Connecticut and receiving Supplemental Security Income (SSI) because she was incapacitated. When she moved back to Puerto Rico, the Social Security Administration cut her off. Pursuant to the SSI statute, she could only receive that income while she was living in one of the 50 states or the District of Columbia. The administration argued that they couldn’t give those benefits to Puerto Rican residents because it would unbalance the economy of Puerto Rico by putting too much money into its economy. I naturally found it incredible that they would make such an argument, but I found it even more incredible when it was appealed to the Supreme Court and that decision was affirmed, with the court adopting this rationale as part of a “rational” basis test.
Among the most flagrant examples of discrimination against the US citizens of Puerto Rico is how Puerto Rican residents are treated under the Medicare and Medicaid programs, in which they receive a fraction of [what] their Stateside brethren [receive]. I fail to see how in such basic human rights programs, the US citizens of Puerto Rico, who are the most vulnerable economically in the nation, can be treated less favorably than their mainland compatriots in the granting of these basic needs.
This discrimination is, of course, only possible because we don’t have effective political representation at a national level. Puerto Rico is kept in a state of political limbo, which is the principal cause of our present economic crisis, much of which can be attributed to Congress’ practically unfettered power over Puerto Rico’s citizens since 1898. Congress has made us economically incompetent, notwithstanding that Puerto Rico has been a fountain of wealth for US interests since day one.
There really must be a balance, one that can only be achieved by our having political equality, and right now there is none. What we need and ask for, is equality as US citizens. I believe that is what we have a right to have under the Constitution.
Lest you forget, Puerto Rico was the second US jurisdiction per capita of casualties in the Korean War and 14th in the Vietnam War. The US citizens of Puerto Rico have more than earned the right to place a 51st star on our national flag.
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https://cuny.manifoldapp.org/read/touchstone
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Manifold uses cookies
We use cookies to analyze our traffic. Please decide if you are willing to accept cookies from our website. You can change this setting anytime in Privacy Settings.
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dbpedia
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1
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https://www.instagram.com/los_antillanos_pr/p/CwGd-03PCmj/
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Instagram
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https://repeatingislands.com/2020/02/02/new-book-en-barco-de-papel-la-aventura-de-maria-angelina-y-su-papa-eugenio-maria-de-hostos/
|
en
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New Book “En barco de papel: La aventura de María Angelina y su papá Eugenio María de Hostos”
|
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2020-02-02T00:00:00
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Tazas y portadas Bookstore is hosting a book launch and presentation of En barco de papel: La aventura de María Angelina y su papá Eugenio María de Hostos, a new children’s book by writer and educator Linda M. Rodríguez Guglielmoni. Tazas y portadas is located at Suite 4, Bucare Street, Hormigueros, Puerto Rico. The tagline…
|
en
|
Repeating Islands
|
https://repeatingislands.com/2020/02/02/new-book-en-barco-de-papel-la-aventura-de-maria-angelina-y-su-papa-eugenio-maria-de-hostos/
|
Tazas y portadas Bookstore is hosting a book launch and presentation of En barco de papel: La aventura de María Angelina y su papá Eugenio María de Hostos, a new children’s book by writer and educator Linda M. Rodríguez Guglielmoni. Tazas y portadas is located at Suite 4, Bucare Street, Hormigueros, Puerto Rico. The tagline says, “A little girl embarks on a paper boat on a great adventure that leads her to understand the importance of family, home, kindness, and freedom.” The book is about María Angelina de Hostos Ayala and her relationship with her father—Puerto Rican intellectual, philosopher, lawyer, sociologist, and novelist, who advocated for the island’s independence. The book is based on an autobiographical account by Eugenio María de Hostos, En barco de papel, published in Paris, France in 1897.
Description: En barco de papel: La aventura de María Angelina y su papá Eugenio María de Hostos is an adaptation in six chapters of the autobiographical story, En barco de papel, published in Paris, France in 1897, by Eugenio María de Hostos, father of the ideal of the Antillean Confederation, bringing together Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, and Cuba. In this re-imagination, which reflects ecological issues and the dangers of the present climatic changes, the main character is María Angelina, Hostos’s youngest daughter, who would be about 5 years old when her father wrote the story. María Angelina—a dreamer and free thinker like her father—is a character with whom children and adults alike can identify and feel with the thrill of embarking on a seafaring adventure that will lead her to a better understanding of the importance of the family, home, kindness, and freedom. In addition, this book serves as an enjoyable introduction to the important historical figure, Eugenio María de Hostos, who not only modernized modes of teaching in schools, but also defended the rights of girls and women to receive a higher academic education and to be considered complete human beings in all societies of the world.
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https://dokumen.pub/early-puerto-rican-cinema-and-nation-building-national-sentiments-transnational-realities-1897-1940-2019012861-9781684481170-9781684481187-9781684481217-9781684481194.html
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Early Puerto Rican Cinema and Nation Building: National Sentiments, Transnational Realities, 1897
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Early Puerto Rican Cinema and Nation Building focuses on the processes of Puerto Rican national identity formation as se...
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en
|
dokumen.pub
|
https://dokumen.pub/early-puerto-rican-cinema-and-nation-building-national-sentiments-transnational-realities-1897-1940-2019012861-9781684481170-9781684481187-9781684481217-9781684481194.html
|
Table of contents :
Cover
Series Page
Title Page
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
Introduction
Established Frames and Images of Puerto Rican Cinema
Conceptions of the Puerto Rican Nation
An Alternative Approach to the Study of Puerto Rican National Cinema
This Study’s Framework
1. Contexts for a National Cinema: Cultural, Political, and Economic Movements in Puerto Rico (1860–1952)
Late Spanish Colonialism through 1898
Circumstances and Consequences of the U.S. Invasion
Initial U.S. Congressional Rule and the Formation of Puerto Rican Identity
Puerto Rican Conceptions of the Nation from 1930 Onward
2. Cinema Comes to Puerto Rico: Historical Uncertainties and Ambiguous Identities (1897–1909)
Film Exhibition in Turn-of-the-Century Puerto Rico
Rumors of War Footage
Representing U.S. Colonial Puerto Rico
3. Stateless Nationhood, Transnationalism, and the Difficulties of Assigning Nationality: Rafael Colorado in Puerto Rican Historiography (1912–1916)
Rafael Colorado, Film Exhibition, and the Transnational Circulation of Cultural Subjects
Rafael Colorado as Cinematic Producer: Negotiating the Local and the Global
Citizenship in a Stateless Nation: Constructing the Puerto Rican Subject
4. In the Company of the Elites: The Discourses and Practices of the Tropical Film Company (1916–1917)
Inconsistencies in the Received Histories of the Tropical Film Company
The Educational/Cultural Project of the Tropical Film Company
The Tropical Film Company’s Commercial Aims
The End of the Beginning: The Tropical Film Company’s Demise and Legacy
5. Perilous Paradise: American Assignment and Appropriation of “Puerto Ricanness” (1917–1925)
From Big Stick to Good Neighbor: Puerto Rico as Test Site for American Foreign Policy
Fictional Puerto Rico and Colonial Angst
Puerto Rico’s Commercial Production Model
U.S. Cinema Falls in Love with the Tropics
The MacManus/Pathé Productions
Famous Players-Lasky/Paramount Comes to the Island
Beyond Fiction: Other Aspects of the Puerto Rican Film Industry in the 1920s
6. Making the Nation Profitable: Industry-Centered Transnational Approaches to Filmmaking (1923–1940)
The Film Enthusiast: The Career of Juan E. Viguié Cajas
Romance tropical: Remaking the Dream
The Film Impresario: The Career of Rafael Ramos Cobián
Mis dos amores: The Union of Hollywood and Latin America
Los hijos mandan: The Separation of Hollywood and Latin America
The End of an Era: The Local Government as Producer
Conclusion: Early Puerto Rican Cinema and Stateless Nation Building
Finding the National in the Transnational
Acknowledgments
Notes
Bibliography
Index
About the Author
Citation preview
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Eugenio-Maria-de-Hostos
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en
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Eugenio María de Hostos | Puerto Rican Philosopher, Educator, Activist
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1998-07-20T00:00:00+00:00
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Eugenio María de Hostos was an educator and writer who was an early advocate of self-government for the island of Puerto Rico. Hostos was educated in Spain and became active in republican politics as a university student there. He left Spain when that country’s new constitution (1869) refused to
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Encyclopedia Britannica
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https://www.britannica.com/biography/Eugenio-Maria-de-Hostos
|
Eugenio María de Hostos (born January 11, 1839, near Mayagüez, Puerto Rico—died August 11, 1903, Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic) was an educator and writer who was an early advocate of self-government for the island of Puerto Rico.
Hostos was educated in Spain and became active in republican politics as a university student there. He left Spain when that country’s new constitution (1869) refused to grant autonomy to Puerto Rico. He went to the United States, where he became editor of the Cuban independence journal La Revolución in 1870. He subsequently traveled widely throughout South America and taught in Chile. He returned to the United States in 1898 and participated actively in the Cuban independence movement, but his hopes for Puerto Rican self-government after the Spanish-American War (1898) were disappointed when the U.S. government rejected his proposal for autonomy and instead established its rule over the island as a territory. Hostos returned to the Dominican Republic, where he remained until his death.
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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Eugenio_Maria_de_Hostos
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Eugenio María de Hostos
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Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla, known as El Gran Ciudadano de las Américas, was a Puerto Rican educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist, novelist, and Puerto Rican independence advocate.
|
en
|
Wikiwand
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https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Eugenio_Mar%C3%ADa_de_Hostos
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Puerto Rican writer, activist and sociologist (1839–1903) / From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dear Wikiwand AI, let's keep it short by simply answering these key questions:
Can you list the top facts and stats about Eugenio Maria de Hostos?
Summarize this article for a 10 year old
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https://www.ranker.com/list/famous-people-from-puerto-rico/reference%3Fpage%3D9
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en
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Famous People From Puerto Rico
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2014-04-29T00:00:00
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List of famous people from Puerto Rico, including photos when available. The people below are listed by their popularity, so the most recognizable names are ...
|
en
|
/img/icons/touch-icon-iphone.png
|
Ranker
|
https://www.ranker.com/list/famous-people-from-puerto-rico/reference
|
Roselyn Sánchez is a multitalented Puerto Rican artist. She was born on April 2, 1973 in San Juan, Puerto Rico. From a young age, she demonstrated her passion for the arts through dancing and acting. Her initial fame arose from her crowning as Miss Puerto Rico Petite in 1993 and Miss American Petite in 1994, paving the way for her future journey in show business. Sánchez's acting career soared to prominence in the late 1990s with key roles in acclaimed films and television series. She played pivotal characters in movies like Rush Hour 2 and The Game Plan, cementing her status as a versatile actress. On television, she is best known for her performance in the hit series Without a Trace for which she received several award nominations. Her portrayal of Carmen Luna in the popular show Devious Maids further highlighted her talent and versatility. Apart from acting, Sánchez is also recognized for her singing prowess. She launched her music career in 2003 with the release of her debut album Borinqueña. The album was well-received and spawned the hit single "Amor Amor". A testament to her multifaceted persona, Sánchez has also dabbled in writing, co-authoring the children's book Sebi and the Land of Cha Cha Cha.
Iván Rodríguez Torres (born November 27, 1971), nicknamed "Pudge", is a former Major League Baseball catcher. He played for the Texas Rangers (on two different tours, comprising the majority of his career), Florida Marlins, Detroit Tigers, New York Yankees, Houston Astros and Washington Nationals. Rodríguez was awarded the AL MVP award in 1999. He is widely regarded as one of the best defensive catchers of all time. Rodríguez won the World Series with the Florida Marlins in 2003, and also played in the 2006 World Series while with the Tigers. He is the major league career leader in putouts by catchers. On June 17, 2009, Rodríguez set an MLB record by catching his 2,227th game, passing Carlton Fisk (coincidentally also known by the nickname "Pudge"). During his career, he had the best caught stealing percentage of any major league catcher, at 45.68%.On January 18, 2017, he was elected to the National Baseball Hall of Fame and Museum in Cooperstown in his first year of eligibility, receiving 76% of the votes cast, and was officially inducted on July 30, 2017.
|
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https://www.puertorico.com/public-holidays
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en
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Public Holidays, Traditions & Celebrations In Puerto Rico (2024) – Updated List
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2023-01-24T13:44:20+00:00
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Puerto Rico and the United States share the same holidays, but we also have our own. Click here to learn more!
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en
|
PuertoRico.com
|
https://www.puertorico.com/public-holidays
|
Late January – Fiestas Calle San Sebastian (St. Sebastian Street Festival)
Usually held between the 2nd and 3rd week of January.
This once-a-year event is known as the biggest party on the island and marks the end of Christmas in Puerto Rico.
During the festivals, Old San Juan’s streets are filled with music, gastronomy, and local art.
It is not at all out of the ordinary to find people dancing and singing in the streets, after all, it is the biggest block party on the island!
Below is a video of the San Sebastian Street Festival:
Be sure to find your accommodations in advance if you are visiting the island during this festival, and read up on the 30 Best Hotels In Puerto Rico before you book your stay.
18th February – Luis Muñoz Marín’s Day
Luis Muñoz Marín was the first elected governor of Puerto Rico.
He participated in the drafting of the constitution of Puerto Rico, which was approved by the United States Congress in 1952.
Luis Muñoz Marín helped change the island’s status from U.S. territory to a commonwealth.
This public holiday celebrates his lifetime achievements.
If you want to know more about Puerto Rico’s commonwealth status, check out our article Is Puerto Rico Part of the United States?
18th April – José de Diego’s Day
José de Diego Martinez was a journalist, lawyer, and advocate for the independence of Puerto Rico.
This Puerto Rican holiday celebrates his birth and his contributions to the cause of Puerto Rico’s independence.
Learn more about José de Diego Martinez’s hometown in our article Aguadilla – All You Need To Know.
2nd Sunday of May – Mother’s Day
This is a special holiday for Puerto Ricans and is celebrated on the second Sunday of May.
During this day, the whole family gathers — usually in the home of the matriarch of the family.
Puerto Ricans celebrate this day by bringing gifts for the mothers of the family.
Some families bring cooking ingredients or ready-made food to serve during the day.
Other families celebrate by cooking outdoor “BBQs.”
If you are celebrating Mother’s Day In Puerto Rico, take a look at our guide to the 30 Best Restaurants In Puerto Rico to find a nice place to treat your mom.
3rd Sunday of June – Father’s Day
Just like Mother’s Day, the family gathers to bring gifts to the fathers of the family.
It’s fair to say that for Puerto Ricans cooking outdoors on Father’s Day is pretty much an unspoken rule.
But there are many families that bring the food to serve and eat during the day.
If you are visiting the island for Father’s Day, you could take him on one of the 3 Best Local Food Tours In Puerto Rico to celebrate.
23rd June – Noche de San Juan (St. John’s Night)
This celebration takes place every June 23.
While in many other countries this celebration is in memory of Saint John the Baptist, the locals in Puerto Rico have a somewhat different tradition — a beach party!
Since June 23 is not only the eve of the birth of Saint John the Baptist but also the week of the summer solstice, Puerto Ricans gather at different beaches before midnight to perform the St. John’s Night ritual against bad luck.
Below is a video of St. John’s night in Puerto Rico:
According to tradition, you are supposed to go into the water at the beach (at midnight) and take three backward plunges (though some people do up to 12 dives) to clear out all negativity and bad luck.
Read up on the area in our article San Juan – All You Need To Know.
25th July – Commonwealth Constitution Day
This is the commemoration of Puerto Rico’s constitution day.
This Puerto Rican holiday is the celebration of the historic moment when Governor Luis Muñoz Marín signed the first Puerto Rican Constitution into law in 1952.
If you’re interested in learning more about Puerto Rico’s history, be sure to read our article History of Puerto Rico – All You Need to Know.
27th July – José Celso Barbosa
José Celso Barbosa was a Puerto Rican physician and political leader.
Known as the father of statehood, Celso Barbosa was the founder of the Republican party of Puerto Rico.
He was the first Puerto Rican, and one of the first men of African descent to receive a medical degree.
31st October – Halloween
Halloween is one of the favorite holidays of Puerto Ricans.
Photo credit: @she.ann03
On this day, children visit their neighborhood houses for trick-or-treating, but in recent years kids in costumes invading the malls became the most popular Halloween activity.
Below is a video of the mall in San Juan on Halloween:
Puerto Rico also offers a wide variety of haunted houses for the somewhat more daring.
Below is a video of the House of Phobia, one of the most visited haunted houses in Puerto Rico:
19th November – Discovery of Puerto Rico Day Observed
This day commemorates the day when Spanish settlers first landed in Puerto Rico.
According to history, on November 19, 1493, Christopher Columbus landed in Puerto Rico where he was received by the native Taíno islanders.
To this day Puerto Rico commemorates November 19 as the Discovery of Puerto Rico.
4th Thursday of November – Thanksgiving
Thanksgiving is a family holiday for Puerto Ricans.
This is the day when Puerto Ricans show off their cooking skills!
Thanksgiving dinner usually consists of arroz con gandules (rice and baby peas), baked turkey, baked ham with pineapple, potato salad, Puerto Rican macaroni salad, and more.
Check out the traditional Thanksgiving in Puerto Rico in the following video:
During Thanksgiving, the whole family gathers and spends the day together putting up the Christmas tree and decorations before dinner is served.
For Puerto Ricans Thanksgiving is when Christmas officially starts!
On the Island, Christmas lasts around 45 days, beginning on Thanksgiving up to the middle of January.
24th December – Christmas Eve
December 24 is another family gathering holiday.
On Christmas eve, Puerto Ricans gather with family for a party with music and food.
One of the ways Puerto Ricans celebrate Christmas is with “parrandas” — which is the Puerto Rican version of caroling.
Puerto Ricans gather in front of a house with instruments like tambourines, maracas, cuatros, and more to sing aguinaldos (traditional Christmas songs).
The difference is that a parranda is more like surprise caroling, usually after midnight. The parranderos assemble as quietly as possible before breaking into song and waking up the household.
Below is a video of a Puerto Rican parranda:
25th December – Christmas Day
Pretty much like every other holiday, this is a family gathering day. On this day Puerto Ricans spend it as a family exchanging and enjoying gifts.
Some families visit Old San Juan to enjoy the decorated streets.
Photo Credit: @lentedemapy
31st December – New Year’s Eve
The 31st of December is also a day of gathering with family and close friends.
On New Year’s Eve, as midnight approaches, Puerto Ricans gather (usually with relatives) to reminisce about the year.
This is also the time of the year for Puerto Ricans to demonstrate their cooking skills and eat traditional food.
If you want to know more about Puerto Rican food, check out this article about 30 Best Puerto Rican Street Foods.
FAQ section
Does Puerto Rico have special holidays?
Puerto Ricans consider all of Christmas special holidays. But in addition to Christmas, the St. Johns Night and the San Sebastian street festival are very special for Puerto Rico.
What is the most important holiday in Puerto Rico?
Three Kings Day it’s definitely the most important holiday in Puerto Rico.
Final thoughts
Throughout the year Puerto Rico is full of holidays that we celebrate in our own way.
Even the holidays that Puerto Rico shares with the US, Puerto Ricans celebrate those in traditional ways that represent our culture and identity.
If you’re planning to visit Puerto Rico on a specific date, be sure to read our article about the Best Times to Visit Puerto Rico.
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https://press.un.org/en/2022/gacol3360.doc.htm
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Special Committee on Decolonization Approves Resolution Calling upon United States to Promote Process for Puerto Rico’s Self-Determination, Eventual Independence
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2022-06-20T12:00:00+00:00
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The Special Committee on Decolonization today approved a draft resolution reaffirming the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence, and calling upon the United States to assume its responsibility to promote a process to those ends.
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https://press.un.org/en/2022/gacol3360.doc.htm
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The Special Committee on Decolonization today approved a draft resolution reaffirming the inalienable right of the people of Puerto Rico to self-determination and independence, and calling upon the United States to assume its responsibility to promote a process to those ends.
By the terms of the resolution titled “Decision of the Special Committee of 18 June 2021 concerning Puerto Rico” — which was approved without a vote — the Special Committee supported a process enabling the Puerto Rican people to take decisions addressing their urgent economic and social needs, including unemployment, marginalization, insolvency and poverty. Among other things, it urged the United States Government to complete the return of all lands occupied by its military forces in the Territory to the people of Puerto Rico.
The representative of Cuba, introducing the text, said it reaffirms the Latin American and Caribbean character of Puerto Rico, which its residents have been able to maintain despite the actions of the colonial power. Expressing concern about undue controls and economic influence exerted by the United States over the island, he said the resolution also expresses concern over instances of repression and harassment against Puerto Rican activists. “The adoption of this text with the support of all members of the [Special] Committee […] would be the best contribution this body could make to the just cause of the Puerto Rican people,” he said.
Prior to approving the resolution, members of the Special Committee — formally known as the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples – heard testimony from petitioners with ties to Puerto Rico. While many strongly favoured a full self-determination process leading to national autonomy for the island, others pointed out that Puerto Ricans voted in favour of becoming the United States fifty-first state in a November 2020 referendum. Calling for decolonization in the context of statehood, those speakers noted that the United States is currently weighing the Puerto Rico Statehood Admission Act, proposed by members of Congress in 2021, which some described as a “historic opportunity”.
Michael Viera, a petitioner speaking for the organization El Grito, said the Special Committee “is not a committee for the continuation of colonization”. Recalling that a historic gag law imposed by the United States criminalized the independence movement in Puerto Rico, he said the island’s residents nevertheless continued to fight. Today, the island is represented on the mainland by a “sham congressional delegation”, with many delegates set to appear before the Special Committee today. However, it remains that “Puerto Rico is not for sale”, he stressed, asking the Special Committee to ensure that the case is urgently brought before the General Assembly.
Benjamin Ramos, speaking on behalf of the ProLibertad Freedom Campaign, said since Puerto Rico’s initial colonization, the island’s residents have been victims of United States exploitation. Even today, the island is still suffering heavily under the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management and Economic Stability Act — known as PROMESA — which created a Financial Oversight and Management Board and resulted in significant austerity measures. Describing the economic crises that followed, including major spikes in the cost of basic services, he said those measures also encouraged tourist ventures on the island which have oversaturated the pockets of the rich “who only wish to become richer”.
María Isabelle Pérez-Hedges, speaking for the Puerto Ricans in Minnesota Committee, said she stands with the multitude of indigenous movements who have been fed a paternalistic narrative that they cannot survive independently without their hands held by a colonizing power. “The Puerto Rican people continue to endure and persevere through a failed American experiment,” she stressed, noting that they have long demanded that their island “no longer be the war booty” of a nation that destroys Puerto Rico’s environment, conducts scientific experiments on its women’s bodies and fails to provide even the most basic emergency aid in situations of crisis and natural disaster.
Ricardo Rossello, former Governor of Puerto Rico, spoke for the special delegation from Puerto Rico to the United States Congress, welcoming that after years of inaction, the United States Congress has finally drafted a consensus bill to achieve the island’s decolonization, known as the Puerto Rico Statehood Admission Act. While the Special Committee can choose to continue to “check a box” by holding hearings and adopting resolutions, it can also seize the limited window of opportunity by supporting Congressional efforts. “I stand for statehood,” he said, describing it as an historic opportunity.
Eugenio Matias, on behalf of Puerto Rico’s Extended Congressional Delegation, noted that United States citizens in Puerto Rico do not have the same rights as citizens that live within the 50 states of that country. While some benefit from the island’s current status, the rest of the population ends up in a situation of extreme inequality. Calling on the Special Committee to urge the United States Congress and President to address that inequality and grant all United States citizens equal rights, he added that 53 per cent of Puerto Rican voters already opted for the island to be admitted as the fifty-first state.
Meanwhile, Manuel Rivera, speaking for the organization Puertorriquenos Unidos En Accion, said after 124 years of colonialism and imposed rule “even those that are the most loyal to independence depend on [United States] citizenship”. Pointing out that many people around the world enjoy the benefits of dual citizenship, he said transferring self-governance to Puerto Ricans should not necessarily mean that individual islanders need to lose their United States American citizenship.
Several representatives of United Nations Member States also weighed in on the discussion.
Nicaragua’s delegate highlighted the Special Committee’s moral responsibility to fulfil the mandate to eradicate colonialism. Reaffirming that Puerto Rico is a Latin American and Caribbean nation, he paid tribute to the patriotic revolutionaries, socialists, poets and other heroes from the island who also showed solidarity with Sandinista resistance efforts. Calling upon the United States to decolonize the Territory, he said Puerto Rico cannot continue to be an exception to the United Nations decolonization agenda.
The representative of Azerbaijan, speaking on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, reaffirmed the bloc’s principled position in support of colonized peoples around the globe. Underscoring its unwavering approval for the implementation of all relevant United Nations resolutions in the case of Puerto Rico, he voiced concern that the island’s very limited decision-making powers have exacerbated the impacts of multiple recent crises — including hurricanes and the COVID-19 pandemic. The United States decision to impose the Financial Oversight and Management Board infringes on the Territory’s ability to administer its own economic affairs, he noted, calling on Washington, D.C. to assume its responsibility to expedite the decolonization process on the island.
Also speaking were representatives of Venezuela, Bolivia, Cuba, Syria and Argentina (on behalf of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States).
The Special Committee will reconvene at 10 a.m. on Thursday, 23 June, to continue its work.
Hearing of Petitioners on Puerto Rico
BENJAMIN RAMOS, speaking for the ProLibertad Freedom Campaign, said since Puerto Rico’s initial colonization, the island’s residents have been victims of United States exploitation. Even today, the island is still suffering heavily under the Puerto Rico Oversight, Management and Economic Stability Act — known as PROMESA — which created a Financial Oversight and Management Board and resulted in significant austerity measures. Describing the economic crises that followed, including major spikes in the cost of basic services, he said those measures also encouraged tourist ventures on the island which have oversaturated the pockets of the rich “who only wish to become richer”. The idea that the United States Government is entitled to this type of control is ridiculous, he stressed, as is the presence before the Special Committee today of disgraced former Puerto Rico Governor Ricardo Antonio Rosselló Nevares. His presence is an insult to the will of the Puerto Rican people, he said, asking the Special Committee to pass a resolution calling for an end to the island’s colonization and to bring the matter before the General Assembly.
EDUARDO VILLANUEVA MUÑOZ, speaking for the Puerto Rico Bar Association, said the international community has a responsibility to ensure that the colonization of Puerto Rico comes to an end. Noting that the Association has examined the Constitutional Status Assembly in order to initiate a political process with the United States — and to make sure the people of Puerto Rico have the final word — he proposed a formula for a “different kind of status”, which would allow for a certain degree of United States citizenship. However, it is critical that the people of the Territory enjoy such basic rights as the right to vote, to receive social services and to own property. The fact that, in the current formulation, any plebiscite would be overseen by the United States Department of Justice, is a major flaw of the system. Meanwhile, he said, the United States has violated multiple aspects of the Charter of Human Rights, including through its use of the death penalty.
JOSE MELENDEZ-ORTIZ, speaking for LULAC Puerto Rico, welcomed that, for the first time, the United States Government is working on a “transparent, inclusive” decolonization process that could be self-executing in nature. However, for such a process to be fruitful, the international community — and the United Nations in particular — must first recognize that Puerto Rico is in fact a colony, and that the General Assembly “made a mistake” in its historical understanding of that status. Pointing out that 53 per cent of the island’s population does not accept Puerto Rico’s current status, he described it as absurd that a continuation of that status should be an option on the ballot “whenever we vote again”. Describing the self-executing language now included in the political process as a major step forward, he said it is the only way for the people of Puerto Rico to move forward. “No more colonies […] the people of Puerto Rico deserve so much more,” he stressed.
JAN SUSLER, speaking for the National Lawyers Guild, noting that the United States continues to thumb its nose at international law, said that colonial rule in Puerto Rico today looks like “disaster capitalism”. Drawing attention to the Fiscal Oversight and Management Board installed by the United States to manage the Territory’s finances, dubbed “La Junta”, she noted that it pushed through a debt service plan that starves Puerto Ricans of basic services for the benefit of debtholders. Its plan slashed pensions for already underpaid public school teachers and will shutter scores of public schools and privatize the University of Puerto Rico. Also noting that the tax breaks approved by the ruling elite enable private investors to reap profits and build environmentally destructive projects, she drew attention to the solidarity of Puerto Ricans, who have established mutual aid societies and resistance organizations to deal with this untenable scenario.
ESTELI CAPOTE, speaking for the Instituto Puertorriqueño de Relaciones Internacionales, calling for urgent decolonization action, pointed to the large number of organizations from Puerto Rico and the diaspora who are present at the United Nations today. Noting that the lower House of the United States Congress is currently putting forward a draft to decolonize Puerto Rico, she stressed that statehood is only possible through a plenipotentiary process that must be recognized at the international level. Further, it must be done for the benefit of Puerto Rico’s social and economic development, she said, also expressing concern about the Fiscal Oversight and Management Board imposed by the United States to obligate the Territory to pay an illegal debt.
ROGELIO MALDONADO III, speaking for Jornada Se Acabaron Las Promesas, noting that for years people of Puerto Rican origin have come to the United Nations from all over the world to denounce colonialism, pointed out that there has been little progress. “We are pushed into the position of pariahs on our own land,” he said, adding that while the United States has created various draft bills and projects to deal with this matter, these are “mere siren calls” that seek to push back any efforts to achieve real independence. What does the Territory have to go through to get the United Nations involved, he asked, adding that “there's no point in us coming back every year from various sectors in Puerto Rico to say what you already know.”
CARLOS VEGA, speaking for the Movimiento Independentista Nacional Hostosiano, said 25 July will mark 124 years since the United States first invaded Puerto Rico and then tricked the international community into believing that the island had its own Government. Today, the PROMESA control board “controls everything that we do”, he said, adding that the island lacks even the ability to decide on basic self-governance matters, such as immigration. “We do not participate in international decision-making processes,” he said, voicing support for the draft resolution before the Special Committee. Indeed, Puerto Rico has never had the opportunity to be independent, he said, pleading for action to bring to an end “one of the most unequal fights in history”.
VANESSA RAMOS, speaking for the Asociacion Americana de Juristas, also voiced support for the draft resolution before the Special Committee, calling for the right to self-determination and independence in Puerto Rico. In truth, the island is a Latin American and Caribbean country facing a long-standing colonial situation which has not yet been addressed. “Decolonization must be decided by those who are colonized, not by the colonizer,” she stressed, adding that Puerto Rico’s legal debt cannot be taxed by the United States. That country has created a monopoly on the island which violates basic human rights, all while it seeks to erase Puerto Rico’s diversity. Multinational companies are committing atrocities, and compensation is needed. Emphasizing that the United States has used Puerto Rico for its own purposes, she said it must now adhere to the terms of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), and asked the Special Committee to urgently send a visiting mission to the island.
The representative of Papua New Guinea, speaking on a point of order, recognized and voiced respect for the views being freely expressed by petitioners today. However, he requested that “we maintain decorum in this meeting hall” as the meeting proceeds.
TRILCE TORRES LÓPEZ, speaking for Gran Oriente Nacional de Puerto Rico, stressing that the decolonization of Puerto Rico is not a domestic issue but an international one, underscored that it must be conducted in accordance with international law and not with unilateral measures imposed by the United States. Pointing to the tax regime that is exacerbating the economic situation in the Territory, she added that it is unacceptable that the Territory’s requests are not reaching the Assembly. “The dignity of our people is being undermined,” she said, adding that the island’s inhabitants are being ruled by a military force, without control of their own affairs and subordinate to the negative effects of United States legislation.
JUAN DALMAU, speaking for the Partido Independentista Puertorriqueño, urging the United States to carry out the decolonization of Puerto Rico, said it must respect the heritage of the Territory as a Latin American and Caribbean country. Pointing to the 15 uninterrupted years of economic recession suffered by Puerto Rico, he said a significant portion of its population has emigrated as a result. Now more than ever, the Territory needs international support, he said, adding that the international community has the tools to bring significant legal and moral pressure on the United States so that it cannot continue to use pretexts and excuses.
RAMON NENADICH, speaking for Estado Nacional Soberano de Borinken, stressing that the plebiscite being offered by the United States is a lie on par with the “free state of association”, said: “Do not be fooled by this new artifice.” After 124 years of colonialism and repression by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation and the colonial police, as well as dozens of assassinations, it is hard to believe that “we can freely use the vote”, he said. Requesting that the International Court of Justice issue an advisory opinion on the status of the island, he said the empire must not be allowed to continue to fool Puerto Rico or the General Assembly.
MANUEL RIVERA, speaking for Puertorriquenos Unidos En Accion, said after 124 years of colonialism and imposed rule “even those that are the most loyal to independence depend on [United States] citizenship”. Pointing out that many people around the world enjoy the benefits of dual citizenship, he said transferring self-governance to Puerto Ricans should not necessarily mean that individual islanders need to lose their United States citizenship.
MICHAEL VIERA, speaking for El Grito, said the Special Committee “is not a committee for the continuation of colonization”. “We’ve seen the same pattern over and over again,” in which terms such as “independence” and “colonization” get twisted and turned around in order to confuse native populations. Recalling that a historic gag law criminalized the independence movement on the island, he said Puerto Ricans nevertheless continued to fight. Noting that the island’s “sham congressional delegation” — elected by only 3.9 per cent of the population, and led by the head of the former disgraced Government of Puerto Rico — is represented before the Special Committee today, he emphasized that “Puerto Rico is not for sale” and urged the case to be brought before the General Assembly.
MARÍA ISABELLE PÉREZ-HEDGES, speaking for the Puerto Ricans in Minnesota Committee, said she stands with the multitude of indigenous movements who have been fed a paternalistic narrative that they cannot survive independently without their hands held by a colonizing power. “The Puerto Rican people continue to endure and persevere through a failed American experiment,” she stressed, noting that they have long demanded that their island “no longer be the war booty” of a nation that destroys Puerto Rico’s environment, conducts scientific experiments on its women’s bodies and fails to provide even the most basic emergency aid in situations of crisis and natural disaster.
RICARDO ROSSELLO, speaking for the special delegation from Puerto Rico to the United States Congress, recalling his statement to the Special Committee nine years ago as part of a Boricua rights coalition, pointed out that today he is here on behalf of the extended Congressional delegation of Puerto Rico to the United States. “I stand before you a little bit older with a few new scars, a little less idealistic but still hope remains”, he said, adding that after years of inaction, the United States Congress has finally drafted a consensus bill to achieve the decolonization of Puerto Rico. “You can choose to stay on the sidelines once again or you can choose to actively engage,” he said, adding that while it is possible to continue to check a box by continuing to hold Special Committee hearings and adopt resolutions, supporting the Congressional efforts is crucial to seize this limited window of possibility. “I stand for statehood,” he said, describing it as an historic opportunity.
WALTER ALOMAR, speaking for the Organization for Culture of Hispanic Origins, noting that Puerto Rico will be looted, kept poor and exploited as long as its political status is not resolved, said “we will remain in a limbo where poverty will continue to increase”. Pointing to the impact on women heads of families and their children as well as other marginalized sectors of the population, he noted homelessness, the displacement of entire communities and families in the face of gentrification and labour exploitation. Highlighting in particular the lack of education due to the closure of schools imposed by a fiscal control board that Puerto Ricans did not choose, he added that “statehood is a fantasy”, and Puerto Rico has the right to be a sovereign and independent international economy.
SARA LOBMAN, speaking for the Socialist Workers Party of the United States, said that United colonial domination has been plundering Puerto Rico’s wealth while squeezing working people. Highlighting the cuts to wages, pensions and living standards enforced by the United States-imposed fiscal board, she demanded that Washington cancel Puerto Rico’s debt. In the United States, workers and farmers are ravaged by the same capitalist disaster, she said, pointing to inflation, drug overdoses and unemployment. Noting that this is part of a world capitalist crisis, she stressed that working people aren't helpless victims. Workers and their unions have waged island-wide protests, she said adding that working people in the United States have a vital stake in championing an independent Puerto Rico.
BEATRIZ AREIZAGA, speaking on behalf of the Extended Congressional Delegation for Puerto Rico (Washington DC), noted that she is appearing before the Special Committee in an effort to end the colonial status of Puerto Rico. Advocating for United States statehood — which will grant Puerto Ricans a better quality of life — she asked the Special Committee to help the people of the island break free of the chains of slavery under which they have endured for more than a century.
CARMEN HERNANDEZ, speaking for the New York State Coalition of Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, said she is compelled to speak to the Special Committee as her mother passed away before she was able to see victory for Puerto Ricans seeking statehood and equality at the ballot box. Agreeing with other speakers that millions of Puerto Ricans continue to experience powerlessness every day, she said their disenfranchisement as United States citizens is a major failure of that country’s democracy. Against that backdrop, she urged the Special Committee to support the Puerto Rico Statehood Admission Act currently before the United States Congress.
EUGENIO MATIAS, speaking for the Extended Congressional Delegation, noting that United States citizens in Puerto Rico do not have the same rights as citizens that live within the 50 states of that country, added “we are not allowed to elect the President.” Stressing that the Territory should be able to enjoy the same rights that are enjoyed within the states, he added that “you cannot deprive people from electing their president just because of a tax situation.” While some benefit from this situation, the rest of the population ends up in a situation of extreme inequality. Calling on the Special Committee to urge the United States Congress and the President of that country to resolve this inequality, and give all United States citizens equal rights, he added that 53 per cent of Puerto Rico voted for the island to be admitted as the fifty-first State.
YADIRA O'FARRILL of the Extended Congressional Delegation Pro Statehood Puerto Rico in Georgia, United States, noting that Puerto Ricans have no right to vote in elections for the United States Congress or that of the President, pointed out that the Territory has only one House of Representatives member with a limited vote to represent 3 million plus United States citizens of Puerto Rico. “Just moving to Puerto Rico makes you a second-class citizen,” she said, adding that the commonwealth of Puerto Rico is a euphemism and an excuse to ignore the fact that colonial relationships continue in the twenty-first century. The majority of the island’s citizens are proud of being United States citizens and are against ending their relationship with the United States, she said, adding that there is an overwhelming preference for statehood over any other decolonization formula. “We are on the verge of an historical consensus in the United States Congress to decolonize Puerto Rico,” she said, calling on the Special Committee to support that consensus bill.
LIA FIOL-MATTA, speaking for Latino Justice PRLDEF, said since 1953 the United States has maintained that Puerto Rico is an “autonomous territory”, but nothing could be further from the truth. In the last year alone, a United States judge approved a plan to restructure the island’s debt, which has received much-deserved criticism. The plan cut funds to municipal services, took money from teachers’ pensions and leaves many important monetary processes to the PROMESA fiscal control board. Also noting that the United States Supreme Court recently decided that Puerto Ricans living with disabilities lack access to additional Government aid, she rejected that claim, noting that it treats the most vulnerable islanders as political pawns. Against that backdrop, she asked the Special Committee to fully apply General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) to the case of Puerto Rico and complete a comprehensive self-determination process as soon as possible.
KATHY BLOUNT, speaking for the Puerto Rico Statehood Delegation, noted that the United States just celebrated its Juneteenth holiday – known as “Freedom Day”, which marks the true end of slavery — and said Puerto Ricans too were colonized and struggled for independence. They now stand on the precipice of becoming the fifty-first state of the United States, a move which is “long overdue”, and which is supported by the international community. Outlining the negative impacts of the island’s longstanding colonial character — especially on the poorest and most vulnerable – she said the United States National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, known as the NAACP, also supports statehood for Puerto Rico, and urged the Special Committee to support the Puerto Rico Statehood Admission Act currently before United States Congress.
Also speaking were representatives of the following organizations: Generacion 51, Coalición Puertorriqueña contra la Pena de Muerte, Vidas Viequenses Valen, Movimiento Unión Soberanista, Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, Frente Independentista Boricua, Boricuas Unidos en la Diáspora, A Call to Action on Puerto Rico, Delegacion Congresional Extendida Texas-Puerto Rico, Delegado Congresional Extendio P.R., Reading High School Parents Organization, Puerto Rico Extended Congressional Delegates/Pennsylvania Chapter, Sovereign National State of Borinken, Puerto Rico Bilingue, Inc., Rhode Island Extended Delegation for Statehood for Puerto Rico and Delegates US.
Statements
JOAQUÍN PÉREZ (Venezuela), aligning with the statements to be delivered by the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) and the Non-Aligned Movement, noted the long history of decolonization around the world. Reaffirming support for all efforts to end colonization in all shapes and forms, he noted his country’s close ties to Puerto Rico. For 120 years, the Territory has not been able to enjoy its right to self-determination as a free and sovereign State, he said, noting that this has proved a serious obstacle to its development. Despite the Special Committee considering this matter for 50 years, there has been no progress because of the lack of political will by the United States. Calling on Washington, D.C. to facilitate a process to ensure that Puerto Rico will be free and sovereign, he added that the country must relinquish its facilities on the island.
JAIME HERMIDA CASTILLO (Nicaragua), aligning with the statements to be delivered by CELAC and the Non-Aligned Movement, highlighted the moral responsibility of the Special Committee to fulfil the mandate to eradicate colonialism. Reaffirming that Puerto Rico is a Latin American and Caribbean nation, he recalled the upcoming fiftieth anniversary of the first resolution on that Territory. Remembering the patriotic revolutionaries, socialists, poets and other heroes from the island who also showed solidarity with Sandinista resistance efforts, he called on the United States to decolonize the Territory. Puerto Rico cannot continue to be an exception, he said, adding that “it is a nation that has every right to implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development as an independent country.”
DIEGO PARY RODRÍGUEZ (Bolivia) associating himself with the Non-Aligned Movement and CELAC, said his delegation co-sponsored the draft resolution before the Special Committee in line with its strong anti-colonial commitments. Calling on the body’s members to continue working to ensure that the Puerto Rican people’s will is fully respected, he said they must be able to respond to their own pressing challenges. The resolutions of the General Assembly must be fully implemented in the case of Puerto Rico, he said, also urging the Special Committee to ensure that all administering Powers implement programmes to ensure the sustainable development of Territories under their control, and to move towards ending colonialism once and for all.
PEDRO LUIS PEDROSO CUESTA (Cuba), associating himself with the Non-Aligned Movement and CELAC, said despite the Special Committee’s efforts, the people of Puerto Rico are still unable to exercise their right to self-determination. The United States Supreme Court has taken decisions aimed at continuing the current colonial situation, rendering Puerto Rico a colonial territory that is not wholly sovereign. Noting that the economic situation on the island has deteriorated, he said the entire international community is affected by the issue. The Heads of State of CELAC recently noted that Puerto Rico is a particularly important matter for the region, and called for an end to colonialism once and for all. In that light, he urged the Special Committee to fully implement its mandate.
VADIM GUSMAN (Azerbaijan), speaking on behalf of the Non-Aligned Movement, reaffirmed the importance of decolonization efforts around the world, and in particular that of Puerto Rico. Highlighting the principled position of the Movement with regard to the Territory, he stressed the need to ensure the self-determination of the people of Puerto Rico and underscored the unwavering support of the Movement’s member States for the implementation of all relevant resolutions.
Expressing concern that the Puerto Rican people have very limited decision-making powers, he pointed to the impact of that in this period of crisis, noting the compounded effects of Puerto Rico’s debt overload, multiple hurricanes and the pandemic. The legislation adopted by the United States to impose a fiscal board on the Territory infringes on San Juan’s ability to administer its own economic affairs, he said, calling on that country to return all occupied lands. Further, the United States must assume its responsibility and expedite the decolonization process in order to ensure that Puerto Ricans can fully exercise their inalienable rights to independence, he stressed.
The representative of Syria, aligning herself with the Non-Aligned Movement, said that for years, her country has supported putting an end to colonialism in all its forms and expressions. The United States must end its occupation of the island, in accordance with the relevant Assembly resolutions, she stressed, also expressing support for the resolution to be considered later.
MARÍA DEL CARMEN SQUEFF (Argentina), speaking on behalf of CELAC, reaffirmed the importance of Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) which constitutes “the cornerstone of the political process promoted by the United Nations after the Second World War to end colonialism.” Noting the upcoming fiftieth anniversary of the adoption of the first resolution on Puerto Rico as well as the 39 resolutions and decisions approved by consensus since then, she reaffirmed the Latin American and Caribbean character of the Territory.
The question of Puerto Rico is a matter of high interest to CELAC, she said, adding that the bloc will continue working in the framework of international law, to put an end unconditionally to colonialism in all its forms and manifestations in the Latin American and Caribbean region.
Action on Draft Resolution
The representative of Cuba, introducing the draft resolution titled “Decision of the Special Committee of 18 June 2021 concerning Puerto Rico” (document A/AC.109/2022/L.7), said the text reaffirms the Latin American and Caribbean character of Puerto Rico, which its residents have been able to maintain despite the actions of the colonial power. Expressing concern about undue controls and economic influence exerted by the United States over the island — as well as a recent decision by the United States Supreme Court establishing that Congress “has the reigns”, and that any concession made to Puerto Rico could be cancelled unilaterally by the United States — he also voiced concern over instances of repression and harassment against Puerto Rican activists. “The adoption of this text with the support of all members of the [Special] Committee […] would be the best contribution this body could make to the just cause of the Puerto Rican people”, he said.
The Special Committee then adopted draft resolution “L.7” without a vote.
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Eugenio María De Hostos De Bonilla (1839
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Educator, intellectual, philosopher, lawyer, sociologist, and independence advocate. He studied in the Liceo de San Juan and then his parents sent him to Spain to finish High School. Hostos attended the University of Madrid and while studying law and philosophy he became interested in politics. Hostos wrote several...
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https://aculturame.com/2023/04/01/a-birthday-weekend-in-mayaguez/
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A Birthday Weekend in Mayagüez
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2023-04-01T00:00:00
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With my birthday soon approaching, I find myself reminiscing about last year’s birthday weekend in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico. I have fond memories of Mayagüez as it is one of the places my husband and I visited during our Honeymoon thirteen years ago. Back then, in 2009, Mayagüez was one of the places that impressed me…
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en
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Aculturame
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https://aculturame.com/2023/04/01/a-birthday-weekend-in-mayaguez/
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With my birthday soon approaching, I find myself reminiscing about last year’s birthday weekend in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico. I have fond memories of Mayagüez as it is one of the places my husband and I visited during our Honeymoon thirteen years ago.
Back then, in 2009, Mayagüez was one of the places that impressed me the most out of the whole island. It looks like a Spanish colonial town with a beautiful Spanish-style plaza full of energy and life. As soon as we arrived, we visited the Mayagüez Office of Tourism. The staff there was very friendly, sharing with us all about the things we could do in their city. They even offered us a tour of the plaza (Main Square), which we gladly accepted. That’s how I learned about the history of this interesting city for the first time.
Mayagüez is located in the western coast of Puerto Rico. It is well known for its beautiful beaches and their Universidad de Mayagüez. Mayagüez is also the cradle of well-known intellectual, advocate leaders such as Eugenio María de Hostos. He fought against colonialism and slavery, endeavored gain for the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, and became a vigorous advocate for the creation of an Antillean Confederation.
Mayagüez is also known for its seafood. I found that the western coast of Puerto Rico has more eateries that offer dishes made with freshly caught seafood prepared with local ingredients. The best seafood dishes I’ve enjoy in Puerto Rico have been from the western side of the island; cities like Mayagüez and Cabo Rojo.
Last year for Spring Break, my family and I visited Puerto Rico to spend time with my husband’s family while also taking a break from the recent pandemic. We usually stay in the eastern side of Puerto Rico whenever we visit. However, this time around, we wanted to spend a bit of time visiting different parts of the island. We wanted to visit Mayagüez, a place we had visited before in our younger years and re-live some memories. At the same time, celebrate my birthday there.
It was Saturday; the day of my birthday. Our plan was to start our tour of Mayagüez by visiting Plaza Colón, the Main Square of the municipality. We wanted to take a look at all the historic landmarks, take some pictures, and close the day enjoying some local ice cream. We planned on following that by making our way to Cabo Rojo to enjoy some delicious dinner. However, it turned out that since we visited Puerto Rico during the Spring time, Mayagüez was very rainy and filled with overcast weather. It wasn’t a great day to take pictures.
We began our tour of Mayagüez by visiting Teatro Yagüez, known for presenting grand opera, international dance and chamber orchestra music in Mayagüez. The Yagüez Theater was inaugurated in 1909 in the urban center of the town of Mayagüez. The Teatro Yagüez is an elegant neo-baroque style theater. It was built by Mr. Francisco Maymon Palmer who was a local pioneer of the silent film industry. Even before silent films became popular in Puerto Rico, Mr. Maymon would bring them from across the world and distributed them throughout the island. In Mayagüez, he and his partners exhibited silent films in the old municipal theater until they built the Yagüez.
In 1919, a terrible fire destroyed much of the Yagüez and took the lives of 150 people. However, the theater was rebuilt to its former beauty in the baroque style. In 1976 the theater was declared a historic landmark and the following year it was acquired by the municipal government of Mayagüez. The theater stands today as a performing arts center and the municipality’s main performing arts venue.
We made our way to the Plaza Colón or the Main Square in Mayagüez; it’s a nice short walk where you can admire the colonial architecture and take pictures. There you can find the Catedral of Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria, Our Lady of the Candelaria Cathedral. This is the cathedral for the Roman Catholic Diocese of Mayagüez located in the eastern end of the Plaza Colón facing the town hall in Mayagüez.
Many buildings surrounding Plaza Colón are worth visiting and photographing. I recommend Mayagüez City Hall, the Antigüo Casino de Mayagüez and the Logia Adelphia.
Next, we visited a local ice cream shop called Rex Cream and savored some delicious ice cream while we waited for the rain to stop, or at least slow down, so we could start heading back to our car.
Once the rain turned into a slow drizzle for a bit, we made our way back to our car so we could start heading to a restaurant in Cabo Rojo for an early dinner. It continued drizzling on the drive there and we encountered some floodings in some of the streets of Mayagüez. Some of the streets of downtown Mayagüez tend to get flooded during rainy seasons because they are old streets built during Spanish colonial times and there hasn’t been a lot of upgrading.
We wanted to go visit a restaurant called Tino’s Restaurant located in Cabo Rojo, which is about 25 minutes from Mayagüez. Back in 2009, during our honeymoon, we visited this restaurant and we wanted to relive that experience. My husband and I remembered eating a delicious seafood dinner there and the quality of the fish and the food was excellent. Once at Tino’s, I ordered a chillo fillet in passion fruit sauce. Chillo is the local name for red snapper fish, caught locally in Puerto Rico; it is one of my favorites.
I wanted to try a martini for my birthday, just like in the James Bond movies. Of course, I made sure I asked for it, “Shaken, not stirred.”
As far as my James Bond martini, I wasn’t impressed. I think I’m more of a wine person. Nonetheless, I was glad to finally be able to try a martini for the first time. I enjoy James Bond movies and I was curious about martinis, but that itch has now been scratched.
I also noticed that Cabo Rojo has more seafood restaurants than when we visited in 2009. From gourmet restaurants to street food vendors, Cabo Rojo is the perfect place to enjoy fresh, local fish and shellfish.
The next day, we decided to visit Isabela; a city about 55 minutes from Mayagüez. We wanted to see the famous Cara del Indio or the Taíno Face. I have been wanting to go see this sculpture for years and finally got the opportunity to see it.
There was a particular seafood restaurant I wanted to visit in Isabella and we planned to go there after our trip to Cara del Indio. Unfortunately, when we arrived, we found out the wait time was two hours! We were really hungry and didn’t want to wait that long, so we decided to drive back to Mayagüez and check out the restaurants downtown.
Once there, I found a restaurant that caught my eye. It looked more informal than the restaurants we had visited so far, but I wanted to try something different. It was a restaurant called La Jibarita. The menu looked interesting: it offered a variety of pizzas with unique combinations I hadn’t tried before. For example, La Jibarita pizza had Puerto Rican style beef, purple onion and ripe plantains. Another combination was La Carnosa, a pizza with chicken, chorizo, and Puerto Rican style hog’s leg. There are other main dishes on the menu such as steaks, hamburgers, and pastas, but the pizzas were the highlight of this place, not to mention they also had a good selection of artisanal beers made in Puerto Rico.
My birthday weekend was coming to an end and we decided to close it by visiting Playa Buyé or Buyé Beach in Cabo Rojo. Playa Buyé, a public beach, is one of the best beaches in Cabo Rojo. The atmosphere there is very laid back and the water is calm and clear, perfect for those who just want to relax and enjoy the view or even for families with small kids. It’s not a crowded, touristy beach like the ones in San Juan, Puerto Rico, full of franchised hotels and restaurants. Playa Buyé is a calm, relaxing beach where one can really decompress from the stresses of life.
There is a restaurant nearby, bathrooms, and changing stations. There are also bungalows available to rent in the spring and summer. We went there on a Monday, when there were just a few people enjoying the beach. The only thing that I didn’t enjoy were the mosquitos. Since it’s a tropical island there are mosquitos everywhere. Fortunately, we made sure we took repellent. We loved Playa Buyé and can’t wait to go back again!
I really enjoyed spending my birthday in Mayagüez. The city has definitely changed after the pandemic and Hurricane Maria; nevertheless, if given the choice to live anywhere in Puerto Rico, I would pick the western side of the island without hesitation.
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https://www.123helpme.com/essay/Eugenio-Maria-De-Hostos-Analysis-PCKXCRX7ZKB
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Eugenio Maria De Hostos Analysis - 143 Words
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In this letter, Eugenio Maria de Hostos explained how he felt about people knowing they are not right plus don’t accept others with abuse of the right....
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https://www.123helpme.com/essay/Eugenio-Maria-De-Hostos-Analysis-PCKXCRX7ZKB
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The Passion Of Perpetua And Felicitas Analysis
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984 Words | 2 Pages
If I were to ask you what is art, and how can one find it? What would you say? Well if it were me being asked those question, I would simply say that art to me is a form of a picture; a visual painting or model of some design and it could be found all among us. You may define it differently only because art could be defined in many ways. I could simply say that art to me is a form of a picture; a visual painting or model of some design. Well according to an article written by Shelley Esaak, an art history expert she mentioned that art has a way of stimulating different parts of our brains to make us laugh or incite us to riot, with a whole gamut of emotions in between. She also mentioned that art gives us a way to be creative and express ourselves. [1]
Benito Cereno Analysis
653 Words | 2 Pages
"Benito Cereno," written by Herman Melville, is a novella that portrays Melville’s views on slavery during a time of great political turmoil over the issue of slavery, (six years before the Civil War). The narrator, Amasa Delano, is the captain of a Massachusetts whaling ship called the Bachelor’s Delight. Through out the story, Melville portrays certain situations, which bring attention to the ideas of slavery, and leadership. “Benito Cereno” is a story that depicts the historical incident that occurred in 1805, where black slaves had overthrown the Spanish Sailors. The film La Amistad, produced by Steven Spielberg, was based upon this historical incident. The slave owners are depicted as brutal human beings that want to sell the slaves as quickly and as effortlessly as possible. On the other hand, the slaves want to return to their homes and live the life of a regular human being. Because of the fact that many African Americans were enslaved at this time, many revolts occurred, often even under extremely difficult situations.
Puerto Rican Poets: Julia De Burgos
990 Words | 2 Pages
According to Tompkins and Foster, “Apart from the respect for her poetry, her situation as a lonely and suffering woman, her solidarity, and her will to struggle mirror the collective conscience of thousands of Puerto Ricans outside the island” (pg. 59). In Julia de Burgos’ volume of poems, Poema en veinte sucos, she argued against the ideas of imperialism and committed a majority of her writing to her feminist and patriotic ethics in support of Pedro Albizu Campos, the leading father of the Puerto Rican independence movement. The author’s perspective and opinion on how women in her Latin American community were treated and how they had to live through the control of men is thoroughly expressed through her poetry, specifically from a lyrical voice and free
Characters of Pedro Paramo Used to Critique Mexico
1206 Words | 3 Pages
Life in Mexico was, before the Revolution, defined by the figure of the patron that held all of power in a certain area. Juan Preciado, who was born in an urban city outside of Comala, “came to Comala because [he] had been told that [his] father, a man named Pedro Paramo lived there” (1). He initially was unaware of the general dislike that his father was subjected to in that area of Mexico. Pedro was regarded as “[l]iving bile” (1) by the people that still inhabited Comala, a classification that Juan did not expect. This reveals that it was not known by those outside of the patron’s dominion of the cruel abuse that they levied upon their people. Pedro Paramo held...
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https://flexpub.com/epubs/97808078769231558197684/OEBPS/bano_9780807876923_oeb_c01_r1.html
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en
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Nation and Citizen in the Dominican Republic, 1880
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2023-07-23T18:50:25+00:00
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Discover (and save!) your own Pins on Pinterest.
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Pinterest
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Biografía de Eugenio María de Hostos
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Biblioteca Eugenio María De Hostos-Ponce
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Biblioteca Eugenio María De Hostos-Ponce
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Celebrating Hispanic Heritage
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National Hispanic Heritage Month is celebrated annually in the U.S. from September 15 to October 15 to highlight the contributions of Hispanic people and Americans with ancestry from Spanish-speaking countries. Hispanic people represent 29 percent of New York City’s population and also make up a large percentage of NYCHA residents. There are many notable Latino
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en
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The NYCHA Journal - The NYCHA Journal has informed and inspired residents since 1970, covering the news, contributions, and uplifting stories of the NYCHA community while providing the latest information on Authority initiatives.
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https://nychajournal.nyc/celebrating-hispanic-heritage-2023/
|
National Hispanic Heritage Month is celebrated annually in the U.S. from September 15 to October 15 to highlight the contributions of Hispanic people and Americans with ancestry from Spanish-speaking countries.
Hispanic people represent 29 percent of New York City’s population and also make up a large percentage of NYCHA residents. There are many notable Latino people who once called NYCHA home, and many residents live in developments that were named after prominent Hispanic people.
NYCHA Developments Named After Prominent Hispanic People:
Betances: Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827-1898) – A 19th century physician and revolutionary, Dr. Betances is known as the father of the Puerto Rican independence movement, an abolitionist, and was instrumental in helping to save Puerto Ricans from a cholera epidemic in 1865.
Bracetti Plaza: Mariana Bracetti (1825-1903) – She was a leader of the Puerto Rican independence movement in the 1860s and known as “Arms of Gold.” She is believed to have crafted the first Puerto Rican flag, known as the Boriquas Latin Cross, which today remains as the Puerto Rican symbol of revolution and independence.
Campos Plaza: Pedro Albizu Campos (1891-1965) – Born in Ponce, Puerto Rico, he was a lawyer and activist and one of the most prominent members of the Puerto Rican independence movement. Campos served in the U.S. Army during World War I and, because of his mixed-race heritage, served in an all-Black regiment. After leaving the Army, he graduated from Harvard Law School and went back to Puerto Rico to lead the independence movement. He spent 26 years in prison for advocating for the violent overthrow of the U.S. administration in Puerto Rico.
De Hostos Apartments: Eugenio Maria de Hostos (1839-1903) – An educator, humanist, abolitionist, philosopher, writer, and politician, De Hostos was a century ahead of his time in fighting for Puerto Rico to be a part of the United States, including U. S. citizenship for its residents. His mission was to keep Puerto Rico from being a colony, saying: “We want to be brothers of the Americans, not servants. We have a right to be first-class Americans with all the prerogatives of a free country.”
Hernandez Apartments: Rafael Hernandez (1892-1965) – He was a legendary composer of some of Puerto Rico’s most famous songs which grew in popularity in all languages for generations throughout the Western Hemisphere. He served in the U.S. Armed Forces during World War I and was the director of the Puerto Rican Symphonic Orchestra.
Justice Sonia Sotomayor Houses: Justice Sonia Sotomayor (1954- ) – Justice Sotomayor is the 111th Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, and the Court’s first Hispanic-American Justice. She is an iconic figure in the American legal community, considering her 30-year career. She lived at Bronxdale Houses from 1957 until 1970, which was renamed after her in 2010.
Notable NYCHA Hispanic Alumni:
Emmy Andujar, professional basketball player and member of Puerto Rico’s national basketball team, grew up at Edenwald Houses.
Former NBA player Carmelo Anthony lived in Red Hook Houses as a child.
Grammy-award winning salsa singer Marc Anthony lived in Metro North Plaza.
New York City Council Member Diana Ayala lived in Wald Houses.
Boxer Hector “Macho” Camacho lived in Johnson Houses.
NYC Department of Housing Preservation and Development Commissioner Adolfo Carrión Jr. grew up in Riis Houses.
Rapper Joseph Cartagena (aka Fat Joe) grew up in Forest Houses.
Elaine Del Valle, an actor, writer, comedian and filmmaker, lived in Brownsville Houses.
Actor Antonio Fargas, whose TV and film career spans 60 years, grew up in Chelsea-Elliott Houses.
Muralist Antonio “Chico” Garcia lived in Wald Houses.
Late musician Jerry González, an innovator of Latin jazz music, lived in Edenwald Houses.
Actor Erik Estrada, well known for his role in the television series CHiPs, grew up in Amsterdam Houses.
Actor and singer Anthony Ramos grew up in Hope Gardens. He’s well known for playing the roles of John Laurens and Philip Hamilton in the Broadway play Hamilton and for a leading role in the movie In the Heights.
Bachata music singer Prince Royce, once named Billboard Latin Artist of the Year, grew up in Patterson Houses.
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Mens Premium T-Shirt
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Bembes
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Men's Premium T-Shirt is in stock. We will print it as soon as you order it.
Delivery time: 9/5/24 - 9/8/24 (Standard)
Classic cut T-shirt for men, 100% cotton (Heather gray and heather ice blue are 95% cotton/5% viscose. Heather blue & charcoal gray are 80% cotton/20% polyester. Heather burgundy is 60% cotton/40% polyester. Heather oatmeal is 99% cotton/1% viscose) Brand: Spreadshirt
7 products with this design
Product dimensions measured on a flatly laid out product.
Size
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Monument to Eugenio Maria de Hostos known as The Great Citizen of the Americas was a Puerto Rican educator philosopher intellectual lawyer sociologist and Puerto Rican independence advocate
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https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/01/business/dealbook/puerto-rico-debt-relief-law-stirs-colonial-resentment.html
|
en
|
Puerto Rico Debt Relief Law Stirs Colonial Resentment
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[
"Mary Williams Walsh",
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2016-07-01T00:00:00
|
The federal oversight board in the new law has opened old wounds in Puerto Rico, even among some who support the island’s current status.
|
en
|
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https://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/01/business/dealbook/puerto-rico-debt-relief-law-stirs-colonial-resentment.html
|
SAN JUAN, P.R. — They shouted angrily about “colonialism” and called for a Prexit, or Puerto Rican exit, from the United States. They denounced the “junta” — or federal control board — that will soon direct this island’s failing governance and finances.
Late Thursday afternoon, even Gov. Alejandro García Padilla seemed to be joining in the protest, declaring a moratorium on paying the island’s debts just one day before a big payment was due — even as President Obama was signing a new law that precludes the governor from making such a move.
But beneath the defiant rhetoric — on the Puerto Rican talk shows, at labor rallies and at an “Occupy” vigil at the federal courthouse here — there was also resignation: an awareness that Puerto Rico’s own elected officials had let the island slip into a death spiral, and that the passage by the United States Senate on Wednesday of a bill meant to assert federal authority was really the only available solution.
“It’s not all their fault, it’s our fault, too, because we voted for them,” said Dielmarie Negrón, a geography student at the University of Puerto Rico and a volunteer for Iniciativa Comunitaria, a nonprofit group that serves addicts and homeless people in several Puerto Rican cities.
“We feel bad, because we can no longer make our own decisions,” she added, speaking in an interview at her group’s offices on Wednesday, after the Senate vote. “But it was our own decisions that got us here.”
Everyone seems to have strong feelings — many of them conflicting — about their shared predicament: a passionate love of Borikén, the widely used pre-Columbian name for their island; a sense of shock that their government amassed a $72 billion debt; a bitter resentment of Washington — and yet a begrudging appreciation of the benefits that American citizenship and the United States safety net can bring.
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| 90
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https://www.arkansasonline.com/news/2010/nov/01/state-nation-other-puerto-rico-vexed-20101101/
|
en
|
State, nation, other? Puerto Rico vexed
|
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"BEN FOX THE ASSOCIATED PRESS"
] |
2010-11-01T00:00:00
|
Dayra Rivera saw the letter as a slap in the face for Puerto Ricans: No, Apple Inc. told her, you cannot have the free iPhone case promised to U.S. customers.
|
en
|
https://www.arkansasonline.com/news/2010/nov/01/state-nation-other-puerto-rico-vexed-20101101/
|
— Dayra Rivera saw the letter as a slap in the face for Puerto Ricans: No, Apple Inc. told her, you cannot have the free iPhone case promised to U.S. customers.
Apple, which was giving out plastic cases because of problems with dropped calls, said it would not ship to an “international” destination. Never mind that Puerto Rico’s 4 million residents are American citizens, and that it is closer to the mainland than Hawaii.
“I felt like I was being treated like a second-class citizen,” said Rivera, a 46-year-old manager of a clothing store near the capital, San Juan.
Apple, as it turns out, is hardly alone in considering the island 1,000 miles southeast of Florida a foreign land. Other businesses, politicians, entertainers and even Puerto Ricans themselves are not quite sure what to make of a place where highway distances are in kilometers but road speeds in miles per hour.
For now at least, the most Puerto Rican thing about Puerto Rico could be its identity problem.
Puerto Ricans cannot decide whether they want to go for statehood, have some sort of in-between commitment or break up altogether. They have voted on the issue three times to date, in 1967, 1993 and 1998, and each time decided to keep the status quo.
The issue may come up again in 2011: The pro-statehood movement, which now controls the Legislature and the governor’s office, hopes to hold another vote. And the U.S. House of Representatives has passed a bill that would allow Puerto Rico’s government to ask its residents if they want to change the island’s commonwealth status.
But most exasperating of all is that, even as Puerto Rico is preoccupied with its status, much of the United States doesn’t seem to know or care.
Several months ago, House candidate Vaughn Ward, a Republican from Idaho, called Puerto Rico a “country” in a political debate. When corrected, he said, “I really don’t care what it is. It doesn’t matter.”
Puerto Rico has been under U.S. jurisdiction since 1898, its people citizens since 1917.The island is home to 150,000 military veterans, and three quarters of its National Guard troops have been deployed overseas since the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. The island shuts down and shoots off fireworks on the Fourth of July, American Independence Day.
Yet Puerto Ricans cannot vote for president, and their representative in Congress cannot vote either. They pay Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes that finance the government’s retirement and principal medical programs; they do not pay federal income tax (they pay Puerto Rican income tax instead, so it is no paradise).
And The Associated Press considers its reporters in Puerto Rico foreign correspondents.
Both Spanish and English are official languages, although you will hear much more of the former. The island has a holiday in honor of Eugenio Maria de Hostos, a figure associated with Puerto Rican independence. It puts up its own Miss Universe contestant and its own Olympic team.
Confused? So is Congress. Members of the U.S. Congress have wondered if they need passports to travel to Puerto Rico, according to an anecdote often told by New Jersey Sen. Robert Menendez, son of Cuban immigrants. And Joachim de Posada, an author and business consultant who lives in Puerto Rico, gets the passport question all the time, most recently in Germany. (Answer: U.S. citizens do not need passports.)
“It is amazing the level of ignorance I find, not only in the U.S. but all around the world,” de Posada said.
There are other U.S. territories, such as Guam and the U.S. Virgin Islands, but none has near the population of Puerto Rico and the huge cultural effect on the mainland that comes with it.
The question of what exactly the island is lingers even among Puerto Ricans in the United States, who outnumber those in Puerto Rico. U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor has called her parents immigrants, but they are not from another country; they are from Puerto Rico. Sotomayor herself in recent years has been careful not to come down publicly on one side or the other of the statehood issue.
That is not the case with resident commissioner Pedro Pierluisi, the nonvoting representative in Congress.
“The question about the statehood for Puerto Rico is not whether it’s going to happen, it’s when,” he said. “I have no doubt that’s where we’re headed.”
Pierluisi said the growing Hispanic population in the United States will compel Congress to support statehood if islanders demand it.
Hector Pesquera, co-chairman of the National Hostos Independence Movement, has a very different take. To him, Puerto Rico would be obliterated by statehood.
“People who vote in favor of statehood are like chickens voting for Kentucky Fried Chicken,” he said.
But Rivera sees it as injustice all the same. She fired off a note to popular consumer rights advocacy blog Consumerist.com, which publicized her cause, as did several other online forums.
“A lot of people were really upset over this situation,” she said. “They weren’t treating Puerto Rico right.”
Rivera said she generally stays out of the status debate, but the iPhone saga has pushed her toward statehood. “I want Puerto Rico to be a state so this situation gets fixed,” she said.
She may not have to wait. An Apple spokesman said the cancellation of Rivera’s iPhone case had been a mistake, although she would not say why or how it was made. And in August, Rivera got a follow-up: another e-mail that her case was en route.
This time the e-mail was in Spanish.
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The Gag Law: How the United States Ended the Republic of Puerto Rico in 72 Hours
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Puerto Rico holds the status of a free associated state with the U.S., and although its residents lack the right to vote in presidential elections, they have been U.S. citizens since the enactment of the Jones-Shafroth Act in 1917.
This law eliminated the direct guardianship that Washington exerc
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LBV Magazine English Edition
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https://www.labrujulaverde.com/en/2023/12/the-gag-law-how-the-united-states-ended-the-republic-of-puerto-rico-in-72-hours/
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Puerto Rico holds the status of a free associated state with the U.S., and although its residents lack the right to vote in presidential elections, they have been U.S. citizens since the enactment of the Jones-Shafroth Act in 1917.
This law eliminated the direct guardianship that Washington exercised over the island, authorized the creation of a Senate, and, in a way, gave legal standing to a nationalist movement that gradually grew, compelling the governor in 1948 to enact what became known as Law 53 or the Gag Law, in an attempt to stifle that activism.
The desire for independence advocated by some politicians like José de Diego and Eugenio María de Hostos, after the island passed from Spanish to American hands, was frustrated from the outset when the latter clearly opted for annexation, subjecting their new territory to military rule despite the request from the Puerto Rican House of Delegates for independence. The outbreak of World War I not only drowned out that cry but also allowed the U.S. army to recruit men in Puerto Rico.
However, the idea persisted and took shape in 1917 with the founding of the Nationalist Party of Puerto Rico (PNPR) by José Coll y Cuchi, a lawyer and writer involved in politics and a fervent opponent of the Organic Act of 1900, which the U.S. government used to govern Puerto Ricans since the homonymous year and, therefore, preceded the aforementioned Jones-Shafroth Act. The law, also known as the Foraker Act after the senator who promoted it, equated English with Spanish, imposed heavy tariffs on island products, and established the dollar as the official currency.
All of this created considerable unrest, channeled by Coll into what was called the Nationalist Union, formed by members of the Union Party of Puerto Rico, which brought together various independence-leaning parties. From this emerged the aforementioned PNPR, of which Coll was president with Pedro Albizu Campos as vice president.
Albizu, born in Ponce in 1891, had studied chemical engineering in Vermont and law at Harvard, later working as a lawyer but always avoiding representing American companies. Although he had fought in World War I in the U.S. army, he sympathized with the demand for freedom in Ireland and India, maintaining a good relationship with leaders such as Eamon de Valera, Subhas Chandra Bose, or Gandhi, considering that Puerto Rico was also in a situation of colonial subjugation.
He was much more radical than the party president—advocating even armed struggle—so they soon clashed. Coll withdrew, and Albizu became the leader of a movement that, in 1922, was shaken by the so-called Balzac vs. Porto Rico case: Puerto Rican journalist Jesús M. Balzac, convicted of defamation in island courts, appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, but it ruled that he did not have the same rights as native-born Americans, as Puerto Rico was not an incorporated territory.
The feeling of being an annexed country gave wings to the PNPR, but it did not translate into results in the 1932 elections, where it barely received five thousand votes.
This, along with the repression unleashed against independence sympathizers and the difficult context of the Great Depression, led Albizu to resign from the democratic game as long as the elections were organized by the U.S., calling for disobedience first and armed struggle later. In 1936, he was arrested and convicted of conspiracy along with other independence figures, remaining incarcerated in an Atlanta prison until his release in 1947.
In the meantime, the police shot a demonstration in remembrance of the abolition of slavery that turned into a protest against the sentences. The episode took place in the spring of 1937 and ended in bloodshed: nineteen dead and a hundred wounded, including a child and several unrelated collateral casualties (passersby, drivers, and even two officers who fell victim to their colleagues’ bullets), leading to the dismissal of the governor, General Blanton Winship, and giving rise to the event known as the Ponce Massacre.
In 1947, after Truman assumed the presidency and reoriented government policy to reduce tension, appointing a local governor and granting the right to elect every four years, Albizu returned to his homeland. That decade of imprisonment not only did not change him, but he returned ready to wield arms, seeing that changes were beginning to succeed and the conversion of the island’s status to a free associated state was being prepared. In fact, many nationalists had left the island to escape repression, settling in New York to take advantage of the growing flow of immigrants to the city.
Paradoxically, the person responsible for this persecution was Jesús Toribio Piñero, the first governor born on the island. Piñero had also studied engineering in the U.S. (in Pennsylvania, in his case) but oriented his life towards politics, collaborating with liberal senator Luis Muñoz Marín in the formation of the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), founded in 1938, which had changed its initial pro-independence stance to one favorable to the free associated state, leading to a split eight years later. The PPD became dominant, and Piñero enjoyed considerable power.
Thanks to this and the economic measures introduced in collaboration with Muñoz, which alternated some agricultural reform with the defense of rights for the working class, he gained Truman’s support at a time when the New Deal was in vogue. This left him free to unleash a campaign of persecution against the nationalists, who considered the free associated state status a concession of sovereignty to the U.S. (curiously, also opposed by supporters of total integration as a full-fledged state).
It was on June 10, 1948, when Piñero, with the support of the Senate controlled by his friend Muñoz Marín, enacted Law 53, a gag law (as it was called in the U.S.) that restricted any ideological expression related to nationalism. In fact, it was a copy of the U.S. Smith Act of 1940, which pursued actions and ideas aimed at overthrowing the government and was approved in the context of the country’s entry into World War II.
However, Law 53 was not framed in a conflict, although it penalized displaying a Puerto Rican flag, singing patriotic melodies, criticizing the U.S., making pro-independence proclamations, printing or distributing material contrary to the executive, and organizing groups or meetings with subversive purposes, risking fines between ten thousand dollars and ten years in prison (or both). The only official protest against the attack on freedom of expression that the law represented and that contradicted the U.S. Constitution was made by a senator named Leopoldo Figueroa because he was the only one in the entire chamber who did not belong to the PPD.
However, outside the institutions, there was a popular outcry of opposition, somewhat led by Santos Primo Amadeo Semidey, nicknamed the Champion of Habeas Corpus. He was a lawyer and educator who had once held a seat in the Senate and who appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, focusing his lawsuit on two points: on the one hand, the detention of Enrique Ayoroa Abreu and fifteen other leaders of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party; on the other, considering Law 53 unconstitutional since Puerto Ricans were granted U.S. citizenship.
Tensions escalated, and on June 21, Albizu Campos gathered opponents from across the island in Manatí for a public speech while others, split between Puerto Rico and New York, began to prepare for an armed insurrection. Before the year ended, elections were held, and Piñero handed over the governorship to Muñoz Marín; if the former had been the first native governor to be dismissed, the latter was the first elected by vote instead of appointed. He took office on January 2, 1949, so it would be he who would have to implement Law 53.
The uprising was scheduled for 1952, the expected date for the U.S. Congress to declare Puerto Rico a free associated state, but circumstances led to advancing it by two years. This became known as the Jayuya Uprising, referring to the central municipality where it took place. On October 26, 1950, the police surrounded Albizu Campos’ house to arrest him for declaring that the island’s new status would be nothing but a colonial farce, although they did not find him because he had been warned in advance.
On the following day, several members of the PNPR were arrested when traveling in a car filled with weapons. On the 28th, several imprisoned nationalists staged a riot in the prison that allowed more than a hundred to escape and resulted in the death of two officers. Finally, everything erupted on the 30th simultaneously in several locations, including Utuado, San Juan, and Jayuya itself. However, the most serious revolts occurred in Utuado, San Juan, and Jayuya. In the latter, the insurgents managed to take control of the town because the family of one of its leaders, Puerto Rican teacher Blanca Canales, had hidden an arsenal at home.
Blood was shed. On the 27th, the police had shot at a nationalist caravan, killing four, while on the 29th, they did the same against the family home of the PNPR leader of Peñuelas, ending with two more deaths but at the cost of unleashing a pitched battle that was reproduced a day later in Jayuya when the revolutionaries stormed the police station and, in revenge, killed the officers. They then occupied the post office and cut the phone lines, isolating the place and raising the flag in the main square while declaring Puerto Rico a free republic.
The republic lasted seventy-two hours. During that time, attempts in Utuado, where the rebels were massacred, and San Juan, the former capital, where an attempt to assassinate Muñoz Marín was thwarted, failed. It was not the only attempt because on November 1, two nationalists attempted to attack Harry S. Truman’s house, leading the U.S. to openly involve itself in the repression of Jayuya by sending planes and troops from its National Guard to help Puerto Rico, which had besieged the town. Aerial bombardments, artillery, and numerical superiority eventually crushed the independence fighters on the first of November.
Thus ended that coup, which recorded twenty-eight dead (sixteen nationalists, seven police officers, and one guard) and forty-nine wounded (nine nationalists, twenty-three police officers, six guards, and eleven bystanders). Albizu spent fifteen years in prison and was not released until 1964, when he was granted a pardon due to his serious health condition, apparently a result of being subjected to radiation experiments (in fact, he died five months later). Blanca Canales was sentenced to life imprisonment but was released in 1967.
Truman had the foresight to realize the problem, and in 1952, he approved the holding of a plebiscite on the future of Puerto Rico. Eighty-two percent of participants voted in favor of the constitution establishing the free associated state. Perhaps everything should have ended there, but in 1954, during a visit to the U.S. House of Representatives, four members of the PNPR fired several shots while waving a Puerto Rican flag. Several congressmen were injured, although the attackers claimed they only wanted to draw attention. They spent a quarter of a century in prison, and their action interrupted a pardon planned for Albizu.
It is curious that most of those repressed by the Jayuya Uprising were not accused of taking part in armed actions, as few could prove their involvement, but of violating Law 53. As for this law, it remained in effect until 1957 when the U.S. Supreme Court considered it unconstitutional and repealed it. By then, the once persecuted flag had become official for half a decade.
This article was first published on our Spanish Edition on January 4, 2019. Puedes leer la versión en español en Ley 53: cómo Estados Unidos acabó con la república de Puerto Rico en 72 horas
Sources
VVAA, La nación puertorriqueña: ensayos en torno a Pedro Albizu Campos | Manuel Maldonado-Denis, Puerto Rico. Una interpretación histórico-social | Pedro A. Malavet, America’s Colony. The Political and Cultural Conflict Between the United States and Puerto Rico | José Trías Monge, Puerto Rico. The Trials of the Oldest Colony in the World | Nelson A. Denis, Guerra contra todos los puertorriqueños. Revolución y terror en la colonia americana | The Nationalist Insurrection of 1950 (Write to Fight) | Wikipedia
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January 22, 2021, Vol. 2 No. 1, Spring 2021 Semester.
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My Dear Colleagues and Students, Friday, January 22, 2021 | Vol. 2 No. 1, Spring 2021 Semester MESSAGE FROM INTERIM PRESIDENT DAISY COCCO DE FILIPPIS My Dear Colleagues and Students, As I open the p
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My Dear Colleagues and Students,
As I open the pages to our Spring 2021 Semanario Hostosiano/Hostos Weekly, I am moved by many thoughts about our grief shared as a nation for the COVID losses and uncertainty. Yet there is power in hope and in knowing the value of generosity, determination, persistence and belief in the future. The seasons teach us that spring is just around the corner and life regenerates with beauty, grace and predictability in this the most hopeful of seasons. Let that thought be with us even as we work harder than ever to reach out to our returning students to ensure that they are registered and ready to engage in a semester of learning and hope for a better future for us all.
I had a very good meeting with our SGA students recently where transition of power, the outgoing President Muiz Agbaje could not have been more supportive and eloquent about incoming President Brian Carter. I told them that they model behavior for others, elsewhere and welcomed newly elected President Brian Carter in his new role.
A few weeks ago, our students in the Digital Animation Class provided a talented and generous display of short animations; their visions of moving forward in the pandemic: A great tribute to their talent, hope and faith, and to the generous, dedicated and professional education they receive from very caring professors.
I breathe with relief as I consider the powerful display of order and democracy this past Wednesday. We are looking forward to the possibility of a more engaged, equitable, diverse and better future for all of us, including our DACA students and our immigrant populations. We also concentrate and place our expectations on the distribution of vaccines, and on the possibility of having a safe and joyous gradual return to normalcy next academic year.
Our colleagues in Behavioral and Social Sciences shared some very powerful reflections on inauguration day which you will find proudly included in the Semanario.
I wish you a successful and enjoyable semester. Mil gracias y bendiciones, Daisy.
Daisy Cocco De Filippis, Ph.D.
Interim President
WE ARE HAPPY TO SHARE REMARKS ON THE JANUARY 6, 2021 INSURRECTION DISTRIBUTED ON JANUARY 11, FOR OUR REFLECTION:
January 6, 2021 was a day marked by historic extremes.
Democrat candidates Raphael Warnock and Jon Ossoff were declared the winners of Georgia’s run-off elections, signaling a powerful and major shift in political thought and demographics in the Peach State, the greater South and the composition and power structure in the U.S. Senate.
And, in Washington, D.C., homegrown terrorists— empowered by the President’s baseless claims of election fraud— stormed the Capitol in an attempt to disrupt and invalidate the Electoral College’s certification of Joseph R. Biden, Jr. and Kamala Harris as the next President and Vice President of the United States. Such rampant and illegal activity is a grave insult to the democratic process, which must reflect the will of the people and not the misguided wishes of an entitled subgroup.
The world was shocked and appalled by the spectacle of such lawlessness. Shocking as well was the lack of response on the part of local and federal law enforcement. The hypocrisy is staggering: peaceful protests by Black Lives Matters advocates have been treated with unnecessary force and unjustified violence, but a mob bent on subverting the will of the American people was, in many instances, given a free pass to do as they pleased.
The destruction wrought upon the Capitol Building and the threat to the safety and well-being of the members of Congress did not come out of nowhere. The nation has no choice but to address the divisive and destructive elements that have long existed in our society. Systemic racism, economic and social inequality, a degraded level of political discourse: these and other issues must be dealt with. These attitudes are the product of fear, greed, and ignorance.
The task facing America’s educators is clear, and I believe community colleges provide an example and serve as a vehicle for the kind of thought and action required in this troubled day and age.
On any given day on a community college campus, a marvelously diverse student body gathers to learn through dialogue and interaction with their instructors and fellow students. People of all ages, ethnicities, socioeconomic status, and genders are included— and all welcome. Ideas are exchanged, projects are collaborated upon, means of solving problems are tried and tested. Preconceived assumptions and misconceptions fall by the wayside in the light of knowledge.
Hostos’ dedication to justice on all levels, in every sphere, is as strong as it was when the College was founded in 1968. The institution is committed, as part of its goal of equal access for all, to providing the communities it serves with a forum to examine the critical issues we face.
While acknowledging the gravity of the riot and insurgence at the Capitol, I am impelled to point out the fact that the attempt to derail Biden and Harris’ certification failed. They will assume office later this month and initiate what we all hope will be a newer and brighter era in the nation’s political life.
Let us all strive to play a part in continuing to foster the civil, respectful, diverse, inclusive society we wish to live in. Change is never easy. But it is inevitable. And it is happening now.
WE ARE PROUD TO SHARE WITH YOU REFLECTIONS ON INAUGURATION DAY BY COLLEAGUES IN THE BEHAVIORAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT:
Kristopher Burrell, Ph.D.
The inauguration of President-elect Joe Biden is taking place in the midst of numerous social, economic, and public health crises. There will be much to contend with as a country during Biden’s term in office. Coming just two days after the federal birthday of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., it is necessary to utilize the prophetic wisdom of Dr. King in developing a democratic legislative vision for our country in the next four years and beyond. In 1963 in Birmingham, Alabama, responding to criticisms over the direct-action protests of Black residents in opposition to Jim Crow segregation, King argued that social tension was necessary for societal growth. The tension certainly exists in our country. We cannot be afraid of this tension. Neither can the incoming Biden administration. Our country can no longer prefer “order” over justice. Breaking down systemic racism, eradicating poverty, and reversing environmental degradation are extremely uncomfortable. However, it will be necessary for the new administration and us all as Americans to do the necessary work to address these issues in constructive ways.
Helen Chang, Ph.D.
Political scientist Maurice Duverger (1984) believed that “electoral mechanisms are strange devices—simultaneously cameras and projectors. They register images which they have partly created themselves.” As we learn from the last four years and look to the next four years, we must remember that our democratic institutions are not immutable. American voters and our elected leaders are not simply constrained by the rules governing our political system, but together, we also have the ability to shape these rules and expand on who they work for.
Sarah Hoiland, Ph.D.
Dr. Jill Biden will make history by keeping her faculty position at Northern Virginia Community College (NOVA) while serving as First Lady of the United States (FLOTUS), which mirrors her decision to teach at NOVA while serving as Second Lady from 2008-2017. With these choices, she is modernizing the role of First Lady, asserting the importance of her profession, our profession, and maintaining her commitment to debt-free community college. In August, she tweeted from @DrBiden, "Teaching is not what I do. It's who I am."
Her use of "Dr." has ruffled feathers; most notably in Joseph Epstein's December 11th, 2020 WSJ Opinion in which he questioned her use of "Dr." saying it "sounds and feels fraudulent, not to say a touch comic." Thousands have since critiqued Epstein's paternalistic and sexist tone as well as the basis for his argument while others supported the attempt to reduce her status and earned doctorate. Women and people of color constantly fight to be afforded the same respect white men are given with or without a title inside and outside academia.
I have many hopes for the next four years, but what I will demand is debt-free community college and full investment in our community college students, staff, and faculty as restitution for disinvestment from the communities in which we teach, and a commitment to a more just and equitable society. For inspiration, we don't have to look any farther than the Hostos giants who fought to keep our College open 50 years ago.
Ernest Ialongo, Ph.D.
My only thought on the inauguration is that it cannot come soon enough.
What these past four years have shown us, and what January 6, 2021 made abundantly clear, is that the democratic form of government is a fragile thing. Ours is a government of laws, but it is also a commitment to adhere to those laws, and not to give in to the desire to foment change through violence. The storming of the capitol reminded us that all the processes we have in place for a democratic election can be overturned in an instant when a determined group of people seek to impose might over right. The insurrection was the culmination of 4 years of civil discord which had been enflamed by President Trump in an attempt at undermining faith in democratic institutions and focusing the attentions of the frustrated minority onto him as the savior of a purportedly failed system.
Allusions to Trump’s fascistic tendencies have been legion since he came to office: the press as the enemy of the people, the identification of the cult leader as the state itself, a demand for unswerving loyalty by the leader, a hyper-masculine ethos that seeks to humiliate and obliterate the political opposition, a pronounced nationalism and militarism, xenophobia, and a far too comfortable tendency to encourage violence against one’s enemies. Scholars of fascism pointed to these connections between Trump and Hitler and Mussolini early on. They were not taken seriously. Yet, as the years passed, and rhetoric became political action and legislation, and the violence at the heart of this rhetoric led to actual violence on January 6, 2021, such scholars are now being taken very seriously.
The inauguration of President-elect Biden and Vice-President-elect Harris will bring the country back to its best ideals, will put us back on the course where we continue to form ‘a more perfect union’, and where we confidently face the challenges that lay ahead.
CUNY Scholars Weigh in on a Historic Inauguration
We Asked CUNY Experts What This Moment Means to Them, Our Country, and How We Move Forward. Read more.
Happy new year to you all. I hope you had a wonderful holiday and got to spend time with your families and loved ones. 2020 was a very challenging year, but thankfully we are alive to witness the beginning of a new year. For all the lives and souls lost in 2020, may their souls rest in perfect peace and for all of you that lost a loved one over the last year, you have my warmest condolences and my encouragement to kick into the new year with a positive mindset. This year I pray for our wealth and success in everything you pursue and most importantly mental stability.
As of December 2020, I officially graduated from Hostos Community College while serving as the President of the Student Government Association. It has been both an honor and a privilege to uphold the standards and serve this prestigious organization. There are a lot of emotions to be set and a lot of words to write but I am not able to express how much joy and sadness I feel at the same time leaving the school. In my time as President, a lot of work has been done, but I want to take this time to acknowledge and thank everyone that helped me to this point. My senators have been an amazing group of individuals that kept pushing throughout the semester. As you know, we had to run an organization for the first time virtually due to the pandemic and it wasn’t an easy task but the SGA came flying high. I’ve done everything possible to represent the students of the college and for that I am grateful. I am grateful for all the support that I got from faculty members, staff and the administration, without you all, this wouldn’t have been a success.
It is now time for me to move on to the next phase of my life, it is time for me to find who I am and to continue my academic success. This college continues to be a huge part of my life and a family, a home where I am always welcome. There will be a new administration, one that I am confident will continue to serve the students of the college and provide opportunities that benefit the students. The new administration is focused on the progress of the college and advocacy for the students with the help of the college administration. It’ll be an honor to introduce you to the leader of this new administration, Mr. Brian Carter. Brian is a friend, colleague and most importantly a brother that’ll help the Hostos family. He has displayed strong leadership over the years that I have known him and I am more confident to hand over the Presidency to him. He’s friendly, very outspoken and most importantly he has the first of the students’ interest at heart. Here are a few words from Mr. Brian Carter;
“Thank you for acknowledging me as the incoming President. I would like to also thank the previous administration for all of their hard work and effort in these trying times we have experienced thus far. I completely understand and fully accept responsibility going forward. I am excited about the responsibility and opportunity for this upcoming semester in which I plan to follow tradition and continue to lead by example through my experiences as being a diligent student leader going forward”.
Now that you have heard from Mr. Carter, I encourage you all to be supportive, to help guide and provide him with all the necessary help that you have provided for me to succeed. I am confident Brian will do well with the support of the college, the administration and the students.
This is the hard part; the part when I say goodbye, as this will be my last communication with the college as the President of the SGA. I will forever remain a student of the college and a part of the family. I am terrible at goodbyes so I would say to the students, faculty and staff instead, see you soon!
Submitted by Assistant Dean for Institutional Effectiveness, Strategic Planning and Assessment | OIERA, Babette Audant, Ph.D | Drafting Institutional Advisement Outcomes
“The best way of doing things is doing things”*
The role of advisement services at Hostos, as it is across higher education, is multi-vectored. By engaging with advisement services, students gain information, they are provided with guidance, and they develop self-efficacy— all of this in a supportive, safe/brave space between student and advisor.
There are numerous ways of assessing the outcome of advisement services. For example, we can measure the link between a certain number of interactions between student and advisor and student outcomes such as retention and graduation— always acknowledging the limitations of the research. Another approach to assessing advisement outcomes is focusing on student learning outcomes, or SLOs.
Through interactions with advisement services, Hostos students learn about college policies, they learn about degree programs, and how to navigate resources such as Degree Audit. They learn how to ask for assistance, and how to contact faculty about their concerns. Students learn how to advocate for themselves. Assessing a common set of student learning outcomes across all advisement services is a national best practice, and one the AES Assessment Committee (AESAC) and the Cross-Divisional Advisement Committee (CDAC) will implement at Hostos this spring.
The first step is identifying student learning outcomes that reflect the goals of advisement services at Hostos. On December 11th, a group of more than twenty representatives of CDAC, AESAC and Hostos’ advisement units (including SSCU, ASAP, CD and CUNY Start/Math Start) participated in a workshop led by Dr. Meredith Reitman, assessment consultant. After introductions, participants worked in small groups to identify what they, as frontline staff, managers and directors, do every day, and what students will be able to do as a result of these daily activities. After a break, we reviewed the collective efforts as a large group and sorted the responses, using the CAS (the Council for the Advancement of Standards in Higher Education) Standards for Advisement as a framework.
The CAS framework has six domains, or categories of academic advisement outcomes including ”knowledge acquisition, integration, construction, and application” and “intrapersonal development.” These outcomes resonated with workshop participants who are familiar with the CAS framework, and whose work is already informed by these national standards. Aligning ground level input with the CAS domains was a way of adding local dimension to a nationally recognized framework. The resulting advisement student learning outcomes, or Institutional Advisement Outcomes (IAOs), is currently in draft form. Once it is reviewed by CDAC members, and the workshop participants, the IAOs will be shared with the Hostos community. Echoing Maestro Hostos’ apt aphorism that the “best way of doing things is doing things,” we will implement systematic assessment of the IAOs this spring. While premature (the IAOs have not been finalized), the energy and enthusiasm exhibited during the workshop warranted a public celebration of participants’ optimism, and readiness to take on the next phases of this work.
Advisors know students learn through their interactions with advisement services. Assessing whether that learning is achieved well, or whether it is not, will inform continuous improvement. By acknowledging that advisement is a college-wide service provided at multiple sites, having shared Institutional Advisement Outcomes provides a platform for talking together about how to ensure our students are getting what we promise them. Without erasing the qualities that make our multiple advisement units distinct, the IAOs provide a common ground, and statement of shared commitment.
*January 11th marked the birthday of our college’s namesake, Eugenio María de Hostos. In addition to be in an impassioned and unwavering advocate for social justice, women’s right, access to education and democracy, he was also a practical man. A collection of his aphorisms, translated by Professor Orlando Jose Hernández, can be found here: Eugenio María de Hostos 50 Aphorisms-50 Aforismos including the ones cited above.
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A blog by Phillip L. Vélez, a native New Yorker of Puerto Rican descent.
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During my recent research on the Order of Malta, I came across the fascinating history of the Knights Hospitaller, a humanitarian order of religious warriors during the Crusades. The original purpose of the knights was to provide aid and medical care to Christian pilgrims to the Holy Land. Eventually, the knights were also charged with defending the devoted travelers.
I have always loved history but have not had a great interest in religion in general even though I was raised Catholic. Learning about the Hospitallers has sparked a dormant desire to be connected again in some shape or form to Catholicism. For now, it is only through a historical lens but we’ll see what the future holds.
Formally called the Order of the Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, the Knights Hospitaller, which dates back to 1048 and was officially recognized by Pope Paschal II in 1113, was a medieval and early modern Catholic military order that was headquartered in the Kingdom of Jerusalem until 1291.
With over 970 years of history, I had not known of the religious organization that lives on today in various forms. The Knights Hospitaller were contemporaries with the well-known, and some may say infamous, Knights Templar who ceased to exist in 1312.
After the fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1291, the Knights Hospitaller had no home until they settled on the island of Rhodes. They remained in Rhodes from 1310 until 1522, in Malta from 1530 until 1798, and in Saint Petersburg from 1799 until 1801. They roamed around until they at last settled permanently in Rome in 1834.
Today, several organizations claim continuity with the historic Knights Hospitaller and are considered recognized Orders of St. John. These associations include the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, the Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of Saint John, the Bailiwick of Brandenburg of the Chivalric Order of Saint John, the Order of Saint John in the Netherlands, and the Order of Saint John in Sweden.
This April 21st marks the 55th anniversary of the death of Pedro Albizu Campos, the most prominent historic figure in the Puerto Rico independence movement. I learned inspiring and infuriating facts about the life of Albizu Campos and the National Puerto Rican Independence Party in Nelson Denis’s crucial chronicle, War Against All Puerto Ricans: Revolution and Terror in America’s Colony. Everyone of Puerto Rican descent and anyone interested in knowing more about the tragic history of Puerto Rico should read this intensely researched, incredibly well-written book published in 2015.
The publication of this must-read saga predates Hurricane Maria, last year’s political uprising that resulted in the ousting of Puerto Rico’s governor, and the current coronavirus crisis. The tragic incidents, senseless massacres, and vital information detailed in this book now, more than ever, need to be fully understood and digested by the masses to help ensure a just and fair political destiny for the people of Puerto Rico.
Many Puerto Ricans and non-Puerto Ricans may not know that Puerto Rico was an independent nation for only a short eight days before being invaded in 1898 by the United States. Some may not know that the people of Puerto Rico became U.S. citizens in 1917 just in time to participate and die in World War I. Most people are unfamiliar with the 1935 massacre in Rio Piedras or the 1937 massacre in Ponce where innocent people were killed because they supported independence for Puerto Rico.
Pedro Albizu Campos became president of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party in 1930 initiating the organization of agricultural workers and small farmers in their fight for fair wages. Towards this aim, in 1934 Albizu Campos helped orchestrate an island-wide strike against the U.S. owned and operated sugar refineries resulting in a victory. This furthered the objective of Puerto Rican nationalists against the U.S. control of the island. In retaliation, the U.S then labeled Albizu Campos as a “threat to national security.”
These are just a few momentous historical facts highlighted in War Against All Puerto Ricans. Others include the facts that it was once illegal for Puerto Rican people to possess a Puerto Rican Flag; that Albizu Campos, the first Puerto Rican to graduate from Harvard University, was arrested, charged with sedition, and tortured by the FBI; and that in 1950 Puerto Rican nationalists attempted to assassinate Luis Munoz Marin, the governor of Puerto Rico, and U.S. President Harry S. Truman.
This year’s National Puerto Rican Day Parade will most likely not occur because of the COVID-19 pandemic. As the United States eventually returns to some sense of new normalcy and we begin to examine critical issues that were brought to the forefront of American consciousness, let’s hope that the people of Puerto Rico are finally treated with the respect and dignity they deserve. To reach this goal, all Americans must be keenly aware of the social and political sacrifices the people of Puerto Rico have had and continue to endure.
Author Nelson Denis clearly notes the horrific, complicated and controversial struggle for Puerto Rican independence in his documentary work. Denis believes the ultimate decision of the Caribbean territory’s political status should be determined by the people of Puerto Rico.
“The current status of commonwealth is just morally, politically, and especially economically untenable. It’s a business model that is clearly failing and it needs to be mercifully put to rest,” Denis said in an interview with Mother Jones. “That leaves us with two remaining options. There has to be a decision, either to get married or get divorced. But no more keeping Puerto Rico as its little mistress in the Caribbean. That doesn’t work anymore.”
The recent update to AncestryDNA results now lists a percentage for the indigenous people of Puerto Rico, historically also known as the Taino. This is truly incredible news. I, as well as many of my fellow Puerto Ricans, have always known from an intellectual and spiritual sense that we collectively come from and continue to represent the Taino Indian. It truly feels amazing to finally see it clearly stated in official DNA results.
Puerto Ricans grow up hearing about the Taino people and know that Boricuas, an indigenous derived word we warmly refer to ourselves as, are made up of Spanish, African, and Taino blood. With the enormous advances in DNA analysis, we can now estimate the percentages of each group that comprises who we collectively are. My genetic makeup includes 15% DNA from the initial inhabitants of the island of Boriken (Puerto Rico.) Research has finally proven that the Taino, believed by some in the scientific community to have been extinct, lives on in the Puerto Rican.
If you are Puerto Rican and have submitted your DNA to Ancestry.com, check out your most recent update and feel free to share your results and thoughts in the comments section. Of course, the new data is not the end-all or be-all of being Puerto Rican, but it’s helpful information that can lead to an insightful conversation with family and friends.
Ancestry.com states it updates its results from time to time to include more accurate information as it gathers additional DNA data sets from across the globe. The new results could be upsetting if, like in my case, one year you are more Portuguese than Spanish and the next year you’re back to being more Spanish than Portuguese.
In any event, I believe it’s important to know your ancestry because the knowledge provides an international perspective on your family history and demonstrates that we are more connected to each other than we are apart.
My blog post from earlier in 2018 revealing my Puerto Rican DNA results, is now outdated thanks to new data from AncestryDNA. My DNA is the same, however, the interpretation has changed.
The juggernaut genealogy company updated its algorithms a few months ago, providing more data on ethnic regions by breaking down larger ones to identify specific areas. This new information differs slightly from earlier in 2018, providing me with a new ethnic perspective for 2019.
My first results showed that 26 percent of my DNA came from the Iberian Peninsula, of which I thought mostly comes from Spain. I knew that some of my DNA could be traced to Spain’s neighbor, Portugal, but I never really thought much about that fact until I was informed of my most recent results.
AncestryDNA can now decipher between Spanish and Portuguese DNA and the incredible find is that I am 29 percent Portuguese and only 16 percent Spanish! This is amazing news to me, but initially, I had a tough time digesting the new information. My entire life I knew I was partly Spanish, but now I am embracing the reality that I’m more Portuguese than I am Spanish. There is a great deal to learn about Portugal, but I have begun the journey of knowing as much as possible.
My new DNA results also changed in regards to my African ancestry. I was first told that my African DNA came mostly from Nigeria and I was pretty excited about that all year. With the new data, my DNA is less Nigerian and actually more from Cameroon, Congo, Benin, and Togo. So much more to learn about these regions of my ancestry as well.
Another discrepancy from last year’s results is that I am less English and no longer Italian. The difference in findings moved to the current Portuguese DNA percentage.
My new ethnic breakdown now looks as follows:
29% Portuguese
21% Native American (Taino)
18% African (Cameroon, Congo, Benin & Togo)
16% Spanish
7% English/Welsh/NW European
2% European Jewish
2% French
1% Basques
1% German
1% Irish/Scottish
1% Middle Eastern
1% Norwegian
In summary, I am 60% European, 21% Native American, 18% African, and 1% Middle Eastern. AncestryDNA did warn that as the technology and science improves, there may very well be a chance that this particular view of my DNA may change again in the future. I am OK with that but do hope any future update will not variate too much from what it is today. We shall see?
Less than two weeks before this year’s National Puerto Rican Day Parade celebration, a new Harvard University study estimates 4,645 Puerto Ricans died from the devastation caused by Hurricane Maria. As Boricuas prepare to celebrate our culture and mourn the lives lost, it may also be time to seriously reevaluate Puerto Rico’s political status.
As a Puerto Rican born in Brooklyn and raised in the Bronx, also known as a Nuyorican, I’ve known that for 120 years my people have continuously debated between being an independent sovereign nation, a commonwealth/territory of the United States, or the 51st State of the United States of America. Commonwealth has always won out. Puerto Rico has been a U.S. territory since 1898 after the U.S. defeated Spain in the Spanish-American War. It’s classified as an “unincorporated territory,” meaning the island is controlled by the U.S. Puerto Rico has been operating as a U.S. Commonwealth since 1952 when the territory formalized its constitution.
The more than 4,600 Puerto Rican deaths from Hurricane Maria clearly illustrates to me that commonwealth failed Puerto Rico. The United States government pretty much abandoned Puerto Rico at its most dire time. If Puerto Rico had been a State when Hurricane Maria hit, there most likely would have been more U.S. resources allocated for the archipelago’s recovery, thus leading to fewer hurricane-related fatalities.
I dare to speculate that if the citizens of Puerto Rico had decided long ago to be an independent nation, they may have been greater prepared to deal with the aftermath of Hurricane Maria. The proposed Republic of Puerto Rico would have been able to reach out to the international community for assistance as opposed to relying only on the U.S. for help.
The fight for independence has a long history in Puerto Rico, becoming fiercely intense. In 1950 Puerto Rican nationalists tried to assassinate U.S. President Harry Truman and in 1954 nationalists shot-up the U.S. Capitol.
The struggle for independence has never been popular with the majority of Puerto Ricans with historically only about five percent of the citizenry voting in favor. In last year’s plebiscite, 97 percent of Puerto Ricans voted for Statehood, however, only 23 percent of the population voted. Independence and Commonwealth supporters boycotted the status referendum suggesting the vote was rigged in favor of Statehood.
As a Puerto Rican born in the States, I have no say in the matter. At first, I thought the status-quo political stance of Puerto Rico was fine by me. It seemed like the best of both worlds. Later I thought my people should make a decision already. If I had a vote, I would vote to cross off Commonwealth and let the people of Puerto Rico finally achieve self-determination. Do you want La Isla del Encanto to be a U.S. State or an independent country?
Becoming a State makes the most sense since it already acts as a State and the position is strongly supported politically. Puerto Rico would be like the Hawaii of the East Coast. We Puerto Ricans can finally live happily ever as officially part of the U.S. with all the benefits that come along with that, like having full representation in Congress and the ability to vote for the U.S. President. Most recently, I had personally wholeheartedly supported this idea.
Then I conducted research on the history of the independence of Puerto Rico and came across Eugenio Maria de Hostos, a Puerto Rican educator, author, and revolutionary. Hostos furiously fought for the independence of Puerto Rico but the U.S. was interested in keeping the potential Caribbean nation a colony. Hostos was upset with this power and the fact that his people did not collectively fight for independence, that he left Puerto Rico and lived his last years in the Dominican Republic where he is buried. Hostos’ final wish was to have his remains stay permanently in the Dominican Republic until the day Puerto Rico is completely independent.
If the government of Puerto Rico negotiates independence with the U.S., it could stipulate that for 10 years the U.S. must financially and structurally help Puerto Rico get on its feet to operate as its own country. It’s a fantastic possibility, but I try to be a true optimist. Maybe the spirits of Puerto Rican freedom fighters are still calling the Boriken subconsciousness.
In any event, I think it’s time to take the Commonwealth option off the table. Puerto Ricans must accept the fact that sitting on the political fence has not worked for our people. It will take some time for Puerto Rico to get on its feet and it may take years to feel some sense of normalcy. During this time of healing, Puerto Ricans need to do some real soul searching to finally decide its political fate. We owe it to the 4,645 Puerto Ricans who lost their lives due to Hurricane Maria. More importantly, we owe it to ourselves.
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A Puerto Rican Equal Justice Works Fellow at SCOTUS
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2022 Fellow Carlos F. Ramos-Hernandez shares his experience accompanying his host organization on a case to the Supreme Court.
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Equal Justice Works
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https://www.equaljusticeworks.org/news/13860/
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March 14, 2023 / Blog Post
I unequivocally accepted the challenge."
Carlos F. Ramos-Hernandez /
2022 Fellow
It was impressive, yet overwhelming, to witness up-close how theatrical and fast-paced [SCOTUS] oral arguments are."
Carlos F. Ramos-Hernandez /
2022 Fellow
SCOTUS heard the argument on January 11, 2023, the same day that commemorates the birth of Puerto Rican educator, intellectual, and pro-independence leader, Eugenio María de Hostos. I kept thinking back to his teachings on defending human dignity and fostering solidarity among the opressed as I walked through the halls of the grandiose marbled stone building that sedes the United States’ highest court. It was exciting to present the culmination of months’ work and see powerhouse attorney Sarah Harris masterfully argue the case for CPI. It was impressive, yet overwhelming, to witness up-close how theatrical and fast-paced oral arguments are. While some Justices seemed interested in the stakes of the case, others were trying to dispose of it without resolving the issues.
CPI has shown everyone that it will neither give up nor stop fighting for a more just and transparent Puerto Rico."
Carlos F. Ramos-Hernandez /
2022 Fellow
Aside from the thrill of the moment, I was also enraged by the fact that we had to be there. This undemocratic Board makes financial decisions that will adversely impact future generations and wants to keep operating in secrecy without any real accountability. There is no hiding the colonial nature of it all. Yet, as I reflect back on that day, I am proud that, no matter the forum, CPI has shown everyone that it will neither give up nor stop fighting for a more just and transparent Puerto Rico.
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https://isitaholidaytoday.com/birthday/RamnEmeterioBetances
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Birthdate: April 8th, 1827
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A pioneering figure in Puerto Rico's struggle for independence, he was a skilled ophthalmologist, journalist, and politician who advocated for...
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https://isitaholidaytoday.com/birthday/RamnEmeterioBetances
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Ramón Emeterio Betances was born on April 8th, 1827
Ramón Emeterio Betances
Full Name: Ramón Emeterio Betances
Profession: Ophthalmologist, Journalist, and Politician
Nationality: Puerto Rican
Birth Century: 19th Century
Notable Cause: Puerto Rican Independence
Lifetime: 1827-1898
Role in Puerto Rican History: Father of the Puerto Rican Nation
Medical Specialty: Ophthalmology
A pioneering figure in Puerto Rico's struggle for independence, he was a skilled ophthalmologist, journalist, and politician who advocated for social justice and equality. He's revered for his tireless efforts to promote education, women's rights, and abolition of slavery.
Written by: Penelope Wildwood
Ramn Emeterio Betances: The Father of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
A Champion of Freedom and Humanity
Ramn Emeterio Betances y Alacn, known as the "Father of the Homeland," was a Puerto Rican independence advocate, medical doctor, and social reformer who dedicated his life to fighting for freedom, justice, and humanity. As the primary instigator of the Grito de Lares revolt, he designed the Grito de Lares flag, which became a symbol of the Puerto Rican independence movement.
Early Life and Ancestry
Betances was born on April 8, 1827, in Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico, in a building that now houses the Logia Cuna de Betances Masonic Lodge. His parents, Felipe Betanzos Ponce and Mara del Carmen Alacn de Montalvo, were of mixed ancestry, with roots in Hispaniola, France, and Puerto Rico. This diverse heritage likely influenced Betances' cosmopolitan outlook and commitment to fighting for the rights of all people.
A Multifaceted Career
Betances was a man of many talents and passions. As a medical doctor and surgeon, he established a successful practice in Puerto Rico, specializing in ophthalmology. He was also an abolitionist, diplomat, public health administrator, poet, and novelist. His literary works often reflected his commitment to social justice and his desire to uplift the marginalized.
The Fight for Independence
Betances' most significant contribution to history was his role in the Grito de Lares revolt, a nationalist uprising against Spanish colonial rule. As the leader of the movement, he designed the Grito de Lares flag, which featured a white star on a red and blue background. This flag became a powerful symbol of the Puerto Rican independence movement, inspiring generations of freedom fighters.
Philosophical Contributions and Beliefs
Betances was deeply influenced by the philosophical beliefs of Freemasonry, which emphasized the values of liberty, equality, and fraternity. He believed that education and social reform were essential to building a just society, and he dedicated his life to promoting these values.
Personal Milestones and Key Life Events
In 1856, Betances earned his medical degree from the University of Bordeaux in France.
In 1867, he was appointed as the representative and contact for Cuba and the Dominican Republic in Paris.
In 1871, he was sentenced to exile in the Dominican Republic for his involvement in the Grito de Lares revolt.
In 1898, he died on September 16, at the age of 71, in Neuilly-sur-Seine, France.
Legacy and Impact
Betances' legacy extends far beyond his role in the Grito de Lares revolt. He is remembered as a champion of freedom, humanity, and social justice. His commitment to education, public health, and abolitionism helped shape the course of Puerto Rican history. Today, he is celebrated as the "Father of the Homeland" and a symbol of resistance against colonial oppression.
"La patria es la humanidad" ("The homeland is humanity")
"La independencia es la vida" ("Independence is life")
Inspirational Stories and Motivations
Betances' life is a testament to the power of courage, perseverance, and conviction. Despite facing exile, imprisonment, and persecution, he remained committed to his ideals, inspiring generations of freedom fighters and social reformers. His legacy serves as a reminder that even in the darkest of times, the human spirit can overcome adversity and achieve greatness.
Timeline
1827
Born in Cabo Rojo
Ramón Emeterio Betances was born on April 8, 1827, in Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico.
1850
Studied Medicine in France
Betances traveled to France to study medicine, where he became interested in politics and social reform.
1867
Founded El Grito de Lares
Betances founded the revolutionary movement El Grito de Lares, which fought for Puerto Rican independence from Spain.
1898
Led the Puerto Rican Delegation
Betances led the Puerto Rican delegation to the Spanish Cortes, where he advocated for Puerto Rican autonomy.
1898
Death in Paris
Ramón Emeterio Betances died on September 16, 1898, in Paris, France, where he was exiled.
Ramón Emeterio Betances Quiz
Ram�n Emeterio Betances was a pioneering figure in which country's struggle for independence?
Puerto Rico
What was Ram�n Emeterio Betances' profession aside from being a politician?
Ophthalmologist
What social issue did Ram�n Emeterio Betances advocate for, in addition to independence and education?
Abolition of slavery
What was another area of advocacy for Ram�n Emeterio Betances, aside from social justice and equality?
Women's rights
What was Ram�n Emeterio Betances known for promoting, in addition to independence and social justice?
Education
Score: 0/5
FAQ
What was Ramón Emeterio Betances role in Puerto Rican politics?
Ramón Emeterio Betances was a key figure in Puerto Rican politics during the 19th century. He was a leader of the Puerto Rican independence movement and played a crucial role in the Grito de Lares, a rebellion against Spanish colonial rule.
What was Ramón Emeterio Betances profession?
Ramón Emeterio Betances was a Puerto Rican ophthalmologist, journalist, and politician. He was one of the first Puerto Rican doctors to practice ophthalmology and was also a prominent journalist and writer.
What is Ramón Emeterio Betances legacy in Puerto Rico?
Ramón Emeterio Betances legacy in Puerto Rico is that of a champion of independence and freedom. He is remembered as a hero and a symbol of Puerto Rican national identity.
How did Ramón Emeterio Betances contribute to Puerto Rican literature?
Ramón Emeterio Betances contributed to Puerto Rican literature through his writings on politics, history, and culture. He was a prolific writer and published several books and articles on various subjects.
What are some notable works by Ramón Emeterio Betances?
Some notable works by Ramón Emeterio Betances include El Antillano, a newspaper he founded, and Aguinaldo Puertorriqueño, a collection of Puerto Rican poetry and short stories.
Related People:
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Ramón Emeterio Betances Ramón Emeterio Betances y Alacán BornApril 8 1827(1827-04-08)Cabo Rojo, Puerto RicoDiedSeptember 16 1898
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Ramón Emeterio Betances
Ramón Emeterio Betances y Alacán (April 8 1827 – September 16 1898) was a Puerto Rican nationalist. He was the primary instigator of the Grito de Lares revolution, and as such, is considered to be the father of the Puerto Rican independence movement. Since the Grito galvanized a burgeoning nationalist movement among Puerto Ricans, Betances is also considered "El Padre de la Patria" (Father of the Puerto Rican Nation). Because of his many donations and help to people in need, he also became known as "The Father of the Poor".
Betances was also the most renowned medical doctor and surgeon of his time in Puerto Rico, and one of its first social hygienists. He had established a successful surgery and ophthalmology practice. Betances was also a diplomat, public health administrator, poet and novelist. He served as representative and contact for Cuba and the Dominican Republic in Paris.
A firm believer in Freemasonry, his political and social activism was deeply influenced by the group's philosophical beliefs. His personal and professional relationships (as well as the organizational structure behind the Grito de Lares, an event that, in theory, clashes with traditional Freemason beliefs) were based upon his relationships with Freemasons, their hierarchical structure, rites and signs.
Contents
1 Early years
1.1 Ancestry
1.2 First years in France
1.2.1 Primary education
1.2.2 Legal "whitening" of family
1.2.3 Medicine studies
1.2.4 Father's death and family's economic problems
2 First return to Puerto Rico
2.1 Cholera epidemic of 1856
3 Exile from and return to Puerto Rico
3.1 Abolitionist
3.2 La vierge de Boriquen (The Boriquén Virgin)
3.3 Return to Mayagüez and second exile
3.3.1 Doctor and surgeon
3.3.2 Exile in the Dominican Republic
3.3.3 Second return to Mayagüez
3.3.4 Simplicia Jiménez
3.4 "Padre de la Patria" (Father of the Puerto Rican Nation)
3.4.1 Seeds for revolt in Puerto Rico
3.4.2 Organizer of the Grito de Lares
3.4.3 The Ten Commandments of Free Men
3.4.4 The Grito and its aftermath
3.4.5 In New York
3.4.6 In Hispaniola
4 Return to France
4.1 Diplomat
4.1.1 Dominican Republic
4.1.2 Cuba and elsewhere
4.2 Morales Plan
4.3 Cánovas Affair
4.4 Legion of Honor award
4.5 Efforts to counter the U.S. annexation of Puerto Rico
5 Death
6 Legacy
6.1 In the United States
6.2 Political and sociological
6.2.1 In Puerto Rico
6.2.2 In the Greater Antilles
6.3 Medical
6.4 Literary
7 Major works
8 Notes
9 References
9.1 Primary sources:
9.2 Secondary sources:
10 See also
Early years
Ancestry
Betances was born in Cabo Rojo, Puerto Rico, in the building that now houses the "Logia Cuna de Betances" ("Betances' Cradle Masonic Lodge"). Betances' parents were Felipe Betanzos Ponce, a merchant born in Hispaniola (in the part that would later become the Dominican Republic; the surname Betanzos transformed into Betances while the family resided there), and María del Carmen Alacán de Montalvo, a native of Cabo Rojo and of French ancestry. They were married in 1812.
Betances claimed in his lifetime that a relative of his, Pedro Betances, had revolted against the Spanish government of Hispaniola in 1808 and was tortured, executed, and his body burned and shown to the populace to dissuade them from further attempts.[1] Meanwhile, Alacán's father, a sailor, led a party of volunteers that tried to apprehend Roberto Cofresí in 1824 and did arrest some of Cofresí's crew, for which he was honored by the Spanish government.[2]
Betances was the fourth of six children; the oldest of which would die shortly after birth; Betances was the only male among the surviving siblings. The family was described as being of mixed race in records of the day. His mother died in 1837, when he was nine years old, and his father remarried in 1839; the five children he had with María del Carmen Torres Pagán included Ramón's half-brother Felipe Adolfo,[3] who was not involved in politics (according to Ramón) but was nevertheless arrested following the Grito de Lares years later.[4]
His father eventually bought the Hacienda Carmen in what would later become the nearby town of Hormigueros, and became a wealthy landowner. He owned 200 acres (0.8 km²) of land, a small sugar mill, and some slaves, who shared their duties with free workers.[5] There is speculation that he later freed his slaves, persuaded by his son Ramón.[6]
First years in France
Primary education
The young Betances received his primary education from private tutors contracted by his father, a Freemason who owned the largest private library in town. His parents' attitude towards religion and civil authority shaped his personal beliefs in both subjects.[7] His father would eventually send him to France, to study at the then-named "Collège Royal" (later named the Lycée Pierre de Fermat) in Toulouse when he was ten years old. A Franco-Puerto Rican family, Jacques Maurice Prévost and María Cavalliery Bey (who also was a native of Cabo Rojo) were appointed as his tutors. Prévost opened a drug store in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, but was forced to return to France (particularly to his native town, Grisolles) for not having finished his pharmacy studies. There is also speculation that Prévost was a Freemason, as was Betances' father.[1]
Betances accompanied the couple in Prévost's return to his country, and would be under their indirect tutelage while boarding at the school. He showed interest in natural and exact sciences early on, and also became a good fencer.[8]
Legal "whitening" of family
While Ramón was in France, his father sought to move the family's registration from the "mixed race" to the "white" (Caucasian) classification of families in Cabo Rojo. The process, when successful, entitled the requester to further legal and property rights for him and his family, and was necessary to allow his daughter, Ana María, to marry José Tió, who was a Caucasian.[1] In the case of Betances' father, the process lasted two years, and was formalized in 1840, but not before having to have the family's lineage and religious affiliations exposed to the general public, something that embarrassed them all. Betances was considerably annoyed by the entire ordeal, since he was the first to acknowledge that he and his entire family were not "blancuzcos" ("whitish", a legal term) but "prietuzcos" ("blackish", as Betances mocked it in his letters) instead. To him the procedure reeked of hypocrisy.[9]
Medicine studies
In 1846, Betances obtained his "bachelors degrees" (equivalents to a modern high school diploma). After an extended vacation in Puerto Rico, he went on to study medicine at the University of Paris (then-named the University of France) from 1848 until 1855, with a short interlude at the University of Montpellier for specific courses in the summer of 1852.[10]
At the time of his arrival in Paris, Betances witnessed the aftermath of the 1848 Revolution and its backlash, the June Days Uprising, earlier that year. His future political views were directly shaped by what he saw and experienced at the time. He considered himself "an old soldier of the French Republic". Inspired by the proclamation of the 2ème. République, he rejected Puerto Rican aspirations for autonomy (sought from Spain by Puerto Rican politicians since 1810) in favor of Puerto Rican independence.[11]
In 1856, he graduated with the titles of Doctor in Medicine and Surgeon. He was the second Puerto Rican to graduate from the University (after Pedro Gerónimo Goyco, a later political leader native of Mayagüez who would eventually interact with Betances when both returned to Puerto Rico).[12] Among Betances' teachers were: Charles-Adolphe Wurtz, Jean Cruveilhier, Jean-Baptiste Bouillaud, Armand Trousseau, Alfred-Armand-Louis-Marie Velpeau and Auguste Nélaton.[13]
Father's death and family's economic problems
While Betances was studying medicine in France, his father died (in August 1854) and his sister Ana María would be forced to take over the Hacienda Carmen's management. By 1857 the heirs were forced to give the operation's output to a holding company headed by Guillermo Schröeder.[14]
First return to Puerto Rico
Cholera epidemic of 1856
Betances returned to Puerto Rico in April 1856. At the time, a cholera epidemic was spreading across the island. The epidemic made its way to Puerto Rico's western coast in July 1856, and hit the city of Mayagüez particularly hard. At the time, Betances was one of five doctors that would have to take care of 24,000 residents. Both he and Dr. José Francisco Basora (who became lifelong friends and colleagues from that point on) would alert the city government and press the city managers into taking preventive action.
An emergency subscription fund was established by some of the city's wealthiest citizens. Betances and Basora had the city slave barracks torched and a temporary camp set up for its dwellers. A large field at a corner of the city was set aside for a supplementary cemetery, and Betances set and managed a temporary hospital next to it (which was later housed in a permanent structure and became the Hospital San Antonio, the Mayagüez municipal hospital, which still serves the city). However, the epidemic struck the city soon after; Betances' stepmother and one of his brothers-in-law would die from it. By October 1856 Betances would have to take care of the entire operation on his own temporarily.[15]
At the time, he had his first confrontation with Spanish authorities, since Betances gave last priority of medical treatment to those Spanish-born military rank and officers who where affected by the disease (they demanded preferential and immediate treatment, and he openly despised them for it). For his hard work to save many Puerto Ricans from the ravages of the cholera epidemic of 1856, Betances was commended by the city's government. However, when the central government established a Chief Surgeon post for the city, Betances (who was the acting chief surgeon) was passed over, in favor of a Spanish newcomer.[16]
Basora and Betances were eventually honored with streets named after each in the city of Mayagüez. The main thoroughfare that crosses the city from north to south is named after Betances; a street that links the center of the city with the University of Puerto Rico at Mayagüez is named after Dr. Basora.
Exile from and return to Puerto Rico
Abolitionist
Betances believed in the abolition of slavery, inspired not only on written works by Victor Schoelcher, John Brown, Lamartine and Tapia, but also on personal experience, based on what he saw at his father's farm and in daily Puerto Rican life.[17] Based on his beliefs, he founded a civic organization in 1856, one of many others that were later called the Secret Abolitionist Societies by historians. Little is known about them due to their clandestine nature, but Betances and Salvador Brau (a close friend who later became the official Historian of Puerto Rico) describe them in their writings. Some of these societies sought the freedom and free passage of maroons from Puerto Rico to countries where slavery had been abolished already; other societies sought to liberate as many slaves as possible by buying out their freedom.[11]
The objective of the particular society Betances founded was to free children who were slaves, taking advantage of their need to receive the sacrament of Baptism at the town church, Nuestra Señora de la Candelaria, which is now the Roman Catholic Cathedral of Mayagüez. Since buying the freedom of slave children cost 50 pesos if the child had been baptized, and 25 pesos if the child had not, Betances, Basora, Segundo Ruiz Belvis and other members of the society waited next to the baptismal font on Sundays, expecting a master to take a slave family to baptize their child. Before the child was baptized, Betances or his partners gave money to the parents, which they in turn used to buy the child's freedom from his master. The child, once freed, was baptized minutes after. This action was later described as having the child receive the "aguas de libertad" (waters of liberty). Similar events occurred in the city of Ponce.[18]
The baptismal font where these baptisms were performed still exists, and is owned by a local family of merchants, the Del Moral family, who keep it at their Mayagüez house.[19]
La vierge de Boriquen (The Boriquén Virgin)
The Spanish governor of Puerto Rico, Fernando Cotoner, threatened Betances with exile in 1858 because of his abolitionist tactics. Betances took a leave of absence from his duties as director of the local hospital and again left Puerto Rico for France, followed by Basora. Soon, his half-sister Clara and her husband, Justine Hénri, would also leave for Paris with his niece, María del Carmen Hénri.
María del Carmen, nicknamed Lita, was born in 1838. She had met Betances when she was 10, and Betances became instantly fond of her. Once he returned to Puerto Rico from his medical studies he requested the necessary ecclesiastical permissions to marry her (due to the degree of consanguinity between them), which were granted in Rome (then part of the Papal States) after an extended delay. Their marriage was supposed to occur on May 5, 1859 in Paris, but Lita fell sick with typhus and died at the Mennecy house of Dr. Pierre Lamire, a friend from Betances' medical school days, on April 22, 1859 (the Good Friday of that year).
Betances was psychologically devastated by Lita's death. Accompanied by his sister, brother-in-law, local friends and a few Puerto Rican friends residing in Paris at the time (which included Basora, Francisco Oller and another Cabo Rojo native, future political leader Salvador Carbonell), Betances had Lita buried on April 25. Her body was later reburied in Mayagüez, on November 13 of that year. Salvador Brau, a historian and close friend, later wrote that once Betances returned to Puerto Rico with Lita's body, he suspended all personal activities besides his medical work, spent a considerable amount of time caring for her tomb at the Mayagüez cemetery, and assumed the physical aspect that most people identify Betances with: dark suit, long unkempt beard, and "Quaker" hat.[20]
Betances immersed himself in work, but later found time to write a short story in French, La Vierge de Boriquén (The Boriquén Virgin), inspired in his love for Lita and her later death, and somewhat influenced by Edgar Allan Poe's writing style. Cayetano Coll y Toste later described the story of Lita and Betances in the story La Novia de Betances,[21] from his book "Leyendas y Tradiciones Puertorriqueñas" (Puerto Rican Legends and Traditions).[22]
Return to Mayagüez and second exile
Doctor and surgeon
After returning to Puerto Rico in 1859, Betances established a very successful surgery and ophthalmology practice in Mayagüez.[23] Even fierce political enemies such as Spanish pro-monarchy journalist José Pérez Morís regarded Betances as the best surgeon in Puerto Rico at the time. His good reputation in Puerto Rico would survive his stay in the island nation for many years. In 1895, while Betances was living in Paris, the manufacturers of the Emulsión de Scott (a codfish liver oil product that is still sold today, manufactured by GlaxoSmithKline in modern times), paid an endorsement fee to Betances to have him appear on advertisements on Spanish language magazines and newspapers all over New York City and the Caribbean, based on his solid reputation as a doctor.[24][25]
Betances introduced new surgical and aseptic procedures to Puerto Rico. With the assistance of Venezuelan anesthesiologist Pedro Arroyo, Betances performed the first ever surgical procedure under chloroform in Puerto Rico, in November 1862.[26]
At the same time he spent a considerable amount of time serving Mayagüez's disadvantaged on a pro bono basis, He gave many donations to the poor, and because of this he became known as "The Father of the Poor" among "Mayagüezanos" according to his contemporary, Eugenio María de Hostos.[11]
Exile in the Dominican Republic
See also: History of the Dominican Republic#Second Republic and History of the Dominican Republic
The Dominican Republic had its first war for independence in 1844, which was successful in obtaining independence from Haiti, although Haitian rule of parts of the country would last intermittently until 1856. Spain reannexed the country at the request of its then-dictator, Gen. Pedro Santana (who attempted to benefit personally from the event), in 1861. A second revolt, the War of Restoration, sought independence from the Spanish in 1863. Its leaders used Haiti as a guerrilla base, since the Haitian government feared a Spanish takeover and the restoration of slavery in the occupied territories, and was thus sympathetic to their cause. Their stronghold, however, was the Cibao valley in the northeastern part of Hispaniola.[27] At the same time, the Spanish government, which ruled over Puerto Rico, attempted to banish Betances for a second time, but he and Segundo Ruiz Belvis (a lawyer and city administrator who became his closest friend and political companion) fled the island before they were apprehended. Both fled to the northern city of Puerto Plata in the Dominican Republic in 1861, where Betances established a close personal friendship with Gen. Gregorio Luperón, the military leader of the northern pro-independence faction (also a one-time president of the Dominican Republic, and a Freemason, as was Betances[28]) who led the efforts to restore Dominican sovereignty over their country. Betances was also a collaborator of Dominican priest (and later Archbishop of Santo Domingo and one-time president of the country), Fernando Arturo de Meriño, who was the revolt's ideological leader (as well as its delegate in Puerto Rico when he was himself exiled by the restored republican government). These two friendships would prove to be key to Betances' own efforts to achieve Puerto Rican independence later on.
The volatility of the Dominican situation was severe at the time: Luperón fought a guerrilla war against the Spanish and Santana and became vice-president of the country (in 1863), only to be exiled to Saint Thomas because of his opposition to president Buenaventura Baez' wishes to annex the country to the United States (in 1864), to later return, provoke a coup d'état and be part of a three-way presidency (1866), only to be exiled once again (1868).[29] Whenever Luperón was in the Dominican Republic, Betances could use it as a base of operations for his later political and military objectives, while offering Luperón logistical and financial assistance in return.
Since Betances' exile depended on who was governing Puerto Rico at the time, a change in government allowed him to return to Mayagüez in 1862. However, a few years later, (1868) Luperón and Betances would both end up exiled in Saint Thomas.[29]
Second return to Mayagüez
After returning to Puerto Rico, Betances and Ruiz proposed the establishment of a municipal hospital to take care of the city's poor. The hospital, named Hospital San Antonio, was finally constructed in 1865, with subscription funds and an assignment from the Spanish local government. The Hospital San Antonio is now an obstetrics and pediatrics hospital in the city.
Ruiz was a Freemason who invited Betances to join his lodge, the Logia Unión Germana in nearby San Germán.[30][1] They both founded (or revived, depending on the source) the Logia Yagüez, so as to have a local lodge in Mayagüez. Based on his Masonic beliefs, Ruiz also attempted to establish a university in the city, for which he mortgaged his house. However, the Spanish government actively discouraged the founding of secondary education institutions in Puerto Rico (so as not to have "seedlings for revolt" come out of them), and the project was canceled.[31]
Simplicia Jiménez
Betances met his lifelong companion, Simplicia Isolina Jiménez Carlo, in 1864. Jiménez apparently was born in what would later become the Dominican Republic. Her mother's last name, Carlo, rather common in Cabo Rojo, implies that her family had ties to the town. She worked for one of Betances' sisters between 1863 and 1864, and he met her once at his sister's house. Apparently she was infatuated with him strongly enough to appear at his door with a pair of suitcases, asking him to give her shelter, since "no gentleman would leave a woman alone on the street at night." Jiménez then became Betances' common-law wife for thirty-five years, and survived his death in 1898. They would not have any children. Their godchild, Magdalena Caraguel, was eventually adopted by the couple as their daughter."[32] Little else is documented about Jiménez in history books, and Betances rarely mentions her in his works and correspondence.
While still living in Mayagüez, Betances built a house for himself and his wife, which they only lived in for less than two years; the house, named the Casa de los Cinco Arcos (House of the Five Arches), still stands on the street that bears his name near the corner with Luis Muñoz Rivera street, south of the city's center.
"Padre de la Patria" (Father of the Puerto Rican Nation)
Seeds for revolt in Puerto Rico
The Spanish government was involved in several conflicts across Latin America: war with the Dominican Republic, Peru and Chile (see below), slave revolts in Cuba, a bad economic situation in its colonies, among others. It attempted to appease the growing discontent of the citizens of its remaining colonies in the continent by setting up a board of review that would receive complaints from representatives of the colonies and attempt to adjust legislation that affected them.[33] This board, the "Junta Informativa de Reformas de Ultramar" (Overseas Informative Reform Board) would be formed by representatives of each colony, in proportion to their collective population, and would meet in Madrid. The Junta would report to the then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Emilio Castelar.
The Puerto Rican delegation was freely elected by those eligible to vote (male Caucasian property owners), in a rare exercise of political openness in the colony. Segundo Ruiz Belvis was elected to the Junta representing Mayagüez, something that horrified the then governor general of the island. To the frustration of the Puerto Rican delegates, including its leader, José Julián Acosta, the Junta had a majority of Spanish-born delegates, which would vote down almost every measure they suggested. However, Acosta could convince the Junta that abolition could be achieved in Puerto Rico without disrupting the local economy (including its Cuban members, who frowned upon implementing it in Cuba because of its much higher numbers of slave labor).[34] Once he became prime minister in 1870, Castelar did approve an abolition bill, praising the efforts of the Puerto Rico members, sincerely moved by Acosta's arguments.[35]
However, beyond abolition, proposals for autonomy were voted down, as were other petitions to limit the unlimited power the governor general would have upon virtually all aspects of life in Puerto Rico. Once the Junta members returned to Puerto Rico, they met with local community leaders in a famed meeting at the Hacienda El Cacao in Carolina, Puerto Rico in early 1865. Betances was invited by Ruiz and did attend. After listening to the Junta members' list of voted-down measures, Betances stood up and retorted: "Nadie puede dar lo que no tiene" (No one can give others what they don't have for themselves), a phrase that he would constantly use through the rest of his life when referring to Spain's unwillingness to grant Puerto Rico or Cuba any reforms. He would then suggest setting up a revolt and proclaim independence as soon as possible.[36] Many of the meeting's attendants sided with Betances, to the horror of Acosta.
Organizer of the Grito de Lares
See also: Grito de Lares
In late June 1867 Betances and at least 12 more potential "revolutionaries" were exiled from Puerto Rico by then governor Gen. José María Marchessi y Oleaga as a preventive measure, including Betances, Goyco and Ruiz. A battalion of local soldiers had revolted in San Juan earlier, protesting about their poor pay, compared to that of their Spanish counterparts living in Puerto Rico. Betances later stated that the revolt (called the "Motín de Artilleros" by historians) was unrelated to his revolutionary plans, and that he actually didn't mind the troops stationed in Puerto Rico that much, since they would have been ill-prepared for stopping a well-developed pro-independence revolt at the time anyway. Marchesi feared that the United States, which had made an offer to purchase what were then the Danish Virgin Islands, would rather instigate a revolt in Puerto Rico so as to later annex the island—which would make a better military base in the Caribbean—at a lesser economic cost. His fears were not without base, since the then American consul in the island, Alexander Jourdan, suggested precisely this to then Secretary of State William H. Seward, but only after the expulsions (September 1867).[37]
Some of the expelled (such as Carlos Elías Lacroix and José Celis Aguilera) set up camp in Saint Thomas. Betances and Ruiz, on the other hand, left for New York—where Basora had previously gone—soon after. They soon founded the "Revolutionary Committee of Puerto Rico", along with other Puerto Ricans living in the city. After signing a letter that could serve as proof of his intentions of becoming a United States citizen (mainly to prevent his arrest elsewhere) Betances then returned to the Dominican Republic in September 1867, where he attempted to organize an armed expedition that was to invade Puerto Rico. However, under threat of arrest by Buenaventura Báez—who saw Betances as siding with his enemies and wanted him executed—Betances took asylum at the United States embassy in Santo Domingo, and headed for Charlotte Amalie soon after.[38]
The Ten Commandments of Free Men
Betances was responsible for numerous proclamations that attempted to arouse Puerto Rican nationalistic sentiment, written between 1861 and his death. The most famous of these is "Los Diez Mandamientos de los hombres libres" (The Ten Commandments of Free Men), written in exile in Saint Thomas in November 1867.[39] It is directly based on the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, adopted by France's National Assembly in 1789, which contained the principles that inspired the French Revolution.[29]
The Grito and its aftermath
"Puerto Ricans
The government of Mme. Isabella II throws upon us a terrible accusation.
It states that we are bad Spaniards. The government defames us.
We don't want separation, we want peace, the union to Spain; however, it is fair that we also add conditions to the contract. They are rather easy, here they are:
The abolition of slavery
The right to vote on all impositions
Freedom of religion
Freedom of speech
Freedom of the press
Freedom of trade
The right to assembly
Right to bear arms
Inviolability of the citizen
The right to choose our own authorities
These are the Ten Commandments of Free Men.
If Spain feels capable of granting us, and gives us, those rights and liberties, they may then send us a General Captain, a governor... made of straw, that we will burn in effigy come Carnival time, as to remember all the Judases that they have sold us until now.
That way we will be Spanish, and not otherwise.
If not, Puerto Ricans - HAVE PATIENCE!, for I swear that you will be free."
Ten Commandments of Free Men (translated), November 1867[40]
Meanwhile, Ruiz Belvis, who headed the Committee, was supposed to gather financial support for the incoming Puerto Rican revolution though a tour of South America. He had received an invitation from Benjamín Vicuña MacKenna, a Chilean diplomat, to coordinate a common front against Spanish interests in all of Latin America (Spain was still threatening Chile after the Chincha Islands War, and any revolution in the Caribbean would have been a welcome distraction). Vicuña promised to gather necessary support in Chile, Peru, Ecuador and Venezuela to help the Puerto Rican independence cause.[29]
However, Ruiz died in Valparaiso, Chile soon after his arrival in the country. He reportedly had uremia and a urethral obstruction, both of which deteriorated into Fournier gangrene, which killed him soon after. Later speculation that Ruiz had been poisoned or killed has been countered by three facts: that Ruiz's brother, Mariano Ruiz Quiñones (who was the coordinator of the revolution in Curaçao), died of the same condition soon after (suggesting a genetic predisposition to it), that Betances had used a catheter on Ruiz before he left Saint Thomas to bring him some relief from his condition, and that Betances published a medical article in France twenty years later, in 1887, that discussed the condition, out of what he had described as many years of second-guessing what could have been done to save Ruiz's life.[41]
Betances was shaken psychologically by news of Ruiz's death, and also literally soon after: he and his wife also experienced an earthquake in November 1867, while in Saint Thomas. According to a letter he wrote, he and his wife vacated the building just before it collapsed, and were forced to live in a camp while aftershocks kept shaking the island for close to a month.[42][29]
Gregorio Luperón met Betances in Saint Thomas, and offered to assist the Puerto Rican revolution, in exchange for help to overthrow Báez once the right circumstances were met. As a consequence, Betances organized revolutionary cells in Puerto Rico from exile, which would be led by leaders such as Manuel Rojas and Mathias Brugman. Betances instructed Mariana Bracetti to knit a flag for the revolution using the colors and basic design similar to that of the Dominican Republic (which in turn was almost identical to a French military standard). Betances was also supposed to send reinforcements to the Puerto Rican rebels through the use of a ship purchased by Puerto Rican and Dominican revolutionaries, "El Telégrafo" (which was to be shared by both), but the ship was confiscated soon after arrival by the government of the then Danish (later United States) Virgin Islands.[43][42]
Eventually all these factors led the way to the abortive insurrection known as the "Grito de Lares", whose date had to be brought forward to September 23, 1868. The Grito found Betances between Curaçao and Saint Thomas, struggling to send reinforcements in time for the revolt.[44]
After the failed insurrection, Betances did not return to Puerto Rico, except for "secret" visits, according to the obituary written about him by the New York Herald after his death.[42] There is no evidence of these, although Betances suggests a visit did occur at some time between 1867 and 1869, and perhaps again in the 1880s.[45]
In New York
Betances fled to New York City in April 1869, where he again joined Basora in his efforts to organize Puerto Rican revolutionaries into additional activities leading to independence.[46] He joined the Cuban Revolutionary Junta, whose members were more successful at their drive for armed revolution for Cuba, which had started with the "Grito de Yara", just two weeks after the Grito de Lares.[47][29] He also lobbied the United States Congress successfully against an annexation of the Dominican Republic by the United States, requested in a vote by a majority of voters in a referendum in 1869.[48] He also befriended Venezuelan military leader and former president José Antonio Páez in his final days.[49] Betances stayed in New York from April 1869 through February 1870.
The Antilles now face a moment that they had never faced in history; they now have to decide whether 'to be, or not to be'. (...) Let us unite. Let us build a people, a people of true Freemasons, and we then shall raise a temple over foundations so solid that the forces of the Saxon and Spanish races will not shake it, a temple that we will consecrate to Independence, and in whose frontispiece we will engrave this inscription, as imperishable as the Motherland itself: "The Antilles for the Antilleans"
Speech to the Masonic Lodge of Port-au-Prince,1872[50]
In Hispaniola
Somewhat disillusioned by his experience in New York City (he had philosophical differences with some leaders of the Antillean liberation movements, particularly with Eugenio María de Hostos), Betances spent a short interlude in Jacmel, Haiti in 1870 at the request of its then-president, Jean Nissage-Saget, who supported Betances' efforts to have a liberal government for the Dominican Republic take power. He later spent some time in the Cibao valley (in both Santiago de los Caballeros and Puerto Plata) where Luperón and Betances attempted to organize another revolt, this time against conservative elements in the Dominican Republic.[51]
While in New York, Betances wrote and translated numerous political treatises, proclamations and works that were published in the newspaper "La Revolución", under the pseudonym "El Antillano" (The Antillean One). He was vehement about the need for natives of the Greater Antilles to unite into an Antillean Confederation, a regional entity that would seek to preserve the sovereignty and well-being of Cuba, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Puerto Rico.
Betances also promoted direct intervention of Puerto Ricans in the Cuban independence struggle, which eventually happened in the Cuban War of Independence (1895–98). Spain had promoted political reform in Puerto Rico, and the local political climate was not conducive to a second revolution at the time. Therefore, Betances and the Puerto Rican revolutionaries ceded their caches of firearms hidden in Saint Thomas, Curacao and Haiti to the Cuban rebels in October 1871, since their struggle was deemed as a priority.[52]
Betances admired the United States of America for its ideals of freedom and democracy, but despised Manifest Destiny and the Monroe Doctrine, and sensed that both philosophies were being used as excuses for American interventions on the continent. When Cuban revolutionaries requested help from the United States for reinforcing their armed struggle against Spain, Betances warned them against giving too much away. He feared American interventionism in the affairs of a free Cuba, and vehemently attacked Cuban leaders who suggested the annexation of Cuba by the United States.[53] Some of his fears became reality years later, when the Platt Amendment became a "de facto" part of the Cuban constitution (1901).[54]
Return to France
Expecting to bring some stability to his personal life, Betances had Simplicia Jiménez meet him again in Haiti (she had been living in St. Croix since he was evicted from Saint Thomas, to ensure her safety), and returned with her to Paris where he continued to fight for Puerto Rico's independence for close to 26 years. He established his medical office at 6(bis), Rue de Châteaudun (
One of the events that gave Betances great satisfaction was the abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico, which was made official on March 22, 1873. He reminded people that abolition would not have happened without the direct intervention of Puerto Ricans in the Spanish political process, and was thus hopeful that the islanders would assume a more proactive role in seeking their freedom from Spain. With time, Betances became essentially the representative of the liberal governments of the Dominican Republic for as long as they lasted, and the representative of the Cuban "government in arms", or insurrection.[55][56]
Diplomat
Dominican Republic
Soon after his return to France, Betances became the first secretary to the Dominican Republic's diplomatic mission to France, but virtually assumed the role of ambassador. He also became the commercial representative of the Dominican government in Paris, Berne and London.[57] At one time Betances attempted to be a venture capital partner on a failed enterprise that attempted to commercialize the use of Samaná Bay to benefit the Dominican Republic, and also to prevent foreign interests (particularly the United States) from taking over the bay, which was considered a primary strategic geographical feature of Hispaniola, in both commercial and military terms.[58]
Luperón would eventually arrive in Paris as a named ambassador, but Betances' connections in the city proved to be key to whatever success Luperón had as a diplomat in France. They would assume this role until political turmoil in the Dominican Republic forced Luperón to return and lead yet another revolt, which had another Puerto Plata native, Ulises Heureaux, installed as president. Betances sought support for Luperón's efforts, and gave him tactical and financial assistance from France.[59]
Heureaux, however, became a despot once he assumed the presidency. Luperón felt betrayed and went again into exile in Saint Thomas. Eventually he died of cancer, not before visiting Betances in France for a last time and being allowed to return to the Dominican Republic to die, as a gesture of good will from Heureaux. Due to Heureaux's protracted presidency and blatant acts of corruption, Betances (who had called Heureaux his "grandson" in letters he had previously written to him) was forced to cut ties to the Dominican Republic for good (two plots of land that he owned both there and in Panama were used for agricultural experiments, but were later left unattended). Betances writes in his letters that he had spent the equivalent of USD$20,000 (in 1880 dollars) on expenditures on behalf of the Dominican diplomatic office. He did not expect the Dominican government to be able to reimburse him.[60]
Cuba and elsewhere
Immediately after returning to Paris, Betances became a key contact for the Cuban insurgency in Paris. He made several fund raising efforts, including one that attempted to fund quinine shipments to the Cuban rebels, to ease their pain when infected by malaria in the island battlefields. These efforts outlasted the Pact of Zanjón, which ended the Ten Years' War in 1878. Betances also used his diplomatic contacts to guarantee humane treatment (and eventually freedom from imprisonment) to José Maceo, the brother of Antonio Maceo, the later military leader of the Cuban War of Independence, when both Antonio and José were arrested by the Spanish government in 1882. The Maceo brothers both escaped imprisonment, were recaptured in Gibraltar and turned over to the Spanish authorities, but José remained in jail long after Antonio regained his liberty and fled to New York City. Betances even used Lord Gladstone as a mediator, and attempted to convince him of having Jamaica (where his family had properties) join an Antillean Federation.[61]
Years later, due to Betances' experience as a logistics facilitator of armed revolts, a fund raiser for the Cuban independence cause, and as a diplomat, José Martí asked Betances to become the leader of Cuban revolutionaries in France. Betances never met Martí personally, but Martí did know Betances' younger sister, Eduviges, who lived in New York City and shared her brother's revolutionary ideals. Martí assisted her financially in her final days, out of admiration for the Betances' family. Betances accepted the assignment out of gratitude towards Martí.[62] Soon after, Martí died in battle in Cuba in 1895, an event that brought Tomás Estrada Palma to the leadership of the Cuban insurrection movement.
In April 1896 Betances was granted diplomatic credentials on behalf of the revolutionary government of Cuba. He became an active fund raiser and recruiter on behalf of the Cuban pro-independence movement. He also served as press officer and intelligence contact for the Cuban rebels in exile, and attempted to coordinate support for the pro-independence movement in the Philippines.[63]
Betances openly hated Estrada when he first met him in the late 1870s, but grew more tolerant of him with time, and even defended Estrada's actions as leader when he assumed control of the Cuban Revolutionary Party.[42] The Puerto Rican affiliates to the Party viewed Estrada's leadership with great skepticism, since Estrada sympathized with the idea of having the United States intervene in the Cuban independence war to have the Spanish evicted from Cuba. They suspected that his weak leadership allowed opportunists to profit from an invasion and even suggest that the United States keep Puerto Rico in exchange for independence for Cuba. Some written evidence points to the truth of their affirmations, at least to the extent of wanting to have the Puerto Rican section of the Cuban Revolutionary Party shut down, which eventually did happen.[42]
Betances was also a government representative for some of the governments of Haiti while in Paris. He was also technically a diplomat for the United States of America once.[64]
Morales Plan
Through coordination with Betances and local pro-independence leaders in Puerto Rico, a Dominican military leader, Gen. José Morales, made plans to invade Puerto Rico in the late 1890s, to supply local revolutionaries with supplies and mercenaries, and take advantage of the weak Spanish military presence in Puerto Rico (there were only 4,500 Spanish soldiers in the island at the time, and 1,000 of them were later redirected to Cuba to fight the Cuban insurrection). However, the Cuban Revolutionary Party rejected the plan as being too expensive.[42] Betances, who had collected more money in France for the Party than the plan's potential cost, grew weary of the Cuban revolutionary movement's diminishing support of the Puerto Rico independence cause. By then, some of the Party's followers stationed in France wanted Betances to be stripped of his posts and assignments. At least two of them insulted him publicly, and even took advantage of Simplicia Jiménez's mental health to have her harass her husband systematically.[42]
Given the events happening in Cuba at the time, Betances thought that his diplomatic work was more important than ever. However, his failing health (he had uremia, and since his lungs could not exchange oxygen properly this put extra burden to his heart and kidneys) prevented Betances from performing further diplomatic work from France on behalf of Puerto Rico or Cuba. His illness, which lasted more than a year, prevented him from performing medical work, and forced the Party to approve a stipend for Betances during his long illness, until his death.[42]
Cánovas Affair
There is some speculation that the assassination of Spanish prime minister Antonio Cánovas del Castillo by Italian anarchist Michele Angiolillo in 1897 was at least supported or influenced by Betances, and possibly even planned by him (although there is no physical link that can be established that might link Betances to the event itself).[65]
Betances' role in the Cánovas assassination is described by Puerto Rican (born in France) author Luis Bonafoux in his biography about Betances (written in 1901), and partially corroborated by later historians. These sources establish that Betances' circle of friends at the time included various Italian anarchists exiled in Paris, Domenico Tosti being one of them. Tosti and his friends would hold regular social events, during one of which Angiolillo was introduced to Betances.
Impressed by Betances' credentials, Angiolillo later approached Betances before the incident, and discussed his plans with him, which originally implied killing one or more young members of the Spanish royal family.[66] Betances then dissuaded him from doing this. Angiolillo then apparently suggested Cánovas as a target instead. There is evidence that Betances financed Angiolillo's travel to Spain, and used his contacts to have Angiolillo reach and enter Spanish territory under a false identity.[66] Further speculation that Angiolillo used a firearm that Betances himself furnished for him appears to be unfounded (although Betances, who was a fan of firearms himself —he taught a Cuban revolutionary leader on how to use a Remington machine gun once— gave at least one as a gift to one of his acquaintances).[67]
Betances sympathized with anarchists like Angiolillo, and hated monarchists like Cánovas, but this alone would not justify direct action from Betances into taking Cánovas' life. Betances did state at the time, however, that "in Spain theres is only one true retrograde and reactionary leader, and he is precisely the one who confronts Cuba with a policy of '(spending in a war up to) the very last man and the very last peseta,' the one who tries to suffocate all efforts that her patriots do to free her, and that man is Antonio Cánovas del Castillo."[68]
Angiolillo, in true solidarity with the European anarchist current, sought to avenge the execution and/or torture of those implicated in a bombing against a Roman Catholic religious procession in Barcelona, which occurred in 1896, and for which Cánovas sought the maximum penalties allowed by law.[69]
The truth is that Puerto Rican liberal interests benefited directly from the Cánovas assassination, since by Cánovas' death a pact made (previous to the event) between the new Spanish prime minister, Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, and Puerto Rican liberals headed by Luis Muñoz Rivera would come into effect soon after. It allowed the establishment of a new autonomy charter for the island territory, which gave Puerto Rico broader political powers than at any other time before or since.[69]
Before his execution, Angiolillo claimed sole responsibility for the assassination.[70] When asked about his involvement in the Cánovas affair, Betances said: "no aplaudimos pero tampoco lloramos" ("we don't applaud it, but we don't cry over it, either"), and added: "los revolucionarios verdaderos hacen lo que deben hacer" ("true revolutionaries do what they ought to do"). Betances' ambiguous response blurs the true level of his involvement in the Cánovas assassination.[71]
Legion of Honor award
Betances was awarded the "Legion of Honor" by the French government in July 1887, for his work as a diplomat for the Dominican Republic, and for his work as a medical doctor in France. He had been offered the award as early as 1882, but had repeatedly declined the honor out of humility, until friends from Puerto Rico persuaded him to accept it as a tribute to Puerto Rico, and not as a personal award.[72] The French Legion of Honor (Légion d'honneur) is the premier order of France, and its award is one of great distinction.
Efforts to counter the U.S. annexation of Puerto Rico
In 1898 Betances attempted to use his diplomatic contacts to impede a Puerto Rico annexation by the United States, which was deemed imminent by the events following the sinking of the USS Maine. He knew that Puerto Ricans would welcome an American invasion, but was vehement about the possibility of the United States not conceding independence to Puerto Rico.[42]
Betances was willing to accept some political concessions to the American government in exchange for independence, and exchanged some privileged intelligence information (about the level of debt Spain had attained while fighting the Cuban insurrection) with the then-ambassador of the United States to France, Horace Porter, so as to show goodwill towards the United States.[73]
Frustrated by what he perceived as the unwillingness of Puerto Ricans to demand their independence from the United States while the island territory was annexed (the event occurred just days before his death), he uttered his final political stance: "No quiero colonia, ni con España, ni con los Estados Unidos" ("I don't want a colony status, neither with Spain nor with the United States"). When reminded by de Hostos through a letter of what was happening in the island, he responded, highly frustrated, with a phrase that has become famous since: "¿Y qué les pasa a los puertorriqueños que no se rebelan?" ("And what's wrong with Puerto Ricans that they haven't yet rebelled?")[74]
Betances' last days were chaotic, not only because of the events in the Caribbean, but also because of what happening in his own household. Jiménez' mental state is reported as dubious by then. Some even suggest that she had become an alcoholic (probably) or even a morphine addict (unlikely) by then, and she even wished for her husband to die in tantrums reported by his doctors.[75] Political foes attempted to gain possession of Betances' intelligence dossiers, as did Spanish intelligence agents in Paris. Betances asked personal friends to keep personal guard of him, which they did until he died.[76]
Death
Betances died at 10:00 a.m., local time, in Neuilly-sur-Seine on September 16, 1898. His remains were cremated soon after and entombed at the Père Lachaise Cemetery of Paris. His common law-wife Simplicia survived him for over twenty years. A look at his will implies that, besides a life insurance policy payout and two parcels of land in the Dominican Republic, Betances died almost in poverty.[77]
As early as in February 1913, poet and lawyer Luis Lloréns Torres had publicly requested that Betances' wishes to have his ashes returned to Puerto Rico be fulfilled. The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, under the presidency of José Coll y Cuchi, was able to convince the Puerto Rican Legislative Assembly to approve an act that would allow the transfer of the mortal remains of Puerto Rican patriot Ramón Emeterio Betances from Paris, France to Puerto Rico. Seven years after the act's approval, the Legislative Assembly commissioned one of its delegates, Alfonso Lastra Charriez, to serve as an emissary and bring Betances' remains from France.[78]
Betances' remains arrived in San Juan, Puerto Rico on August 5, 1920, and were honored upon arrival by a crowd then estimated at 20,000 mourners. The large crowd, which had assembled near the port of San Juan as early as 4:00 a.m. (AST) that morning, was the largest ever assembled for a funeral in Puerto Rico since the death of Luis Muñoz Rivera three years earlier. Media reporters of the day were surprised by the size of the crowd, given the fact that Betances had not visited Puerto Rico (at least in the open) for the 31 years before his death, and had been dead over 21 years afterwards.[79]
A funeral caravan organized by the Nationalist Party transferred the remains from the capital to the town of Cabo Rojo. It took the caravan two days to make the 120-mile (193 km) route. Once Betances' remains reached the city of Mayagüez, 8,000 mourners paid their respects. Betances' remains were laid to rest in Cabo Rojo's municipal cemetery. A few decades later his remains were moved to a monument designed to honor Betances in the town's plaza. There is a bust created by the Italian sculptor Diego Montano alongside the Grito de Lares revolutionary flag and the Puerto Rican flag in the plaza, which is also named after Betances.
A marble plaque commemorating Betances was unveiled at his Paris house by a delegation of Puerto Rican, Cuban and French historians on the 100th. anniversary of his death, on September 16, 1998.
Legacy
According to Puerto Ricans and French historians in three different fields (medicine, literature and politics), Betances left a legacy that has been considerably understated,[11] and is only being assessed properly in recent times.
Betances' two primary biographers, Paul Estrade and Félix Ojeda Reyes, have announced the publication of a compilation of Betances' complete works, which comprise 14 volumes. The first two volumes are to be published in 2007.[80] The Voz del Centro Foundation in Puerto Rico released a series of youth-oriented books named "Voces de la Cultura - Edición Juvenil" that same year; its first title being "Doctor Ramón Emeterio Betances: Luchador por la libertad y los pobres" ("Doctor R. E. Betances, Fighter for Liberty and the Poor").[81]
In the United States
There is an elementary school in Hartford, Connecticut, named in honor of Betances and Hartford's Puerto Rican community.
Political and sociological
In Puerto Rico
The political and sociological consequences of Betances' actions are definite and unequivocal. He was the first openly nationalistic political leader in Puerto Rico, and one of the first pro-independence leaders in the island nation's history (Among Puerto Ricans, Antonio Valero de Bernabé and Andrés Vizcarrondo—earlier pro-independence leaders for the Latin American revolutions—could not achieve the success Betances had years later within Puerto Rico). The Grito de Lares, using an often-quoted phrase that dates from 1868, "was the birth of Puerto Rican nationality, with Betances as its obstetrician".[82] Nationalistic expressions in Puerto Rico—be they public affirmations, newspaper articles, poems, town meetings or outright revolts—were almost nonexistent before 1810s election of Ramón Power y Giralt to the Spanish Cortes, most of them were defined within the framework of loyalty to Spain as a metropolitan power (and thus subordinate to Spanish rule over Puerto Rico), and many of them were quickly suppressed by the Spanish government, which feared an escalation of nationalistic sentiment that, in other countries, led to the independence movements of Latin America.[11]
Although the seeds of both proactive government repression against the Puerto Rican independence movement had been planted before the Grito de Lares, and its aftermath only guaranteed the surge of autonomism as a political alternative in the island,[83] the level of cultural and social development of a collective Puerto Rican conscience was almost a direct consequence of the event. To put it simply, if there is any nationalistic sentiment in Puerto Rico in the present day, almost all of it can be traced back to Betances and his political work.[84]
Those who have judged our Lares revolution with disdain are not aware of the dangers that the movement cost, or what was really done then, or the results obtained since, or the sorrows, the pains, the deaths, the mourning that followed. They are not aware of the sufferings of those who were outlawed, or the recognition that they deserve. But the world is full of ingratitudes, and the disdainful tend to forget that this revolutionary act is precisely the highest struggle of dignity that has been done in Puerto Rico in four centuries of the most opprobrious servitude, engraving in its flag the abolition of slavery and the independence of the island.
I'd rather not remember so much pain, so many efforts to illustrate those who pretend to disavow that great redemptive work. But this was the pride of the people, of the entire Puerto Rican people, of everyone who conspired for it and suffered for the future Motherland and the liberty of today.
May the holy day of revolution for the Spanish Antilles come, and I will die satisfied!
Article written in the Cuban revolutionary monthly Patria, August 25, 1894[85]
Betances is considered a pioneer of Puerto Rican liberalism. His ideas resulted from his exposure to republicanism and social activism in France through the middle part of the 19th. century. These ideas, considered subversive in the severely restricted Puerto Rico of the era, had nevertheless a considerable impact in the island nation's political and social history. His ideas on race relations alone had a major impact on economics and the social makeup of the island.[11]
In the Greater Antilles
Political events in Puerto Rico and Cuba between the late 1860s and 1898 forced a liberalization of Spanish policy towards both territories, and Betances was directly involved as a protagonist in both circumstances. As a firm believer in "Antillanismo" (the common improvement and unity of the countries that formed the Greater Antilles) Betances was also a strong supporter of the sovereignty of the Dominican Republic and Haiti. A Dominican historian and political leader, Manuel Rodríguez Objío, likened Betances' revolutionary work to that performed by Tadeusz Kościuszko for Poland, Lithuania and the United States of America. Paul Estrade, Betances' French biographer, likens him to Simón Bolívar, Antonio José de Sucre, Bernardo O'Higgins and José de San Martín.[73]
José Martí considered Betances one of his "teachers", or sources of political inspiration, and his diplomatic and intelligence work in France on behalf of the Cuban revolutionary junta greatly aided the cause, before it was directly influenced by the intervention of Gen. Valeriano Weyler as governor and commander of the Spanish forces in Cuba, and by the Maine incident later on.[86]
Paul Estrade, Betances' French biographer, assesses his legacy as an Antillean this way: "The Antilles have developed political, social and scientific ideas that have changed the world, and that Europe has used. Not everything has (an European) source. Betances is the maximum expression of this reality."[87]
Medical
Betances wrote two books and various medical treatises while living in France. His doctoral thesis, "Des Causes de l'ávortement" (The Causes for Miscarriage) examines various possible causes for the spontaneous death of a fetus and/or his mother, was later used as a textbook on gynecology at some European universities. According to at least one medical practitioner who examined it in 1988, his attempt to explain the theory behind spontaneous contractions leading to childbirth were not very different from modern-day theories on the matter.[88]
Betances' experiences handling the Mayagüez cholera epidemic led to another book, "El Cólera, Historia, Medidas Profilácticas, Síntomas y Tratamiento", which he authored and published in Paris in 1884 and expanded in 1890. The book was later used as a public health textbook in dealing with similar cholera epidemics in Latin America.
Betances also wrote several medical articles while in France. One of the articles examines elephantiasis; another deals with surgical castration, called "oscheotomy" at the time. Both books were also based on personal experience: there is evidence about a surgery he performed in Mayagüez on a Spanish government official with an elephantiasis lesion of the scrotum the size of a grapefruit for which the costs were paid for by the local government; another patient he operated upon had a lesion that weighted 26 lb/11.8 kg.[89] He also wrote an article on urethral obstructions in male patients (see above).
Literary
Betances was also one of the first Puerto Rican "writers-in-exile".[90] In 1851, a small group of Puerto Rican university students in Europe formed the "Sociedad Recolectora de Documentos Históricos de la Isla de San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico", a society that attempted to research and catalog historical documents about Puerto Rico from firsthand government sources. Betances became the Society's researcher in France. The result of the Society's research was published in an 1854 book, for which Betances contributed. Inspired by Alejandro Tapia y Rivera, the Society's organizer, who had written a novel inspired in Puerto Rican indigenous themes while studying in Madrid, Betances writes his novel: "Les Deux Indiens: Épisode de la conquéte de Borinquen" (The Two Indians: an episode of the conquest of Borinquen), and publishes it in Toulouse in 1853, with a second edition published in 1857 under the pseudonym "Louis Raymond". This novel would be the first of many literary works by Betances (most of which were written in French), and is notable for its indirect praise of Puerto Rican nationhood which, he suggests, was already developed in pre-Columbian Puerto Rico. This type of "indigenist literature" would become commonplace in Latin America in later years.[90] He also wrote poetry in both French and Spanish for literary magazines in Paris, chiefly inspired by Alphonse de Lamartine and Victor Hugo.[90]
Major works
Toussaint Louverture, Les Deux Indiéns (1852)
Un premio de Luis XIV (1853)
Las cortesanas en París (1853)
La Vierge de Borinquén (1859)
La botijuela (a.k.a. Aulularia, translation from the Latin original by Plautus, 1863)
El Partido Liberal, su progreso y porvenir (translation from the French original by Édouard René de Laboulaye, 1869)
Washington Haitiano (essay about Alexandre Pétion, 1871)
Los viajes de Scaldado (1890)
Betances also wrote one of the two prologues of the book "Les détracteurs de la race noire et de la République d'Haiti" (The detractors of the black race and the Republic of Haiti, 1882)[69]
Notes
All references are in Spanish unless otherwise noted.
References
Primary sources:
Ojeda Reyes, Félix, El Desterrado de París: Biografía del Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827–1898), Ediciones Puerto, San Juan, Puerto Rico, 2001. (ISBN-13: 978-0942347470)
Thomas, Hugh. Cuba: The pursuit for freedom. Da Capo Press Inc. New York, New York, United States, 1971.(ISBN: 0-306-80827-7)
Secondary sources:
From "La Voz del Centro", a collection of podcasts hosted by Angel Collado Schwarz (all in Spanish, MP3 format):
Ramón Emeterio Betances: Padre de la Patria, Médico de los Pobres, Poeta, Diplomático de Puerto Rico y Cuba en Francia. - with Félix Ojeda Reyes, Betances' biographer
Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances: el médico - with Eduardo Rodríguez Vázquez
Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances: el literario - with Ramón Luis Acevedo
Betances, El Grito y St. Thomas - with Francisco Moscoso
See also
List of famous Puerto Ricans
Grito de Lares
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(post)modernidad puertorriqueña: Puerto Rican Culture and Literature. 19th, 20th and 21st Centuries. Literatura Puertorriqueña
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Puerto Rican Literature and Society. From the XIX to XXI Century Modernism and Postmodernism Luis Felipe Díaz, Ph.D. Department o...
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Puerto Ricans in the United States: A Contemporary Portrait 9781685854126
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A nuanced portrait of the Puerto Rican community in the US today, as well as the trajectory of its development...
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Citation preview
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Puerto Ricans in the United States
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LATINOS: EXPLORING DIVERSITY AND CHANGE SERIES EDITORS
Edna Acosta-Belén, University at Albany, SUNY Christine E. Bose, University at Albany, SUNY EDITORIAL BOARD
José E. Cruz, University at Albany, SUNY Ramona Hernández, City College, CUNY Cecilia Menjívar, Arizona State University Manuel Pastor, University of California at Santa Cruz Francisco Rivera-Batiz, Teachers College, Columbia University Clara Rodríguez, Fordham University at Lincoln Center Vicki Ruiz, University of California at Irvine
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Puerto Ricans in the United States A Contemporary Portrait Edna Acosta-Belén Carlos E. Santiago
b o u l d e r l o n d o n
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Published in the United States of America in 2006 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 1800 30th Street, Boulder, Colorado 80301 www.rienner.com and in the United Kingdom by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 3 Henrietta Street, Covent Garden, London WC2E 8LU © 2006 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Acosta-Belén, Edna. Puerto Ricans in the United States : a contemporary portrait / Edna Acosta-Belén, Carlos E. Santiago. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-1-58826-399-5 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-58826-399-1 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-1-58826-400-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-58826-400-9 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Puerto Ricans—United States—History. 2. Puerto Ricans—Emigration and immigration—History. 3. Puerto Rico—History. I. Santiago, Carlos Enrique. II. Title. E184.P85A23 2006 973'.04687295 2006002396 British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Library. Printed and bound in the United States of America
∞
The paper used in this publication meets the requirements of the American National Standard for Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials Z39.48-1992. 5
4
3
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To the memory of our loving mothers, Marcolina Belén Vega and Irma Luisa Pedrosa
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Contents
List of Tables, Figures, and Illustrations Acknowledgments
1
Introduction: Portrait of a Commuter Nation
2
The Colonial Experience
ix xiii
1 11
The Beginnings of Spanish Colonial Rule 14 The African Heritage 15 The Strategic but Neglected Spanish Colony 18
3
Migrations Before World War II
27
The Pilgrims of Freedom 29 The “Splendid Little War” 35 The Beginnings of Labor Migration 41 Migration to Hawaii 50 The Growth of the New York Community 54 The Poverty-Stricken Island 57 Between Reform and Revolution 60 From the Steamship Embarcados to the Transnational Guagua Aérea 69
4
Postwar Migration Patterns
75
The Growing Geographic Dispersion 85 The Urban Character of the Communities 92 A Tale of Three Cities: New York City, Hartford, and Orlando 98 Other Migration Destinations 101 Conceptualizing Puerto Rican Migration 103
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Contents
A Demographic Portrait
107
Overcoming Poverty 126 Differences Among Communities 137
6
Social and Civil Rights Struggles
147
Political and Educational Activism 150 Other Community Organizations 163 Cultural Citizenship 165
7
Voices and Images of the Diaspora
169
The Spanish-Language Press 170 A New Cultural Discourse 184 Growing-Up Narratives 195 The Role of Small Latino Presses 198 Performing Culture 199 Popular Music 202 The Visual Arts 207 Cultural Crossovers 216
8
Overcoming the Colonial Experience: Future Challenges
Brief Chronology of Puerto Rican History References Index About the Book
219
231 239 253 271
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Tables, Figures, and Illustrations
Tables 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7 4.8 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8
Population and Population Growth in Puerto Rico, 1899–2000 Net Emigration from Puerto Rico, 1900–2000 Population Growth in Puerto Rico and Among US Puerto Ricans: Natural Increase Versus Net Migration, 1970–2000 Puerto Rican Population in the Continental United States and Percentage Born Elsewhere, 1910–2000 Contribution of Puerto Ricans to State Population Growth, 1980–2000 US Cities with Largest Concentrations of Puerto Ricans, 1980–2000 Percentage of Total US Puerto Rican Population in Selected Cities, 1980–2000 Puerto Rican Presence in Midsize US Cities with Greatest Concentrations, 1980–2000 Mean Household Income per Capita by Groups, 1980–2000 Age Structure of the US Population and by Groups, 1970–2000 Labor Force Participation by Groups, 1970–2000 Unemployment Rate by Groups, 1970–2000 Industrial Distribution of the US Labor Force by Groups, 1970–2000 Occupational Distribution of the US Labor Force by Groups, 1970–2000 Educational Attainment by Groups, 1970–2000 Poverty Levels of Non-Hispanic and Hispanic Groups, 1970–2000
ix
80 81 82 83 91 94 96 97 110 112 114 114 116 120 124 131
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5.10 5.11 5.12
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Illustrations
Percentage of Adult Puerto Ricans Under the Poverty Level, by Migrant Status, Education, Gender, Marital Status, and Age, 1980–2000 Percentage of Female-Headed Households Among Non-Hispanic and Hispanic Groups, 1970–2000 Puerto Rican Poverty Rates in US Cities with Largest Concentrations of Puerto Ricans, 1980–2000 Distribution of Public Assistance Benefits Among Puerto Ricans in Cities with Largest Puerto Rican Populations, 1980–2000 Percentage of Children Among Non-Hispanic and Hispanic Groups Living in Poor Households, 1980–2000 Percentage of Owner-Occupied Living Quarters Among Non-Hispanic and Hispanic Groups, US and New York City, 1980–2000
134 136 137
139 141
142
Figures 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 5.1
Population of Puerto Rico and Puerto Ricans Residing in the United States, 1910–2030 Geographic Distribution of the Puerto Rican Population, 1970 and 2000 US Puerto Rican Population by State, 2000 Distribution of the Puerto Rican Population by State, 1970 and 2000 Contribution of Puerto Rican Population Growth to the Growth of Selected States, 1970–2000 Age-Earnings Profile for the Total US Population and the US Puerto Rican Population, by Gender, 2000
84 87 88 90 92 113
Illustrations “Remember the Maine” “Will Wear the Stars and Stripes” “Americanization” New Porto Rico postcard “Some Porto Ricans as our artist saw them” Early 1900s advertisement for steamship travel from San Juan Political campaign photo of Luis Muñoz Marín Vergüenza Contra Dinero: 1940 campaign poster for the Partido Popular Democrático
36 38 39 40 44 51 63 64
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Illustrations
Mass arrests of suspected Puerto Rican Nationalists Cien Industrias Nuevas (100 New Industries) poster A jíbaro on his horse contemplating a departing plane Contract workers leaving for the United States in 1946 English class for recent migrants A typical migrant worker’s grim housing Women workers in the garment industry 1960s mass demonstration against New York City’s Board of Education for school desegregation Conditions That Exist, artwork by Juan Sánchez A Puerto Rican Prisoner of War and Much More, artwork by Juan Sánchez Sea of Flags, mural by Gamaliel Ramírez and Eren Star Padilla
xi
68 76 77 79 86 93 102 157 211 212 214
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Acknowledgments
T
his book responds to the need for a comprehensive source on the history of Puerto Ricans in the United States that also offers a portrait of the contemporary demographic and socioeconomic conditions faced by this population. In various ways, the book summarizes many of the ideas and issues introduced in our previous individual research, adding new information and insights that we hope will inspire others to continue documenting different aspects of the Puerto Rican migrant experience. For us, this is a challenging, stimulating, and never-ending endeavor. This study is more than the product of intellectual labor; it also represents a labor of love and commitment to our community. Thus, we are hopeful that the book’s virtues and usefulness outweigh any shortcomings it may have. We recognize that there is still a great deal of work to be done to fully document the Puerto Rican experience in the United States, and new generations of Puerto Rican Studies scholars will undoubtedly rise to the challenge. Whenever a book is completed, there are many people to thank who made things easier along the way. First, we need to acknowledge each other for being able to combine our respective scholarly interests with our enduring enthusiasm to work together, which we have been doing for almost two decades as department colleagues and friends. Next, we must express our gratitude to several individuals who greatly facilitated our archival research and compilation of statistical data. These include Alba I. Castillo Blancovich, a now retired librarian at the University of Puerto Rico; archivists Nélida Pérez and Pedro Juan Hernández, and Christopher R. Medina, staff member of the Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños Library and Archives. They all provided invaluable help in locating documents and photographs that enhanced our work. At the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, data and statistical support were provided by Virginia Carlson of the Department of Urban Planning and Terence Johnson and Peter Maier of the Center for Urban Initiatives and Research. Ruby Wang of the Center for Social and Demographic Analysis at the Univerxiii
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sity at Albany, SUNY, was also instrumental in providing census data and information. Our thanks go as well to Gabriel Aquino for his assistance with the design of some of the tables and figures, to Carmen Caamaño and Patricia McCarthy for their help with the References section, and to Librada Pimentel for lending a hand in many different ways throughout the process of completing the manuscript. A special mention to the Juan Antonio Corretjer Puerto Rican Cultural Center (PRCC) in Chicago; José E. López, its executive director; and Alejandro Luis Molina, secretary of its board of directors, for their generosity in giving us permission to use a photograph of the mural Sea of Flags by artists Gamaliel Ramírez and Eren Star Padilla on the paperback cover and in Chapter 7. Appreciation also goes to Juan Sánchez for his permission to include his artwork Conditions that Exist and A Puerto Rican Prisoner of War and Much More in Chapter 7; to Barbara R. Sjostrom for her insightful content and editorial suggestions; and to Susan Liberis-Hill for her valuable assistance with the English translations of some of the cited material. This book is part of Lynne Rienner Publishers’ new series Latinos: Exploring Diversity and Change. We are very pleased that this prominent Latin American and Caribbean Studies publisher is now promoting scholarly endeavors in the growing field of Latino Studies. Our gratitude to Lynne Rienner, Leanne Anderson, and Alan McClare for supporting our manuscript and for their helpful suggestions during the different stages of the publication process. Last but not least, we want to thank our respective families for their steady encouragement and patience during the time-consuming and occasionally trying process of finishing the manuscript. Christine E. Bose and Azara SantiagoRivera, especially, understand this process much too well, since they have experienced it so many times in their own research and writing. They also understand that the best creative sanctuary is found at home, surrounded by the people you love. Their many invaluable comments and suggestions made the book better. —Edna Acosta-Belén and Carlos E. Santiago
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1 Introduction: Portrait of a Commuter Nation
T
he US Puerto Rican population has reached 3.4 million, according to the 2000 census, a figure rapidly approaching that of the island of Puerto Rico’s 3.8 million inhabitants. Thus it is not unreasonable to predict that before 2010 the number of Puerto Ricans living in the United States will surpass the total island population (see Chapter 4). In fact, some of the most recent population estimates are being used to support the claim that this has already happened (see Falcón 2004). Although more than half (58 percent) of the Puerto Rican diaspora was born in the continental United States, this fact does not change the reality that a large portion of this population remains strongly connected to the island of Puerto Rico. Consequently, the lives of Puerto Ricans from both shores seem to be inexorably intertwined; and more than ever before, the Boricuas “de la banda acá” and “de la banda allá” (Puerto Ricans from this shore here and that shore there) described in a popular plena (a type of folk music),1 are experiencing the diverse effects of reciprocal cultural and socioeconomic exchanges between the island and the US metropolis. They also experience those stemming from over one hundred years of a colonial relationship that lingers without any signs of a prompt resolution. Puerto Rican migration to the North American continent grew out of specific political and socioeconomic conditions, whether it happened under Spanish colonial rule or under the US regime. After the US invasion of Puerto Rico, a result of the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898,2 contract labor to Hawaii, New York, and other US localities, as well as to the Dominican Republic and Cuba, became a colonial government strategy for dealing with the island’s high rates of poverty and unemployment, and for satisfying the expanding North American industrial and agricultural sector’s need for low-wage labor. Nonetheless, to this day, migration has never been acknowledged as part of any official policy either by US or Puerto Rican government officials. The current association between the United States and Puerto Rico is the result of a set of economic and political circumstances that developed through1
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out the nineteenth century, intensified during the twentieth, and still shape the present lives and conditions faced by the Puerto Rican people in both settings (see Chapters 2 and 3). This colonial relationship has brought forth both positive and negative consequences and changes for Puerto Ricans that continue to limit their possibilities of envisioning a future that responds to their national needs and self-interests rather than to those of the North American nation. In this sense, the situation of Puerto Ricans offers a compelling example of US government policies and actions in pursuit of its hegemonic ambition in the hemisphere that continue to influence the present. An obvious aftereffect of these policies and actions is the uninterrupted and overwhelming influx of Puerto Ricans and other Latino populations to the United States. Latinos, with a population in the United States that had reached 41.3 million in 2005, are now the largest and fastest-growing minority group in US society. Puerto Ricans represent over 9 percent of the total Latino population, and more than double that percentage, if one combines the US-based Puerto Rican population with that of the island of Puerto Rico.3 The dramatic growth in the number of US Latinos, which is projected to continue throughout the twenty-first century, is transforming the lives of almost every Latin American and Caribbean nationality—Puerto Ricans included—both in the United States and in their respective countries of origin. The Caribbeanization and Latinization of many major cities and localities are adding a new vitality to US society while challenging the melting pot or Anglo-conformity assimilation model, as new (im)migrant groups, most noticeably Latinos, are now more inclined than before to preserve their respective cultural and linguistic heritage, and are quite comfortable functioning in two cultures and languages. This pattern is common in many European countries, but was not so in the United States until the latter part of the twentieth century. When describing Puerto Rican migration, scholars have often referred to “a commuter nation” (Rivera-Batiz and Santiago 1994; Torre, Vecchini, and Burgos 1994) or characterized it as a “revolving door” or “circular” migration (Tienda and Díaz 1987; Meléndez 1993b). All these characterizations share the basic notion not only that Puerto Rican migration is a continuous occurrence but also that there is a great deal of back-and-forth movement of Puerto Ricans between the island and the US metropolis. These descriptions also imply that some Puerto Ricans migrate to the United States but do not necessarily stay there permanently and eventually return to the island. The reality is that although migration might have been originally envisioned by government officials as a one-way movement of people settling in the United States that would alleviate Puerto Rico’s severe unemployment and surplus labor problems, some workers saw this move as a temporary measure for economic survival. Many migrated to the United States to try their lot before deciding to uproot their families. Some returned to Puerto Rico, but a large number of those first-generation migrants established permanent residence in the United States.
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There were those who kept alive the idea of sooner or later returning to the island, and some did and still do. But the research on return-migration patterns is not adequate to determine the magnitude of this incidence, and that research is already dated (Hernández Alvarez [1967] 1976; Meléndez 1993c). The studies that have shown that about two-thirds of Puerto Ricans who emigrate to the United States have lived there before and those returning to Puerto Rico also have lived there at some point have confirmed the presence of a circular migration pattern and of transnational processes than continue to fortify the connection between the island and the diaspora (Meléndez 1993c). Year after year, Puerto Rican workers in the blue-collar, professional, and business sectors, students, politicians, and others continue to move with relative ease between Puerto Rico and the United States in pursuit of their respective endeavors. It can be thoroughly documented that the great majority of Puerto Ricans who migrate settle and carry on productive lives in the United States, eventually producing new generations of US-born Puerto Ricans that develop or maintain different kinds of connections to Puerto Rico (see Chapters 4 and 5). Migration, which is not by any means a fortuitous process, and the unique status of Puerto Ricans as colonial migrants contribute to the demographic conditions described above, which are projected to continue in the decades ahead. The current “guagua aérea” (air or flying bus)—a metaphor invented by renowned Puerto Rican writer Luis Rafael Sánchez to characterize the back and forth migratory movement between the island and the United States—is making it unavoidable for Puerto Ricans from both shores to ignore each other anymore.4 Mass migration from Puerto Rico is closely linked to the advent of air travel (see Chapter 3). Therefore, the image of a commuter nation or a “nation on the move” (Duany 2002) is now more solidified, and this transnational migration pattern is influencing Puerto Rican lives in ways that make it no longer possible to ignore or downplay. Its socioeconomic, political, and cultural ramifications are ever present and are shaping discussions and decisions on major issues influencing the well-being and future of all Puerto Ricans. It is now quite common for US Puerto Ricans and Latinos serving in Congress to be sought out or lobbied by island politicians on issues related to federal funding for Puerto Rico’s social programs, or to rally them to exert pressure on political issues that have a bearing on some aspect of island life. A case in point occurred when island Puerto Ricans were trying to get the US Navy to cease its bombing-training practices in Puerto Rico’s island municipality of Vieques (see Chapter 8). Conversely, US Puerto Ricans have been making it clear that they want to be included in any future congressional discussions or decisions related to the process of seeking new alternatives to end the island’s current colonial status. Whether one refers to the “crossroads,” “dilemmas,” or “paradoxes” facing Puerto Ricans, these characterizations indicate that after more than a century of US domination, Puerto Rico remains “an unincorporated territory” of
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the North American nation; neither a state of the federal union nor a sovereign nation. It is a remnant of colonialism, a nation still wedged in an ambivalent political condition that keeps it a considerable source of profits for US corporate capital. Puerto Rico, although not so much as in the past, is a major strategic military site for US armed forces. At the same time, the island maintains a large degree of economic dependence and reaps the benefits of its association with the most powerful country in the world. Among those benefits is US citizenship, which Puerto Ricans have held since 1917 as a result of the Jones Act, a congressional decree that, paradoxically, also gave island Puerto Ricans a larger degree of self-government (see Chapter 3). The fact that Puerto Ricans do not enjoy the same equal treatment or benefits held by other US citizens living in the fifty states of the union is negligible to some island residents, although many, especially those who oppose the current Commonwealth status, still regard their US citizenship as “second class.” These feelings stem from the fact that island Puerto Ricans lack any representation in the US Congress besides the presence of a nonvoting “resident commissioner.”5 They do not vote in presidential or congressional elections, nor do they pay federal income taxes.6 However, Puerto Rico receives more than $13 billion annually in federal transfers from the US Congress to support its social programs and infrastructure. Programs such as Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, unemployment compensation, and a few others are extended to the island as if it were another state of the union. Concomitantly, US corporations make incalculable profits and receive substantial federal tax benefits from their investments in Puerto Rico, and they exert an overwhelming control over the island’s economy, which in reality is totally integrated into the US economy and thus, subject to its cyclical fluctuations and flows. All in all, Puerto Ricans frequently find themselves in the odd position of being treated by the US Congress—site of the ultimate decisionmaking power regarding island affairs—as an entity that is “foreign to the United States in a domestic sense.”7 What this paradoxical and ambiguous statement really means is that island Puerto Ricans are often treated like colonial subjects who happen to be the holders of US citizenship and who should be grateful for all the benevolence bestowed upon their nation by the United States but who are, in the end, culturally different foreigners and thus not considered “real” Americans. Underlying these contradictions is a deep-rooted reluctance on the part of the US Congress to contemplate either future statehood for Puerto Rico—an idea that often seems as insurmountable or unpalatable to some North American government officials as the idea of independence—or, for that matter, any of the other possible alternatives for removing some of the colonial limitations and enhancing the current Commonwealth. This political status is officially known in Spanish as the Estado Libre Asociado (Associated Free State) (see Chapter 3), a clear misnomer when one considers that Puerto Rico is neither a free nor a sovereign nation, and Puerto Rican citizenship is not legally recog-
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nized in an international context. The harsh reality is that resolving Puerto Rico’s colonial “association” with the United States is an issue that has a long history of being rejected or tabled by the US Congress almost every time it comes up for discussion.8 In addition, these same officials continue to pay lip service to the notion that “Puerto Ricans must make up their minds” about their future political status, and they do not miss an opportunity to boast about the nation’s generosity toward Puerto Rico or decry the island’s ceaseless dependence on federal funds. They also manage to downplay the fact that the US Congress, the only body empowered to change Puerto Rico’s present condition, has historically shown little interest in doing so. Perhaps the only certainties about what is often described as Puerto Rico’s “colonial dilemma” (Meléndez and Meléndez 1993) is that Puerto Ricans across the political spectrum have not been able to envision a future for their country without some kind of close relationship to the United States and that they continue to reaffirm passionately the integrity of their distinctive Caribbean/Latin American cultural connections and the Spanish language. Nor has the US government shown any compelling desire to support substantial changes in the island’s current status. In the meantime, the influx of Puerto Rican migrants into the United States continues unabated, maintaining a commuter or circular migration pattern between the island and the colonial metropolis. This transnational flow daily brings large numbers of Puerto Rican workers to the United States searching for better economic and professional opportunities and simultaneously allows the generations of Puerto Ricans born or raised in the United States to keep up their connections with the country of their ancestors. It is within the context outlined above that we approach this interdisciplinary portrait of Puerto Ricans in the United States as a commuter nation. This brief introduction is followed in Chapter 2 by an overview of the historical and cultural roots of the Puerto Rican people, with special emphasis on their colonial experience under both Spanish and US rule. A framework is provided for analyzing migration in terms of the dynamics of colonialism and capitalist development in Puerto Rico. Control of the island’s economy by US capitalist interests intensified after the 1898 takeover, making the Puerto Rican worker part of a flexible and movable labor reserve to satisfy the needs of North American companies both in the island and the metropolis. Early on, migration became an official tool or “safety valve” to deal with Puerto Rico’s widespread poverty and unemployment. Migration continued to grow throughout the twentieth century, especially after World War II, unleashing a process that is still a vital aspect of Puerto Rican life. The bulk of Chapters 3 and 4 is dedicated to a discussion of the factors that contributed to the various Puerto Rican migratory waves to the United States, including a comparative analysis of different phases and patterns of migration. Chapter 3 deals with the early settlements, or colonias, established in New York City and other US localities during the second half of the nineteenth
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century and first three decades of the twentieth, and Chapter 4 focuses on the postwar “Great Migration” of the 1940s and 1950s and the migratory patterns that have developed since then. A demographic portrait of Puerto Ricans in the United States is provided in Chapter 5; census data from the year 2000 and other subsequent population reports are used to assess their current collective status. Relying on the most recent data, we analyze the changes that have occurred in the overall status of US Puerto Ricans, emphasizing population increases and geographic dispersion, labor force participation, income, as well as other socioeconomic and educational indicators. We also discuss some major differences in the demographic profile of US and island Puerto Ricans. In Chapter 6 we provide a detailed account of the diaspora’s social, political, and educational struggles during the civil rights era, inserting Puerto Ricans into a movement that is still largely identified with the African American population. We provide a profile of the most vital community organizations and of their different activities. Chapter 7 focuses on the diaspora’s creativity in literature, music, and the arts, emphasizing Puerto Rican efforts to build a distinctive cultural tradition within the United States. The voices and images of writers and artists represent another dimension of the contemporary portrait of US Puerto Rican life that we provide in this book. Chapter 8 features concluding observations that highlight the uniqueness of the Puerto Rican migrant experience and the present dilemmas and future challenges still confronting Puerto Ricans on the island and within the diaspora. The underlying thread of this book is twofold. First, in order to provide a contemporary portrait of Puerto Ricans in the United States, we document and analyze the historical, socioeconomic, and political factors that propel Puerto Ricans to migrate in large numbers. Second, we examine how Puerto Ricans adapt and forge their lives in the metropolis and the socioeconomic conditions and challenges they currently face. Due attention is given to the creative ways in which migrants adjust to a new environment, how they carry out their lives and create new communities, and how they contribute to US society, struggle for their rights, claim their cultural spaces, and negotiate their exposure to two different cultures and languages. Of special interest to the authors is the Puerto Rico–US back and forth transnational connection and how it shapes the construction of Puerto Rican identities and creates an enduring sense of cultural affirmation and resistance within the diaspora. US Puerto Rican writers and artists have found their own creative ways of asserting their differences from island Puerto Ricans by embracing new labels to identify themselves, such as Nuyoricans, Neoricans, or Diasporicans.9 Others have just adopted the term “Boricua,” which is a form of identification traditionally used by island Puerto Ricans. But unlike the popular term “Chicano,” adopted in the 1960s by a large portion of the population of Mexican descent in the United States to dif-
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ferentiate itself from Mexico’s population and from more recent immigrants from that country, there is no adequate single term that has yet captured the imagination of most US Puerto Ricans in a similar way. Thus they continue to identify themselves primarily as Puerto Ricans, whether they are living on the island or in the metropolis. The authors have attempted to address and carefully document the information and issues included in the various chapters. Nevertheless, there is a great deal of research that still needs to be done in order to achieve a more complete picture of the collective lives and endeavors of Puerto Rican migrants in the numerous US localities where they have settled and in new emerging communities. In the early 1970s, Frank Bonilla, founder of the Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños in New York City, in his essay “Beyond Survival: Por qué seguiremos siendo puertorriqueños” (Why We Will Continue Being Puerto Rican, 1974), deplored the negative portrayals of Puerto Ricans perpetuated in most of the social science literature. He argued then for the need to break away from the barrage of recurrent and confining negative images and from the internalized inferiority complex that dominated the discourses about the Puerto Rican people, and which were by-products of their subordinate colonial experience. Bonilla also stressed the urgency for “an unprecedented job of psychological and cultural reconstitution and construction” in order for Puerto Ricans “to grow affirmatively as a culturally integrated and distinctive collectivity” (363–364). This process would make it possible for them to move beyond the mere notion of survival as a community and engage in developing “a collective vision that reaches out to Puerto Ricans everywhere” (370). Bonilla was responding to basic shortcomings in the available scholarship on US Puerto Ricans, which was often shortsighted, misinformed, or full of problem-oriented or despairing representations. Little had been done to document the full history of Puerto Rican migration to the United States, and with few exceptions, the majority of the studies about the diaspora were markedly skewed or recycled prevalent myths or stereotypes. But, above all, there was the recognition that a great divide existed between island and migrant communities, and that those Puerto Ricans living on the island were largely indifferent to or ignorant about the lives and struggles faced by their compatriots in the United States. These statements stand out even more if one considers that migration continues to be part of the normal course of life and an acceptable condition for the Puerto Rican people. Despite these assertions, there is no question that for a long time the separation between island and US communities was palpable, and islanders tended to perceive of the Puerto Rican migrant as poverty ridden, welfare dependent, and culturally deprived. A great deal has changed since the 1970s thanks largely to the initiative and commitment of many US-based Puerto Rican Studies scholars and activists
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who, like Frank Bonilla, challenged old assumptions, rectified omissions, and produced new scholarship that depicts more accurately the wide range of experiences and contributions of a primarily working-class Puerto Rican diaspora. Now a legitimate and fairly institutionalized academic endeavor, the field of Puerto Rican Studies was first conceptualized in the United States and was shaped by the experiences and struggles of Puerto Ricans as a marginalized ethnoracial minority within US society.10 Part of the wider ethnic studies movement, and made possible by the advocacy and vision of intellectuals, students, and community activists, Puerto Rican Studies and other nontraditional fields made important strides in generating new scholarship and pedagogy that not only drew attention to the multiracial and multiethnic character of US society but also exposed some of the ethnocentric, racist, and sexist biases and normative assumptions of the traditional disciplines in their depictions of subaltern groups. Thus, since the early 1970s, both US-based and island researchers have been developing a more nuanced understanding of the historical roots, power relations, and colonial dynamics that explain Puerto Rican migration, including an analysis of the transnational links that exist between island and US communities. In this book we explore many different aspects of this transnational circuit. For many years, most studies of the Puerto Rican diaspora limited their scope to the larger and more established New York City community. But since the 1990s, geographic dispersion has become an important characteristic of Puerto Rican migration, and the New York population now represents about one-fourth of the total Puerto Rican population currently residing in the United States (see Chapter 4). This new reality is forcing scholars to pay more attention to the history and evolution of other communities, particularly the Puerto Rican presence in cities like Chicago (Padilla 1985), Hartford (Cruz 1998), Philadelphia (Whalen 2001), and the Hawaiian islands (Camacho Souza 1982, 1986; Rosario Natal 1983). Other growing communities, such as those in Orlando and Kissimmee, Florida (Duany and Matos-Rodríguez 2005), and several cities in Massachusetts and California are increasingly drawing the attention of researchers. We made an effort to synthesize some of the available research but also relied on primary sources of information, especially community newspapers and the records of several grassroots organizations largely overlooked in previous studies, as well as the most current US census data. At the same time, we hope that this study brings other researchers and readers new insights into the unfinished quest to advance knowledge about the realities, struggles, and enduring legacies of those Puerto Ricans who under a variety of circumstances made their lives away from their native island. These migrants are producing new generations that seek a more accurate understanding of their roots, the history of their respective communities, and their collective place in US society.
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Notes 1, The expression “Boricuas de la banda allá, Boricuas de la banda acá” comes from the lyrics of the plena “A los boricuas ausentes” (To the Boricuas Who Left) popularized by César Concepción and his Orchestra. “Boricua,” a word of Taino indigenous origin, was used during the Spanish colonial period to refer to the native inhabitants of Puerto Rico and is now a synonym for Puerto Rican. 2. Generally known as the Spanish-American War, some scholars have argued that when the United States invaded Cuba in 1898, there was a war going on between the Spanish and the Cubans that had started in 1895, thus making the name SpanishCuban-American War more appropriate. The United States declared war against Spain in retaliation for the explosion of the Maine at the port of Havana. The declaration of war was followed by the invasion of, first, Cuba and, a few months later, Puerto Rico. US intervention in the Spanish-Cuban War was magnified by the North American press’s mythification of the role of Teddy Roosevelt and the Rough Riders in defeating the Spanish and liberating Cuba. Thus the role of the Cuban rebel army was undermined in US official accounts of the war. We are in agreement with those scholars who argue that the name Spanish-Cuban-American War reflects more accurately the historical reality behind this conflict. This conflict is also often referred to as the War of 1898. See Philip Foner, The Spanish-Cuban-American War and the Birth of U.S. Imperialism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972); and Louis A. Pérez, The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998). 3. The US census official definition of the Hispanic (Latino) population includes only the twenty nationalities from the Spanish-speaking countries of Latin America, the Caribbean, and Spain, but excludes the Puerto Rican population residing in Puerto Rico. In other words, Puerto Ricans are not counted as part of the Hispanic population unless they reside in one of the fifty states. 4. See Luis Rafael Sánchez, La guagua aérea (San Juan: Editorial Cultural, 1994). 5. A nonvoting “resident commissioner,” elected by the voting residents of Puerto Rico, has represented Puerto Rico in the US Congress since 1900. Between 1993 and 1995, under the Democratic Party administration of President Bill Clinton, the resident commissioner was given voting rights in the US Congress. This practice was rescinded when the Republican Party won the congressional elections of 1994 and took control of both the Senate and the House of Representatives. 6. Although island Puerto Ricans are not allowed to vote in US presidential or congressional elections, presidential primaries are held in Puerto Rico and both Democratic and Republican candidates actively campaign on the island for party convention delegates to support their nominations. 7. The statement “foreign to the United States in a domestic sense” is part of the Foraker Act, passed by the US Congress in 1900, which ended two years of North American military occupation and established a civil government in Puerto Rico. See Christina Duffy Burnett and Burke Marshall, eds., Foreign in a Domestic Sense: Puerto Rico, American Expansion, and the Constitution (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001). A more detailed discussion appears in Chapter 3 of this book. 8. For a detailed account of the long history of political status referenda or plebiscite bills introduced in the US Congress since the 1960s, see Juan Manuel García Passalacqua and Carlos Rivera Lugo, Puerto Rico y los Estados Unidos: El proceso de consulta y negociación de 1989 y 1990, 2 vols. (Río Piedras, PR: Editorial Universitaria, 1990, 1991); Marco Antonio Rigau and Juan Manuel García Passalacqua, República Asociada o Libre Asociación: Documentación de un debate (San Juan: Edi-
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torial Atlántico, 1987); and Carmen Gautier Mayoral, ed., Poder y plebiscito: Puerto Rico en 1991 (Río Piedras, PR: Centro de Investigaciones Sociales, University of Puerto Rico, 1990). 9. The term “Nuyorican” was adopted in the 1970s by New York–based Puerto Rican poets and artists. See Miguel Algarín and Miguel Piñero, eds., Nuyorican Poetry: An Anthology of Words and Feelings (New York: William Morrow, 1975); and Miguel Algarín and Bob Holman, eds., Aloud: Voices from the Nuyorican Poets Cafe (New York: H. Holt, 1994). Since the 1970s, the terms “Nuyorican” and “Neorican” have been frequently used, especially by island Puerto Ricans, to refer to US Puerto Ricans. The term “Diasporican” was introduced by poet Mariposa Hernández in her poem “Ode to the Diasporican.” In some of the literature about Puerto Rican migration the terms “mainland” and “stateside” Puerto Ricans are used to distinguish the population living in the United States from that of the island. In this book we refer to island and US Puerto Ricans to differentiate both populations. Whether hyphenated or not, the term “Puerto Rican Americans” has been used by some North American scholars to describe the migrant population, such as Joseph P. Fitzpatrick, Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration to the Mainland (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1971). This term, however, did not have much appeal within the community and it is rarely used today. Some scholars argued that since Puerto Ricans are US citizens by birth the term was redundant. Others rejected it on political grounds as a sign of colonialism or cultural assimilation. 10. For example, the University at Albany’s Puerto Rican Studies Program was initiated in 1970, and it became a full-fledged academic department offering a major in 1974. The department later evolved into the current Department of Latin American, Caribbean, and U.S. Latino Studies (LACS).
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2 The Colonial Experience
T
he Spanish accounts of the indigenous “people who discovered Columbus” (Keegan 1992) during his voyages to the Caribbean islands, later to be known as the West Indies or the Antilles,1 make a distinction between the peaceful Taino native inhabitants with whom they first came in contact and the reputedly warlike and cannibalistic Caribs, who frequently came to their coasts and raided their villages. However, some anthropologists have argued that the widespread dichotomy between the two Amerindian groups is the result of the colonizers’ imagination, and that the distinction they made between the two indigenous groups mostly reflected Spanish self-interests, their less successful attempts at conquering and converting the Caribs than the Tainos, and the Caribs’ fierce resistance to the European invaders (Sued-Badillo 1978). Notwithstanding, the questionable origin of the names attributed to each of the first two aboriginal groups mentioned in the European chronicles of the Spanish Conquest reaffirms the Manichean, or dualistic, nature of their initial characterization: the indigenous word “Taino,” said to mean noble or good (Keegan 1992), and “Carib,” standing for great warrior or referring to the group’s alleged cannibalistic practices (Boucher 1992). Some anthropologists have rejected the original Taino/Carib dichotomy altogether and maintain that despite the conflictive relationship between these two aboriginal groups, they were not significantly different from one another, at least ethnically (Sued-Badillo 1978; Hulme 1986). Two unfortunate circumstances limit our knowledge of these indigenous populations and their cultural practices. The first is that besides the symbols that appear in their stone carvings or petroglyphs, they did not leave a written historical record to rely upon. Second, their rapid extinction after the encounter with the Spaniards left little historical memory. Most anthropologists of the pre-Columbian era, however, have been in agreement that the Taino indigenous population that inhabited Puerto Rico and much of the West Indies at the time of the Spanish Conquest migrated from the northern shores of the South American continent.2 They have traced the ori11
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gins of the Taino to the Orinoco Valley in Venezuela. Despite the very different methodologies employed in these studies, Rouse (1986) argued that the following consensus seems to have emerged: From a geographical point of view, the ancestors of the Tainos could have entered the West Indies via either the east coast of Venezuela, Trinidad, or the Guianas. The historic evidence favors Trinidad and the Guianas; Arawakan speakers were concentrated there during the Historic Age. Nevertheless, archeologists and, to a lesser extent, linguists have focused upon Trinidad and the east coast of Venezuela in tracing the ancestors of the Tainos back to the mainland. Having failed in this endeavor, they are now turning their attention to the Guianas. (154–155)
There seems to be little doubt that Amerindians traveled frequently across the chain of islands that make up the West Indies and that significant movement occurred between continent and islands, within the Caribbean island chain, and the circum-Caribbean area. Indigenous groups settled the islands of the West Indies and traversed the Caribbean Sea with considerable regularity, as indicated by the dispersion of their cultural remains. For them, territory was limited only by the technology of sea transport at the time. Anthropologists have even found evidence of Mesoamerican influence on West Indian aboriginal cultures, suggesting contacts by sea among different groups from more distant regions (Fernández Méndez 1972). Regarding the Tainos, there has been a tendency to refer to them also as Arawaks, which is the name of an indigenous language family of South American origin, but some anthropologists (Rouse 1986, 1992; Keegan 1992) have contended that although there were linguistic similarities between Tainos and Caribs, they spoke a different language and exhibited some cultural differences from the South American Arawaks. Thus, Rouse (1986) suggested that when referring to the inhabitants of the West Indies at the time of contact with the Europeans, Tainos is more correct than Arawaks. In any event, there is at least sufficient evidence to establish that the Tainos occupied the islands of the Greater Antilles and that the Caribs settled in the Lesser Antilles; the latter were legendary for their frequent and belligerent incursions into the other islands, including Puerto Rico. The rudimentary descriptions and accounts that we have of the lives of the Tainos were made by the Spanish, so we are left with a portrait of the conquered provided by the conqueror. One of these accounts, that of Spanish missionary Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, from 1552 (see Casas 1951, vol. 2, 356), mentions the daily visits of inhabitants of the eastern tip of Hispaniola, where Columbus first landed, to Puerto Rico, across the Mona passage, a route that is now frequently traveled by some Dominicans seeking entry, albeit on an undocumented basis, into Puerto Rico. Even today, it is not uncommon for overturned yolas (small wooden boats) to wash up on Puerto Rico’s northwestern shores
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with little evidence of any occupants. And yet, the Dominican-born population of Puerto Rico now stands at over 100,000, further evidence of a strong migratory route through Puerto Rico that often ends in the United States.3 The presence of the Taino legacy in contemporary Puerto Rico is best represented in the remains of their pottery, stone artifacts, and symbols found in archeological sites, in the names of numerous towns and places, and in many commonly used words that were adapted from their native language into Spanish (Malaret 1955; Hernández Aquino 1969; Fernández Méndez 1972; Alvarez Nazario 1977). The physical appearance of a small percentage of the racially mixed Puerto Rican population still reflects the indigenous influence. Legends and myths about the Tainos, including their rebellions and subjugation by the Spaniards, also appear in the chronicles of the colonial era and have been recreated in the writings of Puerto Rican creoles, particularly throughout the nineteenth century, although they have continued to inspire many contemporary writers as well.4 The symbols from Taino stone carvings, found largely in some of the towns around Puerto Rico’s Cordillera Central mountain range, usually find their way into the island’s visual arts, popular crafts, and tourist commodities. The island’s Taino heritage is frequently celebrated in local festivities, such as in the annual mountain towns’ Festival Indígena (Indigenous Festival) of the town of Jayuya and Festival Areyto (Indigenous Dance Festival) of the town of Villalba. The original Taino villages were headed by caciques (chieftains). Their social and political structure is interesting because of their matrilineal tradition: Some women could inherit land and political power, and a few are referred to as cacicas in the Spanish chronicles. According to anthropologist Sued-Badillo (1979), Taino women from the upper social strata played a significant role in the community’s political life, and there was a collective approach among the Tainos for incorporating women into many of their rituals and activities (41). Rituals such as the areyto were described in colonial writings as a mixture of dancing and oral recitation, a way of preserving and passing along the native population’s history and traditions. Taino religion was focused on worshipping nature and atmospheric phenomena: Guabancex, the great goddess of the earth; Yocahú, the god of heaven and father of life and death; and Huracán, who controlled the seasonal hurricanes that are so common in the Caribbean region.5 The mountains of Puerto Rico inspired the religious cemí, the small stone idols that guarded the spirits of their tribal ancestors. These deities and other artifacts have been recovered in large numbers from archeological sites. The myth about the docility of the Tainos contributed to the image of the “noble savage” that the Europeans frequently contrasted with that of the “barbaric” Caribs. Whether the Tainos were deserving of their peaceful reputation is subject to challenge, since there are some indications that they rebelled against the Spanish invader, as most indigenous groups did at some point. It is
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true that although colonization of Puerto Rico began in 1508, the Spanish could not establish control of the island until 1511, after subduing a major indigenous rebellion under the leadership of chieftain Agueybaná II. It was also recorded that the Taino population of the West Indies was almost extinct by the late 1500s. Even though the Spanish conquest brought about the extermination of the indigenous Tainos, a Taino revival movement gained popularity during the 1990s. The Taino imaginary, or the recovery of the memory of an indigenous past, has been an important component of Puerto Rican national identity since the nineteenth century, but it has taken a new life in contemporary Puerto Rico, as well as among Puerto Ricans in the United States. On the island, it represents an important component of Puerto Rican cultural nationalism celebrated and propagated through state institutions, the media and advertising, local festivities, arts and crafts, and educational curricula. Within the Puerto Rican diaspora in the United States, Taino images and symbols also are a vibrant aspect of its cultural expressions and activities. Haslip-Viera (1999) claimed that the contemporary Taino revival movement should be seen in a broader context as “part of a much larger phenomenon in which disaffected or alienated individuals are attracted to alternative cultures and lifestyles because of prejudice, discrimination, poor living conditions, and severely limited economic and social opportunities” (6). Those critical of this revival movement have argued that the mythification of a long past Taino heritage tended to undermine the stronger and more visible African roots of Puerto Rican culture, and was another manifestation of the underlying racism and reluctance on the part of the cultural elites to accept the mulatto character of the Puerto Rican nation (Jiménez-Román 1999). Other scholars validated the notion that emphasizing the indigenous Taino heritage was a sign of cultural resistance and a way of counterbalancing the harmful effects of Spanish and US colonialism on Puerto Rican history and culture.6 Despite this debate, it is clear that even after more than five centuries of the Spanish arrival in Puerto Rico, the influence of the Taino cultural roots is still a vital component of the Puerto Rican national imaginary and of any definition of the Puerto Rican nation put forth by the intellectual elites or other groups.
The Beginnings of Spanish Colonial Rule The first encounter between the Spanish and the Taino indigenous population took place on November 19, 1493, during Christopher Columbus’s second voyage to what became known as the New World. According to Spanish chronicles, the island’s Taino name, Boriquén, meant “tierra del altivo señor” (land of the valiant warrior), an indication of the gallantry and respect conveyed by the native caciques. Columbus named the island Isla de San Juan Bautista in
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true that although colonization of Puerto Rico began in 1508, the Spanish could not establish control of the island until 1511, after subduing a major indigenous rebellion under the leadership of chieftain Agueybaná II. It was also recorded that the Taino population of the West Indies was almost extinct by the late 1500s. Even though the Spanish conquest brought about the extermination of the indigenous Tainos, a Taino revival movement gained popularity during the 1990s. The Taino imaginary, or the recovery of the memory of an indigenous past, has been an important component of Puerto Rican national identity since the nineteenth century, but it has taken a new life in contemporary Puerto Rico, as well as among Puerto Ricans in the United States. On the island, it represents an important component of Puerto Rican cultural nationalism celebrated and propagated through state institutions, the media and advertising, local festivities, arts and crafts, and educational curricula. Within the Puerto Rican diaspora in the United States, Taino images and symbols also are a vibrant aspect of its cultural expressions and activities. Haslip-Viera (1999) claimed that the contemporary Taino revival movement should be seen in a broader context as “part of a much larger phenomenon in which disaffected or alienated individuals are attracted to alternative cultures and lifestyles because of prejudice, discrimination, poor living conditions, and severely limited economic and social opportunities” (6). Those critical of this revival movement have argued that the mythification of a long past Taino heritage tended to undermine the stronger and more visible African roots of Puerto Rican culture, and was another manifestation of the underlying racism and reluctance on the part of the cultural elites to accept the mulatto character of the Puerto Rican nation (Jiménez-Román 1999). Other scholars validated the notion that emphasizing the indigenous Taino heritage was a sign of cultural resistance and a way of counterbalancing the harmful effects of Spanish and US colonialism on Puerto Rican history and culture.6 Despite this debate, it is clear that even after more than five centuries of the Spanish arrival in Puerto Rico, the influence of the Taino cultural roots is still a vital component of the Puerto Rican national imaginary and of any definition of the Puerto Rican nation put forth by the intellectual elites or other groups.
The Beginnings of Spanish Colonial Rule The first encounter between the Spanish and the Taino indigenous population took place on November 19, 1493, during Christopher Columbus’s second voyage to what became known as the New World. According to Spanish chronicles, the island’s Taino name, Boriquén, meant “tierra del altivo señor” (land of the valiant warrior), an indication of the gallantry and respect conveyed by the native caciques. Columbus named the island Isla de San Juan Bautista in
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honor of St. John the Baptist, who became the island’s patron saint. The indigenous name of the island was eventually adapted into Spanish as Borinquen, another name commonly used to refer to Puerto Rico. The terms “borinqueños,” “borincanos,” and “boricuas,” for the island’s native population, also appeared during the Spanish colonial period (Hernández Aquino 1969). The territory of the island of Puerto Rico is only around 3,500 square miles; nearby are a few even smaller islands, two of which—Vieques and Culebra—are currently populated. The Spaniards therefore focused their early colonizing efforts on the larger neighboring islands of Hispaniola (present-day Dominican Republic and Haiti) and Cuba. Serious efforts to colonize Puerto Rico did not begin until 1508, more than a decade and a half after Columbus’s arrival. It was then that Juan Ponce de León, who had accompanied Columbus during his second voyage, was sent to the island to lead the colonizing enterprise. Ponce de León established the island’s first settlement, the Villa de Caparra, not far from the country’s largest port, soon to be known as Puerto Rico. Early in the colonial period, the Spanish name of the island and that of its main port were interchanged. Spanish colonization of the Caribbean islands brought about the rapid decimation of the indigenous population; it was almost extinct by the end of the century after the first contact. The effects of the Spanish encomienda system of land concessions relied on forced indigenous labor. These exploitative conditions, along with warfare, new diseases, and suicide, all contributed to what Fray Bartolomé de las Casas described as “the devastation of the Indies” (1552, 1974, 1992). By 1594, just over a century after the Spanish arrival, Puerto Rico’s indigenous population, 1,545 inhabitants, had largely vanished (Sued-Badillo and López Cantos 1986, 85). According to estimates, this figure represents about 3 percent of the indigenous population at the time of the conquest.
The African Heritage Enslaved Africans, especially from the West Sudan and the Bantu regions, were brought to Puerto Rico beginning in the early years of colonization, later in larger numbers, as the colonizers needed to replace the rapidly declining Taino labor force in agricultural and mining tasks (Alvarez Nazario 1974). In addition, the slaves were used for domestic service and the construction of roads, buildings, and military fortifications. The population of African origin, however, did not surpass that of the indigenous Tainos until the 1590s, when it rose to around 2,281 (Sued-Badillo and López Cantos 1986, 85). This figure was not to increase in any significant way until the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when Spain fostered immigration to Puerto Rico in order to promote economic development. The expanded economic activity increased the demand for enslaved labor. Thus, there was enough growth in the African-
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honor of St. John the Baptist, who became the island’s patron saint. The indigenous name of the island was eventually adapted into Spanish as Borinquen, another name commonly used to refer to Puerto Rico. The terms “borinqueños,” “borincanos,” and “boricuas,” for the island’s native population, also appeared during the Spanish colonial period (Hernández Aquino 1969). The territory of the island of Puerto Rico is only around 3,500 square miles; nearby are a few even smaller islands, two of which—Vieques and Culebra—are currently populated. The Spaniards therefore focused their early colonizing efforts on the larger neighboring islands of Hispaniola (present-day Dominican Republic and Haiti) and Cuba. Serious efforts to colonize Puerto Rico did not begin until 1508, more than a decade and a half after Columbus’s arrival. It was then that Juan Ponce de León, who had accompanied Columbus during his second voyage, was sent to the island to lead the colonizing enterprise. Ponce de León established the island’s first settlement, the Villa de Caparra, not far from the country’s largest port, soon to be known as Puerto Rico. Early in the colonial period, the Spanish name of the island and that of its main port were interchanged. Spanish colonization of the Caribbean islands brought about the rapid decimation of the indigenous population; it was almost extinct by the end of the century after the first contact. The effects of the Spanish encomienda system of land concessions relied on forced indigenous labor. These exploitative conditions, along with warfare, new diseases, and suicide, all contributed to what Fray Bartolomé de las Casas described as “the devastation of the Indies” (1552, 1974, 1992). By 1594, just over a century after the Spanish arrival, Puerto Rico’s indigenous population, 1,545 inhabitants, had largely vanished (Sued-Badillo and López Cantos 1986, 85). According to estimates, this figure represents about 3 percent of the indigenous population at the time of the conquest.
The African Heritage Enslaved Africans, especially from the West Sudan and the Bantu regions, were brought to Puerto Rico beginning in the early years of colonization, later in larger numbers, as the colonizers needed to replace the rapidly declining Taino labor force in agricultural and mining tasks (Alvarez Nazario 1974). In addition, the slaves were used for domestic service and the construction of roads, buildings, and military fortifications. The population of African origin, however, did not surpass that of the indigenous Tainos until the 1590s, when it rose to around 2,281 (Sued-Badillo and López Cantos 1986, 85). This figure was not to increase in any significant way until the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when Spain fostered immigration to Puerto Rico in order to promote economic development. The expanded economic activity increased the demand for enslaved labor. Thus, there was enough growth in the African-
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origin population throughout a good portion of the nineteenth century to begin altering the island’s overall racial balance and profile. Miscegenation was common in most of the Spanish colonies, and Puerto Rico was no exception. The Spanish mixed with the indigenous Tainos and enslaved Africans, producing through the years new generations of mestizos and mulattos that constituted the island’s creole population.7 The African heritage is often referred to as “the third root” (CEREP 1992) in the cultural and racial profile of the Puerto Rican nation. This important component of the island’s heritage was essentially understated in the initial nineteenth-century historical narratives. These early attempts at documenting the history of an emerging Puerto Rican nation tended to give preponderance to the Spanish heritage over all others. Even after the 1873 abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico, the Spanish peninsular and creole elites were far from seeing blacks and mulattoes as equal; therefore racial prejudice was common, and through the years a handful of segregated communities developed on the island around some coastal areas and barrios of the larger cities. It is unquestionable that during the course of the nineteenth century Puerto Rico became more Africanized, both racially and culturally. But these changes were not readily acknowledged by the Europeanized intellectual and political elites, which, for the most part, did not consider the African heritage a significant component in their definitions of an emerging Puerto Rican nation. Nineteenth-century creole intellectuals were not totally oblivious to the traditional folklore and traditions of the racially mixed peasant population, which at the time represented the majority of the island’s inhabitants, but they conceptualized the Puerto Rican nation from a Hispanophilic perspective, one that regarded the white Spanish-European component as representative of the essence of the island’s creole culture. Besides the obvious black and mulatto racial influence upon a substantial portion of Puerto Rico’s population, indicators of the African heritage are quite evident in many of the island’s cultural expressions—music, dance, literature, the visual arts, typical foods, and local festivities. The famous annual carnivals of the municipalities of Loíza, Ponce, San Juan, and Guayama recreate the traditional display of vejigante customs8 and masks, as does Hatillo’s Festival de las Máscaras (Festival of the Masks). The Spanish language of Puerto Rico reflects the African linguistic roots in some of its vocabulary and in the names of places and people (Alvarez Nazario 1974). The syncretism that took place between Catholicism and African religious traditions can be seen in the practice of santería and espiritismo among some Puerto Ricans. Santería rituals and invocations to Changó, the powerful god of fire, thunder, and lightning; to Oshún, the goddess of love; Yemayá, the goddess of the moon and seas; and many other deities still provide an expedient way of dealing with negative influences or evil spirits, or of ameliorating the whole gamut of human physical and spiritual ailments (González-Wippler 1973). Regarding the religious prac-
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tices of espiritismo, some researchers have documented its practitioners’ therapeutic psychological functions (Rogler 1972, 1985). After the Spanish Conquest of the Indies, Puerto Rico remained an island with important connections to a continent or “mainland,” in this case the European continent and the mainland of Spain.9 Increased migration of Spaniards to other parts of the Americas when the scant gold deposits in Puerto Rico were exhausted meant that enslaved Africans eventually made up a growing part of the local labor force. Racial mixture and cultural hybridity between Tainos, Africans, and the Spanish form the core of Puerto Rico’s creole population. These three groups make up the basic racial and cultural profile of the Puerto Rican people, with the subsequent incorporation of new immigrant groups that came to the island at different times. For a long time Puerto Rican cultural nationalism tended to emphasize the superiority and dominance of the Spanish heritage, but since the final decades of the twentieth century, more attention has been given to the island’s African roots and to its connections with other Hispanic and non-Hispanic Caribbean nations. Anthropologist Sidney Mintz noted that “a search for Africa in the Caribbean is among other things, an exploration of the nature of cultural disguise” (1974, 25). Without question, this statement applies to Puerto Rico, a nation where racism historically has been “camouflaged” by the myth of a racially harmonious society devoid of racism (Blanco 1942). Because of that, it has been said that Puerto Ricans suffer from “the prejudice of having no prejudice” (Betances 1972, 1973). Puerto Ricans are not by any means immune to racial prejudice, but it is also fair to say that racial conflict has not manifested itself in modern or contemporary Puerto Rico in the same polarizing ways that it has in the United States or other countries torn by a deeply ingrained system of apartheid and a long history of racial tensions and violence. One of the main differences is that racial definitions and perceptions among Puerto Ricans are not largely determined by biological factors, as tends to be the case in the United States, where the racial optic is dominated by the notion that one drop of nonwhite blood makes someone a person of color. Among Latinos, racial perceptions are influenced by social status, multiple gradations of skin color, and other physical features (see Rodríguez 1974, 2000a). The popular expression mejorar la raza, meaning to improve the race by whitening it, also implies the degree of desirability and privilege attributed to being white, but there is a wider spectrum of physical and social factors embedded in the way Puerto Ricans and other Latinos perceive racial differences and racially define themselves. The growing number of Puerto Ricans born or raised in the United States, the exacerbated forms of racial prejudice and discrimination they encounter, and the continuous back and forth migration between the island and the metropolis contribute to an increased awareness of race and racism among island Puerto Ricans. Simultaneously, the presence of Puerto Ricans and other Latinos in US
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society is changing its dichotomized black and white constructions of race by introducing new perspectives grounded in the racially mixed profile of Latinos and that of other groups frequently lumped into the “people of color” category.10
The Strategic but Neglected Spanish Colony Despite its geographic strategic location as the “entrance and key to the Antilles,”11 for almost three centuries Puerto Rico remained a neglected part of the vast Spanish New World empire. More attention was given to the larger colonies that could supply the precious mineral wealth and raw materials to support Spain’s imperial hegemony, mercantile economy, and competition with other European powers. The larger colonies sustained the mercantile economy that helped finance the empire’s religious and military ventures. Until the latter decades of the eighteenth century, Puerto Rico was not heavily populated, and the Spanish government received subsidies from the Viceroyalty of New Spain in Mexico to administer the colony. The island’s creole population relied mostly on subsistence agriculture and contraband trade with neighboring non-Hispanic Caribbean islands to satisfy their basic needs (Morales-Carrión 1971). The population of Puerto Rico remained very small during the first three centuries of Spanish colonization; the stagnant population growth was reflected in the subsistence nature of most of Puerto Rico’s agricultural productivity. The initial neglect from Spanish authorities did not alter the importance of Puerto Rico’s geographic location. In Spain’s quest to hold on to its imperial glory, Puerto Rico was strategically important to counteract the growing commercial interests of the British, the French, and the Dutch in the Caribbean region. Competing European powers also recognized the island’s strategic value and attempted to take it away from Spain. Puerto Rico was subjected to unsuccessful attacks from the British in 1595 and 1598 and the Dutch in 1625. The threat of foreign invasion motivated the Spaniards to build imposing military fortifications on the island and on its other Caribbean colonies. San Juan, the center of colonial administration and site of the country’s major port, was eventually converted into a walled city. The fortifications surrounding the capital contributed to a sharp separation between the locus of colonial administration, where most of the peninsular population and the army resided, and a large portion of the sparse creole population, scattered throughout the island and mostly disconnected from the ruling authorities. As late as 1797, the British were, once again, fended off by the Spanish in another unsuccessful attempt to take over Puerto Rico. Life in the colonies began to change after the modernizing French Bourbon dynasty came to occupy the Spanish throne in the early eighteenth century. Reforms were gradually introduced to foster economic development and com-
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society is changing its dichotomized black and white constructions of race by introducing new perspectives grounded in the racially mixed profile of Latinos and that of other groups frequently lumped into the “people of color” category.10
The Strategic but Neglected Spanish Colony Despite its geographic strategic location as the “entrance and key to the Antilles,”11 for almost three centuries Puerto Rico remained a neglected part of the vast Spanish New World empire. More attention was given to the larger colonies that could supply the precious mineral wealth and raw materials to support Spain’s imperial hegemony, mercantile economy, and competition with other European powers. The larger colonies sustained the mercantile economy that helped finance the empire’s religious and military ventures. Until the latter decades of the eighteenth century, Puerto Rico was not heavily populated, and the Spanish government received subsidies from the Viceroyalty of New Spain in Mexico to administer the colony. The island’s creole population relied mostly on subsistence agriculture and contraband trade with neighboring non-Hispanic Caribbean islands to satisfy their basic needs (Morales-Carrión 1971). The population of Puerto Rico remained very small during the first three centuries of Spanish colonization; the stagnant population growth was reflected in the subsistence nature of most of Puerto Rico’s agricultural productivity. The initial neglect from Spanish authorities did not alter the importance of Puerto Rico’s geographic location. In Spain’s quest to hold on to its imperial glory, Puerto Rico was strategically important to counteract the growing commercial interests of the British, the French, and the Dutch in the Caribbean region. Competing European powers also recognized the island’s strategic value and attempted to take it away from Spain. Puerto Rico was subjected to unsuccessful attacks from the British in 1595 and 1598 and the Dutch in 1625. The threat of foreign invasion motivated the Spaniards to build imposing military fortifications on the island and on its other Caribbean colonies. San Juan, the center of colonial administration and site of the country’s major port, was eventually converted into a walled city. The fortifications surrounding the capital contributed to a sharp separation between the locus of colonial administration, where most of the peninsular population and the army resided, and a large portion of the sparse creole population, scattered throughout the island and mostly disconnected from the ruling authorities. As late as 1797, the British were, once again, fended off by the Spanish in another unsuccessful attempt to take over Puerto Rico. Life in the colonies began to change after the modernizing French Bourbon dynasty came to occupy the Spanish throne in the early eighteenth century. Reforms were gradually introduced to foster economic development and com-
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merce throughout the colonial empire. In took until 1765 for any reforms to reach Puerto Rico. That year, the Spanish Crown sent Field Marshall Alejandro O’Reilly to assess the island’s socioeconomic conditions and potential for economic growth. O’Reilly’s visit led to the implementation of wide-ranging reforms. These included relaxing the monopolistic Spanish trade, discouraging contraband, and promoting European immigration to increase Puerto Rico’s population base. In the late 1700s and early 1800s, Puerto Rico was to witness a large influx of immigrants from Spain (primarily from the Balearic and Canary Islands and the provinces of Cataluña and Valencia), French Corsica, Germany, Italy, Holland, England, Scotland, and the United States. Most of these immigrants were attracted by land grants and other Spanish colonial government incentives given to individuals with enough capital to invest in agricultural development in different parts of the country (see Cifre de Loubriel 1975; Scarano 1981). Other immigrants, especially from Venezuela, Haiti, and the Dominican Republic, sought refuge in Puerto Rico in the early 1800s after the political turmoil generated by those colonies’ respective wars of independence. In addition to building Puerto Rico’s defenses, the Spanish colonial government actively encouraged commercial agriculture, focusing on sugar, coffee, and tobacco production. These products became the island’s main exports to Spain and would continue to be important in Puerto Rico’s agricultural economy until the mid-twentieth century. More substantial progress in Puerto Rico’s conditions did not occur until the Spanish metropolis introduced the Real Cédula de Gracias (Royal Decree of Concessions) of 1815. The Real Cédula de Gracias was aimed at further expanding commerce and economic activity. Concurrently, it brought about the implementation of additional reforms to create an environment more favorable for cultural and social development, and less inviting for revolutionary insurgency at a time when the spirit of revolution was engulfing most of the European colonies in the Americas. Among the most significant economic changes were the introduction of new industrial machinery and the opening of trade between Puerto Rico and the United States. This period of economic development was also supported by an increase in the importation of enslaved African labor. These factors contributed to a striking pattern of population growth that began in the late 1700s and continued into the 1800s. Puerto Rico’s population almost tripled, from only 44,883 inhabitants in 1765 to 129,758 in 1795. Another significant population increase took place after the reforms implemented by the Real Cédula de Gracias. The island’s population grew from 183,211 inhabitants in 1807; to 185,000 in 1812; 235,157 in 1824; 302,672 in 1828; and 443,000 by 1846 (Silvestrini and Luque de Sánchez 1988, 240; Scarano 1993, 412). The majority of the Spanish New World colonies secured their independence in the years between 1808 and 1824, but revolutionary activity in Puerto Rico was largely discouraged by the repressive policies and authoritarian rule
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of the Spanish Crown’s appointed governors. In 1809, Puerto Ricans were permitted for the first time to be represented in the Spanish Cortes, the main parliamentary body under the ruling monarchy, but this representation completely ceased in 1837 and was not to be restored until 1870. Political conditions in Spain had been in turmoil since the Napoleonic invasion of 1808, which had forced the Spanish people to take up arms against the French invaders and produced the liberal Cádiz Constitution of 1812. However, the return of King Ferdinand VII to the Spanish throne two years later nullified the progressive constitutional reforms, restored absolutist rule, and set the stage for a political confrontation between conservative supporters of the monarchy and liberals seeking representative government and the establishment of a Spanish republic. It was during this politically unstable period that there was an outbreak of wars of independence in the New World colonies and Spain lost most of its empire. Conditions in the Spanish metropolis deteriorated even further after the death of King Ferdinand VII in 1833. Serious divisions about the succession to the Spanish throne gave impetus to several wars (Guerras Carlistas) between conservative royalists and liberals, and these struggles dominated the metropolitan political landscape throughout the remainder of the nineteenth century. Left with only the colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico, Spanish officials ruled them with an iron hand. For many decades it was common practice for the Spanish colonial government to force advocates of liberal reforms or independence into prison or exile. A few clandestine revolutionary cells operated in Puerto Rico, trying to keep alive the separatist struggle and advocating the abolition of slavery, but the lack of freedom of expression and other political rights did not provide the necessary environment inside the island to incite revolution. On September 23, 1868, Puerto Rico claimed its independence with the Grito de Lares armed revolt, but the insurrection was rapidly crushed by the Spanish army only a few days after it began. In contrast, the rebellion that started in Cuba with the Grito de Yara, only a couple of weeks after the Grito de Lares, signaled the beginning of the neighboring island’s Ten Years’ War of independence (1868–1878). The war in Cuba and the movement to liberate the two islands was sustained by the activities of Antillean political expatriates living in cities in Europe, the United States, or other Latin American countries. Mounting a revolution in Puerto Rico, however, was a daunting and dangerous endeavor. First, local political and social divisions did not facilitate the development of a strong and unified creole revolutionary movement that could incite the population to take up arms against the Spaniards. Second, the repressive practices of the Spanish colonial government curtailed all freedom of expression and civil liberties. Thus, while other Spanish colonies carried out wars of independence and became sovereign republics, Puerto Rico remained under Spanish control throughout the nineteenth century. This was also the
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case with Cuba, although the Cubans were able to keep their armed resistance alive during two separate wars of independence, the already mentioned Ten Years’ War, and the Spanish-Cuban War that began with the Grito de Baire of 1895 and ended in 1898 with the US invasion of Cuba and Puerto Rico. By the 1860s, liberals in Spain had again gained some political ground against supporters of the monarchy, which translated into a more open political climate in the colonies. In 1870 for the first time, Puerto Rico was given the right to form its own political parties, and nongovernment newspapers began to appear (Pedreira [1941] 1969). The first Spanish Republic was finally created in 1873; this major political change in the metropolis contributed to the abolition of slavery in Puerto Rico and Cuba that same year. The liberalizing political environment quickly came to an end with the restoration of the Spanish monarchy less than a year later and the gradual return to authoritarian rule for the colonies during the decades that followed. Political instability engulfed the Spanish metropolis as the remaining two island colonies continued to establish their claims for more civil liberties and control of their own affairs. The political conditions described herein made it more difficult for the Puerto Rican creole propertied class to fulfill its ruling-class aspirations, which in the case of other colonies, was a key factor in galvanizing their respective struggles to rid themselves of colonial rule and secure their independence. Puerto Rico’s creole propertied class was largely composed of hacienda owners involved in export mainly to Spain and the United States. By the mid1800s the United States had become the island’s main trade partner. The growing trade between Puerto Rico and the United States was mostly based on the exportation of sugar and, to a lesser degree, coffee, tobacco and other island agricultural products, and the importation of manufactured goods from an expanding North American economy seeking new foreign markets. The sugar industry boomed between 1815 and 1870, while coffee production began to replace it as the main export product during the decades between 1870 and 1900 (Quintero Rivera 1976a; Scarano 1993). The economic influence of the hacendados (hacienda owners) in this export-oriented agricultural economy, however, was severely limited by peninsular control of commerce and banking. Although the hacendados owned most of Puerto Rico’s land, control of commercial transportation and financing was in the hands of Spaniards, who had the support of the colonial administrative structures. Acute class, racial, and political divisions within Puerto Rican society additionally impeded the emergence of a cohesive creole bourgeoisie and of a revolutionary consciousness capable of nourishing any claims for independence or of challenging the control of the ruling peninsular elites (see Quintero Rivera 1988; Picó 1990). The influx of new immigrant entrepreneurs in the late 1700s and early 1800s has been considered another obstacle to the development of a strong creole bourgeoisie. In the first place, this population did not have strong nationalist loyalties toward Puerto Rico. Second, the new immigrant investors
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and proprietors began to erode the already limited economic power of the creole propertied class. Immigrant newcomers gained more access than creoles to certain sectors of Puerto Rico’s economy, such as banking and financing, and even came to dominate the economic activity of certain regions of the islands. Together these factors contributed to thwarting the development of a strong creole national consciousness in nineteenth-century Puerto Rico. The growth of the economic relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States during the course of the nineteenth century was another factor in shaping the propertied class’s political views regarding the future of the island. It has been argued that the expanding commercial relationship between the two countries introduced Puerto Rico’s propertied class to the “bourgeois” values of their North American neighbors and fueled aspirations among some members of this class for a possible future annexation of the island to the United States. According to Quintero Rivera (1976a): El sueño dorado de los terratenientes puertorriqueños respecto a la expansión comercial era el acceso al amplio mercado norteamericano. Era así, no sólo entre aquellos cuya producción comercial era fundamentalmente la caña de azúcar, cuyo principal campo de exportación eran los Estados Unidos aún dentro del patrón comercial del momento, sino también entre los productores de café, que añoraban penetrar ese mercado, el mayor para café en el mundo. La evidencia tiende a demostrar que buena parte de la lucha anti-española en el siglo xix conllevaba la aspiración de una futura anexión a los Estados Unidos. (25) [The golden dream of Puerto Rican landowners regarding commercial expansion was access to the expansive North American market. That was the case not only for those whose commercial production was fundamentally based on sugar, a product that at the time found its main export market in the United States, but also among coffee producers yearning to penetrate that market. The evidence tends to demonstrate that a considerable part of the nineteenth-century anti-Spanish struggle involved a desire for a future annexation to the United States.]
There is no doubt that the expanding commercial connections between Puerto Rico and the United States opened the doors for a large number of businessmen, professionals, skilled and semiskilled artisans, students, white-collar workers, and their families to come to the metropolis (Haslip-Viera 1996). Another important factor to consider is that during this initial period of contact between Puerto Rico and the United States, the prevailing view of the North American nation in the hemisphere was that of a republic firmly grounded on democratic principles and a successful free enterprise system. The United States was regarded as a model of the kind of democracy and progress that the former colonies in the Americas envisioned for their own countries after securing their independence. The intellectual and political elites and the entrepreneurial sector of the emerging Latin American nations were particularly
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drawn to the United States. The perception of a threat of North American imperialism did not really enter the Latin American discourse until the latter decades of the nineteenth century. North American democracy contrasted with the more repressive environment that was found again in the Puerto Rico of the late 1880s during the infamous administration of Spanish Governor Romualdo Palacio. Reacting to the growing support for political autonomy among island creoles and to a series of boycotts they organized against the businesses of peninsular merchants, the colonial government decided to crack down on any challenges to their authority or the interests of the Spanish ruling class. The abuses of Governor Palacio’s administration during the year 1887 came to be known as the régimen del componte (the “behave yourself” regime). Most of the prior modest gains that had been achieved in civil liberties, especially freedom of expression, were suspended. Nongovernment newspapers were closed, illegal searches became routine, and prominent liberal political leaders were arrested. The return to these despotic measures limited the political options of Puerto Rico’s creole propertied class. Even with the more liberal environment found again in the 1890s, the unpredictable and unstable nature of the political situation in Spain, along with the authoritarian rule practiced by most colonial governors, forced creole political leaders to seek a moderate course of action for getting political concessions from the Spanish metropolis. Creole leaders chose to fight for reforms that would eventually allow the island to achieve a considerable degree of self-rule without a total separation from Spain. The Partido Liberal Reformista (Liberal Reformist Party) had represented creole reform aspirations since its founding in 1870. Frustrations with the unpredictable and limited nature of Spanish colonial reforms eventually moved liberal creoles to claim political autonomy rather than independence. Under the leadership of Román Baldorioty de Castro, in 1887 the Liberal Reformist Party was replaced by the Partido Autonomista Puertorriqueño (Puerto Rican Autonomist Party). The new political entity sought a larger degree of administrative and economic decentralization with respect to the Spanish metropolis. Two years later, after Baldorioty’s death, the reins of the Autonomist Party were taken over by Luis Muñoz Rivera, a prominent creole politician and journalist of the propertied class. Puerto Rico’s Autonomists made a pact with Spain’s Liberal Party members to merge with them, if they managed to win control of the metropolitan government. In exchange, Spanish liberals promised to grant political autonomy to the island. When the Liberal Party came to power in Spain in 1897, a Charter of Autonomy was finally granted to Puerto Rico. This new government endowed Puerto Rican creoles with the right to elect a governing cabinet and enjoy the political autonomy experienced by other Spanish provinces. The Autonomist Cabinet, headed by Muñoz Rivera, included prominent members of the creole propertied class and its political and intellectual elites. Autonomy was a welcome experiment in self-government for Puerto
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Rico, but also short-lived. The new government lasted less than a year; it came to an end with the US invasion of 1898. The US takeover freed Puerto Rico from Spanish rule, but it also ended the brief autonomous government and marked the beginning of a new but also restrictive colonial relationship for the island. The creole propertied class’s economic dependence on the United States and admiration of its achievements were major factors in this class’s initial welcoming response to the arrival of the invading North American troops. The creole propertied class did not anticipate, however, that the new regime would open the doors so quickly to US investors, weakening the position of both Puerto Rico’s landowning class and peninsular businessmen. US companies not only took control of Puerto Rico’s economic production in a very short period of time but also shifted its focus. Most of the new North American capital was invested in the establishment of more modern and larger sugar mills, or centrales, numerous cigar factories, and needle industries. Control of shipping, the setting of trade tariffs, and replacing the Spanish national currency with the dollar were some of the immediate changes introduced by the new colonial rulers that mostly benefited North American investors. At the time of the US invasion, agricultural production in the haciendas was dominated by coffee crops. With the new focus on sugar production and the control of the land in the hands of North American corporations, the local haciendas entered a stage of decline, being rapidly replaced by sugar as the main export product. The local hacendados’ economic decline was accelerated by a reduction in the demand for coffee exports and a drop in the price of this product in the international market. The effects of hurricane San Ciriaco in 1899, which destroyed most of that year’s coffee crop, only worsened the economic predicament of the hacendado class. It was clear once again that Puerto Rico’s economy was to serve the interests of a new colonial metropolis at the expense of its national interests and those of its creole propertied class.
Notes 1. When Columbus first arrived at the New World islands in 1492, he believed he had reached parts of Asia or the Orient, then known as the Indies. Thus the term “Indies” has been used since Columbus’s first voyage. Later on, the word “West” was added to the name to differentiate the New World islands from those of East Asia. The name “Antilles” also was used early in the colonial period to refer to the islands. The name was taken from the classical myth of the lost cities of Antillia. 2. Rouse argued that many of the islands in the Caribbean were settled by 5000 B.C. (1986, 108). The direction of the migratory flow, from a northwesterly direction from the Lesser Antilles to the Greater Antilles, was dictated by the movement of the ocean currents.
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3. For more information about Dominican migration to Puerto Rico, see Jorge Duany, ed., Los dominicanos en Puerto Rico: Migración en la semi-periferia (Río Piedras, PR: Ediciones Huracán, 1990). 4. Nineteenth-century authors such as Alejandro Tapia y Rivera and Cayetano Coll y Toste frequently incorporated indigenous legends, myths, and historical events into their writings. For a compilation of these legends, see Cayetano Coll y Toste, Leyendas y tradiciones puertorriqueñas (Río Piedras, PR: Editorial Cultural, 1975). Alejandro Tapia y Rivera’s legend La palma del cacique, his poem “El último borincano,” and his opera script Guarionex all deal with indigenous themes. See Alejandro Tapia y Rivera, Obras completas (San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, 1968). 5. In Art and Mythology of the Taino Indians of the Greater West Indies (San Juan: Ediciones El Cemí, 1972), anthropologist Eugenio Fernández Méndez argued that Yocahú and Huracán might have been the same god. Sued-Badillo (1979, 25–26), however, believed that Huracán referred to the terrible storms and winds unleashed by the earth mother Guabancex as punishment for some violations of social norms. 6. The most complete analysis of different aspects of the Taino revival movement can be found in Gabriel Haslip-Viera, ed., Taino Revival: Critical Perspectives on Puerto Rican Identity and Cultural Politics (New York: Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, 1999). 7. The term “mestizo” has been used since the early years of the Spanish colonial period to refer to the racial mixture between white European and Indian. The term “mulatto” refers to the mixture between white European and African. 8. Vejigantes are the devilish masks used in Puerto Rican carnivals. The characters they represent often carry vejigas or filled animal bladders to strike anyone who bothers them. 9. The notions of island and mainland are curious, yet important. An island can be viewed as simply an extension of a larger continent that is divided by water. Yet islands are themselves peaks of larger land masses. While the geographical relationship between island and mainland can be fairly straightforward, it is the conception of the relationship on cultural, political, social, and economic grounds that is more relevant in terms of the colony-metropolis connection. 10. The label “people of color” is used mostly in the United States to refer to nonwhite or racially mixed populations or the populations of the Third World. This term is strongly contested, since, for instance, some Latinos are white, black, or racially mixed. 11. The island’s Spanish Governor Fernando de Lando described Puerto Rico as the “entrance and key to the Antilles” in a 1534 letter to Emperor Charles V (King Charles I of Spain). See Eugenio Fernández Méndez, ed., Crónicas de Puerto Rico desde la conquista hasta nuestros días, 2 vols. (San Juan: Ediciones del Gobierno, 1957).
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3 Migrations Before World War II
T
he island of Puerto Rico has long played the role of a crossroads. It has served as the crossroads between the North and the South American continents, between old and new worlds, between memory and opportunity, and between native and newcomer. Puerto Ricans have always represented the emerging newness that arises from the blending and the synergy that occurs at a crossroads. This blending can be racial, a mixture of Amerindian, African, and Spanish. It is expressed in language, culture, religion, and civil society in the ways some Puerto Ricans “code switch” (switch languages) between Spanish and English and oscillate between the traditions, styles, and values of Puerto Rico and those of the United States. Political life is also part of this crossroads, as reflected by the back and forth swing of electoral mandates between the party that favors the current Commonwealth status and the proponents of statehood, and by the inability to reach a
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Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla was a nineteenth-century philosopher and educator whose legacy informs our educational practices and ontology globally. Influenced by the pedagogy of his youth, de Hostos sought improved pedagogical practices through...
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About the Man, Eugenio María de Hostos. (n.d.). Eugenio María de Hostos Community College. Retrieved from https://www.hostos.cuny.edu/About-Hostos/About-the-Man.
Bachiller, A. R. (1999). Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla, filosofo Puertorriqueno. Revista de Hispanismo Filosofico, 4, 11–27.
Caban, P. (2021). Puerto Rico in crisis and the shifting Dictates of Empire. Centro Journal, 33(1), 7–40.
Coleman, J. S., Campbell, E., Hobson, C., McPartland, J., Mood, A., Weinfeld, F., & York, R. L. (1966). Equality of educational opportunity study. United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
Crenshaw, K., Gotanda, N., Peller, G., & Thomas, K. (1995). Critical race theory: The key writings that formed the movement. The New Press.
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de Hostos, E. M. (1939a). Critica: Critica en general, Musica, Pintura y Escultura, Teatro, Letras (Vol. XI). Cultural, S.A.
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de Hostos, E. M. (1939d). Ensayos Didacticos (Vol. XVIII). Cultural, S.A.
de Hostos, C. (1954). de Hostos: Peregrino del Ideal. Sociedad de Literarias y Artísticas.
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de Hostos, E. M. (2000). Tratado de Moral. Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico.
Dewey, J. (1910). Science as subject-matter and as method. Science, 31(787), 121–127.
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Díaz, H. L., & Díaz, H. G. (2021). The Myth of the Monolithic LatinX population. Teachers College Record.
Feigl, H. (2021, December 14). Positivism. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/positivism.
Freire, P. (2018). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Bloomsbury Publishing USA.
Gallagher, K. (2010). Why I will not teach to the test. Education Week, 30(12), 36–29.
González, J. E. (1989). Vivir a de Hostos. Editorial de la Universida Puerto Rico.
González, J. E. (1991). La “Moral Social” de Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla en su centenario. Díalogos (Río Piedras, PR), 26(57), 7–33.
González-Ramírez, A. (2021). Is statehood next for Puerto Rico? It’s complicated. Medium.
Guerra, L. (1995). Feminismo e ideología liberal en el pensamiento de Hostos. In J. C. López (Ed.), de Hostos: Sentido y proyección de su obra en América (pp. 361–374). Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico.
Haywood, J. M. (2017). ‘Latino spaces have always been the most violent’: Afro-Latino collegians’ perceptions of colorism and Latino intragroup marginalization. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 30(8), 759–782.
Henriquez-Ureña, C. (1928). Las Ideas Educativas de Hostos in Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla y Bonilla: A comparative study of the educational and political contributions of this Antillean Philosopher and Reformer (Publication No. 63-5364) [Doctoral dissertation, New York University]. University Microfilms, Inc. by Sisler 1962.
Huxel, A. C. (2013). Authentic Montesorri: The teacher makes the difference. Montessori Life, 25(2), 32.
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Laboy, R. G. (2011). The Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla’ educational philosophy. Revista Brasileira de Educação, 16, 51–67.
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Lewis, C. (2012, January 11). Who was Eugenio María de Hostos? In Hostos Community College. Retrieved from https://commons.hostos.cuny.edu/hostosdesign/2012/01/11/who-was-eugenio-maria-de-hostos/#:~:text=After%20Hostos%20received%20his%20elementary,the%20Central%20University%20of%20Madrid.
Martínez, D. G., & Spikes, D. D., (2020). Se Acabaron Las Palabras: A post-mortem Flores v. Arizona disproportional funding analysis of targeted English Learner (EL) expenditures. Educational Policy. https://doi.org/10.1177/0895904820917370.
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Sisler, R. F. (1962). Eugenio María de Hostos y de Bonilla y Bonilla: A Comparative Study of the Educational and Political Contributions of this Antillean Philosopher and Reformer (Publication No. 63-5364) [Doctoral dissertation, New York University]. University Microfilms, Inc.
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Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race Ethnicity and Education, 8(1), 69–91.
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It is not enough to impart knowledge, you must teach how to acquire it; it is not enough to teach constructed knowledge, you have to teach how to construct it; it is not enough to submit yourself and to submit your teaching to a method, you have to teach how to use it. In a word, it is not enough to teach to know; you have to teach how to reason.
—Eugenio María de Hostos
Forjando el porvenir americano-II, O.C. (1939), 52
Born in Puerto Rico, Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903) was a 19th-century humanist, revolutionary, and author who traveled extensively and spent most of his life in exile. He made major contributions to education in the Dominican Republic and Chile. He was also an exemplary figure for the New World societies: an activist who fought for human and national rights at a time when these were hardly acknowledged as fundamental values; a committed abolitionist; and a staunch advocate for the recognition and enfranchisement of marginalized groups: women, Chinese, Native Americans, mestizos, and peoples of African ancestry. All of this made him a champion for inclusiveness and one of the most powerful voices for diversity in the Hispanic world.
Hostos’ views on education are worthy of note for their visionary character. His pedagogy was student-centered and based on scientific and rational methods of teaching that included observation, experiential learning, reasoning, and critical thinking. It brought to teaching the motivational theory of learning as well as an awareness of the relevance of context.
Hostos was an early promoter of offering scientific education to women, while in Chile in 1873.
In the Dominican Republic, in the 1880s, he founded teacher schools for men, and with Dominican poet Salomé Ureña, he opened a normal school for women. He also supported the establishment of kindergartens and created evening schools for workers in that country. As Dr. Félix Matos Rodríguez, president of the Hostos Community College, points out, “His educational legacy in the Dominican Republic earned him the affection and respect of generations of Dominicans that has endured to this day.”
Hostos also worked tirelessly for the independence of Cuba and his native Puerto Rico. He was in favor of Latin American unity and supported the creation of an Antillean confederation of independent states. For his important contributions to Latin America and Caribbean countries Hostos was conferred the title “eminent Citizen of America” at the 8th Pan American Conference in Lima, Perú, in 1938.
About Hostos Community College
Eugenio María de Hostos Community College is an educational agent for change that has been transforming and improving the quality of life in the South Bronx and neighboring communities since 1968. It serves as a gateway to intellectual growth and socioeconomic mobility, as well as a point of departure for lifelong learning, success in professional careers, and transfer to advanced higher education programs. The College’s unique "Student Success Coaching Unit" provides students with individualized guidance and exemplifies its emphasis on student support services.
Hostos offers 29 associate degree programs and five certificate programs that facilitate easy transfer to CUNY’s four-year colleges or baccalaureate studies at other institutions. The College has an award-winning Division of Continuing Education & Workforce Development that offers professional development courses and certificate-bearing workforce training programs. Hostos is part of The City University of New York (CUNY), the nation’s leading urban public university, which serves more than 480,000 students at 24 colleges.
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Eugenio María de Hostos was a Puerto Rican educator, writer and patriot, born in 1839 in Río Cañas, Mayagüez. Hostos attended school in Mayagüez and San Juan and studied law in Spain where he fought to liberalize Spain’s colonial rule of Cuba and Puerto Rico. He opposed all forms of slavery and fought arduously to abolish slavery in Cuba and Puerto Rico. In 1869, he left Madrid for New York City where he joined other exiles in the struggle for the liberation of Cuba and Puerto Rico.
Hostos was a man who dedicated his life to progress, education and justice--passionately committed to human rights and personal dignity. He vigorously championed reforms in politics, law, social mores and education. His extensive travels throughout the United States, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean provided him firsthand contact with the social and economic injustice and struggles taking place in many countries. He disseminated his ideas and ideals through a wide range of literary formats—books, newspaper articles, plays, speeches, and letters—to people on both continents. He fought against colonialism and slavery, endeavored gain for the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, and became a vigorous advocate for an Antillean Confederation. Hostos was also Latin America’s first scientific sociologist and an early champion of inclusiveness. He denounced the exploitation of the Chinese indentured servants in Perú and became a strong advocate for women’s educational rights.
His contributions to educational philosophy and pedagogy were liberating and transformative: through education, people would be better social contributors and realize their individuality; mothers would become better equipped and be better teachers of their children; societies would be civilized; nations would become modern and develop their potential. In Chile, he argued vigorously for the scientific education of women, and in the Dominican Republic, he founded normal (teacher schools for men, and with Dominican poet Salomé Ureña, he opened teachers school for women, called “normal.”) schools for men and women, a kindergarten, and a night school for workers.
Eugenio María de Hostos’s work and ideas have influenced the intellectual discourse of Latin America for more than 125 years, making a tremendous contribution to Caribbean identity, culture and political development. He died in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic on August 11, 1903. He is buried in the Panteón Nacional de la Patria in the colonial district of Santo Domingo. Per his wishes, his remains shall stay in the Dominican Republic until his Puerto Rico is an independent Republic.
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https://www.academia.edu/1044120/EDUCATION_FOR_SEXUAL_HARASSMENT_PREVENTION_WHICH_TRAINING_TECHNIQUE_WORKS_BEST
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EDUCATION FOR SEXUAL HARASSMENT PREVENTION: WHICH TRAINING TECHNIQUE WORKS BEST?
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2011-10-26T00:00:00
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EDUCATION FOR SEXUAL HARASSMENT PREVENTION: WHICH TRAINING TECHNIQUE WORKS BEST?
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https://www.academia.edu/1044120/EDUCATION_FOR_SEXUAL_HARASSMENT_PREVENTION_WHICH_TRAINING_TECHNIQUE_WORKS_BEST
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A cohort comprised of high school and college teachers met for one year to build understanding of the critical transition of high school students to college. The seminar analyzed how current reforms in both systems will impact student skill development and preparedness for college work. The discussions highlighted the need to clarify expectations for college freshmen regarding syllabus policies, deadline observations, and the importance of defining consistent classroom management strategies. This program also focused on the need to increase the dialogue between high school teachers and college professors as there exists reciprocal unawareness regarding curricular changes and the learning environment faced by students at both academic levels.
This 168-page research paper was written for tenure at City Colleges of Chicago. From 2011-2013, I conducted original research and took five doctoral level courses in pedagogy, in training and development, and in literacy education. The research paper reflects the findings of my project, as it relates to Literature Circles, curriculum development, as well as the history of African American Studies and Anthropology at Malcolm X College, City Colleges of Chicago. I was awarded tenure in February 2014 based on the approval of my original research, teaching, curriculum development, service to the college, and service to the community.
Social media refers to the means of interactions among people in which they create, share and exchange information and ideas in virtual communities and networks. It allows users to converse and interact with each other, to create, edit and share new forms of textual, visual and audio content. Social media has started creating a negative impact by permeating today's society with millions of us engrossed, unhealthy addiction, in the latest happenings via apps such as WhatsApp, Facebook, Twitter and so on. With technology booming rapidly from year to year and the younger generations are the ones caught in this rapid change, it is, therefore, crucial to throw more light on the impact of social media on the academic performance of students.
Academic burnout is an occupational health syndrome with both psychological and physiological symptoms. It manifests as a debilitating and sometimes life-threatening condition when the extremely educated are under excessive social and occupational stress. Recent studies demonstrate that societal and economic changes have induced metamorphosis of the professoriate from a low-stress to a high-stress occupation. Our knowledge about the nature and incidence of burnout among professors in the United States comes largely from studies confined to specific institutions, medical schools, and research universities. Publication is probably the most obvious and obtainable signal of reduced research productivity, and it is closely connected with academic burnout. I shed light on the potential incidence of academic burnout in university faculty by examining the productivity of 612 tenured life science faculty members from non-doctoral granting departments at 76 regional state universities and liberal arts colleges distributed among 13 randomly selected states. Anything claimed to be a publication on a faculty member's CV or webpage, or via a Google Scholar query was accepted. This definition inflated publication counts making unpublished faculty more difficult to identify. Despite this, about 37% of tenured faculty went unpublished from 2008-2012. State jurisdictions averaged from 19% to 52% of faculty without publications. Departments awarding masters degrees had more published faculty than non-masters awarding departments. The large numbers of unpublished faculty during this five-year window constitutes a smoking gun suggesting that academic burnout (a.k.a., adrenal exhaustion) may be a widespread problem in American regional state universities and public liberal arts colleges. However, supporting psychological and physiological tests are needed to rule out or support definitively the role of academic burnout in the revealed publication patterns of faculty at these mid-tier schools. Institutions with low faculty publication rates should screen faculty to evaluate the degree to which burnout is present, regardless of teaching load. These results beg to question if immediate need exists for strategic implementation of college-wide, self-help programs to reduce the occurrence of stress-related disorders like academic burnout which may threaten the stature of American higher education.
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https://www.puertoricodaytrips.com/osj-outdoor-art/
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Outdoor Art in Old San Juan: It’s All Around You
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Old San Juan is a 400 year old city, that has come into the modern age with original great old buildings that blend well with the modern conveniences. You can see art all over as you walk around outside in Old San Juan. There are sculptures galore, in all sizes and styles, depicting all sorts of people and things. So explore the old city and see what wonderful art you can find!
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Old San Juan is a 400 year old city, that has come into the modern age. The original great old buildings blend well with the modern conveniences. Luckily, there are many ordinances for refurbishment, so little of the historic integrity is lost during building renovations. Many of the hotels, restaurants and bars are in refurbished 200-300 year old buildings, most of which maintain their original charm. You can really see how it looked way back then. A quick stop into El Convento Hotel will show you exactly what I mean!
But the city has also grown culturally, with modern art mixed in with the old ambiance. Of course you can go into the many museums and galleries that offer all types of art. But you can also see art (old and new) all over as you walk around outside in Old San Juan. There are sculptures galore, in all sizes and styles, depicting all sorts of people and things. There is also Spanish tile work and modern tile work all around. The ornate iron work on the buildings is sometimes so detailed that it can be considered art itself. Some of the architectural details are so lavish that the whole building is a work of art! If you really care to look, there is art all around you in this old city. Just enjoying all the pretty colorful buildings (some with the little balconies) along the blue cobblestone streets are beautiful!
Some of my favorite sculptures
Raices Fountain – This beautiful bronze fountain, designed by Spanish artist Luís Sanguino, is located at the end of the Paseo de la Princesa. Raices (which means roots) was sculpted in 1992. It depicts the origins of Puerto Ricans – a people with descendants from the Taino Indian, African and Spanish, all blended and rising out of the sea with dolphin escorts.
La Rogativa – La Rogativa stands at the end of Caleta de las Monjas, right on the edge of the city wall, just inside the San Juan Gate entrance. It is a modern style bronze sculpture made by Lindsay Daen in 1971. It depicts the 1797 procession of the Bishop and religious women which is said to have scared off an invading British fleet. Allegedly, the British assumed the procession was actually military reinforcements.
Fuente de la Herencia de las Americas – This group of bronze sculptures were created by José Buscaglia in 1992. The grouping is currently located along the south side of the Paseo de la Princesa, in the Jardin de la Princesa park. This is a set of 5 individual sculptures that go together. This work is said to symbolize the various periods Puerto Rico has been through in the last 5 centuries – from the coming of the Spanish Conquistadores to the start of the US presence.
Totem pole – This sculpture is in the Plaza del Quinto Centenario (Quincentennial Square). Designed by Jaime Suarez in 1992, the totemic monument was the main part of the 500th anniversary commemoration of Columbus’ discovery of the New World. It is about 40 feet tall and is made of black granite and (supposedly) actual Taino ceramic pieces.
Fountain at The Plaza de Armas – This plaza is located on San Francisco Street, between San Jose and Cruz Streets. This lovely fountain is over 100 years old and has statues representing the four seasons. Shown here is “Winter”.
Jorge Zeno Animal Sculptures – There are 3 whimsical works by Jorge Zeno located in the little square across the street from the Cathedral. They are penguins in a boat, a cat/giraffe, and a rooster. Here is “cat/giraffe”. There is another copy of this sculpture in front of the Banco Popular building.
Important People In Puerto Rico’s History
Christopher Columbus – A statue of Cristobal Colon (Christopher Columbus) is located in Plaza Colon, right by the Fort San Cristobal. Erected in 1893 to commemorate the 400th anniversary of the his arrival in Puerto Rico (1493), the beautifully sculpted base depicts Columbus’ life.
Eugenio María de Hostos – This statue of Eugenio María de Hostos (The Citizen of the Americas), by José Buscaglia, commerates this famous Puerto Rican educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist and independence advocate. Located in the plaza near Casa Blanca ( which I call skateboard park due to the teenagers that hang out there skateboarding).
Ponce de Leon – Located in the Plaza de San José, this bronze statue was made from British cannons captured during the attack in 1797. Commemorates the first governor of Puerto Rico, Juan Ponce de Leon.
Felisa Rincón de Gautier – If you go into the gardens along the Paseo la Princesa, you will see this sculpture of a sitting lady on a park bench. She was the first female mayor of San Juan. She was much beloved by the people, holding the office of mayor for 22 years, from 1946 to 1968.
Less Traditional "Objects de Art"
Old San Juan Cemetery – During the day, you can make a stop in at the Old San Juan Cemetery (Cementerio Maria Magdalena de Pazzis), which is located down a small street to the east of El Morro. It’s (supposedly) open 8am – 3pm weekdays and 7am – noon on the weekends. Some of the memorials on family plots are absolutely beautiful sculptures. Even if the gates are locked, you can look in. I would avoid this place after dark, as it is situated very close to a questionable neighborhood.
Spanish Tile Work – Some other "artwork" that you should keep an eye open for in your walks are the Spanish tiles and mosaics. They are not always easy to spot, but here is a hint – take a peak inside open doors on homes or businesses and look at the steps leading to the upper floor, many will have beautiful old tile work. Also keep an eye out for it on the outside of the buildings, sometimes above windows. Some of the tiles are just beautiful. There is even one old building that is a 120 yr old tile billboard for itself (an old soda factory!). See the first picture in this article.
Ironwork – Locally called rejas, you can’t avoid seeing the ironwork on windows and doors throughout the city. It was (still is) used as decoration that also acts as protection, from both burglars and wind storms. Some of it is very ornate.
Architecture – The architecture of some of the old buildings and intricate painting is art in itself. Some notable examples are the art deco of the Banco Popular building and the Customs House by the Casita.
Senor Frog – And of course- if "artsy" art is not your thing, you might want a picture of Senor Frog! See? Something for everyone!
This is just a tiny introduction to the artwork and sculptures you will see around town. So take some time and walk all around the streets and small alleys in Old San Juan. All sorts of artwork awaits you!
Click on a placename below to view the location on Google Maps ...
Cementerio Maria Magdalena de Pazzis / Old San Juan Cemetery
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Hostos y Bonilla, Eugenio María de (1839–1903)
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Hostos y Bonilla, Eugenio María de (1839–1903)Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla (b. 11 January 1839; d. 11 August 1903), Puerto Rican philosopher, sociologist, educator, patriot, and man of letters. Source for information on Hostos y Bonilla, Eugenio María de (1839–1903): Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture dictionary.
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Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla (b. 11 January 1839; d. 11 August 1903), Puerto Rican philosopher, sociologist, educator, patriot, and man of letters. Born in Río Cañas, Hostos attended elementary school in San Juan, secondary school at the Institute of Balboa in Spain, and enrolled in law school in Madrid. He joined the Spanish republican movement and gained their promise of independence for Puerto Rico and Cuba. When the republicans abandoned that promise, Hostos moved to the United States in 1869.
In New York, he joined the Cuban Revolutionary Junta and became managing editor of its official periodical. Realizing that Cuban independence could not be fought from New York, he began a four-year journey in 1870 that would take him throughout South America to win support for the independence cause. Long an advocate of abolition of slavery and of Antillean federation after independence, Hostos involved himself during his travels with various social injustices. In Lima, his writings proved instrumental in turning public opinion against the mistreatment of Chinese laborers and against the Oroya railway project, despite the fact that its builders offered to donate $200,000 to the movement. In 1872, he taught at the University of Chile in Santiago, where his writings helped gain women the right of admission to professional programs. While in Argentina in 1873, he became a spokesman for a transandean railroad to Chile. In honor of his efforts, the first locomotive to complete the journey was named the Eugenio María de Hostos.
In 1875, he settled in Santo Domingo, where he founded a newspaper that echoed one of his strongest dreams, a federation of the Hispanic West Indies. After a brief trip to Venezuela where he married, he returned to Santo Domingo and revamped the education system, introducing the scientific method to the curriculum. He stated that the only revolution that had not taken place in Latin America was in education and he added the reformation of educational systems to his political agenda. After a disagreement with the Dominican dictator, Ulises Heureaux in 1888, he accepted an invitation from officials to return to Chile and reform its educational system.
Hostos returned to New York in 1898 and for two years unsuccessfully agitated for a plebiscite to determine the future status of Puerto Rico, even participating in a delegation that presented demands to President William McKinley. After the assassination of Heureaux, he returned to the Dominican Republic as inspector general of schools.
Hostos wrote fifty books and numerous essays. The impact of his novel, La peregrinación de Bayoán, is said to be as profound for Cuban independence as Uncle Tom's Cabin was for the abolitionist movement in the United States. His treatise on the scientific education of women made him a precursor of later feminist causes and his political writings made him a forerunner of the doctrine of self-determination in his homeland. It is said that no national literature evolved in the Dominican Republic until after his service to that country. His educational endeavors included founding schools, writing textbooks, and authoring the laws governing education. He wrote best of his own beliefs when he said in La peregrinación, "I wish that they will say: In that Island [Puerto Rico] a man was born who loved truth, desired justice, and worked for the good of men."
See alsoChinese Labor (Peru); Liberalism; Puerto Rico.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Juan Bosch, Hostos, el sembrador (1976).
Eugenio Carlos De Hostos, ed., Eugenio María de Hostos: Promoter of Pan-Americanism (1954).
Loida Figueroa, Hostos, el angustiado (1988).
Adelaida Lugo Guernelli, Eugenio María de Hostos, ensayista y crítico literario (1970).
Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla Obras Completas.
Arturo Morales Carrión, Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History (1983).
Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi, Luperón y Hostos (1975).
Emilio Roig De Leuchsenring, Hostos y Cuba, 2d ed. (1974).
Additional Bibliography
Arpini, Adriana. Eugenio María de Hostos, un hacedor de libertad. Mendoza: Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, 2002.
Méndez, José Luis. Hostos y las ciencias sociales. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 2003.
Rivera, Angel A. Eugenio María de Hostos y Alejandro Tapia y Rivera: avatares de una modernidad caribeña. New York: P. Lang, 2001.
Rosa, Richard. Los fantasmas de la razón: Una lectura material de Hostos. San Juan: Isla Negra, 2003.
Jacquelyn Briggs Kent
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Hostos y Bonilla, Eugenio María de (1839–1903)Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla (b. 11 January 1839; d. 11 August 1903), Puerto Rican philosopher, sociologist, educator, patriot, and man of letters. Source for information on Hostos y Bonilla, Eugenio María de (1839–1903): Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture dictionary.
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Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla (b. 11 January 1839; d. 11 August 1903), Puerto Rican philosopher, sociologist, educator, patriot, and man of letters. Born in Río Cañas, Hostos attended elementary school in San Juan, secondary school at the Institute of Balboa in Spain, and enrolled in law school in Madrid. He joined the Spanish republican movement and gained their promise of independence for Puerto Rico and Cuba. When the republicans abandoned that promise, Hostos moved to the United States in 1869.
In New York, he joined the Cuban Revolutionary Junta and became managing editor of its official periodical. Realizing that Cuban independence could not be fought from New York, he began a four-year journey in 1870 that would take him throughout South America to win support for the independence cause. Long an advocate of abolition of slavery and of Antillean federation after independence, Hostos involved himself during his travels with various social injustices. In Lima, his writings proved instrumental in turning public opinion against the mistreatment of Chinese laborers and against the Oroya railway project, despite the fact that its builders offered to donate $200,000 to the movement. In 1872, he taught at the University of Chile in Santiago, where his writings helped gain women the right of admission to professional programs. While in Argentina in 1873, he became a spokesman for a transandean railroad to Chile. In honor of his efforts, the first locomotive to complete the journey was named the Eugenio María de Hostos.
In 1875, he settled in Santo Domingo, where he founded a newspaper that echoed one of his strongest dreams, a federation of the Hispanic West Indies. After a brief trip to Venezuela where he married, he returned to Santo Domingo and revamped the education system, introducing the scientific method to the curriculum. He stated that the only revolution that had not taken place in Latin America was in education and he added the reformation of educational systems to his political agenda. After a disagreement with the Dominican dictator, Ulises Heureaux in 1888, he accepted an invitation from officials to return to Chile and reform its educational system.
Hostos returned to New York in 1898 and for two years unsuccessfully agitated for a plebiscite to determine the future status of Puerto Rico, even participating in a delegation that presented demands to President William McKinley. After the assassination of Heureaux, he returned to the Dominican Republic as inspector general of schools.
Hostos wrote fifty books and numerous essays. The impact of his novel, La peregrinación de Bayoán, is said to be as profound for Cuban independence as Uncle Tom's Cabin was for the abolitionist movement in the United States. His treatise on the scientific education of women made him a precursor of later feminist causes and his political writings made him a forerunner of the doctrine of self-determination in his homeland. It is said that no national literature evolved in the Dominican Republic until after his service to that country. His educational endeavors included founding schools, writing textbooks, and authoring the laws governing education. He wrote best of his own beliefs when he said in La peregrinación, "I wish that they will say: In that Island [Puerto Rico] a man was born who loved truth, desired justice, and worked for the good of men."
See alsoChinese Labor (Peru); Liberalism; Puerto Rico.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Juan Bosch, Hostos, el sembrador (1976).
Eugenio Carlos De Hostos, ed., Eugenio María de Hostos: Promoter of Pan-Americanism (1954).
Loida Figueroa, Hostos, el angustiado (1988).
Adelaida Lugo Guernelli, Eugenio María de Hostos, ensayista y crítico literario (1970).
Eugenio María de Hostos y Bonilla Obras Completas.
Arturo Morales Carrión, Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History (1983).
Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi, Luperón y Hostos (1975).
Emilio Roig De Leuchsenring, Hostos y Cuba, 2d ed. (1974).
Additional Bibliography
Arpini, Adriana. Eugenio María de Hostos, un hacedor de libertad. Mendoza: Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, 2002.
Méndez, José Luis. Hostos y las ciencias sociales. San Juan: Editorial de la Universidad de Puerto Rico, 2003.
Rivera, Angel A. Eugenio María de Hostos y Alejandro Tapia y Rivera: avatares de una modernidad caribeña. New York: P. Lang, 2001.
Rosa, Richard. Los fantasmas de la razón: Una lectura material de Hostos. San Juan: Isla Negra, 2003.
Jacquelyn Briggs Kent
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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Background and Institutional Context
The mission of Eugenio María de Hostos Community College is to provide educational opportunities leading to socio-economic mobility for first and second generation Hispanics, African Americans, and other residents of New York City who have encountered significant barriers to higher education. This institutional mission was founded on the work and contributions of an intellectual giant, Eugenio María de Hostos, a man who dedicated his life to education and to justice. A Puerto Rican educator, writer and patriot, Eugenio María de Hostos was widely known throughout Latin America as a strong advocate of civic reforms. He was a lifelong fighter for the independence of Puerto Rico, Cuba and the other Latin American and Caribbean countries, fighting to abolish the institution of slavery. His support for women's rights, especially in education, was more than theoretical, since he had decisive influence on the educational systems of Chile and the Dominican Republic in which women were included for the first time under his leadership. A life-long writer, Hostos’ Obras Completas (complete works) published in 20 volumes in 1939 by the Cuban government, includes novels, children’s stories, essays on literature, education, law, morality, politics, sociology, journalistic works and notes for his classroom lectures. During his time in New York, Hostos was at the center of a growing community of Caribbean political activists, and is considered to be one of the pioneers of the city’s Latino community, one that would grow to nearly 2 million residents.
Mott Haven: The Heart of the Latino South Bronx
The impact of Hostos Community College/CUNY on the people of the South Bronx cannot be underestimated. Since 1970 it has served as an anchor to the predominantly Latino community surrounding it. Located in the heart of the South Bronx in the neighborhood of Mott Haven, Hostos is an open-admissions, transitional bilingual institution that was established in 1968 in response to the demands of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic leaders who demanded the creation of a college to meet the needs of the local community. The founding of Hostos Community College was the first occasion in New York that an institution of higher learning had deliberately been sited in a neighborhood like the South Bronx, one of the nation's poorest congressional districts. Hostos' open admissions policy, bilingual educational model, and geography have remained enduring signs of Hostos' identity as an institution dedicated to higher education for poor and predominantly Hispanic students. The College takes pride in its historical role in educating students from diverse ethnic, racial, cultural and linguistic backgrounds, particularly Hispanics and African Americans. An integral part of fulfilling its mission is to provide transitional language instruction for all English-as-a-second-language learners along with Spanish/English bilingual education offerings to foster a multicultural environment for all students. Hostos is nationally known for its bilingual approach to education, allowing Spanish-dominant students to begin courses in their native language while learning English.
Hostos Community College is part of the City University of New York (CUNY), the nation’s largest urban university with 11 senior colleges, 6 community colleges, a graduate school, a law school and a school of biomedical education. The modern campus sits just blocks from Yankee Stadium and major expressways in a transportation area know as “the Hub.” It functions as a Hub in many valuable ways to the local community: educationally, culturally and socially. Hostos enrolls approximately 4,500 students each year—60-65% is full-time, 30-35% percent part-time. Sixty percent of our students are Hispanic/Latino (Dominican, Puerto Rican, Central/South American) and 30% black. Seventy-two percent of our students are female. The College offers an innovative and robust liberal arts program leading to an Associate in Arts, an Associate in Science degree, or transfer to four-year colleges upon graduation. Hostos also offers an Associate in Applied Science (A.A.S.) degree as well as a variety of career programs in the Allied Health professions, paralegal studies, public administration, education, urban health, and business. Hostos further serves the South Bronx through its Hostos-Lincoln Academy High School which was named a national Blue Ribbon School of Excellence during the 2001-2002 academic year.
The Hostos Library Department
Knowledge and freedom were what Eugenio María de Hostos wanted for his own people and for all the people of the world. As the first college in the United States to bear his name, we strive for no less. As the library that serves this college, we are passionately dedicated to the mission of our institution and have designed all of our programs and initiatives around helping our college meet its’ institutional and community goals. In this regard, we have developed a mission statement that bolsters our commitment to supporting our students in the acquisition of English and the critical academic literacy skills that will serve to break down the barriers that have contributed to the exclusion of our community from higher education in the past. Thus, in 2003/04 we revised our mission statement to reflect an emphasis on teaching and defining ourselves as a teaching library. Moreover, as the library that bears his name, we have claimed our role as a research and community resource for information by and about Eugenio María de Hostos in the United States. By establishing a unique collection for research and study on Hostos at Hostos, we strive to provide a unique opportunity for our students, faculty and our surrounding communities from the Bronx and all of New York City to explore with us the rich threads that are brought together in the life experience and works of this extraordinary man.
Our vision of the Hostos Library is that of a centralized empowerment zone focused on a student-centered, active learning environment. At the heart of our mission is our Information Literacy initiative, which we view as the driving force behind our vision for the Library. We believe it is our duty and role to provide our students with these critical skills in order for them to be successful in their academic and life pursuits, and all of our programming, collection development and instructional activities are founded on this belief. Eight fulltime library faculty, four faculty adjuncts, six fulltime administrative support staff, six regular part time support staff and a revolving team of student aides serve this population of approximately 4500 students and 155 fulltime instructional staff. The library is open 7 days a week for total of 68 hours, operating and staffing four public services desks at Reference, Circulation, Reserves and Media Services. In this application we will highlight three primary initiatives, or activity areas, that we believe define our role as a community college library, meet the ACRL criteria for excellence, and are representative of excellence in academic librarianship in the community college environment. The three programmatic areas detailed below include our instruction initiative, grants program and library-faculty curricular collaboration activities.
I. Creativity and Innovation in Meeting the Needs of Hostos Community College
Several years ago the library department made a strategic decision to take the lead in making the library’s teaching agenda an institutional priority with a goal to make the library a visible and critical partner in the college's teaching and learning mission. Thus, the library department has gradually come to be recognized as the academic department that it is, with a teaching agenda of its own that is now reflected through proactive curriculum development. The Middle States review and the accreditation standards presented a golden opportunity to advocate for the library as an academic department and put forward a new, more dynamic image of library faculty—that of educator and faculty partner. We did this by identifying the most important initiatives on our campus and worked to demonstrate how the library department supports those initiatives. In our case these priorities were retention, recruitment, academic integrity, and writing across the curriculum.
We developed a teaching agenda that supports the programs and priorities of the institution and took a proactive approach to presenting the library’s programmatic offerings, rather than our traditionally more comfortable, reactive approach to waiting to be asked to give a tour or teach a workshop. We sought to position ourselves as the invaluable teaching partners that we are, with unique expertise in the information technologies and critical thinking skills that are so crucial to the success of our students and faculty. We market and promote our curriculum and ourselves, showing that as library faculty, we use our information technology and literacy expertise, pedagogic skills and enthusiasm for collaboration, to contribute significantly to the Hostos mission. We believe our approach and program to be innovative and creative in meeting the needs of our community. Our Library mission statement is truly the starting point for a presentation and description of our instruction program and information literacy initiative.
Library Mission Statement
As an academic department, the Hostos Community College Library functions as a dynamic center of teaching and learning. The Library provides information literacy tools that enhance the pursuit of knowledge by teaching our college community to retrieve, critically evaluate and synthesize information for academic, professional and personal pursuits.
In this thriving urban environment, we partner with each academic department to broaden and contextualize all areas of study, selecting and using the necessary instructional materials, related equipment and services that will assist the college in meeting its educational, cultural and social obligations.
As vanguards of information, the library faculty supports an environment of free and critical thought to realize the goals of a bilingual, metropolitan and multicultural community college.
From our Information Literacy Program Mission Statement
No student should graduate from Hostos Community College without the ability to formulate a research question or problem, to determine its information requirements, to locate and retrieve the relevant information, to organize, analyze, evaluate, treat critically and synthesize the information and to communicate and present that information in a cohesive and logical fashion. Moreover, no student should graduate from Hostos without understanding the ethical, legal and socio-political issues surrounding information and knowledge and how it is produced. The students here attending college in the South Bronx must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these skills if they are to participate as equal members of society in the 21st century.
Library Instruction Program
As noted earlier, our Information Literacy initiative is the driving force behind our vision for the Library. Our multi-level, curriculum integrated, information literacy program involves campus-wide faculty development, a new wireless electronic classroom for teaching, a re-trained library faculty, an incentive-based laptop loan program, the provision of high quality, bilingual instructional materials including an online, interactive Bilingual Information Literacy Tutorial and an ever-expanding library Web site with resources for students and faculty.
Library faculty have been making connections with disciplinary faculty for many years, providing unique and varied opportunities for our students to acquire fundamental academic and life skills through our information literacy initiatives. Similar to writing, information literacy skills are best learned over time, through practice and repetition, and they are the very skills our students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam, a graduation requirement for all CUNY students, that tests student ability at reading and writing comprehension in English. Getting Hostos students through the CPE is a major college-wide priority and challenge. Since information literacy focuses on critical thinking, reading, evaluation and the use of information to enhance learning and produce new knowledge, it can be especially effective when taught in the context of disciplinary coursework by the classroom instructor in collaboration with Library faculty. With expertise in teaching research strategies and use of information resources, Library faculty know that information literacy skills facilitate the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge, and that instruction and practice in these skills “supports pedagogy focused on the development of research, critical thinking, and writing or other communication skills.” 1
In 2001, the Library initiated its multilevel, curriculum-integrated Information Literacy program to address the library’s role in supporting the college’s general education goals and teaching general education competencies. We now offer a panoply of research and instructional resources but we started out with three (out of an eventual six) foundational IL open workshops. When we created our IL program, we approached the Counseling department, whose faculty teach the College Orientation course; we were able to convince them that instead of simply assigning their students to read the section of their textbook on library research skills, that they could make attendance in our three foundational open workshops a requirement for the course. The College Orientation faculty would not have to use any of their once-a-week class sessions to cover IL, since students would sign up for the IL workshops during periods when they had no class sessions. It has been a highly successful strategy for both the Library and Counseling departments.
In 2002, the college set out to rethink and redesign our liberal arts core curriculum. After decades of a standard distribution model, with vague general education goals, the college-wide curriculum committee emerged from months of discussion and meetings with a cluster model that includes a General Education requirement of 21-22 credits, an 18-20 credit discipline-based cluster with 4 distinct choices and a final 20 credits of electives, which would include articulated “options,” or the equivalent of a minor. In addition, a set of distinct core general education competencies were identified and agreed upon as the fundamental skills we wanted our students to master by the time they graduated. It is also relevant to note here that the library department has representation on the College-wide Curriculum committee, the CPE Committee, the Writing Across the Curriculum Committee and the Center for Teaching and Learning Council, so we are very much involved with program development and implementation.
When the library faculty successfully integrated IL into the Freshman Orientation course, we in effect managed to insert information literacy into the new Liberal Arts core curriculum through the inclusion of the required College Orientation course. Thus, as of fall 2003, all Liberal Arts students take 2-3 information literacy workshops as part of the college’s general education requirements. In a further sign that faculty in other academic departments are seeing the value of information literacy, in the spring of 2005 the English department voted to require all students enrolled in English 111, the second semester of Freshman Composition in which research papers are assigned, to take an IL module comprised of two of our IL workshops that address research skills and academic integrity.
We now offer six different open workshops, each lasting 75 minutes, which also include hands-on use of wireless laptops. The curriculum addresses the five Information Literacy Standards as designated and described in the Association of College and Research Libraries’ Information Literacy Competency Standards for Higher Education. We teach basic IL skills, including how to use online catalogs, research databases and the Internet, but our focus is on teaching the lasting and transferable skills that all citizens of this information age need to know: how to decide what kind of information one needs in any particular instance, how to use language to create search strategies (now an essential skill in a digitally-based research environment), how to critically evaluate information and its sources, how to decode digital records and citations, and how to use information legally and ethically—all skills that support the acquisition of core general education competencies. Our curriculum was carefully and thoughtfully designed to include specific learning outcomes in each module with clear objectives for each session. Each session includes exercises designed to engage the student in demonstrating that they have met the learning goals.
We also offer course-related workshops for any faculty member who requests one. However, our approach to these customized IL workshops is innovative: before we work with a class, the faculty member must first require that the students take at least two of our open workshops (again, attending workshops outside of their regular class schedules) so that when the faculty member brings in their class, the students have already had some experience with using information tools and resources. In each of our open workshops, we sign students’ Attendance Verification Forms so instructors know their students have attended the workshop(s). All together, we teach approximately 80 workshops per semester, about one-fourth of which are targeted course-related workshops.
We have come to realize that IL instruction can be used as a powerful language-learning tool to reinforce language acquisition of ESL students and this has led to exciting collaborations with faculty and students in our Language and Cognition and English departments. Because part of a researcher’s strategy is to choose vocabulary that will correspond to the subject descriptors in the records of indexes and full text databases, library catalogs and even the freer-wheeling syntax of Web indexing, we strive to make use of teaching strategies that focus on how to choose keywords, synonyms and related terms and how to combine them to create successful results. We also use the pedagogy of IL to reinforce academic literacy skills such as how to engage in the process of research and critical evaluation that leads from broad, still-fuzzy results to narrowly focused, productive results. We often collaborate with disciplinary faculty to create workshops and information-based assignments and resources targeting a specific discipline.
One example of how we work can be found in a collaboration between a library faculty member and two faculty members who teach sections of Intensive English, a content-based ESL course that includes a module on the Holocaust and World War II. As the librarian and ESL teachers discussed creating a course-related workshop, they decided that many of the most useful resources for learning about the Holocaust are web-based resources that include art, photography, oral histories, letters and other primary source documents. The librarian created an online, annotated Pathfinder consisting of several of the most useful websites and an instructional handout to be used in the research workshop by the students in the two Intensive English sections. The library faculty member and class instructor team-taught the session, focusing on specific resources and the research assignment. In the weeks following these workshops, the librarian followed up with one-on-one work with students who needed help as they completed their research paper. Rubrics can then be applied to student work products to determine if the students have grasped the concepts and have demonstrated proficiency. This example of how we work with disciplinary faculty was so successful that it has been repeated for three years now. We try to work in this same fashion with all disciplinary faculty. English and Language and Cognition faculty are the most active in requesting course-related, collaborative workshops such as the one described, but since 2001 when we created our IL program, we have seen the steady rise in participation from all academic departments, and approximately 50 percent of Hostos faculty require students enrolled in their courses to take at least two of our IL open workshops.
We are also developing a credit-bearing Information Studies program to be taught by Library faculty or in collaboration with other departmental faculty which would be accepted as transfer credits by programs at some of CUNY’s senior colleges. Our pedagogic philosophy about teaching Information Literacy is that we can and should utilize a wide variety of methods to teach these crucial skills. One-on-one, point-of-use instruction at the reference desk; the six interlocking open workshops students can take outside their regular courses; course-related research workshops; online tutorials, which are now available in Spanish as well as in English and other instructional support materials available at the HCC Library website; and the emerging opportunity to offer semester-long credit-bearing courses comprise the Hostos IL program.
Outcomes
Among pedagogical outcomes, integrating information literacy into disciplinary curricula supports the ongoing development of academic readiness skills; prepares students to navigate and survive the information revolution; provides another language-learning tool for students to improve vocabulary and language skills; and reinforces the development of cognitive skills such as critical thinking and reading, comparing and contrasting, evaluating and analyzing information resources. Hostos Library faculty also anticipate that by working with faculty in other departments to offer these courses, modules, and workshops, our collective projects will support college efforts to invigorate and revitalize Hostos curricula and move our institution into a leading position among community colleges with its vision of how students in the 21 st Century can and must be supported. Finally, our students benefit by gaining deeper knowledge through making connections across and beyond disciplines through the acquisition of core general education competencies that will prepare them for a wide variety of professions and improve their academic success. Other measurable outcomes include the inclusion of information literacy in the new Liberal Arts core curriculum, which is reflected in the college program documents and continued increases in enrollment in our classes and program.
Outcomes Assessment
As part of our assessment plan, the library is working on several projects that will allow us to assess student outcomes and information literacy. The first is underway and involves integrating information-based assignments into the Writing Intensive (WI) courses, then working with the faculty to assess student papers and work using rubrics. We have developed a rubric to assess the ACRL IL standards and competencies and are employing the use of a basic assessment grid based on the Nichols 5-column chart to track our progress. The second is a project with faculty members in the Allied Health department and two of their summer classes. We collaborated with the classroom faculty to plan two customized workshops with clearly articulated IL learning outcomes, team-taught the session, then applied a rubric on the final student projects and collected assessment data to determine if the students met the learning goals of the session. The rubric assessed the students’ understanding of how to analyze records in our periodicals databases and how to apply APA citation format. The results were encouraging, demonstrating that the students understood the lessons learned in the workshops. This is the process we now employ for most of the course-integrated session requests we receive from faculty and has become a part of our regular routine to insure that we are making the most of our instructional time and meeting the needs of the students and the classroom faculty.
The third means of assessing information literacy instruction is taking place this year, when we will be able for the first time to cross-tab our student workshop data with CPE scores and other testing data from Institutional Research. We have been collecting data from student evaluation forms for several years and are hoping to be able to determine if there is any statistically relevant connection between students who have taken at least two of our IL workshops and GPA, retention rates and test scores. This means of assessing student-learning outcomes is based on a model that has been very successful at a Glendale Community College in California. Working closely with the Office of Institutional Research, we designed an evaluation form that is distributed to students in all of our sessions and we collect data that allows us to track our students through their academic career.
In the past year, the Library Department continued to assess student learning outcomes with regard to information literacy. The Coordinator of Library Instruction is working on Hostos student learning outcomes assessment on several levels. She is a member of the College’s Middle States Periodic Review Subcommittee on Student Outcomes Assessment and in connection with that subcommittee she attended the recent Middle States workshop, “Assessing Student Learning in General Education.” As a member of the CUNY-wide Library Information Literacy Advisory Committee (LILAC), she is Chair of the Articulation subcommittee - tasked with investigating and facilitating coordination and articulation of information literacy programs between and among the community and four year CUNY campuses. This past year she received our professional association’s (LACUNY) Professional Development award to enable her to attend an all-day pre-conference workshop, “Assessment and Beyond: Starting It Off, Pulling It All Together and Making Decisions,” that was held at the end of June at the American Library Association’s Annual Conference.
II. Leadership in Developing and Implementing Exemplary Programs
The Hostos Library has taken a leadership role in developing a proactive grants program to support our vision and address college priorities and institutional retention and instructional goals. Our grants program addresses one of our primary objectives-- to create more culturally relevant materials for curricular integration to support retention efforts on campus. A review of the literature revealed that research conducted over the past 15-20 years on the retention of Hispanic students demonstrates that the integration of Hispanic perspectives, culture and history into the curriculum improves retention rates. 2 Thus, we developed programs to improve the teaching and learning experience by working closely with faculty to include more Hispanic perspectives into the classroom as a part of college initiatives to retain students.
Presented here are four of our grants initiatives that we believe are examples of exemplary programming in support of our college mission to provide the best learning support for our students and retain them.
1. Awarded $5,000 Diversity Grant from the CUNY Office of Diversity for a Bi-lingual Information Literacy Initiative
The primary objective with this project is to provide equal access to critical information technology tools to the Spanish dominant students in CUNY. We know that basic information literacy skills that are learned over time through practice and repetition are the very skills students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam (CPE)—analytical reading and writing, and analyzing, integrating and using information from graphs, charts and corresponding texts. The goals and objectives of both the Information Competency and CPE programs are the same: to teach students how to think critically, compare and contrast, and evaluate and analyze information resources. If CUNY’s many Spanish-dominate ESL students can begin to learn these skills earlier in their own language, their ability to transfer the skills into English will be vastly improved. This project was based on the notion that Spanish-dominant students attending Hostos, and other CUNY colleges, must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these transferable skills if they are to participate as equal members of society and be competitive in the job market. A Spanish language version of our Web-based Information Competency Tutorial will serve CUNY’s Hispanic students in acquiring these essential transferable skills.
Spanish-dominant students, particularly those in the Bronx, face an uphill battle as entering CUNY students as they struggle to improve their language skills while also learning basic student survival and study skills. This online interactive tool is now available across CUNY and can be integrated into all disciplines. Access to a Spanish language version of this 24/7 interactive tutorial is a tremendous tool with potentially far-reaching benefits for CUNYs Hispanic population.
Outcomes
The primary outcome of the project is a Spanish language version of an interactive, online information literacy tutorial accessible to all CUNY students and faculty. A more important and desired benefit and potential outcome is more information literate students who have the ability to think critically and locate, evaluate and use information to become independent life-long learners. If they can do this, they can pass the CPE.
2. Awarded a $25,000 NEH Grant to build a seminal collection and digital archive of works by and about Eugenio María de Hostos
In 2003 the Library applied for and was awarded a National Endowment for the Humanities Extending the Reach grant to develop a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos and develop a digital archive of resources for research. The digital archive allows the College to disseminate information in Spanish and English on Hostos’s life and work to a broad public. With this project, the library fosters collaborative endeavors among faculty to develop and infuse its curriculum with courses that integrate Hostos’s thinking and writings in various disciplines, and promote more culturally relevant curricular offerings for our students. The library also sponsored academic programming that strengthens and supports our role as a research institution on the life and works of Hostos and Caribbean political thought and ideas. For example, the library organized and offered "Teaching Hostos at Hostos," a three-day interdisciplinary faculty retreat that was part of our NEH recent Extending the Reach grant that enabled professors to develop curricular modules on integrating Hostos into the curriculum for a wide range of college courses.
The focus of this project was to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos at Eugenio María de Hostos Community College in order to advance the study of humanities through expanded curricular offerings, symposia, community lectures and exhibitions based on the collection. While there are many scholarly resources for research available in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, there is very little here in the United States. With this project, the library claimed our role in recovering our legacy by developing the richest and most extensive collection of materials by and about Hostos in the United States. We expect the collection to become, in a few years, one of the best library collections on this author in the continental United States. Given the multi-disciplinary nature of Hostos’ life work, these materials can be used across disciplines to support research and curricular initiatives in the arts, history, sociology, education, philosophy, law and Latin American and Caribbean studies.
Outcomes
Measurable outcomes include increased holdings, a digital collection, and new course offerings in the Humanities, English, Language and Cognition, and English departments. Copies of syllabi, Web pages, and records of new holdings are publicly available as concrete measurable outcomes of this effort to promote the life and work of this extraordinary man and advance the study of the Humanities in a variety of disciplines. Specific outcomes included:
multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion of Hostos content in college courses
ongoing acquisition of the writings of Hostos as well as Martí and other Latino writers and thinkers in both Spanish and English
digitization of Hostos’s manuscripts and other historical source documents
development of a comprehensive public website in English and Spanish dedicated to Hostos’ biography and writings
3. Awarded three Documentary Heritage Grants from NY State Archives ($9,400; $24,500; and $18,900) for documentation and preservation project for College Archives
The goal of this project is to identify, survey and plan for the systematic collection of records that document the first decade of Hostos Community College and illustrate the decisive battles it survived—including funding struggles and ethnic conflicts—to become a vital and active contributor to the South Bronx and New York City. This project strives to preserve the institutional memory of the college and provide an accessible collection of primary source material for curricular use. It involves the documentation of archival records relating to Hostos Community College; arrangement and description of documents already gathered, and the design of a survey instrument for the eventual collection of valuable Latino and black records from the larger South Bronx community. This project is a priority because one-of-kind records documenting the history of this controversial bilingual CUNY College are in imminent danger of being lost due to faculty retirements and personnel changes in support staff. It was our intention with this project to bring to light not only a missing chapter in the history of the college, but to present a liberating legacy of Latino and black heritage to the South Bronx by carefully documenting the history of the college and the surrounding community.
Outcomes
These records are integral to the mission and collecting policies of the Hostos Community College Archives. They reflect the history and administration of the college since its inception in 1968. Informational content has yielded valuable documentation about the beginning of the college and its history, the political controversies surrounding its continued existence and its unique bilingual mission that continues to be a hot-button political issue up-to-the-moment. Consequently these records and biographical information on their creators will be quite important to any researcher documenting the history of bilingual education, advancement of Latino and black people existing in poor and underserved neighborhoods, and the continued population growth of Spanish-dominant populations in New York City. Moreover, as we move into year 3 when we survey the community organizations and begin to document their history and contributions to the South Bronx, we will become one of the only archival repositories in the South Bronx area able to serve the public. One very concrete outcome of this project includes the work of Thomas Lopez, an undergraduate at Duke University who is finishing his history thesis entitled "An American Necessity: The Politics of Survival at Hostos Community College, New York, 1970-1978." His honor’s thesis was subsequently awarded highest honors and earned the prize for best honor’s thesis (out of 20 submitted) in the Duke History Department for 2006. It was recently catalogued into the Hostos Library and Archives Collection.
4. Awarded $126,000 NEH Grant to present a NEH Summer Seminar on Hostos and Marti in New York with faculty colleague in Humanities Dept
In the summer of 2005, faculty in the library department, in collaboration with faculty in the Humanities department, were awarded an NEH Summer Seminar Grant to offer a humanities seminar. The seminar examined the role of New York City as a crucible in shaping Latin American and Caribbean political thought and history, as seen through the lives and writings of Puerto Rico’s renowned philosopher and educator, Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903) and Cuba’s martyred patriot, José Martí (1853-1895). Both men lived and worked as writers, journalists, and political activists in New York City, locus of a burgeoning community of Caribbean immigrants and political activists. They also spent considerable time exploring many facets of American life and values, while living in New York City—its educational system, industrial growth, labor movement, literary scene. This seminar, entitled, “Visions of Freedom for the Americas: Eugenio María de Hostos and José Martí in 19th Century New York” focused on New York City’s little known and important role in Latino and Caribbean political activism in the late 19 th century.
As a result of the 2002 NEH grant project to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos, the Library has an extensive collection of works on Hostos and Martí, including a digital archive of primary source material, photographs and original manuscripts and documents by Hostos. The Obras Completas of both Martí and Hostos were available for seminar participants as well as a seminal collection of dissertations and monographs. The Hostos Library served as a resource center throughout the seminar, providing participants with access to over 40 online databases and electronic resources, including numerous Spanish language databases for background research, and copies of all texts required for the program of study. The month-long seminar was co-taught by the Chief Librarian and a professor in the Humanities department. The rich resources for research of New York City’s finest institutions were used as an integral part of this program of study with walking tours, field trips, and research excursions to the best of the City of New York’s Library and research centers.
Outcomes:
Our NEH Summer Seminar offered during summer 2005 provided 15 college faculty participants across the country with a rich and unique opportunity to study and do research on the history of New York City and Caribbean political thought and history through the lens of Hostos and Marti. The ultimate goal of all NEH seminars is to transform undergraduate education, so it is our hope, based on positive evaluations from both the NEH and the participants, that the faculty used the experience to inform and transform their own classrooms. The four-week seminar for 15 college faculty was designed to accomplish the following objectives: (1) provide unique opportunities for research on the role of New York City in Caribbean political movements between 1865-1898; and (2) provide college faculty with new material for multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion on Puerto Rican and Cuban cultural and literary heritage. It was also the first time the NEH had awarded a Summer Seminar grant to a community college to offer a research seminar for college and university faculty.
III. Substantial and Productive Relationships with Classroom Faculty and Students
The final activity area that we present for consideration as meeting the criteria of excellence in academic librarianship is our collaborative relationships with classroom faculty and students. We present two initiatives below that demonstrate our commitment to substantive relationships with students and faculty—the publication of a student literary journal and a series of Poetry Slams and library faculty participation in curricular design and revitalization on campus.
Student Literary Journal and Writing Projects
The Hostos Library department strives to support the college's academic programs, student retention efforts and outreach to our community in its role as a center for research and learning. However, the Library faculty goes further, by creating innovative extracurricular programs and activities that provide more ways for our college and high school students to apply what they are learning and gain extra facility in writing, public performance, and developing their artistic talents and self-confidence.
One of these extracurricular programs is the Library's sponsorship of a series of open mics and poetry slams (competitive original spoken word performances). These poetry slam competitions began in the Fall of 2002, complete with MC and prizes; both our college and high school students flocked to participate as performers and audiences. We have organized ten of these slams so far and the winners and runners-up have also seen their poems published in another Library initiative: our bilingual student literary and art magazine, ¡Escriba! /Write!
We initiated this magazine in Spring 2003 and it is published annually. From the start, our goals for the magazine have included participation in the editorial and publication process for students who are attracted to or curious about the publication process. We began the magazine primarily as a way to publicize students' winning poetry and winning entries in Hostos' essay contests for Women's History Month and Black History Month. However, beginning with our second issue in 2003, we greatly expanded our journal’s diversity by reaching out to classroom faculty to send us student work, and to our art and photography students to submit their work. We encourage students to submit work in Spanish and other languages as well as in English. The result is that ¡Escriba! /Write! is an elegant and exciting student publication. In fact, in 2006 we entered it into the annual Student Literary Magazine competition sponsored by the Community College Humanities Association (CCHA) and our publication won the Eastern Region Small College Award. In addition, one of our student's contributions won the Best Student Essay Award. Besides the honor of these awards, we are pleased that it will be an additional way we can recruit more students to be co-editors and contributors to the magazine.
Curricular Innovation and Collaboration with Faculty
In 1991, Hostos received a Title III grant from the U.S Department of Education, which paved the way for college-wide instructional technology investments. Since then the College has continued to develop the capacity to implement innovative instructional technology initiatives. Both the faculty and the administration are committed to and invested in the potential for information and instructional technology to transform higher education in our college. It is in this context that the library has been able to position itself to take a leading role in the development and implementation of information and technology services in support of curricular goals. In 2003 the Chief Librarian was appointed to the Title V grant development team and worked with an extraordinary group of colleagues on a $2.5 million dollar Title V grant proposal for our college, which we were awarded in 2004/05. This 5-year project has three major components—institutional technology development, faculty development and student enrichment. In the fall of 2005 the Chief Librarian was appointed to co-chair the Title V Faculty Development initiative. This team is charged with innovations in faculty leadership and curricular revitalization.
A major component of our Title V grant initiative, Shifting the Paradigm on Teaching and Learning to Improve Student Success, the Hostos Faculty Development Seminar program was conceived to challenge faculty to participate in a competitive, incentive-based initiative designed to generate faculty-driven innovations in curricular design and pedagogy. The goal is increased faculty engagement to improve student learning outcomes and opportunities through curricular change. The new series challenges faculty to compete for a spot in a seminar series designed to support their ideas for curriculum innovations to be implemented on campus. Faculty with the most innovative ideas are selected for Innovation Awards and are supported by college administration to implement their new course, program, plan or pedagogical approach to teaching and learning. Out of over 50 faculty participating and only seven projects selected for awards and implementation, three of them were library faculty projects, each in collaboration with classroom faculty in other academic departments. A brief description of each project is presented here as evidence of our substantial and productive relationships the library has with classroom faculty.
Hidden Assets: Information Literacy Across the Curriculum
Prof Miriam Laskin, Library Dept & Prof Robert Cohen, Language and Cognition Dept
“Information, Culture & Society: A Critical Introduction to the Information Age” is the working title of a flexible, credit-bearing interdisciplinary course that will provide students with general education competencies including information literacy and technology, critical thinking, computer literacy, reading, writing and oral communication. The course will be cross-listed with other departmental electives and thus will provide a foundation course for more options for Liberal Arts students in such areas as journalism, information studies, educational technology, public administration, communications and computer science. Similar courses at other CUNY institutions are cross-listed in the English, Public Affairs and Communications departments. The flexibility we have in mind could mean that the course might be taught or co-taught by Library and disciplinary faculty in English, Natural Sciences, Humanities, or the Social and Behavioral Sciences. It could offer linked assignments with other courses; it could be offered as an asynchronous Blackboard course, as a discipline-specific module, or as a foundational course in the Liberal Arts clusters. It would also be an excellent fit for CUNY’s new Online Baccalaureate program in the Information Literacy proficiency subject area and be another Hostos course offering.
Information Literacy is, in fact, a true hidden asset. It facilitates and supports the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge and strengthens critical thinking and reading, evaluation, analysis and use of information to produce new knowledge. Although Library faculty have been teaching IL in open and course-integrated workshops, we believe the addition of innovative, interdisciplinary credit-bearing Information Studies (IS) courses, as offered at many of our sister CUNY institutions, will lead to a more thorough integration of critical General Education competencies into the curriculum and to increased student success. This project calls for the development of a foundation or a capstone IS course that can be cross-listed with other departmental electives, team taught, provide more Options for Liberal Arts students, and support the development of the cognitive abilities students need to pass the CPE.
History of Latin America II: a Dual-language, Online Class
Prof Elisabeth Tappeiner, Library Dept & Prof Jairo Taylor, Humanities Dept
Throughout its history Hostos Community College has been committed to providing an excellent education to its significant population of native Spanish-speaking students. Today, Hostos is a CUNY-wide leader in providing support for Spanish-speaking students as they make the transition from ESL to English content courses and as they prepare for the CPE exams. In this project, we seek to strengthen this role by developing a dual-language, online learning environment that supports Spanish-speaking students transitioning to English-only content courses. History of Latin America II Online will be an asynchronous (online only) class that will use online resources in English and Spanish to promote an understanding of the history of Latin America, and build critical thinking and information literacy skills. Open to both Spanish-speaking and English-dominant students, this course will offer students the choice of completing readings and assignments in either Spanish or English. Spanish-speaking students will be encouraged to write and discuss in English. In turn, English-dominant students will be encouraged to work in Spanish or partner with a Spanish-speaking student as they work in English. The class will be evaluated through student feedback and an assessment of student performance in coursework and on CPE exams. It will draw upon Hostos’s many rich institutional resources: a stellar Language and Cognition faculty, experts in teaching and assessing ESL students, excellent Instructional Technology support, and first-class online Library resources. This project is the result of the fruitful collaboration between a Humanities scholar and a Librarian, both of whom are committed to instilling a deep and informed appreciation of Latin American history and culture to Hostos’s students. Through History of Latin America II, we seek to create an online forum for intellectual discovery and exchange between Spanish and English-dominant students that will promote academic excellence and build mutual understanding and respect.
Grand Concourse One Hundred
Prof William Casari, Library Dept & Prof Felix Cardona, Social and Behavioral Sciences Dept
Grand Concourse One Hundred celebrates one of the great streets of New York City while presenting a more complete story of its impact on the Bronx and giving voice to the people who were not free to walk its sidewalks. Using the centenary of the Grand Concourse in 2009 as the catalyst, students in this seminar will explore issues of class, race, identity, exclusion and urban planning to unearth and present a well-rounded story of a particular neighborhood or city planning issue like the new Yankee Stadium project. Students will better understand the great forces—market, political and otherwise—that come together to form great neighborhoods and urban areas. Using primary source materials, field observations, class lectures and oral history interviews students will explore how urban history, geography, economics, sociology and other social science disciplines help us understand cities and their neighborhoods. How have cities and the Grand Concourse neighborhoods in particular responded to immigration, poverty, fiscal crisis, race, class and other political and social issues? What might alternative urban futures be? Students can complete multi-media projects or traditional research papers in which student learning outcomes may include a stronger sense of identity and sense of inclusion in a particular neighborhood. Retention rates may be bolstered when assignments are more culturally relevant and connected to an urban place. Evaluation of the project will be based on student response surveys and review of learning objectives; effectiveness of sponsored field activities and a review of student projects. Students will be graded on a combination of presentations, field work and a final project. Multi-media projects and written presentations will be displayed and/or promoted at Hostos and through collaboration with partner institutions like the Bronx Museum and possible corporate sponsorships. The 2009 birthday of the Concourse will be celebrated with a sharp academic insight and more complete images and stories of a beautiful street, its transitions, people and neighborhoods.
Closing Remarks
As a transitional bilingual college in the South Bronx, we accept the most under-prepared students in the city of New York in the poorest congressional district in the United States and provide them with access to higher education. The challenge is enormous. The Hostos Library Department prides itself on being an integral part of the life of the college and strives to support our college mission and our students with every activity and program we do. Over the last several years we have had two library retreats to address program planning, organizational culture and strategic planning. We completed our first 3-year strategic plan this past summer and are currently in year one. We just hired a new Information Technology librarian who has exceptional Web development skills and will be rolling out a new more user-friendly, accessible Web page in by the end of December. In this fiscal year the library received funding to move to an Information Commons model of reference and information technology support services and is in the middle of designing the new space, developing an implementation plan for a Fall 2007 start date. Given the accomplishments we have had and our strategic approach to planning and program development, we believe we have met all of the necessary criteria to demonstrate how we have worked together as a team with each other, our colleagues in other departments, the students and college administration to further the educational mission of our institution.
Strategic Objectives
From the Hostos Library Department Strategic Plan 2006-2009
Collection Development
GOAL: To develop an outstanding collection in all formats that engages the Hostos community and meets their curricular and informational needs. This effort must be supported by a flexible, proactive, interactive collection development structure that is informed by library faculty and the Hostos community. The collection should reflect the uniqueness and diversity of the Hostos community and current best professional practices.
Technology Development
GOAL: To establish the library as the place for innovation and new technology by being proactive in defining technology within the library landscape and all of its components. We aim to inform and educate the Hostos community as to our expertise and experience in technology and increase our involvement in technology decision-making on campus.
Organizational Culture
GOAL: To create new forums for and methods of communication that will improve interpersonal relationships and the working atmosphere for all. These efforts will foster collaboration and bi-directional conversation.
Faculty Development
GOAL: To establish innovative, proactive faculty partnerships, promote better communication between Library and other disciplinary faculty and foster a better understanding of Library faculty’s professional contributions to the life of the College.
Instructional Development
GOAL: To offer a cohesive, targeted instructional program that integrates information literacy into disciplinary curricula that supports the development of General Education competencies (critical thinking, academic readiness skills) and is aligned with the mission of the College. This program will be informed by a variety of dynamic instructional offerings and pedagogical perspectives.
1Middle States Commission on Higher Education. Developing Research & Communication Skills: Guidelines for Information Literacy in the Curriculum, p. 5. MSCHE (Philadelphia:PA: 2003).
2Hernandez, J. C. (2000). Understanding the retention of Latino college students. Journal of College Student Development, 41(6), 575-588; Zamani, E. M. (2000). Sources and Information Regarding Effective Retention Strategies for Students of Color. New Directions for Community Colleges. 10p.
SUMMARY PROFILE OF THE HOSTOS LIBRARY
2005-06
HOSTOS INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT
FT Instructional Faculty 155
FT Enrollment 2747
PT Enrollment 1720
LIBRARY FACULTY & STAFF
Library Faculty 8
Administrative Support Staff (FT) 6
Support Staff (PT) 6
Student aides 10-15
COLLECTIONS
Number of Volumes 64,000
Volumes Added 1,900
Current Serial Titles 410
Online Databases & Services 78
APPENDICES
Sample Web Pages:
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https://guides.hostos.cuny.edu/hostosarchives/eugeniomariadehostos
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Archives - LibGuides at Hostos Community College Library
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"Victoria Rahbar"
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Information about the Hostos Archives including college history, finding aids, and visitor information.
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https://www.hostos.cuny.edu/favicon.ico
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https://guides.hostos.cuny.edu/hostosarchives/eugeniomariadehostos
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Eugenio María de Hostos
Introducing Eugenio María de Hostos
A Puerto Rican educator, writer and patriot, Eugenio Maria de Hostos was born in 1839 in the village of Río Cañas in Mayagüez. Hostos attended school in San Juan and studied education and law in Spain where he fought to liberalize Spain’s colonial rule of Cuba and Puerto Rico and to abolish African slavery. In 1869, he left Madrid for New York City where he joined other exiles in the Cuban Revolutionary Junta, working for the liberation of Cuba and Puerto Rico. Hostos was a man who dedicated his life to progress, education and justice--passionately committed to human rights and personal dignity. He vigorously championed reforms in politics, law, social mores and education. His extensive travels throughout the United States, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean provided him first hand contact with the social and economic injustice and struggles taking place in many countries. His wide range of literary formats-books, newspaper articles, plays, speeches, and letters –provided a stage to disseminate his ideas and ideals to people on both continents. He fought against colonialism and slavery, endeavored for the independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, and became a vigorous advocate for an Antillean Confederation
More Information about Eugenio María de Hostos
Start Your Research on Eugenio María de Hostos
For biographical information about Eugenio Maria de Hostos, Gale Virtual Reference is a great database. For information about Hostos' rich life, educational philosophy, and many published works and primary sources, the resources below are a good place to start. You may also want to review the book collection in the library catalog, and possibly schedule an appointment with the Hostos Archives.
Remember, many materials written by and about Hostos the man are in Spanish.
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https://www.pinterest.com/pin/indian-american-art--408912841181658621/
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2024-03-17T19:17:54+00:00
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Feb 7, 2024 - This Wall Hangings item by Obedtheartist has 8 favorites from Etsy shoppers. Ships from Orlando, FL. Listed on Jul 6, 2024
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Pinterest
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https://www.pinterest.co.uk/pin/obedtheartist102023--656681189441555804/
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https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/9781137305169_5
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Urgency and Possibility: Afro-Latin@ Identities
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"Jossianna Arroyo"
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2013-08-29T00:00:00
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On a September morning in the year 1900, Afro-Cuban political leader Rafael Serra y Montalvo found himself returning to his native Cuba after a 20-year exile in the United States. He had been forced to leave the island in 1880, persecuted by the policies of Spanish...
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https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9781137305169_5
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On a September morning in the year 1900, Afro-Cuban political leader Rafael Serra y Montalvo found himself returning to his native Cuba after a 20-year exile in the United States. He had been forced to leave the island in 1880, persecuted by the policies of Spanish colonial administration; but 20 years had passed, and on that September morning, he was returning a hero to the new Cuban republic engineered by the US government. The presence of Serra in the delegation accompanying new President Tomás Estrada Palma was more than an allegory; Serra was a clear manifestation and the very embodiment of the idea that the long years of war had not been in vain, and that finally a republic would be established following Martí’s famous precept: “by all and for the good of all.” Serra’s prolonged years of exile, his work as an educator and founder of The League (La Liga) and his role as strategic planner and political leader in Cuban exile clubs, from Veracruz to Santiago de Cuba and from Santiago de Cuba to New York, infused him with a vision of the possible in terms of revolutionary and communitarian praxis. In this sense, Serra viewed the new Cuban republic as the “possible community” in which these radical agendas could become a reality.
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https://journalpanorama.org/article/imperial-visions-and-revisions/
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Imperial Visions and Revisions
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2020-06-15T18:21:32+00:00
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Panorama is a peer-reviewed, open-access, online publication dedicated to American art and visual culture (broadly defined). The journal is intended to provide a high-caliber international forum for disseminating original research and scholarship and for sustaining a lively engagement with intellectual developments and methodological debates in art history, visual and material cultural studies, and curatorial work.
|
en
|
Panorama
|
https://journalpanorama.org/article/imperial-visions-and-revisions/
|
In April 2023, the National Portrait Gallery will present a major exhibition, 1898: The American Imperium (working title), marking the 125th anniversary of the year the United States became an empire with overseas territories. The exhibition explores the events that signaled the culmination of US territorial expansionism: the Spanish-American War (the War of 1898), the joint resolution to annex Hawai‘i (July 1898), and the Philippine War (1899–1902). Through a display of artworks and artifacts from US collections, including at the Smithsonian, and from Cuba, Guam, Puerto Rico, Hawai‘i, Spain, and the Philippines, The American Imperium will be the first large-scale, comparative study of visual culture from this pivotal era. Our goal is to examine the debates around US imperialism, alongside the experiences of peoples living in the Caribbean and the Pacific and the realities of their loss of self-determination.
For the National Portrait Gallery, a museum that explores the history of the United States through portraiture and visual biography, the significance of an exhibition like this one cannot be overstated. As Director Kim Sajet has often noted, the Portrait Gallery is not a hall of heroes. With that in mind, we are addressing a history that seems at odds with the nation’s foundational ideals and values, such as liberty, freedom, and democracy. While this is not the first time the museum has examined the influence of the United States beyond its continental borders, The American Imperium is unique because of its goal to understand the US empire within problematic, often brutal, contexts. It is also the museum’s first exhibition addressing the history of US territories. As co-curators of this exhibition, our approach is informed by our shared expertise in Latin American and Latinx history and art, and in American art and US military history. We consider the topic of US imperialism from the perspectives of active participants of the conquered lands, ranging from collaborators and autonomists to intellectuals who demanded a role in negotiating a new political status. We bring together topics such as land lust, war mongers, resistance fighters, anti-imperialist debates, the modernization of warfare, the commodification of war, medical trials to stop wartime epidemics, and the use of education as an imperial tool. We also deconstruct terms such as “benevolent assimilation” and “pacification” to probe how they mask the transformation of the United States from republic to empire. Within these curatorial parameters, we intend to challenge the notion that the United States was deploying military action in order to liberate nations from the tyranny of Spanish rule.
Although objects are subject to change as we confirm logistics, we plan to create an exhibition that charts a debate from a variety of viewpoints. For example, we will counterpose portraits of champions of independence—such as Puerto Rican sociologist and political activist Eugenio María de Hostos (fig. 1), Cuban thinker and writer José Martí (fig. 2), or Filipino revolutionary Emilio Aguinaldo (fig. 3)—against commanding images glorifying US warfare, such as the equestrian portrait of Theodore Roosevelt by Pach Brothers’ Studio (fig. 4) or Frederic Remington’s dramatic The Charge of the Rough Riders at San Juan Hill (fig. 5). Accompanied by 150-word biographical labels, such juxtapositions problematize popular US narratives of 1898. One such myth centers on a valiant, hypermasculine Theodore Roosevelt leading the Rough Riders to victory over Spanish colonialism in Cuba.
By showing portraits of US, Filipino, Puerto Rican, and Cuban leaders who were either moderate negotiators or hardline revolutionaries, we highlight how nineteenth-century anti-Spanish reformist and independence movements resisted US intervention. These movements are underrepresented in mainstream US history. In Puerto Rico, for example, the US occupation brought about an abrupt end to the self-government inaugurated by the 1897 Autonomist Charter, which Luis Muñoz Rivera and the autonomist movement had fought for through the 1890s. A portrait of Muñoz Rivera by Fernando Díaz Mackenna reminds audiences of this history. In contrast, a portrait of President William McKinley (fig. 6), gripping a map of Puerto Rico, highlights artist Francisco Oller’s perspective. As someone who witnessed and perhaps questioned his island’s political transition from a Spanish to a US colony, Oller also had to secure a living from portrait commissions of the new administration. We also include documents such as the 1903 Platt Amendment, which ended US military occupation and established Cuban independence on the condition that the United States be allowed to intervene in Cuban affairs and lease or buy lands for its naval bases. Such documents point to the kinds of congressional actions and Supreme Court decisions that built up the US sphere of influence and codified its empire.
Concurrently in Hawai‘i, imperialists like Lorrin Thurston and Sanford Dole were building upon the decades-long suppression of native self-determination by US missionaries and the plantation-owning elite. Labels accompanying their portraits explain how they led pro-US organizations to dethrone Queen Liliʻuokalani by threat of force in 1893 and establish a Provisional Government. Eventually, Hawai‘i became a territory and then a state. From 1893 on, the display of portraits of King Kalākaua and Queen Liliʻuokalani (fig. 7) was an act of protest and signaled loyalty to the monarchy. If they had no likeness, people would display quilts with the Hawaiian royal coat of arms instead. The sovereignty movement continues to this day. Although Hawai‘i was not directly involved in the War of 1898, its annexation happened during the war, and the islands served US military purposes as a coaling station and a site of tariff-free trade.
A prolonged conflict in the Philippines followed the War of 1898. Portraits of military figures like Henry Lawton by Charles Harold L. MacDonald (fig. 8) and Leonard Wood by John Singer Sargent (fig. 9) displace the realities of bloody warfare and heroize men who, arguably, had stained military careers. When displayed next to photographs of the carnage of the Philippine War, such paintings point to the abuses of power used during pacification campaigns. Extant portraits—like those of Lawton and Wood—most often represent victors who resided in the continental United States. In light of the absence of portraits of Filipino military leaders, such as General Vicente Lukban, who masterminded guerilla warfare on Samar, we have secured objects, including weapons used by Filipinos.
In addition to collections held within the continental United States, we have traveled to archives and collections in Honolulu, Lihue, metro Manila, Hagåtña, San Juan, Ponce, Bayamón, Madrid, and Seville. Additional trips to Havana and Santiago are pending. In total, we have looked at hundreds of objects from at least seventy-two collections. However, we discovered that many of the artworks and documents in the best condition were those pillaged by American soldiers. Their provenance is a direct consequence of colonialism.For example, in order to fully represent the Filipino experience, we must turn to archives that are, in effect, the spoils of war. As most Filipino archives were destroyed during World War II, the only major collection pertaining to revolutionary Filipino history is held in the Library of Congress. After these documents were seized from Filipino revolutionaries during the Philippine War, Elwell S. Otis, Military Governor of the Philippines and chief strategist of the US occupation from 1898 to 1900, instructed John R. M. Taylor to collate the two hundred thousand original documents and translate them for the US Department of War and the Senate. Now known as the Philippine Insurgent Records, the collection was not published until 1968. These documents hold rare and privileged information about guerilla tactics, military philosophy, and a uniquely Filipino understanding of warfare. This is especially important because, to date, there is no authoritative military history of this war from a Filipino point of view. Taylor’s account reveals both a Filipino desire for independence and a history of disunity, due to rivalries, feuds, and factions, including warring villages. The Philippine War remains relevant to contemporary US “peacekeeping” interventions in Southeast Asia.
The question of how to make ethical use of artifacts that are spoils of war and imperialism remains one of the ironies of 1898: The American Imperium. While we don’t have an answer that will resolve this ethical conundrum, we intend to incorporate language into object labels that identify such materials as resulting from the spoils of war. We also intend to incorporate the voices of native stakeholders into didactic materials and catalogue texts.
There is no single truth to war. As the center of global power shifted from Europe to the American hemisphere at the turn of the twentieth century, Spain saw its colonial empire decimated. Even today, Spaniards refer to the conflict as “El desastre.” Similarly, from the perspective of many Native Hawaiians, Chamorros (natives of Guam), and Puerto Ricans, the exalting US narrative of benevolent conquest in order to establish democracy does not reflect the realities of political disempowerment. Finally, the expansion of military and governmental control beyond US continental borders also galvanized economic and cultural changes in these newly acquired territories. By placing portraits of key figures such as William McKinley, Emilio Aguinaldo, Queen Liliʻuokalani, Luis Muñoz Rivera, and José Martí into conversation with one another, we hope to create discourse about US imperialism. Our comparative visual approach will reveal overlooked intersections and instill new awareness about these histories.
Cite this article: Taína Caragol and Kate Clarke Lemay, “Imperial Visons and Revisions,” Bully Pulpit, Panorama: Journal of the Association of Historians of American Art 6, no. 1 (Spring 2020), https://doi.org/10.24926/24716839.10096.
PDF: Caragol and Lemay, Imperial Visions and Revisions
Notes
The authors would like to thank Carolina Maestre for her assistance in researching this exhibition.
About the Author(s): Taína Caragol is Curator of Painting and Sculpture and Latinx Art and History at the National Portrait Gallery, and Kate Clarke Lemay is Historian at the National Portrait Gallery
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https://theculturetrip.com/caribbean/puerto-rico/articles/why-was-eugenio-maria-de-hostos-one-of-puerto-ricos-brightest-minds
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en
|
Why Was Eugenio Maria de Hostos One of Puerto Rico's Brightest Minds?
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[
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2017-05-25T10:34:52+00:00
|
Read about Eugenio Maria de Hostos one of the smartest minds in Puerto Rico's history.
|
en
|
/img/apple-touch-icon.png
|
Culture Trip
|
https://theculturetrip.com/caribbean/puerto-rico/articles/why-was-eugenio-maria-de-hostos-one-of-puerto-ricos-brightest-minds
|
“Patriot, educator, sociologist, philosopher, essayist, and novelist,” de Hostos was a man of many talents and accomplishments. Born in 1839 in the western town of Mayagüez, he studied in his native town before continuing his education in Spain. There he attended the Universidad Central in Madrid.
Afterwards, de Hostos moved to New York City and supported the fight for Cuban independence, he traveled Latin America for the next four years. According to CUNY, he defended laborers from China who were being exploited in Peru, supported and fought for women to have the right to education in Chile, and was an advocate for a railway to be built across the Andes in Argentina. The first train was named after de Hostos. In addition, he also helped to transform education in the Dominican Republic and Chile, and taught in Venezuela in the late 1870s, as recognised by NYC Government Parks.
For years he advocated for the rights of Puerto Rican people, for which he is still remembered for today. He unsuccessfully advocated for Puerto Rican independence and then returned to the Dominican Republic to work in the educational system.
Among his literary works are treatises, novels, and articles, but his most famous written work is probably “La Peregrinación de Bayoán,” about independence in Cuba. Science, philosophy, education and history were among some of the topics featured in his writing.
He died in 1903 and was buried in Santo Domingo, in the Dominican Republic. De Hostos wrote his own epitaph, which gives insight into his thoughts: “I wish that they will say: ‘In that island [Puerto Rico] a man was born who loved truth, desired justice, and worked for the good of men.'”
Numerous schools have been named after him, including the Hostos Community College in New York and the former law school in Puerto Rico called Facultad de Derecho Eugenio Maria de Hostos. There is also a sculpture of de Hostos close to the Cuartel de Ballajá, one of San Juan’s architectural landmarks and a playground that bears his name in New York City.
To this day, Eugenio Maria de Hostos continues to be an impressive figure on an international scale and his legacy as one of the smartest minds to come from Puerto Rico, is safe.
|
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5858
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2
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http://www.city-data.com/forum/americas/2062810-does-spanish-caribbean-solidarity-even-exist.html
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en
|
Does Spanish Caribbean solidarity even exist? (cost, country, place, people)
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For 3 regions to have strong cultural ties, there doesn't seem to be any alliance between them. It seems like national boundaries keep them apart.
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https://www.city-data.com/forum/americas/2062810-does-spanish-caribbean-solidarity-even-exist.html
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Originally Posted by AntonioR
The three countries are under different political/economic set ups, but historically there has been much interchange between the three islands plus Venezuela.
Dominicans were a huge influence in Cuba's war of independence, in fact one of Cuba's greatest national hero is Maximo Gomez, a Dominican. Dominicans also played a huge role in Puerto Rico's independence movement during the late 1800's, at least until the US influence arrived.
Cuba's traditional upper class (old money) are almost all of Dominican descent. A similar situation exist with Puerto Rico's traditional upper class but to a lesser extent, and also with Venezuela's traditional upper class, especially with the old families from Caracas, many of whom are cousins of many DR's, PR's, and Cuba's traditional upper class families.
You will also find many celebrated intellectuals and other types of people that distinguished themselves in one way or another from all three islands present in all three islands. For example, Narciso Foxa is often celebrated by Puerto Ricans as one of the greatest poets that island has produced and that distinguished himself on a continent-wide basis, but he was born to Dominican parents. The first historian of Cuba was born in Santiago, Dominican Republic. Eugenio Maria de Hostos had a major influence on Dominican public education, but he was born in Puerto Rico. Baldorioty, who was a major critic against slavery in Puerto Rico, was born to Dominican parents. The Cantor of Niagara by the last name of Heredia considered to be the first dramatist in America was a Cuban of Dominican parents.
I wouldn't say that today there is a Spanish Caribbean solidarity, but among the intellectuals and well read people of all three islands, they are aware of the historical and cultural connection between the three islands. The further down the economic ladder you go, the greater the ignorance about this.
Originally Posted by AntonioR
The Antillean Confederation will never happen.
Cuba is closer to Venezuela for obvious reasons, Puerto Rico to the USA for also obvious reasons, and the Dominican Republic is integrating to Central America (minus Costa Rica and Panama). As long that the three countries are aiming towards different ideals, an alliance among the three will never take place.
The alternative is for the USA to take over all the two largest ones and turn them into larger versions of Puerto Rico.
Another alternative is for all three of them to return to Spain.
Anyway, these are all impossibilities for now.
Originally Posted by AntonioR
The three countries are under different political/economic set ups, but historically there has been much interchange between the three islands plus Venezuela.
Dominicans were a huge influence in Cuba's war of independence, in fact one of Cuba's greatest national hero is Maximo Gomez, a Dominican. Dominicans also played a huge role in Puerto Rico's independence movement during the late 1800's, at least until the US influence arrived.
Cuba's traditional upper class (old money) are almost all of Dominican descent. A similar situation exist with Puerto Rico's traditional upper class but to a lesser extent, and also with Venezuela's traditional upper class, especially with the old families from Caracas, many of whom are cousins of many DR's, PR's, and Cuba's traditional upper class families.
You will also find many celebrated intellectuals and other types of people that distinguished themselves in one way or another from all three islands present in all three islands. For example, Narciso Foxa is often celebrated by Puerto Ricans as one of the greatest poets that island has produced and that distinguished himself on a continent-wide basis, but he was born to Dominican parents. The first historian of Cuba was born in Santiago, Dominican Republic. Eugenio Maria de Hostos had a major influence on Dominican public education, but he was born in Puerto Rico. Baldorioty, who was a major critic against slavery in Puerto Rico, was born to Dominican parents. The Cantor of Niagara by the last name of Heredia considered to be the first dramatist in America was a Cuban of Dominican parents.
I wouldn't say that today there is a Spanish Caribbean solidarity, but among the intellectuals and well read people of all three islands, they are aware of the historical and cultural connection between the three islands. The further down the economic ladder you go, the greater the ignorance about this.
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https://www.cubanculturalcenter.org/events/2021/12/eugenio-maria-de-hostos-y-la-igualdad-de-la-mujer/
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EUGENIO MARÍA DE HOSTOS Y LA IGUALDAD DE LA MUJER « Centro Cultural Cubano de Nueva York
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The CCCNY resumes its celebration of Women’s History Month with an eye-opening presentation on Puerto Rican educator, journalist, and philosopher Eugenio María de Hostos and his daring proclamation for women’s equality in his groundbreaking series of lectures to the members of the Academy of Fine Letters in Santiago de Chile in 1873.
Hostos scholar Orlando José Hernández will bring to light the revolutionary nature of Hostos’s proposal, placing it in its historical and political context. An advocate and activist for Puerto Rican independence, Hostos had arrived in Chile at the end of 1871, as part of his journey throughout South America, which he had undertaken to promote support for Cuba´s War of Independence. Although Hostos’s propositions were found by many to be divisive, he was undeterred. In his lectures, he set out to prove that women were entitled to equal rights, and claimed:
That men were responsible for the oppression of women and that, in fact, they had shaped and legislated the terms of that oppression for their own benefit;
That men and women were intellectually and morally equal;
That women deserved the right to an education on equal terms with men;
That men would be happier and live to their fullest by accepting the transformation of the relationship with their female companions and supporting women´s right to an education;
That women were the single most important factor for change in Latin America.
The lecture will be followed by a Q&A with the audience via Zoom, moderated by Ricardo Gil, director of our History Program.
This special history event is part of our CreateNYC Language Access Series on Cuban History, Art, and Literature. It will be held in Spanish.
DUE TO THE COVID PANDEMIC, THIS PROGRAM WILL BE STREAMED THROUGH OUR YOUTUBE CHANNEL.
Please click on this link on the scheduled date and time:
https://youtu.be/HxG4LZ5OZCQ
Orlando José Hernández, PhD, is Professor Emeritus of Hostos Community College-CUNY and co-coordinator of the Hostos 180 National Commission. Born in Puerto Rico, he has excelled as a writer and translator, and is widely considered one of the leading scholars on Eugenio María de Hostos‘s work, having recovered numerous unpublished and uncollected works by the multifaceted Puerto Rican writer. Hernández is the author of various critical essays on contemporary Latin American and Spanish authors, among them, José Lezama Lima, Hugo Margenat, Dionisio Cañas, David Cortés and Alfredo Margenat. He has also published several notable translations: En barco de papel/In a Paper Boat, by Eugenio María de Hostos; Antología, by Elizabeth Bishop; Hungry Dust/Polvo hambriento, by Graciany Miranda Archilla; and the forthcoming books New York Fragments by Dionisio Cañas, and ¿Quién preside? by Hostos. He is presently working on rescued texts by Hostos, soon to be published: Documentos de la Liga de Patriotas Puertorriqueños and Correspondencia entre Eugenio María de Hostos y el Dr. Manuel Guzmán Rodríguez, 1898-1903. Both works will be included in Cuadernos Hostosianos, sponsored by Comisión Nacional Hostos 180. Dr. Hernández presently resides in Hoboken, New Jersey and Río Piedras, Puerto Rico.
This event is being held in celebration of Women’s History Month, and is supported, in part, by public funds from the New York City Department of Cultural Affairs in partnership with the City Council, and made possible by the New YorkState Council on the Arts and the New YorkState Legislature.
With the promotional cooperation of
and
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https://www.everyculture.com/multi/Pa-Sp/Puerto-Rican-Americans.html
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Puerto Rican Americans
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Puerto Rican Americans - History, Modern era, Early mainlander puerto ricans, Significant immigration waves Pa-Sp
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Countries and Their Cultures
Pa-Sp
Puerto Rican Americans
Puerto rican americans
by Derek Green
Overview
The island of Puerto Rico (formerly Porto Rico) is the most easterly of the Greater Antilles group of the West Indies island chain. Located more than a thousand miles southeast of Miami, Puerto Rico is bounded on the north by the Atlantic Ocean, on the east by the Virgin Passage (which separates it from the Virgin Islands), on the south by the Caribbean Sea, and on the west by the Mona Passage (which separates it from the Dominican Republic). Puerto Rico is 35 miles wide (from north to south), 95 miles long (from east to west) and has 311 miles of coastline. Its land mass measures 3,423 square miles—about two-thirds the area of the state of Connecticut. Although it is considered to be part of the Torrid Zone, the climate of Puerto Rico is more temperate than tropical. The average January temperature on the island is 73 degrees, while the average July temperature is 79 degrees. The record high and low temperatures recorded in San Juan, Puerto Rico's northeastern capital city, are 94 degrees and 64 degrees, respectively.
According to the 1990 U.S. Census Bureau report, the island of Puerto Rico has a population of 3,522,037. This represents a three-fold increase since 1899—and 810,000 of those new births occurred between the years of 1970 and 1990 alone. Most Puerto Ricans are of Spanish ancestry. Approximately 70 percent of the population is white and about 30 percent is of African or mixed descent. As in many Latin American cultures, Roman Catholicism is the dominant religion, but Protestant faiths of various denominations have some Puerto Rican adherents as well.
Puerto Rico is unique in that it is an autonomous Commonwealth of the United States, and its people think of the island as un estado libre asociado, or a "free associate state" of the United States—a closer relationship than the territorial possessions of Guam and the Virgin Islands have to America. Puerto Ricans have their own constitution and elect their own bicameral legislature and governor but are subject to U.S executive authority. The island is represented in the U.S House of Representatives by a resident commissioner, which for many years was a nonvoting position. After the 1992 U.S. presidential election, however, the Puerto Rican delegate was granted the right to vote on the House floor. Because of the Puerto Rico's commonwealth status, Puerto Ricans are born as natural American citizens. Therefore all Puerto Ricans, whether born on the island or the mainland, are Puerto Rican Americans.
Puerto Rico's status as a semiautonomous Commonwealth of the United States has sparked considerable political debate. Historically, the main conflict has been between the nationalists, who support full Puerto Rican independence, and the statists, who advocate U.S. statehood for Puerto Rico. In November of 1992 an island-wide referendum was held on the issue of statehood versus continued Commonwealth status. In a narrow vote of 48 percent to 46 percent, Puerto Ricans opted to remain a Commonwealth.
HISTORY
Fifteenth-century Italian explorer and navigator Christopher Columbus, known in Spanish as Cristobál Colón, "discovered" Puerto Rico for Spain on November 19, 1493. The island was conquered for Spain in 1509 by Spanish nobleman Juan Ponce de León (1460-1521), who became Puerto Rico's first colonial governor. The name Puerto Rico, meaning "rich port," was given to the island by its Spanish conquistadors (or conquerors); according to tradition, the name comes from Ponce de León himself, who upon first seeing the port of San Juan is said to have exclaimed, "¡Ay que puerto rico!" ("What a rich port!").
Puerto Rico's indigenous name is Borinquen ("bo REEN ken"), a name given by its original inhabitants, members of a native Caribbean and South American people called the Arawaks. A peaceful agricultural people, the Arawaks on the island of Puerto Rico were enslaved and virtually exterminated at the hands of their Spanish colonizers. Although Spanish heritage has been a matter of pride among islander and mainlander Puerto Ricans for hundreds of years—Columbus Day is a traditional Puerto Rican holiday—recent historical revisions have placed the conquistadors in a darker light. Like many Latin American cultures, Puerto Ricans, especially younger generations living in the mainland United States, have become increasingly interested in their indigenous as well as their European ancestry. In fact, many Puerto Ricans prefer to use the terms Boricua ("bo REE qua") or Borrinqueño ("bo reen KEN yo") when referring to each other.
Because of its location, Puerto Rico was a popular target of pirates and privateers during its early colonial period. For protection, the Spanish constructed forts along the shoreline, one of which, El Morro in Old San Juan, still survives. These fortifications also proved effective in repelling the attacks of other European imperial powers, including a 1595 assault from British general Sir Francis Drake. In the mid-1700s, African slaves were brought to Puerto Rico by the Spanish in great numbers. Slaves and native Puerto Ricans mounted rebellions against Spain throughout the early and mid-1800s. The Spanish were successful, however, in resisting these rebellions.
In 1873 Spain abolished slavery on the island of Puerto Rico, freeing black African slaves once and for all. By that time, West African cultural traditions had been deeply intertwined with those of the native Puerto Ricans and the Spanish conquerors. Intermarriage had become a common practice among the three ethnic groups.
MODERN ERA
As a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898, Puerto Rico was ceded by Spain to the United States in the Treaty of Paris on December 19, 1898. In 1900 the U.S. Congress established a civil government on the island. Seventeen years later, in response to the pressure of Puerto Rican activists, President Woodrow Wilson signed the Jones Act, which granted American citizenship to all Puerto Ricans. Following this action, the U.S. government instituted measures to resolve the various economic and social problems of the island, which even then was suffering from overpopulation. Those measures included the introduction of American currency, health programs, hydroelectric power and irrigation programs, and economic policies designed to attract U.S. industry and provide more employment opportunities for native Puerto Ricans.
In the years following World War II, Puerto Rico became a critical strategic location for the U.S. military. Naval bases were built in San Juan Harbor and on the nearby island of Culebra. In 1948 Puerto Ricans elected Luis Muñoz Marín governor of the island, the first native puertorriqueño to hold such a post. Marín favored Commonwealth status for Puerto Rico. The question of whether to continue the Commonwealth relationship with the United States, to push for U.S. statehood, or to rally for total independence has dominated Puerto Rican politics throughout the twentieth century.
Following the 1948 election of Governor Muñoz, there was an uprising of the Nationalist Party, or independetistas, whose official party platform included agitation for independence. On November 1, 1950, as part of the uprising, two Puerto Rican nationalists carried out an armed attack on Blair House, which was being used as a temporary residence by U.S. President Harry Truman. Although the president was unharmed in the melee, one of the assailants and one Secret Service presidential guard were killed by gunfire.
After the 1959 Communist revolution in Cuba, Puerto Rican nationalism lost much of its steam; the main political question facing Puerto Ricans in the mid-1990s was whether to seek full statehood or remain a Commonwealth.
EARLY MAINLANDER PUERTO RICANS
Since Puerto Ricans are American citizens, they are considered U.S. migrants as opposed to foreign immigrants. Early Puerto Rican residents on the mainland included Eugenio María de Hostos (b. 1839), a journalist, philosopher, and freedom fighter who arrived in New York in 1874 after being exiled from Spain (where he had studied law) because of his outspoken views on Puerto Rican independence. Among other pro-Puerto Rican activities, María de Hostos founded the League of Patriots to help set up the Puerto Rican civil government in 1900. He was aided by Julio J. Henna, a Puerto Rican physician and expatriate. Nineteenth-century Puerto Rican statesman Luis Muñoz Rivera—the father of Governor Luis Muñoz Marín—lived in Washington D.C., and served as Puerto Rico's ambassador to the States.
SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES
Although Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States almost immediately after the island became a U.S. protectorate, the scope of early migration was limited because of the severe poverty of average Puerto Ricans. As conditions on the island improved and the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States grew closer, the number of Puerto Ricans who moved to the U.S. mainland increased. Still, by 1920, less than 5,000 Puerto Ricans were living in New York City. During World War I, as many as 1,000 Puerto Ricans—all newly naturalized American citizens—served in the U.S. Army. By World War II that number soared to over 100,000 soldiers. The hundred-fold increase reflected the deepening cooperation between Puerto Rico and the mainland States. World War II set the stage for the first major migration wave of Puerto Ricans to the mainland.
That wave, which spanned the decade between 1947 and 1957, was brought on largely by economic factors: Puerto Rico's population had risen to nearly two million people by mid-century, but the standard of living had not followed suit. Unemployment was high on the island while opportunity was dwindling. On the mainland, however, jobs were widely available. According to Ronald Larsen, author of The Puerto Ricans in America, many of those jobs were in New York City's garment district. Hard-working Puerto Rican women were especially welcomed in the garment district shops. The city also provided the sort of low-skilled service industry jobs that non-English speakers needed to make a living on the mainland.
New York City became a major focal point for Puerto Rican migration. Between 1951 and 1957 the average annual migration from Puerto Rico to New York was over 48,000. Many settled in East Harlem, located in upper Manhattan between 116th and 145th streets, east of Central Park. Because of its high Latino population, the district soon came to be known as Spanish Harlem. Among New York City puertorriqueños, the Latino-populated area was referred to as el barrio, or "the neighborhood." Most first-generation migrants to the area were young men who later sent for their wives and children when finances allowed.
By the early 1960s the Puerto Rican migration rate slowed down, and a "revolving door" migratory pattern—a back-and-forth flow of people between the island and the mainland—developed. Since then, there have been occasional bursts of increased migration from the island, especially during the recessions of the late 1970s. In the late 1980s Puerto Rico became increasingly plagued by a number of social problems, including rising violent crime (especially drug-associated crime), increased overcrowding, and worsening unemployment. These conditions kept the flow of migration into the United States steady, even among professional classes, and caused many Puerto Ricans to remain on the mainland permanently. According to U.S. Census Bureau statistics, more than 2.7 million Puerto Ricans were living in the mainland Unites States by 1990, making Puerto Ricans the second-largest Latino group in the nation, behind Mexican Americans, who number nearly 13.5 million.
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
Most early Puerto Rican migrants settled in New York City and, to a lesser degree, in other urban areas in the northeastern United States. This migration pattern was influenced by the wide availability of industrial and service-industry jobs in the eastern cities. New York remains the chief residence of Puerto Ricans living outside of the island: of the 2.7 million Puerto Ricans living on the mainland, over 900,000 reside in New York City, while another 200,000 live elsewhere in the state of New York.
That pattern has been changing since the 1990s, however. A new group of Puerto Ricans— most of them younger, wealthier, and more highly educated than the urban settlers—have increasingly begun migrating to other states, especially in the South and Midwest. In 1990 the Puerto Rican population of Chicago, for instance, was over 125,000. Cities in Texas, Florida, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Massachusetts also have a significant number of Puerto Rican residents.
Acculturation and Assimilation
The history of Puerto Rican American assimilation has been one of great success mixed with serious problems. Many Puerto Rican mainlanders hold high-paying white collar jobs. Outside of New York City, Puerto Ricans often boast higher college graduation rates and higher per capita incomes than their counterparts in other Latino groups, even when those groups represent a much higher proportion of the local population.
However, U.S. Census Bureau reports indicate that for at least 25 percent of all Puerto Ricans living on the mainland (and 55 percent living on the island) poverty is a serious problem. Despite the presumed advantages of American citizenship, Puerto Ricans are—overall—the most economically disadvantaged Latino group in the United States. Puerto Rican communities in urban areas are plagued by problems such as crime, drug-use, poor educational opportunity, unemployment, and the breakdown of the traditionally strong Puerto Rican family structure. Since a great many Puerto Ricans are of mixed Spanish and African descent, they have had to endure the same sort of racial discrimination often experienced by African Americans. And some Puerto Ricans are further handicapped by the Spanish-to-English language barrier in American cities.
Despite these problems, Puerto Ricans, like other Latino groups, are beginning to exert more political power and cultural influence on the mainstream population. This is especially true in cities like New York, where the significant Puerto Rican population can represent a major political force when properly organized. In many recent elections Puerto Ricans have found themselves in the position of holding an all-important "swingvote"—often occupying the sociopolitical ground between African Americans and other minorities on the one hand and white Americans on the other. The pan-Latin sounds of Puerto Rican singers Ricky Martin, Jennifer Lopez, and Marc Anthony, and jazz musicians such as saxophonist David Sanchez, have not only brought a cultural rivival, they have increased interest in Latin music in the late 1990s. Their popularity has also had a legitimizing effect on Nuyorican, a term coined by Miguel Algarin, founder of the Nuyorican Poet's Café in New York, for the unique blend of Spanish and English used among young Puerto Ricans living in New York City.
TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS
The traditions and beliefs of Puerto Rican islanders are heavily influenced by Puerto Rico's Afro-Spanish history. Many Puerto Rican customs and superstitions blend the Catholic religious traditions of Spaniards and the pagan religious beliefs of the West African slaves who were brought to the island beginning in the sixteenth century. Though most Puerto Ricans are strict Roman Catholics, local customs have given a Caribbean flavor to some standard Catholic ceremonies. Among these are weddings, baptisms and funerals. And like other Caribbean islanders and Latin Americans, Puerto Ricans traditionally believe in espiritismo, the notion that the world is populated by spirits who can communicate with the living through dreams.
In addition to the holy days observed by the Catholic church, Puerto Ricans celebrate several other days that hold particular significance for them as a people. For instance, El Dia de las Candelarias, or "candlemas," is observed annually on the evening of February 2; people build a massive bonfire around which they drink and dance and
chant "¡Viva las candelarias!" or "Long live the flames!" And each December 27 is El Dia de los Innocentes or the "Day of the Children." On that day Puerto Rican men dress as women and women dress as men; the community then celebrates as one large group.
Many Puerto Rican customs revolve around the ritual significance of food and drink. As in other Latino cultures, it is considered an insult to turn down a drink offered by a friend or stranger. It is also customary for Puerto Ricans to offer food to any guest, whether invited or not, who might enter the household: failure to do so is said to bring hunger upon one's own children. Puerto Ricans traditionally warn against eating in the presence of a pregnant woman without offering her food, for fear she might miscarry. Many Puerto Ricans also believe that marrying or starting a journey on a Tuesday is bad luck, and that dreams of water or tears are a sign of impending heartache or tragedy. Common centuries-old folk remedies include the avoidance of acidic food during menstruation and the consumption of asopao ("ah so POW"), or chicken stew, for minor ailments.
MISCONCEPTIONS AND STEREOTYPES
Although awareness of Puerto Rican culture has increased within mainstream America, many common misconceptions still exist. For instance, many other Americans fail to realize that Puerto Ricans are natural-born American citizens or wrongly view their native island as a primitive tropical land of grass huts and grass skirts. Puerto Rican culture is often confused with other Latino American cultures, especially that of Mexican Americans. And because Puerto Rico is an island, some mainlanders have trouble distinguishing Pacific islanders of Polynesian descent from the Puerto Rican people, who have Euro-African and Caribbean ancestry.
CUISINE
Puerto Rican cuisine is tasty and nutritious and consists mainly of seafood and tropical island vegetables, fruits, and meats. Although herbs and spices are used in great abundance, Puerto Rican cuisine is not spicy in the sense of peppery Mexican cuisine. Native dishes are often inexpensive, though they require some skill in preparation. Puerto Rican
women are traditionally responsible for the cooking and take great pride in their role.
Many Puerto Rican dishes are seasoned with a savory mixture of spices known as sofrito ("so-FREE-toe"). This is made by grinding fresh garlic, seasoned salt, green peppers, and onions in a pilón ("pee-LONE"), a wooden bowl similar to a mortar and pestle, and then sautéing the mixture in hot oil. This serves as the spice base for many soups and dishes. Meat is often marinated in a seasoning mixture known as adobo, which is made from lemon, garlic, pepper, salt, and other spices. Achiote seeds are sautéed as the base for an oily sauce used in many dishes.
Bacalodo ("bah-kah-LAH-doe"), a staple of the Puerto Rican diet, is a flaky, salt-marinated cod fish. It is often eaten boiled with vegetables and rice or on bread with olive oil for breakfast. Arroz con pollo, or rice and chicken, another staple dish, is served with abichuelas guisada ("ah-bee-CHWE-lahs gee-SAH-dah"), marinated beans, or a native Puerto Rican pea known as gandules ("gahn-DOO-lays"). Other popular Puerto Rican foods include asopao ("ah-soe-POW"), a rice and chicken stew; lechón asado ("le-CHONE ah-SAH-doe"), slow-roasted pig; pasteles ("pah-STAY-lehs"), meat and vegetable patties rolled in dough made from crushed plantains (bananas); empanadas dejueyes ("em-pah-NAH-dahs deh WHE-jays"), Puerto Rican crab cakes; rellenos ("reh-JEY-nohs"), meat and potato fritters; griffo ("GREE-foe"), chicken and potato stew; and tostones, battered and deep fried plantains, served with salt and lemon juice. These dishes are often washed down with cerveza rúbia ("ser-VEH-sa ROO-bee-ah"), "blond" or light-colored American lager beer, or ron ("RONE") the world-famous, dark-colored Puerto Rican rum.
TRADITIONAL COSTUMES
Traditional dress in Puerto Rico is similar to other Caribbean islanders. Men wear baggy pantalons (trousers) and a loose cotton shirt known as a guayaberra. For certain celebrations, women wear colorful dresses or trajes that have African influence. Straw hats or Panama hats ( sombreros de jipijipa ) are often worn on Sundays or holidays by men. Spanish-influenced garb is worn by musicians and dancers during performances—often on holidays.
The traditional image of the jíbaro, or peasant, has to some extent remained with Puerto Ricans. Often depicted as a wiry, swarthy man wearing a straw hat and holding a guitar in one hand and a machete (the long-bladed knife used for cutting sugarcane) in the other, the jíbaro to some symbolizes the island's culture and its people. To others, he is an object of derision, akin to the derogatory image of the American hillbilly.
DANCES AND SONGS
Puerto Rican people are famous for throwing big, elaborate parties—with music and dancing—to celebrate special events. Puerto Rican music is polyrhythmic, blending intricate and complex African percussion with melodic Spanish beats. The traditional Puerto Rican group is a trio, made up of a qauttro (an eight-stringed native Puerto Rican instrument similar to a mandolin); a guitarra, or guitar; and a basso, or bass. Larger bands have trumpets and strings as well as extensive percussion sections in which maracas, guiros, and bongos are primary instruments.
Although Puerto Rico has a rich folk music tradition, fast-tempoed salsa music is the most widely known indigenous Puerto Rican music. Also the name given to a two-step dance, salsa has gained popularity among non-Latin audiences. The merengue, another popular native Puerto Rican dance, is a fast step in which the dancers' hips are in close contact. Both salsa and merengue are favorites in American barrios. Bombas are native Puerto Rican songs sung a cappella to African drum rhythms.
HOLIDAYS
Puerto Ricans celebrate most Christian holidays, including La Navidád (Christmas) and Pasquas (Easter), as well as El Año Nuevo (New Year's Day). In addition, Puerto Ricans celebrate El Dia de Los Tres Reyes, or "Three King's Day," each January 6. It is on this day that Puerto Rican children expect gifts, which are said to be delivered by los tres reyes magos ("the three wise men"). On the days leading up to January 6, Puerto Ricans have continuous celebrations. Parrandiendo (stopping by) is a practice similar to American and English caroling, in which neighbors go visiting house to house. Other major celebration days are El Día de Las Raza (The Day of the Race—Columbus Day) and El Fiesta del Apostal Santiago (St. James Day). Every June, Puerto Ricans in New York and other large cities celebrate Puerto Rican Day. The parades held on this day have come to rival St. Patrick's Day parades and celebrations in popularity.
HEALTH ISSUES
There are no documented health problems or mental health problems specific to Puerto Ricans. However, because of the low economic status of many Puerto Ricans, especially in mainland inner-city settings, the incidence of poverty-related health problems is a very real concern. AIDS, alcohol and drug dependency, and a lack of adequate health care coverage are the biggest health-related concerns facing the Puerto Rican community.
Language
There is no such thing as a Puerto Rican language. Rather, Puerto Ricans speak proper Castillian Spanish, which is derived from ancient Latin. While Spanish uses the same Latin alphabet as English, the letters "k" and "w" occur only in foreign words. However, Spanish has three letters not found in English: "ch" ("chay"), "ll" ("EL-yay"), and "ñ" ("AYN-nyay"). Spanish uses word order, rather than noun and pronoun inflection, to encode meaning. In addition, the Spanish language tends to rely on diacritical markings such as the tilda (~) and the accento (') much more than English.
The main difference between the Spanish spoken in Spain and the Spanish spoken in Puerto Rico (and other Latin American locales) is pronunciation. Differences in pronunciation are similar to the regional variations between American English in the southern United States and New England. Many Puerto Ricans have a unique tendency among Latin Americans to drop the "s" sound in casual conversation. The word ustéd (the proper form of the pronoun "you"), for instance, may be pronounced as "oo TED" rather than "oo STED." Likewise, the participial suffix " -ado " is often changed by Puerto Ricans. The word cemado (meaning "burned") is thus pronounced "ke MOW" rather than "ke MA do."
Although English is taught to most elementary school children in Puerto Rican public schools, Spanish remains the primary language on the island of Puerto Rico. On the mainland, many first-generation Puerto Rican migrants are less than fluent in English. Subsequent generations are often fluently bilingual, speaking English outside of the home and Spanish in the home. Bilingualism is especially common among young, urbanized, professional Puerto Ricans.
Long exposure of Puerto Ricans to American society, culture, and language has also spawned a unique slang that has come to be known among many Puerto Ricans as "Spanglish." It is a dialect that does not yet have formal structrure but its use in popular songs has helped spread terms as they are adopted. In New York itself the unique blend of languages is called Nuyorican. In this form of Spanglish, "New York" becomes Nuevayork, and many Puerto Ricans refer to themselves as Nuevarriqueños. Puerto Rican teenagers are as likely to attend un pahry (a party) as to attend a fiesta; children look forward to a visit from Sahnta Close on Christmas; and workers often have un Beeg Mahk y una Coca-Cola on their lunch breaks.
GREETINGS AND OTHER COMMON EXPRESSIONS
For the most part, Puerto Rican greetings are standard Spanish greetings: Hola ("OH lah")—Hello; ¿Como está? ("como eh-STAH")—How are you?; ¿Que tal? ("kay TAHL")—What's up; Adiós ("ah DYOSE")—Good-bye; Por favór ("pore fah-FORE")—Please; Grácias ("GRAH-syahs")— Thank you; Buena suerte ("BWE-na SWAYR-tay")—Good luck; Feliz Año Nuevo ("feh-LEEZ AHN-yoe NWAY-vo")—Happy New Year.
Some expressions, however, appear to be unique to Puerto Ricans. These include: Mas enamorado que el cabro cupido (More in love than a goat shot by Cupid's arrow; or, to be head over heels in love); Sentado an el baúl (Seated in a trunk; or, to be henpecked); and Sacar el ratón (Let the rat out of the bag; or, to get drunk).
Family and Community Dynamics
Puerto Rican family and community dynamics have a strong Spanish influence and still tend to reflect
the intensely patriarchal social organization of European Spanish culture. Traditionally, husbands and fathers are heads of households and serve as community leaders. Older male children are expected to be responsible for younger siblings, especially females. Machismo (the Spanish conception of manhood) is traditionally a highly regarded virtue among Puerto Rican men. Women, in turn, are held responsible for the day-to-day running of the household.
Both Puerto Rican men and women care very much for their children and have strong roles in childrearing; children are expected to show respeto (respect) to parents and other elders, including older siblings. Traditionally, girls are raised to be quiet and diffident, and boys are raised to be more aggressive, though all children are expected to defer to elders and strangers. Young men initiate courtship, though dating rituals have for the most part become Americanized on the mainland. Puerto Ricans place a high value on the education of the young; on the island, Americanized public education is compulsory. And like most Latino groups, Puerto Ricans are traditionally opposed to divorce and birth out of wedlock.
Puerto Rican family structure is extensive; it is based on the Spanish system of compadrazco (literally "co-parenting") in which many members—not just parents and siblings—are considered to be part of the immediate family. Thus los abuelos (grandparents), and los tios y las tias (uncles and aunts) and even los primos y las primas (cousins) are considered extremely close relatives in the Puerto Rican family structure. Likewise, los padrinos (godparents) have a special role in the Puerto Rican conception of the family: godparents are friends of a child's parents and serve as "second parents" to the child. Close friends often refer to each other as compadre y comadre to reinforce the familial bond.
Although the extended family remains standard among many Puerto Rican mainlanders and islanders, the family structure has suffered a serious breakdown in recent decades, especially among urban mainlander Puerto Ricans. This breakdown seems to have been precipitated by economic hardships among Puerto Ricans, as well as by the influence of America's social organization, which deemphasizes the extended family and accords greater autonomy to children and women.
For Puerto Ricans, the home has special significance, serving as the focal point for family life. Puerto Rican homes, even in the mainland United States, thus reflect Puerto Rican cultural heritage to a great extent. They tend to be ornate and colorful, with rugs and gilt-framed paintings that often reflect a religious theme. In addition, rosaries, busts of La Virgin (the Virgin Mary) and other religious icons have a prominent place in the household. For many Puerto Rican mothers and grandmothers, no home is complete without a representation of the suffering of Jesús Christo and the Last Supper. As young people increasingly move into mainstream American culture, these traditions and many others seem to be waning, but only slowly over the last few decades.
INTERACTIONS WITH OTHERS
Because of the long history of intermarriage among Spanish, Indian, and African ancestry groups, Puerto Ricans are among the most ethnically and racially diverse people in Latin America. As a result, the relations between whites, blacks, and ethnic groups on the island—and to a somewhat lesser extent on the mainland—tend to be cordial.
This is not to say that Puerto Ricans fail to recognize racial variance. On the island of Puerto Rico, skin color ranges from black to fair, and there are many ways of describing a person's color. Light-skinned persons are usually referred to as blanco (white) or rúbio (blond). Those with darker skin who have Native American features are referred to as indio, or "Indian." A person with dark-colored skin, hair, and eyes—like the majority of the islanders—are referred to as trigeño (swarthy). Blacks have two designations: African Puerto Ricans are called people de colór or people "of color," while African Americans are referred to as moreno. The word negro, meaning "black," is quite common among Puerto Ricans, and is used today as a term of endearment for persons of any color.
Religion
Most Puerto Ricans are Roman Catholics. Catholicism on the island dates back to the earliest presence of the Spanish conquistadors, who brought Catholic missionaries to convert native Arawaks to Christianity and train them in Spanish customs and culture. For over 400 years, Catholicism was the island's dominant religion, with a negligible presence of Protestant Christians. That has changed over the last century. As recently as 1960, over 80 percent of Puerto Ricans identified themselves as Catholics. By the mid-1990s, according to U.S. Census Bureau statistics, that number had decreased to 70 percent. Nearly 30 percent of Puerto Ricans identify themselves as Protestants of various denominations, including Lutheran, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and Christian Scientist. The Protestant shift is about the same among mainlander Puerto Ricans. Although this trend may be attributable to the overwhelming influence of American culture on the island and among mainland Puerto Ricans, similar changes have been observed throughout the Caribbean and into the rest of Latin America.
Puerto Ricans who practice Catholicism observe traditional church liturgy, rituals, and traditions. These include belief in the Creed of the Apostles and adherence to the doctrine of papal infallibility. Puerto Rican Catholics observe the seven Catholic sacraments: Baptism, Eucharist, Confirmation, Penance, Matrimony, Holy Orders, and Anointing of the Sick. According to the dispensations of Vatican II, Puerto Ricans celebrate mass in vernacular Spanish as opposed to ancient Latin. Catholic churches in Puerto Rico are ornate, rich with candles, paintings, and graphic imagery: like other Latin Americans, Puerto Ricans seem especially moved by the Passion of Christ and place particular emphasis on representations of the Crucifixion.
Among Puerto Rican Catholics, a small minority actively practice some version of santería ("sahnteh-REE-ah"), an African American pagan religion with roots in the Yoruba religion of western Africa. (A santo is a saint of the Catholic church who also corresponds to a Yoruban deity.) Santería is prominent throughout the Caribbean and in many places in the southern United States and has had a strong influence on Catholic practices on the island.
Employment and Economic Traditions
Early Puerto Rican migrants to the mainland, especially those settling in New York City, found jobs in service and industry sectors. Among women, garment industry work was the leading form of employment. Men in urban areas most often worked in the service industry, often at restaurant jobs—bussing tables, bartending, or washing dishes. Men also found work in steel manufacturing, auto assembly, shipping, meat packing, and other related industries. In the early years of mainland migration, a sense of ethnic cohesion, especially in New York City, was created by Puerto Rican men who held jobs of community significance: Puerto Rican barbers, grocers, barmen, and others provided focal points for the Puerto Rican community to gather in the city. Since the 1960s, some Puerto Ricans have been journeying to the mainland as temporary contract laborers—working seasonally to harvest crop vegetables in various states and then returning to Puerto Rico after harvest.
As Puerto Ricans have assimilated into mainstream American culture, many of the younger generations have moved away from New York City and other eastern urban areas, taking high-paying white-collar and professional jobs. Still, less than two percent of Puerto Rican families have a median income above $75,000.
In mainland urban areas, though, unemployment is rising among Puerto Ricans. According to 1990 U.S. Census Bureau statistics, 31 percent of all Puerto Rican men and 59 percent of all Puerto Rican women were not considered part of the American labor force. One reason for these alarming statistics may be the changing face of American employment options. The sort of manufacturing sector jobs that were traditionally held by Puerto Ricans, especially in the garment industry, have become increasingly scarce. Institutionalized racism and the rise in single-parent households in urban areas over the last two decades may also be factors in the employment crisis. Urban Puerto Rican unemployment—whatever its cause—has emerged as one of the greatest economic challenges facing Puerto Rican community leaders at the dawn of the twenty-first century.
Politics and Government
Throughout the twentieth century, Puerto Rican political activity has followed two distinct paths— one focusing on accepting the association with the United States and working within the American political system, the other pushing for full Puerto Rican independence, often through radical means. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, most Puerto Rican leaders living in New York City fought for Caribbean freedom from Spain in general and Puerto Rican freedom in particular. When Spain ceded control of Puerto Rico to the United States following the Spanish-American War, those freedom fighters turned to working for Puerto Rican independence from the States. Eugenio María de Hostos founded the League of Patriots to help smooth the transition from U.S. control to independence. Although full independence was never achieved, groups like the League paved the way for Puerto Rico's special relationship with the United States. Still, Puerto Ricans were for the most part blocked from wide participation in the American political system.
In 1913 New York Puerto Ricans helped establish La Prensa, a Spanish-language daily newspaper, and over the next two decades a number of Puerto Rican and Latino political organizations and groups—some more radical than others—began to form. In 1937 Puerto Ricans elected Oscar García Rivera to a New York City Assembly seat, making him New York's first elected official of Puerto Rican decent. There was some Puerto Rican support in New York City of radical activist Albizu Campos, who staged a riot in the Puerto Rican city of Ponce on the issue of independence that same year; 19 were killed in the riot, and Campos's movement died out.
The 1950s saw wide proliferation of community organizations, called ausentes. Over 75 such hometown societies were organized under the umbrella of El Congresso de Pueblo (the "Council of Hometowns"). These organizations provided services for Puerto Ricans and served as a springboard for activity in city politics. In 1959 the first New York City Puerto Rican Day parade was held. Many commentators viewed this as a major cultural and political "coming out" party for the New York Puerto Rican community.
Low participation of Puerto Ricans in electoral politics—in New York and elsewhere in the country—has been a matter of concern for Puerto Rican leaders. This trend is partly attributable to a nationwide decline in American voter turnout. Still, some studies reveal that there is a substantially higher rate of voter participation among Puerto Ricans on the island than on the U.S. mainland. A number of reasons for this have been offered. Some point to the low turnout of other ethnic minorities in U.S. communities. Others suggest that Puerto Ricans have never really been courted by either party in the American system. And still others suggest that the lack of opportunity and education for the migrant population has resulted in widespread political cynicism among Puerto Ricans. The fact remains, however, that the Puerto Rican population can be a major political force when organized.
Individual and Group Contributions
Although Puerto Ricans have only had a major presence on the mainland since the mid-twentieth century, they have made significant contributions to American society. This is especially true in the areas of the arts, literature, and sports. The following is a selected list of individual Puerto Ricans and some of their achievements.
ACADEMIA
Frank Bonilla is a political scientist and a pioneer of Hispanic and Puerto Rican Studies in the United States. He is the director of the City University of New York's Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños and the author of numerous books and monographs. Author and educator Maria Teresa Babín (1910– ) served as director of the University of Puerto Rico's Hispanic Studies Program. She also edited one of only two English anthologies of Puerto Rican literature.
ART
Olga Albizu (1924– ) came to fame as a painter of Stan Getz's RCA record covers in the 1950s. She later became a leading figure in the New York City arts community. Other well-known contemporary and avant-garde visual artists of Puerto Rican descent include Rafael Ferre (1933– ), Rafael Colón (1941– ), and Ralph Ortíz (1934– ).
MUSIC
Ricky Martin, born Enrique Martin Morales in Puerto Rico, began his career as a member of the teen singing group Menudo. He gained international fame at the 1999 Grammy Awards ceremony with his rousing performance of "La Copa de la Vida." His continued success, most notably with his single "La Vida Loca" was a major influence in the growing interest in new Latin beat styles among mainstream America in the late 1990s.
Marc Anthony (born Marco Antonio Muniz) gained renown both as an actor in films like The Substitute (1996), Big Night (1996), and Bringing out the Dead (1999) and as a top selling Salsa song writer and performer. Anthony has contributed hit songs to albums by other singers and recorded his first album, The Night Is Over, in 1991 in Latin hip hop-style. Some of his other albums reflect more of his Salsa roots and include Otra Nota in 1995 and Contra La Corriente in 1996.
BUSINESS
Deborah Aguiar-Veléz (1955– ) was trained as a chemical engineer but became one of the most famous female entrepreneurs in the United States. After working for Exxon and the New Jersey Department of Commerce, Aguiar-Veléz founded Sistema Corp. In 1990 she was named the Outstanding Woman of the Year in Economic Development. John Rodriguez (1958– ) is the founder of AD-One, a Rochester, New York-based advertising and public relations firm whose clients include Eastman Kodak, Bausch and Lomb, and the Girl Scouts of America.
FILM AND THEATER
San Juan-born actor Raúl Juliá (1940-1994), best known for his work in film, was also a highly regarded figure in the theater. Among his many film credits are Kiss of the Spider Woman, based on South American writer Manuel Puig's novel of the same name, Presumed Innocent, and the Addams Family movies. Singer and dance Rita Moreno (1935– ), born Rosita Dolores Alverco in Puerto Rico, began working on Broadway at the age of 13 and hit Hollywood at age 14. She has earned numerous awards for her work in theater, film, and television. Miriam Colón (1945– ) is New York City's first lady of Hispanic theater. She has also worked widely in film and television. José Ferrer (1912– ), one of cinema's most distinguished leading men, earned a 1950 Academy Award for best actor in the film Cyrano de Bergerac.
Jennifer Lopez, born July 24, 1970 in the Bronx, is a dancer, an actress, and a singer, and has gained fame successively in all three areas. She began her career as a dancer in stage musicals and music videos and in the Fox Network TV show In Living Color. After a string of supporting roles in movies such as Mi Familia (1995) and Money Train (1995), Jennifer Lopez became the highest paid Latina actress in films when she was selected for the title role in Selena in 1997. She went on to act in Anaconda (1997), U-turn (1997), Antz (1998) and Out Of Sight (1998). Her first solo album, On the 6, released in 1999, produced a hit single, "If You Had My Love."
LITERATURE AND JOURNALISM
Jesús Colón (1901-1974) was the first journalist and short story writer to receive wide attention in English-language literary circles. Born in the small Puerto Rican town of Cayey, Colón stowed away on a boat to New York City at the age of 16. After working as an unskilled laborer, he began writing newspaper articles and short fiction. Colón eventually became a columnist for the Daily Worker; some of his works were later collected in A Puerto Rican in New York and Other Sketches. Nicholasa Mohr (1935– ) is the only Hispanic American woman to write for major U.S. publishing houses, including Dell, Bantam, and Harper. Her books include Nilda (1973), In Nueva York (1977) and Gone Home (1986). Victor Hernández Cruz (1949– ) is the most widely acclaimed of the Nuyorican poets, a group of Puerto Rican poets whose work focuses on the Latino world in New York City. His collections include Mainland (1973) and Rhythm, Content, and Flavor (1989). Tato Laviena (1950– ), the best-selling Latino poet in the United States, gave a 1980 reading at the White House for U.S. President Jimmy Carter. Geraldo Rivera (1943– ) has won ten Emmy Awards and a Peabody Award for his investigative journalism. Since 1987 this controversial media figure has hosted his own talk show, Geraldo.
POLITICS AND LAW
José Cabrenas (1949– ) was the first Puerto Rican to be named to a federal court on the U.S. mainland. He graduated from Yale Law School in 1965 and received his LL.M. from England's Cambridge University in 1967. Cabrenas held a position in the Carter administration, and his name has since been raised for a possible U.S. Supreme Court nomination. Antonia Novello (1944– ) was the first Hispanic woman to be named U.S. surgeon general. She served in the Bush administration from 1990 until 1993.
SPORTS
Roberto Walker Clemente (1934-1972) was born in Carolina, Puerto Rico, and played center field for the Pittsburgh Pirates from 1955 until his death in 1972. Clemente appeared in two World Series contests, was a four-time National League batting champion, earned MVP honors for the Pirates in 1966, racked up 12 Gold Glove awards for fielding, and was one of only 16 players in the history of the game to have over 3,000 hits. After his untimely death in a plane crash en route to aid earthquake victims in Central America, the Baseball Hall of Fame waived the usual five-year waiting period and inducted Clemente immediately. Orlando Cepeda (1937– ) was born in Ponce, Puerto Rico, but grew up in New York City, where he played sandlot baseball. He joined the New York Giants in 1958 and was named Rookie of the Year. Nine years later he was voted MVP for the St. Louis Cardinals. Angel Thomas Cordero (1942– ), a famous name in the world of horseracing, is the fourth all-time leader in races won—and Number Three in the amount of money won in purses: $109,958,510 as of 1986. Sixto Escobar (1913– ) was the first Puerto Rican boxer to win a world championship, knocking out Tony Matino in 1936. Chi Chi Rodriguez (1935– ) is one of the best-known American golfers in the world. In a classic rags-to-riches story, he started out as a caddie in his hometown of Rio Piedras and went on to become a millionaire player. The winner of numerous national and world tournaments, Rodriguez is also known for his philanthropy, including his establishment of the Chi Chi Rodriguez Youth Foundation in Florida.
Media
More than 500 U.S. newspapers, periodicals, newsletters, and directories are published in Spanish or have a significant focus on Hispanic Americans. More than 325 radio and television stations air broadcasts in Spanish, providing music, entertainment, and information to the Hispanic community.
PRINT
El Diario/La Prensa.
Published Monday through Friday, since 1913, this publication has focused on general news in Spanish.
Contact: Carlos D. Ramirez, Publisher.
Address: 143-155 Varick Street, New York, New York 10013.
Telephone: (718) 807-4600.
Fax: (212) 807-4617.
Hispanic.
Established in 1988, it covers Hispanic interests and people in a general editorial magazine format on a monthly basis.
Address: 98 San Jacinto Boulevard, Suite 1150, Austin, Texas 78701.
Telephone: (512) 320-1942.
Hispanic Business.
Established in 1979, this is a monthly English-language business magazine that caters to Hispanic professionals.
Contact: Jesus Echevarria, Publisher.
Address: 425 Pine Avenue, Santa Barbara, California 93117-3709.
Telephone: (805) 682-5843.
Fax: (805) 964-5539.
Online: http://www.hispanstar.com/hb/default.asp .
Hispanic Link Weekly Report.
Established in 1983, this is a weekly bilingual community newspaper covering Hispanic interests.
Contact: Felix Perez, Editor.
Address: 1420 N Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.
Telephone: (202) 234-0280.
Noticias del Mundo.
Established in 1980, this is a daily general Spanish-language newspaper.
Contact: Bo Hi Pak, Editor.
Address: Philip Sanchez Inc., 401 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10016.
Telephone: (212) 684-5656.
Vista.
Established in September 1985, this monthly magazine supplement appears in major daily English-language newspapers.
Contact: Renato Perez, Editor.
Address: 999 Ponce de Leon Boulevard, Suite 600, Coral Gables, Florida 33134.
Telephone: (305) 442-2462.
RADIO
Caballero Radio Network.
Contact: Eduardo Caballero, President.
Address: 261 Madison Avenue, Suite 1800, New York, New York 10016.
Telephone: (212) 697-4120.
CBS Hispanic Radio Network.
Contact: Gerardo Villacres, General Manager.
Address: 51 West 52nd Street, 18th Floor, New York, New York 10019.
Telephone: (212) 975-3005.
Lotus Hispanic Radio Network.
Contact: Richard B. Kraushaar, President.
Address: 50 East 42nd Street, New York, New York 10017.
Telephone: (212) 697-7601.
WHCR-FM (90.3).
Public radio format, operating 18 hours daily with Hispanic news and contemporary programming.
Contact: Frank Allen, Program Director.
Address: City College of New York, 138th and Covenant Avenue, New York, New York 10031.
Telephone: (212) 650-7481.
WKDM-AM (1380).
Independent Hispanic hit radio format with continuous operation.
Contact: Geno Heinemeyer, General Manager.
Address: 570 Seventh Avenue, Suite 1406, New York, New York 10018.
Telephone: (212) 564-1380.
TELEVISION
Galavision.
Hispanic television network.
Contact: Jamie Davila, Division President.
Address: 2121 Avenue of the Stars, Suite 2300, Los Angeles, California 90067.
Telephone: (310) 286-0122.
Telemundo Spanish Television Network.
Contact: Joaquin F. Blaya, President.
Address: 1740 Broadway, 18th Floor, New York, New York 10019-1740.
Telephone: (212) 492-5500.
Univision.
Spanish-language television network, offering news and entertainment programming.
Contact: Joaquin F. Blaya, President.
Address: 605 Third Avenue, 12th Floor, New York, New York 10158-0180.
Telephone: (212) 455-5200.
WCIU-TV, Channel 26.
Commercial television station affiliated with the Univision network.
Contact: Howard Shapiro, Station Manager.
Address: 141 West Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois 60604.
Telephone: (312) 663-0260.
WNJU-TV, Channel 47.
Commercial television station affiliated with Telemundo.
Contact: Stephen J. Levin, General Manager.
Address: 47 Industrial Avenue, Teterboro, New Jersey 07608.
Telephone: (201) 288-5550.
Organizations and Associations
Association for Puerto Rican-Hispanic Culture.
Founded in 1965. Seeks to expose people of various ethnic backgrounds and nationalities to cultural values of Puerto Ricans and Hispanics. Focuses on music, poetry recitals, theatrical events, and art exhibits.
Contact: Peter Bloch.
Address: 83 Park Terrace West, New York, New York 10034.
Telephone: (212) 942-2338.
Council for Puerto Rico-U.S. Affairs.
Founded in 1987, the council was formed to help create a positive awareness of Puerto Rico in the United States and to forge new links between the mainland and the island.
Contact: Roberto Soto.
Address: 14 East 60th Street, Suite 605, New York, New York 10022.
Telephone: (212) 832-0935.
National Association for Puerto Rican Civil Rights (NAPRCR).
Addresses civil rights issues concerning Puerto Ricans in legislative, labor, police, and legal and housing matters, especially in New York City.
Contact: Damaso Emeric, President.
Address: 2134 Third Avenue, New York, New York 10035.
Telephone: (212) 996-9661.
National Conference of Puerto Rican Women (NACOPRW).
Founded in 1972, the conference promotes the participation of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic women in social, political, and economic affairs in the United States and in Puerto Rico. Publishes the quarterly Ecos Nationales.
Contact: Ana Fontana.
Address: 5 Thomas Circle, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.
Telephone: (202) 387-4716.
National Council of La Raza.
Founded in 1968, this Pan-Hispanic organization provides assistance to local Hispanic groups, serves as an advocate for all Hispanic Americans, and is a national umbrella organization for 80 formal affiliates throughout the United States.
Address: 810 First Street, N.E., Suite 300, Washington, D.C. 20002.
Telephone: (202) 289-1380.
National Puerto Rican Coalition (NPRC).
Founded in 1977, the NPRC advances the social, economic, and political well-being of Puerto Ricans. It evaluates the potential impact of legislative and government proposals and policies affecting the Puerto Rican community and provides technical assistance and training to start-up Puerto Rican organizations. Publishes National Directory of Puerto Rican Organizations; Bulletin; Annual Report.
Contact: Louis Nuñez, President.
Address: 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 500, Washington, D.C. 20006.
Telephone: (202) 223-3915.
Fax: (202) 429-2223.
National Puerto Rican Forum (NPRF).
Concerned with the overall improvement of Puerto Rican and Hispanic communities throughout the United States
Contact: Kofi A. Boateng, Executive Director.
Address: 31 East 32nd Street, Fourth Floor, New York, New York 10016-5536.
Telephone: (212) 685-2311.
Fax: (212) 685-2349.
Online: http://www.nprf.org/ .
Puerto Rican Family Institute (PRFI).
Established for the preservation of the health, wellbeing, and integrity of Puerto Rican and Hispanic families in the United States.
Contact: Maria Elena Girone, Executive Director.
Address: 145 West 15th Street, New York, New York 10011.
Telephone: (212) 924-6320.
Fax: (212) 691-5635.
Museums and Research Centers
Brooklyn College of the City University of New York Center for Latino Studies.
Research institute centered on the study of Puerto Ricans in New York and Puerto Rico. Focuses on history, politics, sociology, and anthropology.
Contact: Maria Sanchez.
Address: 1205 Boylen Hall, Bedford Avenue at Avenue H, Brooklyn, New York 11210.
Telephone: (718) 780-5561.
Hunter College of the City University of New York Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños.
Founded in 1973, it is the first university-based research center in New York City designed specifically to develop Puerto Rican perspectives on Puerto Rican problems and issues.
Contact: Juan Flores, Director.
Address: 695 Park Avenue, New York, New York 10021.
Telephone: (212) 772-5689.
Fax: (212) 650-3673.
E-mail: hcordero@shiva.hunter.cuny.edu.
Institute of Puerto Rican Culture, Archivo General de Puerto Rico.
Maintains extensive archival holdings relating to the history of Puerto Rico.
Contact: Carmen Davila.
Address: 500 Ponce de León, Suite 4184, San Juan, Puerto Rico 00905.
Telephone: (787) 725-5137.
Fax: (787) 724-8393.
PRLDEF Institute for Puerto Rican Policy.
The Institute for Puerto Rican Policy merged with the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund in 1999. In September of 1999 a website was in progress but unfinished.
Contact: Angelo Falcón, Director.
Address: 99 Hudson Street, 14th Floor, New York, New York 10013-2815.
Telephone: (212) 219-3360 ext. 246.
Fax: (212) 431-4276.
E-mail: ipr@iprnet.org.
Puerto Rican Culture Institute, Luis Muñoz Rivera Library and Museum.
Founded in 1960, it houses collections that emphasize literature and art; institute supports research into the cultural heritage of Puerto Rico.
Address: 10 Muñoz Rivera Street, Barranquitas, Puerto Rico 00618.
Telephone: (787) 857-0230.
Sources for Additional Study
Alvarez, Maria D. Puerto Rican Children on the Mainland: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New York: Garland Pub., 1992.
Dietz, James L. Economic History of Puerto Rico: Institutional Change and Capitalist Development. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Falcón, Angelo. Puerto Rican Political Participation: New York City and Puerto Rico. Institute for Puerto Rican Policy, 1980.
Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration to the Mainland. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1987.
——. The Stranger Is Our Own: Reflections on the Journey of Puerto Rican Migrants. Kansas City, Missouri: Sheed & Ward, 1996.
Growing up Puerto Rican: An Anthology, edited by Joy L. DeJesus. New York: Morrow, 1997.
Hauberg, Clifford A. Puerto Rico and the Puerto Ricans. New York: Twayne, 1975.
Perez y Mena, Andres Isidoro. Speaking with the Dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion Among Puerto Ricans in the United States: A Study into Inter-penetration of Civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991.
Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History, edited by Arturo Morales Carrion. New York: Norton, 1984.
Urciuoli, Bonnie. Exposing Prejudice: Puerto Rican Experiences of Language, Race, and Class. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996.
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Months From Independence: What Would Albizu Do?
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"Andre Lee Muniz"
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2023-02-28T00:00:00
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The third in a three-part series looking at the attempts made by Pedro Albizu Campos and other local leaders in Puerto Rico to hold a constitutional convention in 1936—the closest the archipelago has come to breaking free of U.S. colonial rule.
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https://www.latinorebels.com/wp-content/themes/latinorebels-child_op/favicon.ico
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Latino Rebels
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https://www.latinorebels.com/2023/02/28/puertoricoconstitutionalconventionalbizu/
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This article is the third in a three-part series looking at the attempts made by Pedro Albizu Campos and other local leaders in Puerto Rico to hold a constitutional convention in 1936—the closest the archipelago has come to breaking free of U.S. colonial rule.
At the time of the movement for a constitutional convention in 1936, support for independence was widespread among politicians in Puerto Rico. One big obstacle, according to Pedro Albizu Campos, was the decision made by some leaders to travel to Washington and engage in negotiations with U.S. officials about what this independence might look like.
Don Pedro was very clear in his insistence that, rather than discussing the terms of independence with U.S. officials before exercising their sovereignty, Puerto Rico’s political leaders should exercise their sovereignty through the constitutional convention process first, and then discuss the terms of the relationship between the two nations afterward. He essentially called out what he felt was the reverse nature of the thought process of the day. “They are beginning where they should end, and they want to end where they should begin,” he said.
Even now, of course, here are still Puerto Ricans that choose to spend a great deal of effort concerning the status question on work based in the U.S. capital. What has changed is how the idea of a constitutional convention is viewed and expressed by today’s political actors.
How Things Have Changed—Or Haven’t
Proposals for a constitutional convention today tend to be very different from the one made by Don Pedro. This is not surprising when we take into consideration the current political climate. Despite virtually unanimous agreement that Puerto Rico is a colony, there are still disputes over what decolonization implies. More specifically, there are many who feel independence is not the only decolonial solution, and that both statehood, as well as an enhanced free association status, should also be considered as valid options.
One example is the Movimiento Victoria Ciudadana, a political party established in 2019 that currently has two members sitting in both Puerto Rico’s Senate and House of Representatives. This party has holding a “constitutional assembly” as part of its “urgent agenda,” with the purpose of this assembly being to provide space for the three status options to be discussed and voted upon.
Another proposal comes from the U.S. Congress, where the Puerto Rico Status Act was introduced in July 2022 and was passed by the House of Representatives in December. The bill would allow Puerto Ricans to vote in a plebiscite between the three status options and then hold a constitutional convention if either independence or free association receives the majority vote.
A key difference to point out between the conventions outlined by the Citizens’ Victory Movement and the Puerto Rico Status Act is that, in the former, the convention would be an effort originating from within Puerto Rican political society and, in the latter, it would be the result of U.S. legislation.
Don Pedro would have considered Both proposals would have been unacceptable to Don Pedro, for whom independence was the only acceptable status. He would have also pointed out that both proposals require Puerto Ricans, at some point in the process, to decide whether they want to be free or not—a question he deemed disrespectful to any group of people.
Furthermore, about the involvement that the U.S. should have in this decolonial process, Don Pedro was clear on the peripheral role it should play:
“In order to liquidate the present relations between the United States and Puerto Rico and place them on the international level of mutual recognition of sovereignty and independence, the United States itself has to encourage the immediate [holding of the] Constitutional Convention of Puerto Rico, since this is the only means that an intervened nation has to create the legitimate public powers that can represent it and without which it is not possible to deal with them.”
As the leader of a national liberation movement and a proponent of armed struggle, it is important to highlight Don Pedro’s insistence on the role of constitutional conventions as vehicles for nation-building. There is also something to be said about the convention’s ability to engage political actors from among those who seek change through revolution and the boycotting of colonial elections, as well as those who seek to leverage colonial elections for change and do not support revolutionary politics. The constitutional convention acts as a kind of meeting point for a diversity of political perspectives, a convergence where the duty of all is to place national interests above personal or organizational interests and tackle the work of building a nation.
National Liberation Meets Nation-Building
A more contemporary example of a leader of an armed movement for national liberation in Puerto Rico providing a detailed look at the important role and historical use of constitutional conventions —as Don Pedro did while president of the Nationalist Party— can be found in the writings of Filiberto Ojeda Ríos. Commander of the armed and clandestine Ejército Popular Boricua, known as “the Macheteros,” Filiberto wrote a lengthy essay dated January 11, 2004, that gives careful reflection on how the constitutional convention has appeared through history. Highlighting a related effort for a plebiscite by Eugenio María de Hostos and discussions of a constitutional convention by Juan Antonio Corretjer, Juan Mari Brás, and the Colegio de Abogados de Puerto Rico, among others, Filiberto clarifies that the Macheteros “would be willing to support a Constitutional Assembly that is governed by what was proposed by Don Pedro Albizu Campos.”
Filiberto was killed in Puerto Rico less than two years later on September 23, 2005, by FBI agents in what became a widely denounced operation.
Whereas the political climate in 1936 saw a moment when there was widespread and energetic support in favor of a constitutional convention to establish the Republic of Puerto Rico, such was not present when Filiberto wrote in 2004 that a similar movement was not possible in his time precisely because it lacked such a climate of patriotic unity. There was support, but the conditions were not favorable.
Something similar exists at the international level, where the United Nations Special Committee on Decolonization has resolved since 1972 that Puerto Rico is a colony, that the commonwealth government established in 1952 was only a facade placed upon the colonial system, and that Puerto Rico has a right to self-determination and independence under international law. Six years later, in 1978, two armed clandestine organizations —the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional based in Chicago and New York, and the Macheteros based in Puerto Rico— released a joint statement that was read at a meeting of the Decolonization Committee that included a call for a U.N.-supervised constitutional convention in Puerto Rico.
Now, decades later, nothing has changed for Puerto Rico.
As I stated in the first of this series, it is unclear why the 1936 constitutional convention movement has not received more attention from researchers and has not been properly included in discussions of the year 1936 in Puerto Rican history. Considering its scale and broad support, the movement ought to be considered a major event in the history of Puerto Rico’s struggle for independence, perhaps marking a period under U.S. rule when Puerto Rico was arguably the closest to becoming an independent republic.
The movement, which aimed to achieve decolonization through a process of national democracy and international diplomacy, adds significant nuance to the seditious conspiracy trial of Don Pedro that year, bringing into question the way in which he actually aimed to establish Puerto Rico as an independent republic. There were statements made by Don Pedro that sought to point out to readers the non-aggressive nature of the constitutional convention and, as a further argument for the U.S. to encourage its holding, the convenience such a convention would offer U.S. officials, as a process they already had some experience taking part in:
“[The] Constitutional Convention is not an act of hostility to the United States,” he wrote. “The United States itself has already stopped and recognized two Constitutional Conventions under conditions similar to ours: that of Cuba and that of Santo Domingo.”
I will not dare to entertain an answer to the question “What would Don Pedro do?” but I will allow myself the boldness to suggest that it would be worthwhile to consider his emphasis on the role a constitutional convention could serve in ending colonialism in Puerto Rico. If a constitutional convention is the inevitable event Don Pedro said it was, how might the Puerto Rican people prepare themselves educationally and organizationally to meet the work it implies?
More research into this topic would be very timely today, a fact that will remain true for as long as colonialism prevents Puerto Rico from asserting its nationhood and constructing its own future.
—
You can help raise funds for the author’s next project, a book of translations of Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos’ writings, by donating to and sharing his GoFundMe campaign.
***
Andre Lee Muniz is a Boricua from the projects of South Brooklyn, the creator of Remembering Don Pedro, and the author of ‘Vida y Hacienda: The Life and Legacy of Dr. Pedro Albizu Campos.’ Instagram: @RememberingDonPedro
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https://www.academia.edu/89303941/_ADVANCING_THE_KINGDOM_MISSIONARIES_AND_AMERICANIZATION_IN_PUERTO_RICO_1898_1930s
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ADVANCING THE KINGDOM: MISSIONARIES AND AMERICANIZATION IN PUERTO RICO, 1898-1930s
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[
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[
"Ellie Walsh",
"independent.academia.edu"
] |
2022-10-26T00:00:00
|
ADVANCING THE KINGDOM: MISSIONARIES AND AMERICANIZATION IN PUERTO RICO, 1898-1930s
|
https://www.academia.edu/89303941/_ADVANCING_THE_KINGDOM_MISSIONARIES_AND_AMERICANIZATION_IN_PUERTO_RICO_1898_1930s
|
This article studies the intersection of sport, religion, and imperialism through the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) as an extension of United States expansion into Puerto Rico after the Spanish American War of 1898. The YMCA’s emphasis on “muscular Christianity” and sports made it attractive to some locals who welcomed this feature of U.S. Americanization. This article seeks to challenge notions of imperialism and Americanization (through sport and religion) as a process not clearly defined by the dyad oppressor and victim. To the contrary, the story of the YMCA in Puerto Rico shows the ways in which YMCA leaders sought to bring progress to an “oppressed” people, while many locals welcomed a progressive institution of modern sports. My argument blurs the line between resistance and acculturation and instead proposes to see the YMCA and the early development of sport in Puerto Rico as a process of negotiations over power, identity, and culture.
The scholarship on the history of Protestant missions to Puerto Rico after the Spanish American War of 1898 emphasizes the Americanizing tendencies of the missionaries in the construction of the new Puerto Rican. There is no doubt that the main missionary motif during the 1890s was indeed civilization. Even though the Americanizing motif was part of the evangelistic efforts of some missionaries, new evidence shows that a minority of missionaries, among them Presbyterians James A. McAllister and Judson Underwood, had a clear vision of indigenization/contextualization for the emerging church based on language (Spanish) and culture (Puerto Rican). The spread of Christianity was successful not only because of the missionaries but also because native agents took up the task of evangelizing their own people; they were not passive spectators but active agents translating and processing the message of the gospel to fulfill their own people’s needs based on their own individual cultural assu...
The scholarship on the history of Protestant missions to Puerto Rico after the Spanish American War of 1898 emphasizes the Americanizing tendencies of the missionaries in the construction of the new Puerto Rican. There is no doubt that the main missionary motif during the 1890s was indeed civilization. Even though the Americanizing motif was part of the evangelistic efforts of some missionaries, new evidence shows that a minority of missionaries, among them Presbyterians James A. McAllister and Judson Underwood, had a clear vision of indigenization/contextualization for the emerging church based on language (Spanish) and culture (Puerto Rican). The spread of Christianity was successful not only because of the missionaries but also because native agents took up the task of evangelizing their own people; they were not passive spectators but active agents translating and processing the message of the gospel to fulfill their own people’s needs based on their own individual cultural assumptions. This article problematizes the past divisions of such evangelizing activities between the history of Christianity, mission history, and theology by analyzing the native ministries of Adela Sousa (a Bible woman) and Miguel Martinez in light of the teachings of the American missionaries. The investigation claims that because of Puerto Rican agents’ roles in the process of evangelization, a new fusion between the history of Christianity, mission history, and theology emerged as soon as new converts embraced and began to preach the gospel.
This article examines North Atlantic views of Protestant missions and race in the Dominican Republic between 1905 and 1911, a brief period of political stability in the years leading up to the U.S. Occupation (1916–1924). Although Protestant missions during this period remained small in scale on the Catholic island, the views of British and American missionaries evidence how international perceptions of Dominicans transformed in the early twentieth century. Thus, this article makes two key interventions within the literature on Caribbean race and religion. First, it shows how outsiders’ ideas about the Dominican Republic's racial composition aimed to change the Dominican Republic from a “black” country into a racially ambiguous “Latin” one on the international stage. Second, in using North Atlantic missionaries’ perspectives to track this shift, it argues that black-led Protestant congregations represented a possible alternative future that both elite Dominicans and white North ...
The educational history of Hispanic Americans is not a “new” history. Hispanic peoples began exploration, settlement, and even schooling in North America in the sixteenth century. A more appropriate metaphor is to think of Hispanic educational history as a rich, unearthed site awaiting the work of archivists and researchers. There is no doubt that the large post-1965 immigration of Latinos to the United States renewed interest among scholars in the history of these peoples. Yet contemporary social, political, economic, and educational issues raise the troubling question of why Hispanic-American history has remained neglected for so long. This essay is a beginning towards understanding the relationship between historians and the educational history of Hispanic Americans during the last century. Specifically, this historiographical inquiry examines some barriers that have dissuaded scholars from exploring the history of Latino influences in North America, assesses current writings, an...
This study examines the history and current state of evangelical Christianity in the Dominican Republic. It focuses on two historical Protestant denominations: the African Methodist Episcopal Church (A.M.E.) and the Iglesia Evangélica Dominicana (I.E.D.). Each of these denominations was founded in the Dominican Republic during key moments in the country’s history. Using historical documents and interviews with church leaders, this article focuses on the ways that each institution has adapted to Dominican society in the twenty-first century while also maintaining ties to the United States. It additionally questions how factors such as social marginalization, racial discrimination, the growth of the Dominican evangelical community, and continued connections to U.S. institutions have affected the trajectory of these churches. Ultimately, this research analyzes how historical church leaders view their place within Dominican society and their historic and current ties to U.S. institutions.
Latino Protestants in America are growing—fast. More and more Latinos identify as Protestant, Latino Protestant churches are spreading, and Latino Protestant parachurch organizations are broadening their representation and outreach. We synthesize the latest research on Latino Protestants in the United States in relation to history, sociodemographics, conversion, and race/ethnic identity formation. We argue that Latino Protestants are far from monolithic. In fact, Latino Protestant congregation express and experience diversity in their worship, liturgy, theology, identities, and resources. We argue against ethnoracial essentialization, that is, boiling down nuances of Latino Protestant identity in favor of idealized conclusions often in the form of racial/ethnic stereotypes. Recent empirical research does not support often‐cited assessments of Latino Protestants and their churches as “fiestas” with “spicy” worship. Instead, we urge scholars to avoid such front‐loaded, racialized assumptions and exercise their social scientific expertise in using better theory and more careful observation to achieve a more textured understanding of Latino Protestants and their churches.
|
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https://www.gpsmycity.com/attractions/plaza-de-hostos-(hostos-square)-31916.html
|
en
|
Plaza de Hostos (Hostos Square), San Juan
|
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"Plaza de Hostos (Hostos Square)",
"San Juan",
"Puerto Rico"
] | null |
[] | null |
Plaza de Hostos (Hostos Square) in San Juan, Puerto Rico - sight map, attraction information, photo and list of walking tours containing this attraction. Get offline map and directions using our GPSmyCity self-guided walking tours app for your mobile device.
|
en
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/d/favicon.ico
|
GPSmyCity
|
https://www.gpsmycity.com/attractions/plaza-de-hostos-(hostos-square)-31916.html
|
Plaza de Hostos is a small landscaped square located near Casa Blanca, just in front of Plaza Dársena. Dedicated in 1998, the square commemorates the famous Puerto Rican educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist and independence advocate Eugenio María de Hostos, aka “The Citizen of the Americas”, whose beautiful statue, featuring de Hostos in the company of joyful kids, created by José Buscaglia, stands in the center of the square, watching over the cruise ships entering and leaving the San Juan Bay.
Other than this, guests will find here lots of arts and crafts, as well as traditional piña coladas (a must try!) and other locally-made deserts sold from kiosks dotting the area. A nice place to stop after exploring the southern district of San Juan!
Want to visit this sight? Check out these Self-Guided Walking Tours in San Juan . Alternatively, you can download the mobile app "GPSmyCity: Walks in 1K+ Cities" from Apple App Store or Google Play Store. The app turns your mobile device to a personal tour guide and it works offline, so no data plan is needed when traveling abroad.
Create Your Own Walk in San Juan
Creating your own self-guided walk in San Juan is easy and fun. Choose the city attractions that you want to see and a walk route map will be created just for you. You can even set your hotel as the start point of the walk.
Souvenir Shopping
The arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1493 and the ensuing Spanish colonization brought into Puerto Rico a number of new crafts. Over the next few centuries, having mixed up with local traditions, they have flourished on the new turf, producing an array of colorful products that today are sought after by tourists visiting the island. While in San Juan, it would be a pity to leave town without... view more
Tour Duration: 1 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 0.6 Km or 0.4 Miles
Old San Juan Squares
A distinctive feature of Old San Juan is the multitude of quaint picturesque squares, many of them adorned with beautiful fountains and spectacular monuments. Each square has a unique character and historical significance, making them integral to the city's identity.
Plaza Colon, also known as Columbus Square, pays homage to Christopher Columbus and his exploration of the New World. It... view more
Tour Duration: 1 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 1.8 Km or 1.1 Miles
Old San Juan Walking Tour
Founded by Spanish colonists in 1509, at a site then known as "Puerto Rico" (which means Rich Port in Spanish), San Juan is the third oldest capital in the Americas established by Europeans. In 1521, the words "San Juan" were added to its official name, thus making it "San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico". This was in keeping with the custom of christening the town with... view more
Tour Duration: 2 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 3.1 Km or 1.9 Miles
San Juan Historical Buildings
One of the oldest capital cities on the American continent, San Juan, Puerto Rico, boasts an old town that is filled to the brim with heritage colonial architecture.
Chief among its historical buildings, La Fortaleza, or The Fortress, is the official residence of the Governor of Puerto Rico and the longest-standing executive mansion in continuous use in America. At the same time, the Cathedral... view more
Tour Duration: 2 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 2.4 Km or 1.5 Miles
|
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| 7
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https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/history-of-education-quarterly/article/narrative-from-the-margins-community-and-agency-during-the-us-occupation-of-the-dominican-republic-19161924/A31492112649B9D256B86703BBBF80B6
|
en
|
A Narrative from the Margins: Community and Agency during the US Occupation of the Dominican Republic, 1916–1924
|
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[
""
] | null |
[
"Alexa Rodríguez"
] | null |
A Narrative from the Margins: Community and Agency during the US Occupation of the Dominican Republic, 1916–1924 - Volume 63 Issue 2
|
en
|
/core/cambridge-core/public/images/favicon.ico
|
Cambridge Core
|
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/history-of-education-quarterly/article/narrative-from-the-margins-community-and-agency-during-the-us-occupation-of-the-dominican-republic-19161924/A31492112649B9D256B86703BBBF80B6
|
On June 17, 1920, in a town located near the northwest border of the Dominican Republic, a group of approximately fifty guardiansFootnote 1 and community leaders listened intently to a presentation made by local school inspector.Footnote 2 In his address to the citizens of Guayubín, L. T. Lithgow boasted about recent improvements in the local school and compared them with what had previously existed. Since the start of the US occupation in 1916, the school in Guayubín had become co-educational and graded, teaching over two hundred students a variety of subjects that included history, geography, writing, arithmetic, and Castellano (Spanish), as well as health, hygiene, and physical fitness across three different grades. In addition to highlighting the expanded student body and school curriculum, Lithgow emphasized the importance of school discipline and urged families to continue the work initiated by school leaders through home education.
Although Lithgow's speech encouraged Dominican caretakers to become involved in their children's education, these guardians had already played active roles in the Guayubín school. They elected to enroll their children and made sacrifices to ensure they attended daily, oftentimes traveling long distances from a neighboring town. In addition to making choices that affected their immediate families, guardians also participated in decision-making on a higher level by engaging with local and regional school officials in school meetings and through letter writing. In those instances, guardians articulated their beliefs about education and advocated for the needs of their children and those in their community.
This article examines the actions of guardians in supporting and creating schools during the US military occupation of the Dominican Republic that lasted from 1916 to 1924. Drawing primarily from sources from the Department of Public Instruction in the Dominican Republic, I argue that Dominican guardians were pivotal to the expansion of the Dominican school system and key actors in shaping the educational landscape during this period. Not only did guardians construct and maintain a majority of the schools opened during the US occupation, but they also influenced school policy. Throughout the eight-year period, guardians influenced external aspects of schools, like their location, in addition to internal ones, such as their staffing or whether schools would be co-educational. Most significantly, through their grassroots efforts and collective advocacy, guardians and other volunteers ensured that schools in the Dominican Republic continued to operate during the financial crisis of 1921 that bankrupted the school system. Thus, between 1916 and 1924, Dominican guardians were vital to both the physical and financial maintenance of their local schools, even in the midst of the financial collapse of the public school system.
Despite being directly involved in schools, Dominican parents and caretakers have often been left out of histories of education during this period. Much of the literature on the US occupation of the Dominican Republic has centered US officials and their use of schools to create a democracy compatible with US interests in the country.Footnote 3 These accounts discuss how education reforms served US foreign policy in regions such as the Pacific and Caribbean. In his work, A. J. Angulo highlights the fundamental role played by guardians in the Dominican Republic through their work in Sociedades Populares de Educación (Popular Education Societies) by establishing and maintaining schools across the country when the national school system was in the midst of a financial crisis.Footnote 4 Most other histories of the occupation, however, have emphasized the significant increases in the number of schools established and percentage of students enrolled during the occupation without contextualizing how these changes occurred.
While there have been accounts written about rural resistance to the US military government more broadly, we know far less about the agency of non-elite Dominicans within schools or their perceptions regarding the education reforms during the occupation.Footnote 5 This is partially because there are so few histories of Dominican education. Within those that exist, they briefly discuss school reforms during the occupation and tend to highlight the role of the US military government in expanding rudimentary schools into the Dominican countryside and increasing attendance.Footnote 6 Much of this literature has overlooked patterns of self-determination, focusing instead on how, in 1916, 90 percent of the population in the Dominican Republic was illiterate.Footnote 7 Frequently cited illiteracy rates have reinforced the scholarly assumption that non-elite Dominicans made little or no significant contributions to education policy during the occupation. Emphasizing illiteracy rates without examples of agency in the education system advances the notion that either non-elite Dominicans were powerless against the US military regime, or they were not educated enough to be involved in the debates of the period. This study revisits this assumption by examining the actions of Dominican guardians and their direct contributions to the educational landscape. Their voices, engagement, and agency complicate standard treatments of Dominican guardians as inactive or ineffective sources of change who were confined by their illiteracy or the structures of the military government.
While there has generally been a focus on US efforts in the literature on education during the twentieth-century US military occupations, silences around local agency are not distinct to this scholarship.Footnote 8 Similar gaps can be found in historical studies of schooling and educational policy in the US and Latin America as well as in other contexts. As a result, historians of education have often grappled with how difficult it is to retrieve the perspective of those affected by school reforms, particularly the voices of parents and children.Footnote 9 Scholars face these limitations mostly because the documents preserved in the archive tend to be official documents generated by upper-level administrators or school-based principals and teachers. The focus on preserving official documents has edged out other documents, voices, and experiences and has privileged those who interacted through memos, reports, and correspondence with members of the government. Additionally, the reliance on written evidence also benefits those who were literate or who had access to someone who was, and were thus able to leave traces of their thoughts and experiences through the written record. As a result of imbalances in archival collections, histories tend to rely on the documentary evidence available and to leave out significant contributions to education that other involved stakeholders made at the time.
To address this problem, many historians of education have turned to oral histories and documents outside of official government archives, including yearbooks and student newspapers. They also have analyzed official documents “against the archival grain” and through a critical lens to identify and understand the experiences of others discussed or mentioned in passing.Footnote 10 Drawing on this scholarship, I used this methodology to read the official documents of the Department of Public Instruction held in the Archivo de la Nación (National Archive) and constructed a narrative from the “margins” of the official record. This article illuminates the role of guardians in the occupation by examining the few letters written by guardians to government officials, along with other indirect references to the actions and contributions of guardians in letters written by school officials.
Doing so provides access to underexamined local views on education that reveal how guardians built and maintained schools for their children and those in their community. By piecing together brief moments and mentions of these ordinary citizens through their interactions with the occupation government that eventually became part of the archival record, this study offers an alternative account using limited source material written by the guardians themselves.Footnote 11 Highlighting the contributions and perspectives of guardians—which at times aligned with and at other times opposed US-backed educational reforms—provides an added significance, given that the US military government imposed gag laws to limit public criticism in newspapers and books.Footnote 12 While no single article can offer a comprehensive analysis, as many guardians who participated in the reforms were not captured in these documents, this article provides a first step in tracing the impact of guardians on the education system during the US occupation.
This article also extends our understanding of local agency in schools. From choosing to bring their child to school daily to advocating for substantial shifts in policy, the Dominican case makes evident how schools have historically been spaces where local actors negotiated policies and exerted their influence on decisions that directly affected their communities. Since guardians operated under the conditions of a military occupation, we must consider power dynamics and examine a range of actions the guardians took as examples of local agency on the basis of their scope of influence. And while it is important to recognize how these examples can help broaden notions of local agency, this situation is also distinct, as it illuminates a case of how actors on the ground created their own schooling opportunities and maintained a national system when the government could no longer support it.
|
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https://tirado-chiodini.com/reading-corner
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en
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Reading Corner
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Welcome!
Thanks for supporting my work.
Scroll down to learn about my books!
Click on book images and links to purchase.
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Yasmin Tirado-Chiodini
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https://tirado-chiodini.com/reading-corner
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El Gíbaro (paperback in Spanish)
El Gibaro (e-book in Spanish)
"El Gíbaro, written by Manuel A. Alonso in 1849, described the criollo daily life. Rural speech patterns portrayed the Puerto Rican-born criollo view of the world and gave hope to the jíbaros, the rural poor, to attain education and gain employment, even in times of hardship." - Antonio's Will
El Gibaro (or El Jíbaro) are reprints of the original book by Dr. Manuel A. Alonso (1822-1889), a physician who was considered the first Puerto Rican writer of notable importance.
P. de Bayoán (paperback in Spanish)
P. de Bayoán (e-book in Spanish)
P. de Bayoán (hardcover in English)
Eugenio María de Hostos (1839–1903), known as "The Great Citizen of the Americas"), was a Puerto Rican educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist, and Puerto Rican independence advocate. He wrote his most notable work, the novel "La Peregrinación de Bayoán" in 1963, which was initially censored by Spain. The book mirrors Hostos' own quest for value, purpose, and meaning of life.
La Cuarterona/The Quadroon (e-book)
La Cuarterona/The Quadroon (paperback)
(Dual Language Spanish/English Edition)
Alejandro Tápia y Rivera (1826–1882) was a Puerto Rican poet, dramaturg, essayist and writer. Considered to be the father of Puerto Rican literature, he was also an abolitionist and a women's rights advocate. He supports these causes in La Cuarterona, a three-act play about a romance forbidden by race and social class.
The Adventures of Tom Sawyer
(paperback) (e-book)
Las Aventuras de Tom Sawyer
(paperback) (e-book)
“Do you know who Samuel Langhorne Clemens is, Antonio?” Bessie asked.
“No, chood I?” he said. ...
“He is best known as Mark Twain, the author of The Adventures of Tom Sawyer.” .. "He worked as a brakeman on the Schoharie railroad station on D
The Adventures of Tom Sawyer
(paperback) (e-book)
Las Aventuras de Tom Sawyer
(paperback) (e-book)
“Do you know who Samuel Langhorne Clemens is, Antonio?” Bessie asked.
“No, chood I?” he said. ...
“He is best known as Mark Twain, the author of The Adventures of Tom Sawyer.” .. "He worked as a brakeman on the Schoharie railroad station on Depot Street the winter of 1879, three years after he wrote his famous book,” Bessie said.
“Why would he do that, a famos author?” Antonio asked.
“A self-published author, I should add.”
- Antonio's Will
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https://reflectionsjournal.net/2022/08/editors-introduction-finding-humanity-and-community-in-pandemic-scholarship-5/
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“We Were Cut Off From the Rest of the World . . . and From Each Other”: Advocating for the “Whos” After Hurricane María – Reflections
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"Dina Lopez",
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2022-08-16T12:00:22-05:00
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https://reflectionsjournal.net/2022/08/editors-introduction-finding-humanity-and-community-in-pandemic-scholarship-5/
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PDF version
Abstract
This article intersects the US government’s imperialistic attitude with its ambivalent and sluggish behavior towards helping the island of Puerto Rico achieve disaster preparedness and recovery from hurricane events. To learn how Puerto Rican residents employed self-reliance and resiliency in the context of disaster to shift and extend past definitions of tactical technical communication, I triangulated US-based longform reports with a radio journalist’s logbook from Hurricane María. From the stories in these texts about how Puerto Ricans crafted communication, I conclude that this craftiness during disaster empowered the Puerto Rican community to enact post-Hurricane María political and social changes on the island.
Introduction
On September 7, 2017, Hurricane Irma skirted past the northern shore of Puerto Rico. Listed as a category 5 hurricane, Irma was catalogued as “one of the strongest and costliest hurricanes on record in the Atlantic basin” (Cangialosi, Latto, and Berg 2018, 1). The island was barely recovering from the damage to its capitol and major electrical and water supplies when Hurricane María followed just ten days later. María, a category 4 hurricane, swept across the entire island for eleven hours. The “third costliest hurricane in United States history” caused a three-month blackout over the entire island (Pasch, Penny, and Berg 2019, 1).
Both the colonial and local governments delayed disaster response for ten days. Island residents did not have ten days. They needed immediate help: rescue, food and water, and medical needs. Their friends and families on the US mainland needed information about their survival status. With all electrical systems down and internet towers destroyed, practically no communication was available until the local and Federal governments would/could move to begin assessing response to any disaster. I know. Our family in Puerto Rico experienced Hurricane María, and we had no clue as to their status for two weeks. When we could finally communicate with them, they shared with my husband and me how they immediately began “a coalitional counter-praxis of survival . . . autogestión, loosely translated in English as ‘self-management’” (Soto-Vega 2019, 40). My husband’s sister Almi told us, “we didn’t have any idea how bad it was everywhere else. All we knew was what was in front of us and next door. We all banded together as neighbors and helped one another out, but we had no idea how Eva and Kris or Frankie and Ivania were [my brothers and sisters-in-law across the island from Almi], and we had no way of contacting them. We just had to wait” (personal communication, November 2019).
My husband’s family was not as badly affected by the storm as other families were. Abuela was with one of her daughters; everyone’s homes were still standing—although they had a lot of water damage inside and out—and none of our family had immediate health issues. Other island residents were not as fortunate. Some needed immediate rescue, and others needed medical care. They did not have the luxury of waiting for someone to help them find ways to communicate with each other or for medical help. Abandoned by their colonial government and frustrated by their own government’s slow response efforts, these citizens of the United States were moved to enact their own ways to communicate with each other and first responders immediately after Hurricane María had passed over the island.
Background
Remember the movie titled Horton Hears a Who? It was based on Dr. Seuss’ 1954 tale of the same name about a kind jungle elephant named Horton who hears a sound coming from a world so tiny that it fits on a speck of dust. Throughout the movie, Horton defends the existence of the tiny world, arguing “a person’s a person, no matter how small.” Sometimes I feel like Horton when I discuss the island of Puerto Rico with anyone who has been educated in the 50 United States—it seems US history curricula has not done a very good job of teaching the history and status of its most populous territory south of Florida (World Atlas). In an online article about the National Association of Hispanic Journalists’ (NAHJ) effort to support Puerto Rican journalists after Hurricane María, NAHJ executive director Alberto Mendoza reported, “we came across polls that showed less than half of Americans knew Puerto Ricans were American citizens” (Fortis 2018).
My husband José, a native of Puerto Rico, experienced such ignorance in the 1980s when he attended college in Texas. He often travelled to classmates’ homes in Mexico during Thanksgiving and other short holidays. Upon returning to Texas after a holiday, he presented his driver’s license to the border agent, who refused him entry back into the US, telling him that his driver’s license from Puerto Rico did not satisfy the driver’s license requirement as proper paperwork for crossing into the US. He asked the border agent in disbelief, “you mean you are a US border patrol agent, and you do not know that Puerto Rico is part of the United States? I’m a US citizen!” As recently as 2019, a clerk and her shift supervisor at CVS refused to sell cold medication to a student at Purdue University because he could not produce a study visa even though he presented his US passport (Associated Press 2019). Therefore, a historical summary of the United States’ most populous territory deserves some space here.
Puerto Rico, a Possession of the United States
Puerto Rico has been a possession of an imperial country ever since Columbus claimed the Antilles islands for Spain on his second voyage to the western side of the globe in 1493. The Treaty of Paris awarded the island as a war prize to the US in 1898, yet the changeover did not affect the island’s status as a possession as prominent politician Eugenio María de Hostos had hoped (Perivolaris 2000, 268). Other Puerto Rican politicians, however, viewed this shift in ownership from Spain to the US as a redeemed rather than a conquered status for the island and an opportunity for Puerto Rico to join “the free world under the enlightened guidance of the United States” (Perivolaris 2000, 267). They believed the US government would grant the island either annexation with full statehood or independence. Instead, years of ambivalence and incongruent treatment followed.
The Foraker Act of 1900 changed Puerto Rico’s status with its colonial government from war prize to unincorporated territory. Although residents were not US citizens, they were now liable to Federal taxation—albeit without voting representation in Congress. In 1917, the Jones Act gave Puerto Rican residents US citizenship. In addition to becoming US citizens, eligible males were subject to the Selective Service and to the draft. Over 18,000 Puerto Ricans served in World War I alone (Franqui-Rivera 2018). During World War II, the US military planted its flag at an observation point installed at El Morro, a stronghold originally built by the Spanish as a fort to head off invading attackers (Figure 1). Further work by Puerto Rican activists and politicians to move Puerto Rico towards greater stability as either one of the United States or full independence resulted in a Free Associated State (Commonwealth) status in 1952, little change in voting representation in US Congress, and the island has remained in an ambivalent and forgotten position to this date (World Atlas).
To summarize: Puerto Rico is an organized US territory. Puerto Ricans are issued US passports (somebody please tell CVS), and a driver’s license from Puerto Rico is a US-issued driver’s license (attention all Border agents). They conduct business with US currency, and they hold all the rights and privileges that anyone from one of the 50 states holds—except they do not get to vote for the president of the very country to which they belong and serve.
What does the political history and status of this US territory have to do with hurricanes? Local and federal government concerns about Puerto Rico’s political status are often prioritized over the island’s day-to-day operations, including emergency preparedness (Soto Vega 2019; Perivolaris 2000, 277; Rodríguez-Cotto 2018, 105, 150). When hurricane season approaches, neither the island’s local government nor the Federal government’s emergency management agencies are logistically prepared to handle the uncertainties of a disaster as unpredictable as a hurricane.
Hurricane Hugo in 1989: Response, Reports, and Reality
Serious hurricanes have threatened the island before and since Hurricane María. The costliest and most destructive hurricane to hit the island prior to Hurricane Hugo, Hurricane San Ciriaco in 1899, hit the island from east to west with category 4-force winds. The greatest recorded destruction was to farmland. Hurricane Hugo in 1989 was also a category 4 hurricane. The National Research Council (1994) described it as “the costliest hurricane to strike the United States before Andrew three years later in 1992” (Hurricane Andrew did not hit the island of Puerto Rico). Hugo was very similar to San Ciriaco because of its related strength and projected path; the effects were more widespread due to modern power, infrastructure (mainly water supply), and modes of communication.
When I moved to Puerto Rico with my husband in 1985, I learned to adjust to many inconveniences due to island deficiencies and inefficiencies. I learned early in the ten years I lived there how to enact my own autogestión when we experienced daily electrical shutoffs due to an overloaded power company that served the entire eastern end of the island. Every week I purchased drinking water at the grocery store to avoid catching gastroenteritis from drinking tap water. Like all middle-class families, when our children reached school age, we paid out of our pockets (essentially paying twice for their education) to send them to private schools so they would be afforded more educational opportunity than they would have had in public schools. Water from the tap was not potable, the electrical grid was one disaster away from collapsing, and the public schools lacked basic materials, but the cross-island political rallies always went on as planned. Puerto Rican culture prioritized politics in daily life. Friends and family described politics as the national sport. Education comes under the US Department of Indian Affairs, and who cared anyway—our Congressional representative did not have a vote on any committees. Families were often divided along the party line debate: should the island become a state, gain independence from the US, or remain a Commonwealth?
When hurricane season arrived in 1989, 21st century technology did not exist. There were no laptops or cell phones connected to the internet to keep up with hurricane weather patterns and predictions. We depended solely on the information disseminated to us by the newspapers and the evening weather report. We received a warning one day prior to Hurricane Hugo’s arrival that a category 5 hurricane was strengthening over the ocean as it approached the island. Ironically, the National Research Council’s (NRC) report on Hurricane Hugo later described the mass media’s dissemination of WSFO’s weather information two days before the storm as “extremely effective” (NRC 1994).
My husband and I, along with everyone else in our family, were taken completely by surprise by the timing of news about the storm. The television weather report hinted at a hurricane approaching, but the day before Hurricane Hugo was expected to make landfall, a photo of the hurricane appeared on the front page of the El Nuevo Día (in English: A New Day) newspaper, illustrating the hurricane’s size in comparison to the island (Figure 2).
On September 18, 1989, Hurricane Hugo made its arrival. Like San Ciriaco in 1899, Hugo was forecast to track in a pattern going east–west across the island. Instead of moving in its predicted path, it struck the northern tip of Puerto Rico, turned 90 degrees north, and hit the US eastern seaboard, most heavily along the coast of South Carolina.
In its report about Hurricane Hugo and lessons learned, the National Research Council (NRC) patted itself on the back about the successful evacuation efforts in Puerto Rico due to what was termed a well-coordinated communication effort between local news media and the Weather Service Forecast Office (WSFO). Its reasoning was that the WSFO “made the dissemination of weather products, not just their generation, a central part of its operation” (NRC 1994, 68). Even though the NRC report described communication efforts during Hugo as successful, it also acknowledged the opportunities for infrastructural improvement were complicated by cultural and social factors, going so far as to infer that improvements to disaster mitigation on the island would require “changing the social organization of important aspects of Puerto Rican society . . .the lack of programmatic attention to the social and cultural dynamics of societies increases the difficulties in the international transfer of disaster programs” (73).
One example of a lack of disaster mitigation in the NRC report was that the Carraízo Dam had overflowed, ruining all the pumps. This was the main water source to the heavily populated northeastern end of the island, the area most heavily hit by the hurricane. Most residents had only a two-week supply to rely on and no available reservoirs. In our area of Bayamón, no bottled water was available. Our family had two five-gallon bottles of water: one bottle of potable water, one bottle for bathing, and no plan for what we would do when those ran out. To address this, the NRC cited a need to analyze problems with the Carraizo Dam such as “political factionalism [that] weakens professionalism among public employees . . . violation of the principle of merit based on technical proficiency . . . and existing land-use pattern regulations” (78). However, the report acknowledged that the dam’s problems were known to FEMA: “the risk had been known for some time; a FEMA interagency Hazard Mitigation Report had identified the problem at El Carraizo Dam . . . as early as 1985” (118, 120). From local news reports, we learned that a supervisor had left technicians in charge of shutting off the pumps if the dam overflowed—but he took the keys to the control room in his hurry to get home to his family. The technicians had no way of calling him because the phone company ran on electrical power that was shut off as a safety measure right before the hurricane arrived. Doesn’t sound like the result of political factionalism to me. Oversight and error, maybe, but not political. In addition to chiding the island for failure to properly maintain the water supply (which was not the reason the pumps failed—the dam had overflowed onto the pumps), the NRC also made sure to comment on electrical power lines that should not have failed so broadly under areas where wind did not exceed 81 mph. It blamed local government efforts for failing to prevent severe damage to the electrical grid as well as making it harder to restore power once the hurricane had passed (136-137).
I remember all of this very well, and to that I say, so what? We had a one-year-old child to care for. Bayamón needed water and electricity, and no Federal agency brought any kind of assistance to our area. If there had been any FEMA aid in our neighborhood, I would have been the first in line to accept my tax dollars at work. Instead, we were all left to our own resources. It also irritates me that in the same report on the effects of Hurricane Hugo in South Carolina, the NRC recommended that a change in social and cultural aspects in Puerto Rico would improve disaster response on that island (161) but did not make the same recommendation for improved disaster response in South Carolinian society.
After the hurricane was over, all phone landlines were down because the phone company had no power. We had no communication with anyone on the mainland or on the island until they could start up their generators. The NRC report states that “important lifeline systems . . . including telephone lines were out as a result of downed [electrical] poles . . . phone service was not restored in the Virgin Islands (also a US territory) until December or March of 1990 (NRC 1994, 3), but “telephone systems performed well during and after Hugo” in the Carolinas (10).
Electrical repairs after Hugo took nearly three months to be restored at the sacrifice of several linemen’s lives. I learned how to cook our daily meals in the morning on a coal barbeque grill, prayed the food that was slowly defrosting in the refrigerator would last until stores opened, and made two five-gallon bottles of water last the full ten days that the state-run Companía de Acueductos y Alcantarillados (Water and Sewage Company, in English) was out of commission while it waited for the pumps to dry out or for the new parts to come in from Japan, whichever came first. The neighborhood banded together to share food, water, and generators,but I felt as though I was missing something: everyone kind of accepted this predicament we were in as “the way things are here,” just as they did the constant brownouts, cronyism in the educational system, and politicized everything.
Years later, Puerto Rican journalists and scholars have contended that the social, political, and racialized dynamics in Puerto Rico contributed to local government failures during and after Hurricane María. Federico Subervi-Vélez, Sandra Rodríquez-Cotto, and Javier Lugo-Ocando (2021) reported in Journalism in Times of Crises that there “is an abundance of polarizing and anti-press rhetoric encouraged and disseminated via social networks, trolls paid with public funds, and by particular government-connected individuals through their pundits on particular radio programs (71). In a study of non-profits operating in Puerto Rico post-Hurricane María, García and Chandrasekhar (2020) found that although FEMA was unprepared for the widespread impact of Hurricane María, the people “expect[ed] for the [local] government to be there” (69). In typical showboating fashion, “the administration of then Governor Ricardo Roselló . . . utilize[ed] social media detailing recovery efforts” but, after Hurricane María, “the head of emergency management made a statement to the press asking citizens to stay calm and wait because there was not working government, and there wouldn’t be for several days” (Bonilla 2020, 5). In her logbook Bitacora de una Transmision Radial (Logbook of a Radio Transmission), local radio journalist Sandra Rodríguez-Cotto (2018) expressed her frustration with the local and Federal governments upon confirmation of local merchants who appropriated humanitarian aid intended for hurricane survivors: “the incompetence of our political leaders and the laissez-faire attitude causes more chaos every day” (78, translated from Spanish).
Social, cultural, and political dynamics aside, Puerto Rican residents deserved more from its colonial government than a slap on the hand about local government failures after such a terrifying event. As Horton would have said, an island full of human beings is still an island full of human beings . . . no matter how small.
The 2017 Hurricane Season
Residents were better informed about impending Hurricanes Irma and María in 2017. They had the technology to warn them days in advance, giving them time to prepare their homes and families. However, communications towers were already weakened from Hurricane Irma, and María damaged them beyond use. People flooded the highways in search of cell phone signals so they could communicate with somebody, anybody in their families on the island or on the mainland alike, not knowing that the island’s electrical grid and all the satellite towers on the island had been destroyed. As illogical as it may have seemed to get themselves stuck in a traffic jam, one of their first actions as human beings, of course, was to communicate (Figure 3).
Asking for Help After a Disaster
US government agencies are bound by the laws and charters that govern how and the extent to which they intervene in disaster response; however, even these laws have gray areas which must be examined when those agencies fail to render the kind of assistance deemed necessary and proper to a vulnerable population after a disaster (Maya-Murray 2019). In the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act, US States, territories, and tribal governments have the option to pursue disaster relief assistance (FEMA 2016; Maya Murray 2019). As I learned in an interview with an Air Force Combat Search and Rescue helicopter pilot, Federal agencies cannot send aid until the state, territory, or tribal territory requests it in writing. In his words, “we can’t just swoop in and save the day. We have to wait until the state or territory requests our help” (personal communication, March 2, 2021).
After Hurricane María hit Puerto Rico, the local government exercised its option to request disaster relief assistance from corresponding US government agencies. Although the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), US military responders, and the Puerto Rican government set up operations at the Puerto Rico Convention Center, one journalist reported that military responders arrived eleven days after landfall (Meyer 2017). This First Base of Operations (FBO) occupied about three-fourths of the Convention Center (Palmer 2018). The remaining rooms in the Convention Center were occupied by employees of US-based businesses who were sent to check up on their clients and contractors from the mainland who traveled to help Puerto Rico recover from the disaster—electricians, for example. However, relief efforts did not begin until at least ten days after landfall because the airport was filled with debris. It was a logistical nightmare (Meyer 2017; Becker 2017).
A preliminary information-gathering interview for this essay provided me with some insight into what was perceived by many as dawdling by the US disaster response agencies (Meyer 2017). A businessman who was present at the Convention Center FBO explained that he was on the island because the mainland-based company he worked for makes and installs home and small office solar panels. One of their satellite offices is in Puerto Rico, where they support many businesses as well as individual customers. He had arrived on the island to provide support to his company’s local offices ten days after the storm, learn what kind of damage their clients had sustained, and assess warranty claims. He is also a retired naval officer with experience in supply logistics acquisition—one of the commodities he had worked with was bulk fuel. He related to me his feelings of frustration after attending a meeting for response planning:
I was staying at the hotel that was the command center . . . someone found out I had a background in fuel logistics. While I was there, I was asked to attend some of the response planning . . . and what I found was that no one there from the government, from the governor on down, really knew how to organize a response. They did their best: no one had ever really done this before; nobody ever really had any training. They had one of these sub-team meetings on fuel acquisition, which I was asked to go into because of my background. [FEMA officials told me] “if there’s anything you can do out of those meetings, it’s [get us] written requests because our charter does not allow us to draft a request to ourselves” (personal communication, December 12, 2019).
Written requests aside, climate change continues to be a “wicked problem” (Cagle and Tillery 2015). The earth’s climate will continue to change and threaten the conditions that 21st century digital technology requires in order to function properly: electricity, cell phone towers, satellites, and (in general) dry land. When weather destroys all sources of digital communication, how will the residents of a colonized territory react? Will they wait for the local and federal government to “swoop in and fix everything”? When Hurricane María hit the island of Puerto Rico in September 2017, all satellite towers on the island were either damaged or destroyed, prompting radio stations and ham radio operators to devise ways to help residents contact each other by networking with the radio audience and with first responders. This article explores how Puerto Ricans employed self-resilience, moved themselves to enact autogestión, and thereby stretched and extended current definition of tactical technical communication into adroit citizen planning by employing whatever is available in absence of the twenty-first century communication devices that depend on a stable environment.
Shifts in Defining Tactical Technical Communication
In 1984, Michel de Certeau described the common people’s tactical approaches to communication as the “art of the weak” (xiii)—a military strategy in a context of victory over the opponent, a cunning move that can be victorious in war (37). He examined users as weak consumers, representative of the common man, who use tactics to manipulate communication produced by an elite group or a group in power. One example he provided for the common man as consumer was the way Indigenous natives consumed and tactically manipulated the Spanish conquerors’ prescriptive use of language, which they could not understand but were obligated to accept (xiii). Miles Kimball (2006) noted de Certeau’s distinction between prescriptive strategies and hands-on tactics as he analyzed how tactical technical communication occurs when a user feels helpless in a postindustrial world. He studied the ways people communicate “outside, between, and through corporations and other institutions” by examining how users countered a feeling of helplessness when reading automobile instruction manuals crafted by the institution or organization (67). Users who manipulated the manuals and produced their own versions of instructions on automobile repair became in the process users as producers, practitioners, and citizens (70). Indeed, in a DIY world, who among us hasn’t saved a little money by searching homemade YouTube videos on how to replace their car’s sideview mirror or looked up chat boards to ask a question about how to use a piece of software?
Nearly two decades have passed since de Certeau developed his theoretical framework on tactical technical communication. Since then, digital forms of multi-modal communication, especially social media, have expanded globally due to the increased number of telecom space satellites. As users are afforded greater global access to the internet, they are also afforded a greater network of possibilities in disaster response. Liza Potts (2014) published research on three cases of users and participants’ social media practices in disaster response: Hurricane Katrina and the London bombings in 2005, and the Mumbai attacks in 2008. After Hurricane Katrina struck New Orleans and the Houston area, survivors and their friends and families attempted to use Craigslist to communicate. Although the data did not move as seamlessly as they had hoped, it was a social media-like step towards disaster response. When four suicide bombers coordinated attacks on the London transportations system in July of 2005, commuters used survivors’ cell phone videos of the attacks to determine which areas to avoid in the city. Just three years later after the Mumbai attacks on the Taj Mahal in 2008, participants accessed and exchanged data about areas of attack on Twitter (Potts 2014, 55).
There are two differences between each of the previous events and the Hurricane María event, which prompted Puerto Ricans’ tactical technical communication practices. One difference is that participants in Hurricane Katrina, the London bombings, and the Mumbai attacks could manipulate a variety of genres amid complex communication situations because they could depend on a network of possibilities: satellite towers plus the electricity to power them. The other difference is that the Hurricane María event occurred on a US territory that has been historically forgotten by the US government.
Four Ways to Communicate Without Cell Phones or Internet
Hurricane María was an island-wide disaster. The general population had no more lifelines right after Hurricane María in 2017 than we had in 1989 after Hurricane Hugo, but this time they enacted more community reliance. Residents cobbled together various ways to communicate, resisting the dominant narrative after the storm that characterized Puerto Ricans as “lazy and dependent” (Soto Vega 2019, 39) and US news reports depicted a “powerless people” (Llorens 2018, 137). On the contrary, those jíbaros—a term used as derogatory by the criollo elite class to mean low-class but really means the people from the farming communities, the agricultural backbone of the island—formed their own rescue operations (Rosa-Rodriguez 2019, 62) and connected “through satellite telephony, community radio, and our social networks” (Massol-Deya 2019).
So how exactly did people cobble together, or bricolage, communication with each other when all prescriptive forms of communication were unavailable? To borrow a metaphor from Michel de Certeau (1984), they substituted [communication] ingredients to achieve a final product that may not have been exactly what the dominant social order (local and federal governments) had intended, yet it still resulted in something the dominated group could consume (xiii). The general public did not have the luxury of waiting until the two governments figured out what to do first (Bonilla 2020, 5). They needed to communicate with their families, and many needed to contact first responders for medical assistance. Below I describe four ways Puerto Rican residents crafted their own ways of communicating after Hurricane María.
Analog Radio Equipment Worked
WAPA was the only radio station with capability to continue broadcasting throughout the entire storm and afterward. Owner Wilfredo Blanco Pi and his son Jorge Blanco credited their station’s continued broadcasting capabilities to the microwave analog radio system they used at their station at a time when all the other radio stations on the island had done away with the old equipment and upgraded to fiber optics and digital systems. The Blancos had first honed their radio engineering skills and expertise in Cuba, where they learned the value of analog equipment. In her logbook, Rodríguez-Cotto (2018) explained why the Blancos could make those decisions: because they own their radio station, they could decide to keep the old equipment compared to the other radio stations owned by franchises (163-164). She and the Blancos worked non-stop to relay messages for people who called in on landlines or dropped written messages on their doorstep, some to let their families across town or across the island to know they were ok, or others who needed to report medical emergencies to the Red Cross. WAPA radio also connected callers with a therapist for emotional comfort (Figure 4) (Rodríguez-Cotto 2018, 37). Diasporic communication was no respecter of persons, either: five days after the storm had passed, Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor reported she had not heard from her family in Puerto Rico (Zezima 2017).
Ham Radio Networks Connected
In addition to the WAPA radio station’s old-fashioned engineering capabilities, local ham radio operators worked with first responders who had lost their own wireless communications systems due to the storm. They relayed information to police and paramedics about survivors’ medical needs, rode along with police and transmitted police calls to other ham operators stationed at the command centers, and helped coordinate fuel deliveries to power company generators as well as medical supplies to hospitals (Figure 5). In an island–diasporic collaboration, ham radio operators also relayed messages to families who lived on the mainland. Tom Gallagher, CEO of the American Radio Relay League, was proud to say, “it is incredibly gratifying to see that we can be of service to other Americans far away” (Becker 2017).
Transistor Radios Made a Comeback
Residents in the coastal city of Mayagüez quickly learned that a $5 battery-operated transistor radio was more useful than the latest model computer, cell phone, or flat-screen TV as they gathered around the radio for evening entertainment and news after the storm (Bell 2018). In Mayagüez, radio station WKJB 710 AM came back with a group of DJs dubbed “The Night Crew.” They broadcast in the evenings to report on repair progress after the storm and provide some entertainment and sense of community to their listeners (Figure 6).
Messages in the Street Cried Out
Some towns did not have the luxury of ham radio operators or a radio station to request assistance with food, water, and other aid. They resolved their communication issues by laying out signs using rocks and paint, creating signs large enough for small plane pilots to see from the sky and relay to the local government for help (Figure 7) (Díaz 2017).
An Enactment of Resilience Enacted Change
Communication Empowered the Hard Work of Change
Regardless of US journalism that depicted a powerless people waiting on a colonial government, the common people got to work rebuilding and re-beautifying the island (Llorens 2018; Rivera Martinez 2020). In spite of FEMA officials who “decided to take advantage of the precarious conditions of our electric power grid and . . . enrich themselves illegally” (Zapotosky, Hernandez, and Mufson 2019) and awarded contracts for meals that were never delivered (Santiago and Shah 2018), communities formed soup kitchens, delivered meals to areas deemed unreachable by the military, and responded to calls for cleanup and tarp placement although FEMA refused to pay island private contractors for their work. Yarimar Bonilla (2020) puts it well:
They say it takes twenty-one days for new habits to cement. The great majority of Puerto Rican[s] spent well over a hundred days without electricity, running water, traffic signals—without the invisible infrastructure of daily life. . . Being forced to self-rely became ingrained. (15).
Hurricane María was the final blow on top of the many injustices the “common man” had to endure from its colonial government and the white elitist criollo local government. Below I list just a few examples of ways that empowerment surged from that disaster, and opportunities for further research.
Increased Entrepreneurship
Entrepreneurship was expected to decrease, not increase, after Hurricane Maria. Just the opposite—in an essay for the Center for Puerto Rican Studies, professors from the University of Puerto Rico researched data on Puerto Rico’s entrepreneurial dynamics post-Hurricane María. The authors indicate that an analysis of data before and after the hurricane attests to the growth of entrepreneurship on the island after Hurricane María, which “could be evidence of the increased resilience of entrepreneurs after the hurricane experience” (Lobato, Alvarez, and Aponte 2020, 55). Also called “disaster entrepreneurship,” business models adapted to post-Hurricane Maria Puerto Rico. In 2020, the island adapted again to COVID-19 conditions, demonstrating that this resilience was not a one-time event; it had, as Bonilla (2020) suggested, “become ingrained” (15).
Toleration of Political Practices
Post-Hurricane María political culture in Puerto Rico seems to have shifted from my lived experiences. Political showboating, an acceptable practice when we lived on the island, occurs often at the expense of the politicians’ constituents. One of the reasons for the ten-day delay in getting the airport tarmac cleared was a prioritization on press conferences (personal communication December 12, 2019; Rodriguez-Cotto 2018, 61; Meyer 2017). Shortly after making a statement asking citizens to “stay calm and wait,” the head of emergency management went on vacation (Bonilla 2020).
San Juan Mayor Carmen Yulín Cruz experienced a shift from acceptable showboating to a tipping point in how Puerto Ricans view the politicians they elected. She may have been the media darling in the States when she set out on a photoshoot of herself aiding hurricane victims, but this type of political behavior, approved in past elections as an acceptable tactic, proved to be a miserable failure at the next elections. Cruz came in last place in the race for mayor, including her own party (Meyer 2017; Rodriguez-Cotto 2018, 75, 105, 148; Chakraborty 2018).
Social Media has Changed Everything
Governor of Puerto Rico during Hurricane María, Ricardo Rosselló, was forced to resign two years into his tenure when a group chat between him and eleven other local government cabinet members was made public. In the chat, the governor and cabinet members made misogynist and homophobic comments as well as mocked hurricane survivors. They soon learned that group chats are not entirely private, and the 900-plus pages of chat between the governor and cabinet members were made public. Young and old took to the streets to call for Rosello’s resignation and that of the eleven cabinet members (Rivera Martínez 2020).
The island’s younger generation is becoming more aware of the local government’s lack of transparency via the increased use of social media and choice of web-based news delivery over local TV channels (Subervi-Velez, Rodríguez-Cotto, Lugo-Ocando, J. 2021; Arrigoita 2019; Pinchin 2019). As one of my interview participants (who has lived in Puerto Rico all of her life) put it, “young people just don’t tow the party line anymore. Social media has changed all that” (personal communication November 18, 2019).
Social media influencer and media journalist Lorenzo Torres Delgado, El Leon Fiscalizador, (in English: The Watchdog) opened a Facebook page in 2018 to make voters aware of the lack of local government transparency in regard to Federal aid on the island. His goal from the beginning has been to influence voters during elections: to elect true civil servants who will work to improve Puerto Rico as a whole (personal communication with Lorenzo Torres, 2021). Facebook temporarily blocked his page in early 2020 after he posted videos of abandoned warehouses full of damaged relief supplies intended for Hurricane María victims in Ponce (Subervi-Velez, Rodríguez-Cotto, Lugo-Ocando 2021, 77).
The heroes who worked to connect the island after the storm were the jíbaros, the “ordinary man . . . the common hero [who] does not expect representations” (de Certeau 1984, dedication). They are the Puerto Rican radio journalists who stayed awake during the storm and in shifts for days afterward, the ham radio operators who left their families to tend communication stations and assist police and other first responders, the people who painted signs in the streets (and many others whose tactical efforts are not mentioned in this essay).
Enactments of self-reliance and resiliency in communication after the disaster replaced the sense of complacency and government dependency I had observed during my ten years on the island. The day after Hurricane Hugo hit Puerto Rico, we had no idea how bad it was for everyone else. The only phones we had were landlines, and those were all down until the phone company generators started working (it took at least a couple of weeks, from what I recall). All we knew was what was in front of us and next door. We all banded together as neighbors and helped one another out, but we had no idea how Jose’s sisters and mother were doing, and we had no way of contacting them. We just had to wait. Sound familiar? Hurricane María was just the last straw.
References
Arrigoitia, Melissa Fernández. 2019. “Editorial: Revolt, Chronic Disaster and Hope.” City: Analysis of Urban Trends, Culture, Theory, Policy, Action 23(4-5): 405–410.
Associated Press. 2019. “Student: CVS Workers Rejected Puerto Rico ID, Asked for Visa.” US News and World Report. November 5, 2019, https://www.usnews.com/news/us/articles/2019-11-04/student-cvs-workers-rejected-puerto-rico-id-asked-for-visa
Becker, Rachel. 2017. “Trying to Communicate After the Hurricane: ‘It’s as if Puerto Rico Doesn’t Exist.’” The Verge. September 29, 2017, https://www.theverge.com/2017/9/29/16372048/puerto-rico-hurricane-maria-2017-electricity-water-food-communications-phone-internet-recovery
Bell, Ryan. 2018. “After Hurricane María, AM Radio Makes a Comeback in Puerto Rico.” Columbia Journalism Review. April 23, 2018, https://www.cjr.org/united_states_project/hurricane-maria-puerto-rico-radio.php
Bonilla, Yarimar. 2020. “The Coloniality of Disaster: Race, Empire, and the Temporal Logics of Emergency in Puerto Rico, USA.” Political Geography 78: 1–12. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2020.102181
Cangialosi, John P., Andrew S. Latto, and Robbie Berg. 2018. “National Hurricane Center Tropical Cyclone Report: Hurricane Irma.” National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (May): 30.
Chakraborty, Barnini. 2018. “San Juan Mayor Used Hurricane for Political Gain, Storm-Ravaged Residents Say.” Fox News. Politics. March 1, 2018, https://www.foxnews.com/politics/san-juan-mayor-used-hurricane-for-political-gain-storm-ravaged-residents-say
Craemer, Thomas. 2010. “Evaluating Racial Disparities in Hurricane Katrina Relief Using Direct Trailer Counts in New Orleans and FEMA Records.” Public Administration Review, 70(3): 367–377.
de Certeau, Michel. 1984. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by S. Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Díaz, Andrea. 2018. “Puerto Rico Town’s Desperate Plea for Help is Finally Answered.” CNN US. August 20, 2018, https://www.cnn.com/2017/09/27/us/plea-for-help-in-puerto-rico-gets-answered/index.html
FEMA. 2016. Individuals and Households Program Unified Guidance (IHPUG). FP 104-009-03. https://www.fema.gov/media-library-data/1483567080828-1201b6eebf9fbbd7c8a070fddb308971/FEMAIHPUG_CoverEdit_December2016.pdf
Fortis, Bianca. 2018. “How a Collaborative Project Supports Reporting in Post-María Puerto Rico.” Mediashift, January 31, 2018. https://mediashift.org/2018/01/how-a-collaborative-project-supports-reporting-in-post-maria-puerto-rico/
Franqui-Rivera, Harry. 2018. Soldiers of the Nation: Military Service and Modern Puerto Rico, 1868-1952. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Garcia, Ivis and Divya Chandrasekhar. 2020. “Impact of Hurricane Maria to the Civic Sector: A Profile of Non-Profits in Puerto Rico.” Centro. Special Issue: Post-Disaster Recovery in Puerto Rico and Local Participation. Journal of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies 32(3): 97–88.
Geisel, Theodore. 1954. Horton Hears a Who. New York: Random House.
Cangialosi, John P., Andrew S. Latto, and Robbie Berg. 2018. “National Hurricane Center Tropical Cyclone Report: Hurricane Irma 30 August–12 September 2017.” National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration: U.S. Department of Commerce and National Weather Service.
Kimball, Miles. A. 2006. “Cars, Culture, and Tactical Technical Communication, Technical Communication Quarterly 16(10): 67-86. doi: 10.1207/s15427625tcq1501_6
Lloréns, Hilda. 2018. “Imaging Disaster: Puerto Rico Through the Eye of Hurricane María.” Transforming Anthropology 26(2): 136-156. doi: 10.1111/traa.12126.
Lobato, Manuel, Marta Álvarez, and Manuel Aponte. 2020. “Entrepreneurial Dynamics in Puerto Rico Before and After Hurricane María.” Centro. Special Issue: Post-Disaster Recovery in Puerto Rico and Local Participation. Journal of the Center for Puerto Rican Studies 32(3): 39–66.
Massol-Deya. “The Energy Uprising: A Community-Driven Search for Sustainability and Sovereignty in Bonilla and LeBrón, eds.” In Aftershocks of Disaster: Puerto Rico Before and After the Storm. New York: Red Sugarcane Press. 298-308.
Maya Murray, Yxta. 2019. “What FEMA Should do After Puerto Rico: Toward Critical Administrative Constitutionalism.” Arkansas Law Review 72(1): 165-220.
Meyer, Robinson. 2017. “What’s Happening with the Relief Effort in Puerto Rico?” The Atlantic. October 4, 2017, https://www.theatlantic.com/science/archive/2017/10/what-happened-in-puerto-rico-a-timeline-of-hurricane-maria/541956/
Murphy, Paul P. and Michelle Krupa. “Ham Radio Operators are Saving Puerto Rico One Transmission at a Time.” CNN US. September 27, 2017. https://www.cnn.com/2017/09/27/us/puerto-rico-maria-ham-radio-operators-trnd/index.html
National Research Council. 1994. Hurricane Hugo: Puerto Rico, the US Virgin Islands, and South Carolina, September 17-22, 1989. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/1993.
National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2020. Strengthening Post-Hurricane Supply Chain Resilience: Observations from Hurricanes Harvey, Irma, and Maria. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/25490.
Palmer, Alex. 2018. “How the Puerto Rico Convention Center Served as the Hurricane María Response Center.” Successful Meetings. January 30, 2018. https://www.successfulmeetings.com/News/Destinations/How-the-Puerto-Rico-Convention-Center-Served-as-the-Hurricane-Maria-Response-Center
Pasch, Richard J., Andrew B. Penny, and Robbie Berg. 2018. “National Hurricane Center Tropical Cyclone Report: Hurricane Maria.” Tropical Cyclone Report AL152017, National Oceanic And Atmospheric Administration and the National Weather Service (2018): 1-48.
Perivolaris, John. D. 2000. “Popular and Intellectual Responses to 1898 in Puerto Rico.” In Spain’s 1898 crisis: Regenerationism, Modernism, Post-Colonialism, edited by J. Harrison and A. Hoyle. Manchester: Manchester University Press: 267–278.
Potts, Liza. 2014. Social Media in Disaster Response: How Experience Architects Can Build for Participation. New York: Routledge.
Rivera Martínez, Andrea D. 2020. “Island Artscape of Bankruptcy; A Narrative Photo-Essay of San Juan’s Political Street Art of Resistance.” Revista [IN]Genios 7(1): 1–16.
Rodríguez-Cotto, S. 2018. Bitácora de una Transmisión Radial. In English: Logbook of a Radio Transmission. San Juan, Puerto Rico: Trabalis Editores.
Rosa-Rodriguez, Maria del Mar. “La Brigada de Todxs.” In Voices from Puerto Rico/Voces desde Puerto Rico, edited by Iris Morales. New York: Red Sugarcane Press. 61-67.
Santiago, Leyla, and Khushbu Shah. 2018. “Contractor Promised 30 Million Meals to Puerto Rico. Only 50,000 were Delivered. Lawmakers Ask Why.” CNN US. February 6, 2018, https://www.cnn.com/2018/02/06/us/puerto-rico-hurricane-maria-meals/index.html
Seuss, Theodore G. 1954. Horton Hears a Who. New York: Random House.
Soto Vega, Karianne. 2019. “Puerto Rico Weathers the Storm: Autogestión as a Coalitional Counter-Praxis of Survival.” Feral Feminisms 9 (Fall).
Subervi-Vélez, Federico, Sandra Rodríguez-Cotto, and Javier Lugo-Ocando. 2021. The News Media in Puerto Rico: Journalism in Colonial Settings and in Times of Crises. New York: Routledge.
World Atlas. https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-territories-of-the-united-states.html
Zapotosky, Matt, Arelis R. Hernandez, and Steven Mufson. 2019. “Current, Former FEMA Officials Among Three Charged with Fraud Tied to Hurricane Relief in Puerto Rico.” The Washington Post: National Security. September 10, 2019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/fema-official-among-three-charged-with-bribery-scheme-tied-to-hurricane-relief-in-puerto-rico/2019/09/10/c45b3bd6-d3e6-11e9-9343-40db57cf6abd_story.html
Zezima, Katie. 2017. “‘I Just Need My Mother’: The Frantic Quest to Contact Loved Ones in Puerto Rico.” The Washington Post. September 22, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2017/09/22/im-so-desperate-the-frantic-quest-to-contact-loved-ones-in-puerto-rico/
Illustrations
Figure 1: US observation point with flag at El Morro https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/e/ed/San-felipe-del-Morro-observation_point-WW2.JPG In the public domain.
Figure 2: El Nuevo Dia newspaper, September 18, 1989. Print.
Figure 3: Looking for cell signal. https://www.theatlantic.com/photo/2017/09/disconnected-by-disasterphotos-from-a-battered-puerto-rico/540975/
Figure 4: Diagram of WAPA Radio 680AM networking with first responders and hurricane survivors
Figure 5: Diagram of Ham radio operators networking with first responders and hurricane survivors
Figure 6: Listening to the radio in the evening, like the old days
Figure 7: One example of a town crying out to search and rescue planes passing overhead.
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123 Years Later, the Unfinished Business of Self-Determination for Puerto Ricans
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In October 2020, Rep. Nydia Velázquez (D-NY) introduced the Puerto Rico Self-Determination Act of 2020. The bill’s purpose was “[t]o recognize the right of the People of Puerto Rico to call a Status Convention through which the people would exercise their natural right to self-determination, and to
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“[E]ven were Puerto Rico given each and every one of the freedoms, and the powers that such [freedom] begets, the development of such a system will be thwarted because the Union would have violated the principle upon which that system rests, which absolutely requires the will of the people to organize representative institutions.”
Eugenio María de Hostos, in Rivera (2016, 79)
One of the prized possessions I brought with me to the United States is a Puerto Rican flag. Not a flimsy, cheaply-made flag on a plastic straw-like stand, the kind that you get on your way to a rally and wave around. It’s a cloth flag, water-stained and frayed by time around the edges of its white and red stripes: La Monoestrallada, literally, The One-Starred. It doesn’t really matter what material the flag is made out of; its meaning transcends its materiality.
The flag belonged to my maternal grandparents Adela Hernández and Luis Barreto. Abuela was a nurse; abuelo was a car and sewing machine mechanic. That flag is likely three or four decades older than I am. That very same flag was kept hidden by my grandparents because in their time, possessing a Puerto Rican flag in Puerto Rico was a sedition act against the United States, criminalized by Law 53 of 1948, colloquially known as the Gag Law (Ley de la Mordaza). Its possession was criminalized because the Puerto Rican political establishment of the time engaged in the ultimate act of self-deprecation and negation of our right to be, to exist as a nation of people with a shared history that predates the existence of the US as a nation and even the Spanish colonization of Puerto Rico. And such negation, and the political repression that was unleashed far beyond the elimination of the Gag Law in 1957, went out of its way to accommodate the United States’ imperialist, colonialist, and modernist project of “nation-building” underway in Puerto Rico since it was invaded in 1898.
From the perspective of many with which I have had conversations with over the years, Puerto Ricans have it easy. We have been US citizens since 1917, we don’t have to pay coyotes (smugglers) and risk our lives crossing la frontera, we don’t need US passports (or expensive visas that can take years to obtain) to come and go from the island to the US; we’re even eligible for federal aid in case of disaster. In fact, it looks like we opt in to an immigrant experience in the US with the door always open to opt out of it and head back to Puerto Rico when we want (and also you look white, Juan!) – so what are we complaining about?
Well, I do look white, and I certainly have benefitted from the opportunities afforded to some by Puerto Rico’s criollo brand of white-favoring racism and colorism. But as a people we have been denied that most elemental of rights in modern existence – the right to self-determination, the right to decide, on our own terms, what path we want to walk in our own pursuit of prosperity and happiness. The path that Puerto Ricans as a nation have walked on has never been set by Puerto Ricans or even in the interest of Puerto Ricans. As I argued recently, that path has at times proven beneficial for some Puerto Ricans, for example in the US postwar boom moment that created a sizable and prosperous middle class. But that came at a big cost. Sprawling, US-style urban and industrial development not apt for Caribbean latitudes has made the island vulnerable to the high economic and human health costs of fossil fuels and eliminated ecological services that can protect against extreme heat, floods, and sea-level rise.
A large fraction of the population, effectively a surplus army of labor, was displaced to the US in the postwar and beyond to reduce the long-standing and increasing discontent with social and economic inequity in the island. Those Puerto Ricans, and their descendants in the US today actively struggle for protection under the law to enjoy clean environments and dignified living conditions in accordance to US constitutional rights. And for Puerto Ricans in Puerto Rico, twelve decades under the US flag were not enough to elicit an adequate or otherwise humanitarian response from the federal government after the destruction of Hurricane María in 2017, a humanitarian crisis that demonstrated “a long history of US colonial neglect and human rights violations.”
And association with the US has not brought many rights taken for granted in US states. For example, Puerto Ricans do not receive the same Medicaid/Medicare benefits as Americans in the US, lack congressional representation, and the territory is subject to the maritime transport provisions of the Jones Act which make US-imported consumer goods much more expensive for Puerto Ricans. A recent and egregious example is the way the 2017 Tax Act was applied in Puerto Rico, which classified corporations in Puerto Rico as foreign (to the US) and thus subject to higher corporate tax rates that were designed to close tax loopholes exploited by highly-profitable US companies established abroad. This has had a chilling effect on the Puerto Rican manufacturing sector and has hampered the economic recovery even more.
The roots of the lack of self-determination for Puerto Ricans
It’s well known that in 1898, US troops landed on Puerto Rico and obtained the island as war booty from Spain following the Spanish-American War, effectively ending the self-government rule of law that the Spanish Crown had bestowed upon Puerto Rico earlier that same year in the Carta Autonómica. In 1900, Congress’ Foraker Act authorized the formation of a civilian government In Puerto Rico, and in 1917 the Jones-Shafroth Act extended US citizenship to Puerto Ricans. In 1950 both laws were repackaged under the Federal Relations Act, leading in 1952 to a reformulation of Puerto Rico as an Estado Libre Asociado (ELA, known as the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico). While the ELA was supposed to solve the question of Puerto Rico’s status as a colony of the United States, it did nothing of the sort because it reinforced the Territorial Clause of the US constitution that states that the ultimate authority over Puerto Rico’s affairs resides not in the Puerto Rican people, but in Congress. And it did nothing to alter the US Supreme Court’s 1901 opinion that the unincorporated territory of Puerto Rico “belongs to but is not part of the United States”.
Fast-forward seven decades when Puerto Ricans were reminded of the absolute control that US Congress has over Puerto Rico’s affairs. The Puerto Rico Oversight, Management, and Economic Stability Act of 2016 (PROMESA) created a fiscal oversight management board (FOMB but known as “la junta” locally) to oversee Puerto Rico’s beleaguered fiscal situation, severely deteriorated by decades of corruption, misappropriation of public funds, and questionable investments that many in Puerto Rico decry as public debt that was contracted illegally. In its most recent show of force, the FOMB has ordered both Gov. Pierluisi’s administration and the Puerto Rican Legislature to desist from approving and implementing a proposed bill to protect public employees’ pension funds decimated by the territory’s fiscal insolvency.
Self-determination has long been a concern of Puerto Ricans
Through the 19th-century view of the incipient American republic as a “beacon of democracy”, the Puerto Rican sociologist and educator Eugenio María de Hostos was indelibly prescient in anticipating the undemocratic nature of the US’ impositions on Puerto Rico. Hostos argued that even if the United States granted Puerto Ricans the rights and responsibilities of self-government and citizenship, doing so without the express consent of the Puerto Rican people would not amount to self-determination. Furthermore, Hostos decried the illegality of the Spanish transference of Puerto Rico to the United States because the Carta Autonómica had already granted Puerto Rico the authority to negotiate international treaties and stipulated that any change in relations between Puerto Rico and Spain could only occur by initiative of the Puerto Rico Legislature. Bringing Puerto Rico to the autonomous rule of law that existed previous to the 1898 invasion was, in Hostos’ view, a pre-condition for engaging Puerto Ricans in a self-determination process. Puerto Ricans have been denied a voice in democracy that can lead to our self-determination as an independent state, a state of the US, or some other non-colonial form of government. That process has never taken place in 123 years of US rule over Puerto Rico. This history is relevant to the contemporary discussion and recent congressional action on a self-determination process for Puerto Rico.
Solutions for self-determination must hold Congress accountable to uphold the will of Puerto Ricans
In October 2020, Rep. Nydia Velázquez (D-NY) introduced the Puerto Rico Self-Determination Act of 2020. The bill’s purpose was “[t]o recognize the right of the People of Puerto Rico to call a Status Convention through which the people would exercise their natural right to self-determination, and to establish a mechanism for congressional consideration of such decision, and for other purposes”. This bill would go a long way towards creating a decolonizing, democratic self-determination process for Puerto Rico to resolve the territory’s colonial status. A broad coalition of social justice, labor, feminists, and climate activists in Puerto Rico and the Puerto Rican diaspora supported the bill then, and do so again now that Rep. Velázquez has reintroduced it in the US House of Representatives.
The bill is non-partisan and thus does not advocate for any particular political status option championed by the major Puerto Rican political parties (e.g., statehood, independence, or some other non-colonial form). Instead, it is focused on creating a congressional mandate to allow Puerto Ricans to create a Status Convention, to democratically select its members, to consult the people of Puerto Rico on desired status options, and for Congress to appoint a bilateral negotiating commission to advise Status Convention delegates. This last provision is the closest that the bill gets to hold Congress accountable to act on the results of the Status Convention, as the results of the previous five plebiscites carried out are non-binding to Congress, i.e., Congress has no obligation to act on their results regardless of the outcome. And the oft-cited notion that support for statehood in Puerto Rico has grown is illusory. The exclusion of other status options besides statehood, boycotts from multiple sectors, the use of plebiscites as means to rally the PNP’s (the pro-statehood party) base to vote so as to maintain power, the exclusion of other majority and minority parties and civil society sectors from the design of these plebiscites, have all called into question the legitimacy of the plebiscites. They have also proven to be ineffective tools for mobilizing support in Congress for taking federal action on the status of PR.
Some commentators reject the bill because as written in its draft from, it does not create a process that binds Congress to act on the will of the Puerto Rican people after holding a plebiscite–and it’s a fair point. While UCS signed on to support the bill, we recognize that a truly anti-colonial process needs to guarantee that the will of Puerto Ricans will be carried out. Without democratic accountability, science allows colonization and entrenched prejudices to persist within the practice of science itself. For their own good, scientists and advocates of science in the public policy process have an obligation to support freedom of thought, association and inquiry, not only within their profession, but as part of the necessary conditions of a free society where science can flourish, a science whose goal ought to be directed toward emancipation. Science is done ON subjects (not WITH them) when objects of inquiry have no voice. With a century of poor social policy imposed from afar, Puerto Rico is no exception. There is a deep connection between democracy and science for the public good that all scientists have an obligation to uphold.
So I hope to see modifications to the language that champion the spirit of what Hostos singled out as the sine qua non of any self-determination action on Puerto Rico by Congress: championing the will of the people to organize representative institutions. It’s time for Puerto Ricans to be included in a democratic process for us to decide whether to partake in the US’ political system, or gain sovereign powers to enact our own democracy.
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nation & citizen in the dominican republic, 1880–1916
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nation & citizen in the dominican republic, 1880–1916 Teresita Martínez-Vergne
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The University of North Carolina Press chapel hill
∫ 2005 The University of North Carolina Press All rights reserved Designed by Rebecca Gimenez Set in Monotype Baskerville by Keystone Typesetting, Inc. Manufactured in the United States of America Publication of this work was supported by a grant from Macalester College. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Martínez Vergne, Teresita. Nation and citizen in the Dominican Republic, 1880–1916 / by Teresita Martínez-Vergne. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn 0-8078-2976-5 (cloth: alk. paper) isbn 0-8078-5636-3 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Nationalism—Dominican Republic—History. 2. Dominican Republic—Intellectual life. 3. Dominican Republic—Politics and government—1844–1930. 4. National characteristics, Dominican. 5. Citizenship—Dominican Republic. I. Title. f1938.4.m338 2005 972.93%04—dc22 2005005928 cloth T 09 08 07 06 05 5 4 3 2 1 paper T 09 08 07 06 05 5 4 3 2 1
contents Preface T xi Introduction: Intellectuals and the Formation of the National Character T 1 1. The National Project T 25 2. The City as the Site of Citizenship T 53 3. Race in the Formation of Nationality T 82 4. Representing Bourgeois Womanhood T 105 5. Working People in the City T 126 6. Claiming Citizenship from Below T 147 Conclusion T 169 Notes T 173 Bibliography T 209 Index T 223
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illustrations 1. Map of the Dominican Republic, 1873 T 12 2. Eugenio María de Hostos T 14 3. Américo Lugo T 14 4. Emiliano Tejera T 14 5. José Ramón López T 14 6. Parque Duarte in San Pedro de Macorís T 69 7. Parque Independencia in Santo Domingo T 69 8. Santo Domingo slaughterhouse T 70 9. Store interior T 70 10. San Pedro de Macorís town council T 71 11. Club Unión T 71 12. Map of Santo Domingo, early twentieth century T 72 13. Ulises Heureaux Jr. T 116 14. Young women of San Pedro de Macorís T 116 15. Laundresses by the river T 136 16. Mercado del Ozama T 136 17. Market square T 137
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tables 1. Sugar Exports from the Dominican Republic (in tons), 1880–1916 T 9 2. Statistical Snapshot of Santo Domingo, 1893 (and 1908) T 64 3. Immigrants and Foreign Residents in Santo Domingo and San Pedro de Macorís, 1882–1916 T 88 4. Salaries and Costs of Living in Santo Domingo, ca. 1910 T 132 5. Contents of a House Where Seals Were Fixed, ca. 1910 T 153 6. Items Reclaimed by People Who Had Been Robbed, 1891–1897 T 154
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preface
4 istorians of nationalism, traditional and postmodern, will recognize the questions that drive this book. Among other things, I am interested in examining the process by which Dominican intellectuals at the turn of the twentieth century forged a common sense of purpose that befitted what they felt were new circumstances—hence their conviction that the time was ripe for sweeping change. This line of inquiry follows a long succession of theoretical explorations on the rise of nation-states and on the development of a sense of nationhood in the age of modernity. For the Latin American case specifically, scholars have asked: How did elites embrace the masses as part of the nation they set out to construct, once independence was achieved and the former colonies became states in their own right? In the Dominican Republic, this query becomes complicated by the fact that the state was formally inaugurated in 1844 with independence from Haiti, and yet political leaders compromised the island’s sovereignty repeatedly by inviting foreign powers to rule over the country until 1865. Moreover, elites did not engage in deliberate nation-building until much later—perhaps 1879, with the ascent of the Azul (Blue) brand of Liberalism to power, or as late as 1899, with the death of President Ulises Heureaux. The shaping of collective notions of national identity, then, involved the recasting of metropolitan representations of colonial (and postcolonial) Dominicans and the creation of useful self-images on the part of the country’s elite late in the course of state formation.∞ A number of assumptions underlie the statements above, and I must clarify my take on the processes scholars of nationalism have identified as central. It goes without saying that I am concerned with the socially constructed aspects of national identity—with the function of men of letters in the forging of a sense of nationhood, with the collaborations of men of state, and with those actions of their ‘‘inferiors’’ that contributed to this process.
H
Emphasizing as I do the subjective nature of nationalism, I see it also as an ongoing practice, one in which powerful (because educated) actors project an inevitably self-serving discourse meant to manipulate their subordinate (and illiterate) associates, who are themselves deploying their own notions of participation and fairness through daily interactions. As did Florencia Mallon when she enhanced our understanding of hegemony as both process and result,≤ I privilege the negotiated aspects of nation-building, as shaped by forces both internal to the Dominican Republic and outside the national territory.≥ In denying that any one actor had primacy in this eminently fluid context, I am also looking at the ‘‘articulations that support and fracture the nation,’’ at the several locations from which historical players sought to constitute the national community.∂ The working out of the ‘‘invention’’ that is Dominicanness, then, is for my purposes predicated on the material context in which human beings interacted and thus straddles the ideological plane that elites presumably inhabited and the lived experience that supposedly solely fueled the behavior of their lesser neighbors. In this book, nationalism is invented, always underway, both verbal and physical, and definitely political.∑ A secondary premise in this book is that the construction of the nation takes place at many levels, some—most—of which I only make a passing reference to. One such context that seems central to the Dominican case in the early twentieth century is the relationship between the Dominican Republic and the United States, between the political leadership of both countries, and between the ideologues of each. Having adopted Mallon’s notion of the process of nation-building in Latin America as a ‘‘struggle over citizenship and liberty’’ to gain ‘‘nationalism and democracy,’’ the looming presence of North American political and ideological interests in the region has to be taken into account. If, internally, states have erected a political edifice that they deploy as natural to dominate their citizens, the same process, I believe, was taking place internationally in this period as the United States installed in the Caribbean its own ideas of democratic government and citizen participation with the weight of universal principles. This is not to say that the United States imposed wholesale its vision of participatory politics and free market capitalism on the Dominican Republic. As is true of the state-level workings of hegemony, what gets elevated as a common project exists through coercion and consent, and negotiation and contention were part and parcel of the process of national anticolonial a≈rmation for Dominicans.∏ Dominican historiography has generally treated the development of national consciousness as a spontaneous process, activated in the heart of a xii
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community bound by territory, language, and culture; fixed in time and place; and hegemonic in its outcome. Several scholars have set out to determine precisely when and how Dominican national identity was formed. They have come up with numerous dates or historical moments and an even greater variety of events that promoted, until it was achieved, a sense of ‘‘lo dominicano’’ (that which is Dominican). For these authors, the sources of Dominicanness tended to be heroic occurrences in which the best of the national character was exposed and subsequently permeated the whole of society. In one familiar account, the sequence of events is strictly chronological. In the early nineteenth century, residents of the eastern part of the island disassociated themselves from the revolting slaves of the west and gravitated toward ‘‘civilized’’ Europe (France, and when possible, Spain). Rejecting annexation and finding that independence was a viable option, Dominicans turned their backs on Spain after 1865. Threatened by the United States in the early 1900s, a virulent nationalism, with renewed Hispanic roots, dominated the first half of the twentieth century.π Another current of thought has fixated on the geographical origins of Dominicanness. The leading candidate for the birthplace of the national character is the rich agricultural north, the Cibao, the prosperous land of moderate-sized tobacco holdings, owned by established families of Spanish descent, who were the mainstay of Liberal politics. Although José Joaquín Hungría Morell favors the inclusion of the capital, Santo Domingo, as a player in the process, interpretations that highlight the a∆uence, the whiteness, and the nonimmigrant origins of the inhabitants of Santiago and the surrounding countryside have to this day held more sway in popular conceptions of what is truly Dominican. A recent addition to the ‘‘geographical location’’ variety of a sense of nationalism has been Lauren Derby’s work, which pinpoints the Dominico-Haitian border as the cradle of national identity, ‘‘the site where power relations on the island have been measured throughout the centuries.’’ In her provocative article on the changing concept of raza (in its common usage, as nation) in the early twentieth century, Derby recounts the story of how Haitians became ‘‘foreigners’’ who threatened the Dominican nation precisely at the time dictator Rafael Leonidas Trujillo was beginning to include border Dominicans in the body politic.∫ A sizable group of writers leans toward broader cultural interpretations of the phenomenon, even if only at the theoretical level. They define ‘‘the nation’’ as a collectivity, attached to a particular geographic area, with common blood ties, values, beliefs, history, and goals. Oftentimes implicit in this interpretation is the notion, both current and attributed to previous generations, that Dominicans acquired a sense of self as a function of the proximity preface
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of Haiti, its racial, cultural, and national ‘‘other’’ for the entire nineteenth century.Ω A sense of nationhood that was based, as these explanations suggest, on intrinsic traits that either emerged at crucial points in time, were a function of geography, or simply evolved through accidents of time and place appears permanent and unchanging. In these broadly defined conceptions, national identity is constructed as an organic occurrence, prompted by popular events or reinforced by everyday practice and firmly in place. In this scheme, the initial sources of existing notions of lo dominicano are rarely questioned, and the functions of current conceptualizations remain unchallenged. There is a practical reason for this elaborate, and seemingly antiintellectual, search for the roots of Dominican national identity. Trujillo, the darkest political figure in Dominican history, and his minions were responsible in the 1930s for the most brilliant exposition of the essence of Dominicanness. Based as it was on a fabled Hispanic heritage and on a jingoistic rejection of Haitians, and deployed by Trujillo’s own intelligentsia, this brand of national consciousness succeeded in incorporating the generality of the population in a common discourse of progress and therefore installing Trujillo as the founder of the Dominican nation.∞≠ Progressive intellectuals, outraged by what they viewed as a flagrant rewriting of the past for Trujillo’s benefit, set out after his assassination to set the record straight for posterity. Marxists endeavored to discover traces of a national bourgeoisie in the early twentieth century that, if not willing to mobilize the common folk for a more equitable future, was capable of standing up to the United States, whose increasingly overbearing presence in Dominican economic, financial, and political a√airs threatened Dominican sovereignty.∞∞ More recently, writers have focused on the role of the intelligentsia at the turn of the last century in building the discursive apparatus of nationalism.∞≤ As did others in the past, including Trujillo’s ideologues, these authors constructed a national history that traced the development of Dominicanness through a series of momentous circumstances that shaped it until complete. In their writings, the process appears inevitable, and the historical actors that participated in key events play their parts as required. Perhaps unaware that they themselves had an agenda as they, too, constructed history, Dominican scholars since the 1960s have also created a notion of nationalism as instinctive (not artificial), disinterested (not for direct political application), generalized (not limited to a specific group), and static (unchanging). Two very recent contributions to the conversation about nationalism, modernity, and citizenship come from outside the Dominican Republic. Richard Lee Turits and Pedro San Miguel have each revisited the Trujillato with fresh eyes in search of both the discursive and the material bases for the xiv
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dictator’s longevity in power. The inclusion of the peasantry in the polis and in the discourse of progress, both conclude, explains Trujillo’s long-lasting political appeal. The ‘‘poetic’’ national project of the early twentieth century received a ‘‘political injection’’ in the 1930s, and so, according to these authors, the largest component of the Dominican population that remained outside the formal political apparatus was brought into the fold—‘‘domesticated,’’ to use a word now part of the Dominicanist lexicon. According to these authors, it was Trujillo who succeeded in inserting the final piece into the national puzzle: the incorporation of the peasantry into the political life of the country.∞≥ Contrary to the foregoing, I argue in this book that a generation of men actively shaped Dominican turn-of-the-century nationalism by launching a comprehensive and forward-looking discourse, which they hoped would capture the imagination of the population as a whole at a critical juncture of Dominican political, economic, and social life. This intellectual elite, I maintain, found little inspiration in the events that punctuated the country’s past—the so-called Haitian domination, the flirtations with European states with a view to protectorate status, the return to the Spanish fold, the constant civil strife after the restoration of the republic—and concentrated instead on outlining a brilliant future, based on the far-reaching changes they promoted. Their definition of what constituted the nation was, moreover, inclusive, which is not to say that men of letters embraced indiscriminately the West Indian and Haitian migrants, the working class, and the bourgeois women, who made up the country’s lesser inhabitants. On the contrary, these communities were to be incorporated into the national project, first textually and then practically, once their loyalties were reorganized, their minds educated, and their behavior made to conform.∞∂ I concur with Dominican historians in the significance of the ‘‘common people’’ (el pueblo llano) in shaping the national discourse and in forging their own variants of political and cultural processes, but the conclusions I reach might appear unconventional by Dominican standards. I give proof in this book for a popular basis for nationalism, which I call in this manifestation ‘‘citizenship’’ and which I locate in the cities. It was urban centers that contained the combination of cultural accoutrements (the schools, the newspapers, the economic opportunities) and human material (some of it from the much-maligned countryside) necessary for ‘‘civilization’’ (read ‘‘citizenship’’). Independently of the existence of deliberate e√orts to incorporate or co-opt their interests by higher-ups, I submit, the urban underclasses persistently acted to preserve their well-being in the face of o≈cial or peer attempts, deliberate or unintentional, to limit their activity—these were preface
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nothing if not exercises in participatory politics, rooted in an as yet undeveloped notion of entitlement. Ultimately, in viewing Dominican identity as a mutable (therefore inclusive) fellowship of values (and not an exclusive community of descent, based on fixed, distinguishing qualities, such as language, culture, and history), I deviate from the more common understanding of Dominicanness. I am studying here elite and popular struggles to gain ground within the power structure in a particular time and space, and not quintessential traits that endure unspoiled in the ageless Dominican character or impositions from above that determined the shape of the future.∞∑ Other elements in my analysis deserve explanation. I refer to the architects of the national project variously as an ‘‘intellectual elite,’’ ‘‘political thinkers,’’ ‘‘letrados’’ or ‘‘men of letters,’’ ‘‘the intelligentsia,’’ and other labels that seem to correspond to the processes under scrutiny. In all cases, I want to evoke the image of a self-proclaimed intellectual leadership, legitimated almost entirely by their possession of knowledge, and intent on contributing to the task of nation-building through their written and oral interventions on current debates.∞∏ Likewise, I use the terms ‘‘subaltern,’’ ‘‘the underclasses,’’ ‘‘the urban working class,’’ ‘‘the popular classes,’’ the elite’s ‘‘inferiors,’’ and similar ones for those groups that were denied citizen status, in the sense that they were excluded from participation in political and social intercourse and also were considered incapable of contributing to the national project.∞π The state apparatus, the third player in the construction of a modern national image, appears variously in the guise of the municipal authorities, the town council, the police, or the republican guard; that is, any position from which flowed the o≈cial discourse of law and order. This book comes back time and again to situations in which these groups colluded with each other, coopted one or several of the other players, and interacted directly or in passing to forge what we could call a common sense of purpose. The binding notion of the future as the e√ort of today’s citizens did not originate in the early twentieth century nor with Trujillo’s henchmen. Neither was it the creation of more recent scholarship, which, in deploying a glorious representation of the national self, concealed the hand of a new generation of men and women of letters in it. Rather, I believe, it is a work permanently in progress, fashioned by various social forces at di√erent times in Dominican history and in the writing of that history. Whether it calls upon fictional memories or insists on a total makeover, imports alien ideas or works at the grass roots, imposes or negotiates, it is a process that is ongoing and susceptible to human action. In reconstructing this undertaking by elite and subaltern in turn-of-thecentury Santo Domingo, I thus embrace the task of the historian, as underxvi
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stood by Gail Hershatter. She holds that ‘‘reaching for the past is an interactive process that constitutes even as it purports to retrieve.’’ Recovering subaltern subjectivity, I am aware, is a form of political work. So is critiquing liberal, bourgeois, and modern conceptualizations of knowledge and projects as well as elite representations of the subaltern, as I try to do here. I am hoping that my work, as Ileana Rodríguez proposes in the introduction to The Latin American Subaltern Studies Reader, will o√er ‘‘new ways of approaching some of the riddles created by the incapacity of bourgeois culture to think about its own conditions of discursive production.’’∞∫ i a m pr ou d t o ha v e completed this book with inspiration from myriad sources—paper, electronic, and human. I have been collecting information and processing it since 1996, when I first spent a semester’s leave in the Dominican Republic. At that time and in subsequent visits, I had the good fortune of getting to know, to a greater or lesser degree, people whose knowledge, friendship, and assistance I am grateful for. Among them are José Leopoldo Artiles, Roberto Cassá and Angeles Calzada, Raymundo González and Córdula Ammann, Benita Hernández Alcalá, Eddy Jaquez, Nilda Lebrón Montas, Mu-Kien Adriana Sang, Cyrus Veeser and Lilian Bobea, and Selma Zapata. During all of these years, people in the Twin Cities saw me through good and bad times. I found my colleagues at Macalester College supportive, and my neighbors and friends patient, and vice versa. Mahmoud El-Kati, Rhonda Gonzales, David Itzkowitz, Herta Pitman, Peter Rachle√, Emily and Norman Rosenberg, Paul Solon, Yue-Him Tam, and Peter Weisensel encouraged me in the Department of History. Outside that secure perimeter, Miggie Cramblitt, Val Evje and Gerald Barnes, Donna Fehrenbach, Ruthann Godellei and Craig Upright, Sherry Gray and David Blaney, Lois and Je√ Knutson, Wendy Malinsky, Anna Meigs, Ramón Rentas, Maddie Sachs and William Weisert, Mary Ann Sachs and Bob, Pia Sass and Kris Lockhart, Jan Serie, and Jim and Anita Von Geldern o√ered encouragement, good laughs, and perspective. David Sisk, Mike Nelson, and Mark Lewis were always there for me when my computer misbehaved. And I always felt supported by Provost Dan Hornbach, whose integrity and hard work I value highly. Several students carried out top-quality work for me as this book came together. I appreciate the e√orts of Shaina Aber, Sheeba Jacobs, Danielle Maestretti, Anna Meyer, Ironelly Mora, Raphael Simono, Inés Tófalo, and Kate Villarreal. One of the two anonymous readers selected by UNC Press to review my book manuscript went above and beyond the call of duty—to him goes my gratitude and admiration. I spent my sabbatical at the National Humanities Center and in wonderpreface
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ful Carrboro, North Carolina, in academic year 2002–2003. Here, Barbara and Rob Anderson, Kathryn Burns, Karen Carroll, Sherman Cochran, Bob Connor, Teresa Chapa, Betsy Dain, Ginger Frost, Linda and Maddie Haake, Grace Hale, Susan Hirsch, Lloyd Kramer, Elaine Maisner, Kent Mullikin, Joanne Rappaport, Eliza Robertson, Paula Sanders, Moshe Sluhovsky and Jim Green, Erin Smith, Faith Smith, Helen Solterer, Griet Vankeerberghen and Tom Beghin, Oscar and August, and Lois Whittington critiqued my work, went out with me for co√ee or walks, danced with me, shared stories about their work, commiserated over U.S. foreign policy, and generally listened and kept me company. Here and in other research locations, I have relied on the e≈cient services of library and archival sta√s—at the DeWitt Wallace Library at Macalester, the Sala Dominicana at the general library of the Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo (UASD), the Biblioteca Nacional, the Archivo General de la Nación, and the Hispanic Division at the Library of Congress. Among the people whose help I took advantage of in these repositories were Aaron Albertson, Julio Enrique del Campo Castillo, Alfonso Ferreras, Adalgiza, Beth Hillemann, and Amy Puryear. I should also thank the American Philosophical Society, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and Macalester College for several summers’ worth of research and a sabbatical leave dedicated to writing. Anyone who has written a book knows how much goes into it—it really is the collective e√ort of many people and institutions, and I have been fortunate to count on all of the above. There is another category of people, who cannot be sorted out by locale, or type of assistance rendered, or professional or personal support. For the most part, the people who follow supported me from a distance, in ways they cannot imagine, sometimes simply by being there at the right time. They are Idsa Alegría, Nigel and Ellie Bolland, Arturo José García and Tere Palou, Roberto García and Astrid Martínez, Mercedes Goyco, Franklin Knight, Peggy McLeod, Gonzalo Martínez-Lázaro, Noel Martínez-Vergne, Marina I. Martínez-Vergne and Thomas Stepka, Gonzalo Martínez-García, Chris O’Brien, Lourdes Rojas, Hildy Teegen, and Gloria Vergne and Rafael Rivero. Two thousand four was a year of loss for me. My father, Gonzalo Martínez-Lázaro, and a good friend, Maddie Sachs, passed away in the first half of the year. I was fortunate to recover another good friend I was afraid I had lost, Pia Sass, as the year closed. I dedicate this book to Papi, Maddie, Pia, and, as always, to my daughter, Irene, who is my support and joy.
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nation & citizen in the dominican republic, 1880–1916
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introduction Intellectuals and the Formation of the National Character
4 n the last years of the nineteenth century, the Dominican Republic brimmed with hopes for political, social, and economic renovation. The economic growth that political stability had stimulated, beginning in 1879, especially evident in the nascent sugar industry, inspired many to imagine a brighter future for the island. Dominicans of all walks of life, who had no choice but to concede that the hated dictator Ulises Heureaux was partly responsible for the country’s modernization, knew from experience that there were alternatives to the repression and venality that characterized his rule. Lilís, as the president was popularly known, was assassinated in 1899, making way for a core of highly committed political thinkers to promote their agenda. Already they had mapped out the blueprint for the island’s progress and had professed their allegiance to modern agricultural techniques, secular education, and political participation as the cornerstones of the new nation. Espousing Liberal principles like their precursors in the last twenty years, these advocates of reform endeavored to develop the notion of hardworking, peaceful, voting citizens as the key to the future. Progress, as they envisioned it, was the concerted e√ort of a political and intellectual elite, with regulated input from common people.∞ Neither the transformation experienced nor the ideology of progress was exempt from conflict. Sugar had brought, along with economic prosperity, the dispossession of peasants in some areas, the importation of workers from the West Indies, foreign investment, and other changes about which even the proponents of modernization were uneasy. The chance to redefine the political framework of the state was also compromised by the growing role of the
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United States in Caribbean internal a√airs and its overpowering influence in Dominican fiscal policy. As I will argue in this chapter and the next, the ideology of progress and its practical application, the development of a list of traits that collectively defined the national character, were colored by these circumstances. As a result, the Dominican intellectual elite was careful to subsume and render neutral the thorny issues of race, class, and gender in their inventory of attributes necessary to renovate the country.≤ men of letters The self-proclaimed intellectual leadership that emerged in the Dominican Republic at the turn of the last century tried to follow the steps Angel Rama masterfully described for Mexico and Argentina in his seminal work, The Lettered City. In these countries, as in most of Latin America, the enlightened notion that an intellectual elite was best suited to run the country took root at independence. Along with the wholesale adoption of the most current social, economic, and political doctrines, this idea required major transformations in the material and ideological outlook of the former Spanish American colonies. A more accessible educational system and the widespread circulation of the printed word, nineteenth-century reformers believed, would set the stage for the appearance of the ‘‘total’’ intellectual, whose legitimacy rested on his knowledge alone (and not on wealth or family connections). Indeed, as reading publics increased, so too did the possibility of political dialogue and consequently of supporting oneself from written work, independent of government sinecures. Auspiciously, newspapers proliferated in the cities, even as most of the population remained illiterate, and ‘‘the philosophical development of a political opposition’’ was apparently becoming a reality. By the end of the nineteenth century, according to Rama, the class of men who had earlier combined wealth, political clout, and a university education to influence the course of events relied solely on their claim to higher learning to opine, direct, criticize, and propose.≥ Regardless of whether this process was as seamless in the more developed countries of Latin America as Rama would have us believe, it was certainly a more conflicted a√air in the Dominican Republic. Despite the aspirations of the local intellectual elite, the Dominican experience fits better Julio Ramos’s ‘‘desencuentros’’ (run-ins) scheme for plotting the activities of intellectuals in Latin America. Ramos correctly characterizes the region as unevenly modernized, so that the divorce of intellectual activity from economic life or political happenings was di≈cult at best, chimerical in most cases. Intellectuals in the Dominican Republic were not ‘‘continuously in control of written 2
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expression,’’ to use Ramos’s words, despite their best e√orts. They continued to rely on government appointments and do so even today, not only because their livelihood was ‘‘precarious’’ but also because the state was, after all, the medium through which some of their ideas could become a reality.∂ This does not mean, however, that the island’s educated elite did not see itself as what Nicola Miller calls an ‘‘intelligentsia’’ and adopted as a mission the development of a common sense of nationhood. Like its counterparts in the American continent, the intellectual class of the Dominican Republic believed itself to be especially capable of providing the theoretical underpinnings for a new social and economic order and felt compelled to set the standards for political conduct. As did Liberal governments all over Latin America, Dominican administrations began to treat universal secular schooling as a priority in the development contest. The political use of language would no longer be the prerogative only of those who could a√ord to attend private schools or learn from tutors, but of all those who could read the paper and so engage in political discourse. A contemporary, José Ramón López, called this phenomenon ‘‘corporatist elitism’’ to highlight both the collective aspects of the ‘‘civilizing’’ activity and the superior standpoint that legitimated it. The creation of ‘‘languages-of-power,’’ which acquired status by association that was ultimately politicized, occurred in the Dominican Republic at the end of this period, just as other circumstances intimated the promise of change.∑ Dominican literati utilized several media to disseminate knowledge, debate issues, and also amuse themselves. Beginning in the 1880s, a normal school as well as public primary and secondary schools for boys and girls emphasized the value of scientific, secular education, from which cohorts of young men and women, notably Salomé Ureña de Henríquez and her students, benefited. The advantages of associating with like-minded individuals had been recognized since the founding of the first sugar mills, and cultural, charitable, mutual-aid, religious, commercial, and sporting societies existed in Santo Domingo, the capital, and San Pedro de Macorís, a booming sugar town, throughout this period. Literary clubs organized ‘‘cultural evenings’’ in which local or visiting artists presented their work for discussion.∏ The establishment of newspapers and the publication of magazines presumably directed at a general readership interested in politics, the economy, literature, and social events created additional avenues for the circulation of ideas of national import. At the turn of the century, a plethora of publications—Nuevo Réjimen, Renacimiento, El Eco de la Opinión, Mireya (in San Pedro de Macorís), alongside the old-timer El Listín Diario—circulated in the capital and the larger cities. The editors of these publications, men such as José Ricardo introduction
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Roques, Raúl Abreu, Manuel Flores Cabrera (a Venezuelan political exile), Francisco Gregorio Billini, and Rafael Justino Castillo, and one woman, Petronila Angélica Gómez, were prominent figures in social circles and, in some cases, in public a√airs as well. In many instances, the same men who wrote reasoned editorials on the suitability of alternative political and economic arrangements for the emerging state also published moving fiction and poetry whose literary value was insignificant.π As was the case in the United States and Western Europe, the Dominican journalistic establishment became the instrument of the educated and the civic-minded to express their ideas, to influence others, and to entertain.∫ The men who jump-started the conversation regarding the country’s potential and so engaged in an ambitious exercise in self-reflection belonged to a growing class of families, which can be dubbed ‘‘middle class,’’ insofar as the priority of the parents was their children’s schooling, whether they had the economic resources or made every sacrifice to achieve that goal. In either case, the young men (and a few women) who became the intellectual cream of the Dominican Republic obtained a privileged education, in some cases advanced or professional degrees, which both facilitated their entry into the old-time elite circles that combined wealth, politics, and status and legitimated their voices in such spheres of influence. Out of this cadre of new professionals rose men of letters who were not distinguished gentlemen who read for leisure, but who were committed instead to writing on behalf of the majority of the population, increasingly called ‘‘the masses.’’Ω Eugenio María de Hostos (1839–1903), the Puerto Rican sage who inspired an entire generation of Dominican thinkers in the 1880s and beyond, received a liberal education in San Juan and Bilbao and a law degree in Madrid. He studied and traveled in the United States, France, and Chile before settling in Santo Domingo in 1875. He advanced many progressive causes (the rights of workers, equal educational opportunities for women, the abolition of slavery) but dedicated his life to the dream of an Antillean confederation, free from Spain. To this end, he wrote extensively, spoke publicly, and founded schools, newspapers, and literary societies. Francisco Henríquez y Carvajal (1859–1935) came from a well-to-do family and studied medicine in Paris after working closely with Hostos in setting up primary schools for boys and girls. He was outspoken against the Heureaux dictatorship and so left the country, later returning to become president shortly before the U.S. invasion in 1916. His brother Federico (1848–1952), another Hostos ‘‘collaborator’’ (they refused to be called disciples), participated both in the literary scene and in political circles. Among the posts he held were director of the normal school, rector of the university, member of 4
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Congress, and president of the Supreme Court. He was a good friend of José Martí, the Cuban nationalist, and was o√ered the presidency of the Dominican Republic during one of the impasses prior to the U.S. occupation. Francisco Moscoso Puello (1885–1959), a physician and educator, wrote a seminal novel about the working class in the sugar industry and serialized his ‘‘Cartas a Evelina’’ (Letters to Evelina), identifying in them for his presumably European bride-to-be the qualities and flaws of the Dominican Republic and its people. Emiliano Tejera (1841–1923) was instrumental in establishing the Instituto Profesional in 1866 but is better known for his role as minister of foreign a√airs during Ramón Cáceres’s tenure as president (1905–11), when the Dominican Republic permitted the United States to set up a receivership general to collect customs duties for the purposes of foreign debt repayment. Tejera wrote extensively about the formation of the Dominican character vis-à-vis the despised Haitians. Pedro Francisco Bonó (1828– 1906) hailed from a rural middle-class northern family and served as a local judge in his home jurisdiction. Whereas he embraced many of the tenets of Liberalism and got involved in national politics, he evokes more often notions of civic integrity and selfless patriotism, especially as the author of sociological tracts in defense of the Dominican small landholder and in opposition to reckless modernization. Américo Lugo (1870–1952) was trained as a lawyer and wrote from this perspective about the duties of government toward the people it represents, the illegitimacy of the U.S. intervention, and the capacity of Dominicans to govern themselves. Federico García Godoy (1857–1924) combined, as many of these men did, fiction writing with a current political agenda. He wrote historical novels as well as newspaper articles, both of which sought to bring to light contemporary issues that merited public discussion. José Ramón López (1866–1922) might be the only one in the group who did not have a university education, as he had to work as a child to put himself through primary and secondary school. He was outspoken in newspapers and journals against Heureaux and had to leave the country from 1885 to 1887. In the early twentieth century, he entered public service, holding the posts of principal of the normal school, director of statistics, and senator, during which time he published treatises on the problem of political violence and the condition of the peasantry. These three men—Lugo, García Godoy, and López—much more so than the others, stand out for their pessimism when dissecting the potential of the country and its people for overcoming the obstacles to progress. Given their class backgrounds and their social contacts, one would assume that the Dominican intelligentsia spoke for the interests of a modernizing bourgeoisie and promoted its cause before the state. This would have introduction
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been the case in industrialized European countries at the time and earlier too. But the Dominican Republic, along with what Antonio Gramsci called the peripheral states of Europe, could not count on an organized bourgeois class whose interests the intellectual elite could respond to, because no such class existed. Rather, as Gramsci described the situation, the modern state had come from above and depended on foreign capital supported by a strong military, a construction not unlike the Dominican reality. It had been only recently that the island’s economy had produced a sustained output, and this—in the form of an agricultural export, sugar—was controlled by foreigners. The national bourgeoisie-to-be, if it could have been tapped at all, resided in the northern tobacco lands, whose residents had supported the Liberal governments earlier in the century. But it had never coalesced so as to have a coherent program of reforms or agenda for action. Dominican intellectuals, then, had no social base from which to act, no civil society to mobilize or in whose stead to exist in ‘‘productive tension’’ with the state.∞≠ The Dominican intelligentsia’s relationship with the state is in other ways less than precise. Although the integrity of their labor depended on their autonomy from the state, they continued to depend on the government for ‘‘employment,’’ in the sense that it was their function to critique it, either from within or at the margins. Several of the writers listed above accepted positions within administrations, and they did so in a particularly tumultuous period during which, presumably, they should not have risked compromising their ideals. The decision to collaborate made perfect sense, if one considers the context. The Liberal interventionist state was, after all, the sine qua non of the modernist project—it was the responsibility of the apparatus of government to correct the imbalances that the invisible hand inevitably produced. Intuitively, maybe, Dominican intellectuals perceived the state as a political actor with whom they shared goals, and they promptly surmised that the inchoate bourgeoisie had little to o√er by way of ideas or economic support. They might have been correct in their assessment but ignored the dangers of becoming the co-opted supporters or ritual opponents of a strong state. Thus, the notion of an independent thinker, an impartial social critic by virtue of his isolation—Gramsci’s ‘‘traditional’’ intellectual—was a fiction. As if having no social base were not bad enough, Dominican intellectuals could easily become ‘‘the accomplices of the ruling group in the battle of hegemony.’’∞∞ men of social action Unknowingly assisting the state in manipulating the citizenry, colluding with it to legitimize their social status, out of touch with social groups they should 6
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have spoken for, promoting the interests of a narrow band of self-seeking entrepreneurs—however they operated or whatever they thought they were achieving, Dominican intellectuals were of one mind regarding the philosophical tenets of their labor: they were Liberals, rational men, positivists. The Liberal agenda in Latin America repeated itself, with some local variations, across the continent and throughout the nineteenth century. The earliest manifestations of this modernizing trend were free trade, limited democracy, and their corollaries—secular education, administrative rationalization, infrastructure investment, and the more elusive nationalism, civic responsibility, individual liberties, property rights, and the like.∞≤ The Dominican Republic had already experienced a version of the practical application of these ideals on its own soil, with the Azul (Blue) administrations of Gregorio Luperón (1879–80), Father Fernando A. Meriño (1880–82), Francisco Gregorio Billini and Alejandro Woss y Gil (1884–86), and Heureaux himself (1882–84, 1887–99).∞≥ Hostos was the figure around whom these principles and their proponents converged, a stalwart defender of the most radical social transformations Dominicans had yet to come across. During the presidency of Luperón and Horacio Vásquez’s stint in the executive (1899–1903, first as vice president and then as president), Hostos single-handedly laid the foundations for the public school system, advocating a positivist education, one free from the strictures of Catholicism and committed to scientific methods. With the motto ‘‘civilización o muerte’’ (civilization or death), he stressed the importance of hard work, that is, of economic pursuits grounded on scientific study—a connection he and his followers continued to make throughout this period. Like others at the time, Hostos was suspiciously watchful of developments in the nascent sugar industry; his preferred developmental strategy was diversified agriculture, in medium-sized private holdings, worked by immigrant families acquainted with modern cultivation methods, under government auspices, and with state financial support. To that end, he proposed a number of bills to Congress, which were heatedly debated in the press as well, a practice consistent with Hostos’s own conviction regarding the benefits of informed discussions.∞∂ As did Hostos, Bonó advanced from early on the notion that many and diverse newspapers would serve to promulgate opinions regarding current rulers, existing or potential government programs, and other issues of importance for the general public. He blamed bad government for the backwardness of the country and, pinning his hopes on the integrity of political processes, advocated respect for minority voices on the part of the powerful. Placing his trust in the peasantry, he was convinced that, once the rural introduction
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population was educated, they could rightly participate in the political life of the country. He believed that the heart of the citizenry lay in the countryside and worried that divesting peasants of their communal lands, a position slightly at odds with the sacred Liberal principle of private property, was nothing short of eradicating the basis of nationhood.∞∑ These men and others like them were almost fanatical advocates of education and employment as fundamental to the regeneration of society. They also exhibited the characteristic Liberal enthusiasm for the potential of humankind. One writer captured the general outlook of the moment in a sentence intended to challenge Dominicans to rise to the occasion: ‘‘[It] is unfortunately true, very true, that when societies abandon the noble exercise of their rights, substituting them with the enervating resignation of serfs, and with the clumsy negligence of savages, they lose the habit and the duty, of cultured and civilized societies, of looking after their great interests and of imposing their legitimate will on the uncurbed appetites of recklessness and blind ignorance.’’∞∏ Conceivably, Dominicans were not among this group and, using reverse logic, were intellectually prepared and eager to work together for a propitious future. the economic base Economically, there was also much to be hopeful for, due to the success of the sugar industry in generating wealth, both for the treasury and for the population as a whole. Production for export rose sharply from 1880 to 1916 (see Table 1), and investments in sugar reached $11 million (pesos, not dollars) as early as 1893. The first mills were established between 1879 and 1882, under the sponsorship of Liberal governments intent on taking advantage of the tumult caused in Cuba by the Ten Years’ War. From that time onward, the vagaries of the market and the island’s own paucity of resources resulted in unpredictable ups and downs, until the industry stabilized in the 1890s. The drop in prices in 1884 resulted in bankruptcy for several mills, but those that survived modernized and spread the risks by contracting with cane growers rather than taking on the cultivation and manufacturing aspects of production themselves. With the low wages that sugar mills o√ered (fifty centavos a day) in the early days and the availability of land at that time, there was not much incentive for Dominican peasants to abandon their land and work in the sugar fields. Their demands to be paid by the job, in fact, were countered with a vigorous program of importation of workers from the nearby Britishowned islands, beginning in the 1880s. By 1893, with wages between two and three pesos per tarea (a unit of land equivalent to .16 acre), Dominican 8
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table 1 Sugar Exports from the Dominican Republic (in tons), 1880–1916 1880 1890 1905 1913 1916
7,000 24,352 48,169 86,892 144,911
source: Roberto Cassá, Historia social y económica de la República Dominicana, vol. 2 (Santo Domingo: Editora Alfa y Omega, 1992), 136.
peasants went in and out of sugar production irregularly to obtain cash. British West Indian workers, known derisively as cocolos, made up the majority of the labor force, especially during the harvest. Technological advances, mainly to save on labor costs, characterized the industry, and foreign capitalists, mostly Americans, increasingly invested in the Dominican Republic. Other signs of progress—such as railroads, the telegraph, electric lighting, and the like—accompanied or closely followed sugar. Without a doubt, the cane industry altered the relationship between land, labor, and capital and set the stage for further economic growth.∞π These transformations, however, could not reverse overnight the downward trend that had marked Dominican fiscal policy both during the Heureaux presidency and in the turbulent years following it. In order to keep his modernization program afloat, Heureaux borrowed nationally, first from the northern tobacco producers and then from the southern sugar planters, and abroad from various European creditors, the most important of which was the Westendorp Company, based in Amsterdam. Unable to pay back old loans, he borrowed from new sources, until he was forced in 1893 to allow a number of American individuals and companies, associated as the San Domingo Improvement Company, to administer the European debt. As was the case with the Westendorp firm, ‘‘la Improvement,’’ as Dominicans referred to the company, had control over the customshouse and in addition monopolized steamship service from New York to Santo Domingo and had enormous investments in the sugar industry. Lilís, having encumbered the country’s finances beyond the point of recovery, tried to conceal the muddle by printing worthless paper money, which was rejected by the population. By 1897, the treasury was bankrupt, which did not prevent the president from ransacking its vaults for personal gain.∞∫ The men that followed Lilís in o≈ce inherited an untenable situation that introduction
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could hardly have been turned around. A feeble attempt to dislodge the Improvement Company from customs collection, and so repay European creditors directly, met with forceful opposition not just from the company but more important, from the U.S. government, which sought sole control of access to the Panama Canal area and thus feared that European lenders would collect what was owed them by force of arms.∞Ω By 1904, the Dominican government agreed to buy from the Improvement Company its numerous properties in the country, including the Ferrocarril Central (Central Railroad), from Santiago to Puerto Plata, for $4.5 million and to submit to the advice of a U.S. financial agent, without whose approval the island’s treasury could not disburse any funds. In 1905, the direction of U.S. intervention became irreversible—the U.S. government took charge of all obligations of the Dominican Republic and collected customs duties, 45 percent of which would go to the Dominican treasury and 55 percent to pay creditors and customs personnel. The Dominican government could not alter its tari√ structure nor enter into obligations without approval from the president of the United States. Although this agreement was not o≈cially approved by the U.S. Senate nor satisfactory to the Dominican Republic or its creditors, it was honored until 1907, when the Dominico-American convention ratified its stipulations, basically making the Dominican Republic a U.S. protectorate. The only change to the fiscal status of the country as a receivership was that the debt was reduced to $17 million through negotiations with creditors and was paid by a U.S. bank, from which the Dominican Republic borrowed $20 million for debt repayment and public works. The recent fiscal and financial history of the Dominican treasury left much to be desired. The country had given up more and more of its autonomy, first to a number of foreign creditors and then solely to the U.S. government. Sugar, although bringing much-needed revenues and the promise of renewed economic activity, came with strings attached in terms of both labor and capital. Still, precisely because private and public U.S. funds revitalized the Dominican economy, the expectation throughout all these years remained that the country would stand up on its own again. political aspirations The assassination of the reviled Heureaux made possible a political aperture that the Dominican intellectual class had been endeavoring to bring about for decades. Lilís was a Liberal positivist with authoritarian tendencies, not unlike his Mexican counterpart, Porfirio Díaz. He opened the country to foreign investment, showered upon his supporters concessions and public 10
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posts, and modernized agriculture. In the manner of the more ruthless strongmen that he epitomized, he also persecuted his enemies, traded the island’s sovereignty for momentary financial gains, and made use of public monies as if they were personal funds. Although his administration was responsible for the installation of the sugar industry on Dominican soil and for the development of a local commercial sector, his elevation of personalized local and regional strongman rule and his tenacious suppression of other viable power bases virtually eliminated the prospect of participatory politics. With his death, however, the Liga de Ciudadanos (Citizens’ League) was founded with the objective of ‘‘inciting patriotism, civilization, civic commitment, and representative democracy.’’ The more humane version of Liberalism, resolutely respectful of private property, committed to economic development, and intent on rationalizing political processes, would enter the political arena, as Lilís had promised upon his initial accession to power and the intelligentsia had clamored for ever since.≤≠ The period that immediately followed Heureaux’s assassination did not conform to these auspicious plans. Soon after his demise and after a brief period of political stability, Dominican politics erupted again into personalistic strife. Historians have characterized this period quite negatively. Valentina Peguero finds that the period’s most prominent feature was ‘‘the alternation of provisional and constitutional governments, that follow[ed] each other in the midst of brusque and sudden changes.’’ Ernesto Sagás believes the country ‘‘fell back into a vicious circle of caudillismo, political instability, and economic indebtedness.’’ Roberto Cassá, dismissing the possibility of bourgeois democracy, is even more pessimistic: ‘‘In truth, the alternatives were articulated [as] caudillista disorder or [Lilisista] tyranny.’’ By reintroducing the specter of caudillismo to the Dominican political continuum, these authors are emphasizing the apparent lack of ideological content of the two parties that vied for power from 1899 to 1916, with a brief respite during Ramón Cáceres’s tenure as president (1905–11). Conceivably, Horacio Vásquez, Juan Isidro Jimenes, Desiderio Arias, Alejandro Woss y Gil, Carlos Morales Languasco, and others acquired their following because of ‘‘their fame, the[ir] social rank, the[ir] regional origin, and their personal attributes.’’≤∞ Without denying the political uncertainty that seventeen rulers in as many years can and did produce, it seems unfair to suggest that these men had no political program to o√er the country and that their supporters were after nothing but the spoils of power. Undoubtedly, there was a lot of the latter— the wrangle over the administration of the Ferrocarril Central in 1913 is only one of a number of disputes over moneymaking enterprises or o≈ce-holding among opposing party associates.≤≤ And perhaps the factions were, in fact, introduction
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Map of the Dominican Republic, 1873. (Samuel Hazard, Santo Domingo, Past and Present; with a Glance at Hayti [New York: Harper & Brothers, 1873].)
virtually indistinguishable as their leaders tried equally forcefully and unsuccessfully to keep the United States at bay, to stabilize the country politically in the midst of civil war, and to launch economic reforms with an empty treasury and without full control over financial policy. But to reduce the practice of politics to popular appeal, or worse yet, to greed, says very little about the reasons why people took up arms and died to put their candidate in power. The continuous political discourse that men of letters engaged in during this period strongly indicates that ideology was the moving force behind many of the actions that together marked these years as chaotic and 12
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disorganized. Far from being apolitical, I aver, Dominicans were in fact forging, with words and with arms, the future of the country. the ideology of progress Socially, economically, and politically, Dominicans were ready for change, or so the intelligentsia assumed. The blueprint for development, on the island as in the rest of Latin America, rested on the notion that citizens could coalesce around a universal definition of progress. Agreement was imperaintroduction
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influential writers and thinkers of the period
t o p l e f t : Eugenio María de Hostos. (Enrique Deschamps, La República Dominicana: Directorio y guía general [Santiago de los Caballeros: Vda. de J. Cunill, Barcelona, n.d., ca. 1906–11], 156.) t o p r i g h t : Américo Lugo. (Archivo General de la Nación, Indice Fototeca, Colección Luis Mañón, Blanco y Negro [19 Oct. 1913].) b o t t o m l e f t : Emiliano Tejera. (Archivo General de la Nación, Indice Foto 12 [6], José G. García, A–Z, p. 1-21, photo 254.) b o t t o m r i g h t : José Ramón López. (Unidentified magazine page in Archivo General de la Nación.)
tive (and assumed) over the pivotal role of private property, the necessity of participatory democracy, and the capacity of individuals to contribute to the welfare of the country. The writings of the intelligentsia duly recognized the tension caused by the coexistence of terrenos comuneros (communal lands) and a capitalistic sugar industry. Newspaper editors, political essayists, and educators clamored for responsible government, attentive to popular needs and open to more than hegemonic interests. In the social sphere, some of these men insisted that respect for the common folk and state-sponsored education were essential in the construction of a cohesive Dominican nation. Some of the proponents of progress advocated the immigration of white settlers in family units, whose function was both to populate and make productive the vast expanses that remained unoccupied and to strengthen through miscegenation the ‘‘raza criolla’’ (Creole race), a term that underscored the national at the expense of the racial—the European and African mix that characterizes Dominicans, much to their dismay.≤≥ Although there were differences of opinion regarding the country’s endowment and the appropriate strategy for development, turn-of-the-century intellectuals agreed that education, employment, democratic government, national sovereignty, freedom of the press, and private property held the promise of progress for the nationin-the-making. The task ahead, then, consisted of forming citizens where the very notions of social responsibility, economic justice, and political participation had been systematically suppressed. In this sense, the national project was both forward-looking and inclusive. Political thinkers refused to dwell on the past and issued ahead a plethora of prescriptions and proposed methods of application to propel the necessary changes. They were equally intent on producing a national community of interests based on a shared set of values to which everyone would subscribe—conceivably, the citizenry’s commitment to progress. In the race for a functional nationalism, for a working definition of citizenship that embraced the entire Dominican population and projected their needs and aspirations to a higher plane, strategically political objectives prevailed over historically divisive racial, ethnic, class, or gender factors—at least for the intelligentsia.≤∂ Rodolfo Domingo Cambiaso reinforced this shift in direction in his brief pamphlet on history writing, Bosquejo sobre la historia (1913). In it, he appeals to young people, the current keepers of the materials that their descendants will use to write the history of the country. The responsibility of ‘‘the present generation,’’ he asserts, is to safeguard the historical record so that the next cohort, ‘‘already educated, conscious, impartial, will be able to relate to posterity really how the Dominican Republic was formed [se hizo], how great introduction
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[were] the struggles [qué de luchas], the injustices, and the vicissitudes that had to be endured so that it could become a Nation’’ (emphasis mine). In a modern concatenation of progress, fatherland, history, national heroes, and common people, he beseeched his readership: Engrave [the following words] in your memory, so that you will constantly have [them] in the eyes of the soul: ‘‘That all peoples undergo vicissitudes, some more than others, and that even at the edge of the abyss, apostles rise who teach a redemptive doctrine than cannot fade even though the preacher is crucified. The march of progress, therefore, is inevitable, a fact that no one can ever disrupt. The important [thing] is to know how to appreciate those who want to lift the Fatherland. . . . Because of that, now, full of faith and hope in the future, I conclude thinking: ‘That a small group of young people, well intentioned and conscious, proposed to reform the country, and to them [we] owe the redemption of the People, who were capable of establishing the dignity of the Fatherland’ ’’ [i a ellos se le debe la redención del Pueblo, que supo establecer la grandeza de la Patria]. Nothing short of an ‘‘invented tradition,’’ the history Cambiaso proposed would be written by men of letters, who would work with the historical symbols purposefully gathered for their use by their equally educated and politically committed predecessors, themselves the proponents of national progress and the servants of the fatherland.≤∑ The discourse of progress collected the binding tenets of European Liberalism and tried to apply them to the Dominican context. Finding the state of a√airs on the island wanting, the intelligentsia hurried to prescribe formulas to facilitate the process of modernization, part and parcel of which were the activation of the citizenry and the rehabilitation of the economy. To rebuild the country, Dominican men of letters realized, the hardworking, peaceful, and committed citizens who would be its building blocks had yet to be formed. The architects of the national project, then, included in their plans the controlled inclusion of groups that had only recently been recognized as part of the polity and suspended judgment regarding their full incorporation into Dominican society. At no point did Dominican intellectuals, even those who were wary of modernization, consider rethinking existing social hierarchies, nor did they draw inspiration from the Dominican Republic’s turbulent past. The intelligentsia deployed their schemes for progress with the assurance that education confers and constructed citizenship with the authority that political savvy facilitates.≤∏
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the formation of the nation The architects of the ideology of progress, in their e√orts to mold the country’s first modern citizens, then, embarked on a more ambitious journey— the formation of the nation. Writings on Dominican nationalism have generally strung together a number of words and phrases and have used some interchangeably to describe aspects of the same process—the conception of national identity, the development of nationhood, the birth of the nation, the growth of patriotic sentiments, the ascendancy of a distinct cultural and ethnic community, a Dominican consciousness, racial solidarity, the national soul, Dominicanness, shared values, ‘‘lo nacional ’’ (that which is national), linguistic ties, national unification, and so on. The reason for this semantic diversity is the emphasis that historians and sociologists (and also psychologists and anthropologists) have placed on lived experience (economic or political events that motivated people to coalesce); on the coincidence of place, language, culture, ethnicity, or race that some believe bind people together; or on the capacity of the state to manipulate either collective memory or future prospects so that a social group builds its desire to cooperate around a common past or around an unfolding destiny. Scholars, then, notwithstanding the influence that they reputedly can exert on our understanding of the factors and circumstances that link people politically, disagree widely with respect to the correct weight given each. Dominican historians from the late nineteenth century onward have dedicated much e√ort to determining when and how a sense of nationalism developed. Manuel Arturo Peña Batlle and Pedro Troncoso Sánchez placed the moment as far back as the ‘‘devastaciones’’ of 1605, when the inhabitants of the northern part of the island rebelled against metropolitan instructions to evacuate the area to reduce contraband with the French. Hugo Tolentino Dipp, basing himself like Juan Pablo Duarte, the ‘‘father of the republic,’’ on the factors that held common people together—language, territory, economy, and psychology—conferred nationhood on Dominicans at the time of their independence from Haiti (1844). The same was true for Carlos Dobal, who added, only to dismiss, the element of race; according to him, ‘‘black Spaniards’’ (Dominicans) fought against the French first, then against the Haitians, and out of these battles emerged the Dominican nation, which, bound by virtue, transcended color. As might be expected, Pedro Francisco Bonó was wedded to the juridical apparatus and dated the nation to the creation of the constitutional state. Pedro Henríquez Ureña emphasized a longer intellectual process that occurred throughout the nineteenth century
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among literate groups and the bourgeoisie, who professed the island’s sovereignty as they fought for independence from Haiti and rejected foreign rule and its proponents. Roberto Cassá and Genaro Rodríguez examined a variety of elements from the sixteenth century onward to conclude that ‘‘in the nineteenth century, the emergence of the nation was conditioned by the leading role of the people in the struggle for self-determination.’’ Frank Moya Pons placed the realization on the part of Dominicans that they were a nation in 1865, after the war to restore the republic to island statesmen, when Dominicans finally recognized, to paraphrase Moya Pons, that they were not Spanish, or French, or Haitian. Américo Lugo, one of the masterminds of the national project himself, negated the capacity of Dominicans to form a nation up until the early twentieth century but reversed himself promptly when the United States invaded in 1916. The list of scholars and their positions is extensive.≤π The modern debate on the timing and the factors of Dominicanness, although seemingly an innocent intellectual pastime, was from the outset, as mentioned in the preface, a pointed political response to the discourse on nationhood deployed by the ideologues of the dictatorship of Rafael Leonidas Trujillo. Claiming itself responsible for restoring the material and cultural well-being of the country after the U.S. occupation, the Trujillo regime produced a version of Dominicanness that set the eastern part of the island apart from its neighbor. Joaquín Balaguer and Manuel Arturo Peña Batlle, Trujillo’s deputies, gave the authoritarian state coherence by weaving an elaborate ‘‘o≈cial nationalist’’ tale of the development of nationalism, based on the cultural di√erences between Haitians and Dominicans. Vis-à-vis the historically fierce enemy and the more recent pathetic exploited worker, and for the benefit of their former imperial master, Dominicans declared themselves white (not black), Hispanic (not African), and Catholic (not Vodou practitioners). It was important for Trujillo to deploy a nationalist discourse that exalted Dominicans at the expense of Haitians. Claiming cultural (read ‘‘racial’’) superiority over his neighbors to the west facilitated his manipulation of Haitians as a cheap labor force; it also allowed him to more closely approximate Western notions of political order, economic organization, and social balance. Although many accepted, even embraced, this construction and still do today, others, respected scholars for the most part, have sought to qualify it, if not to debunk it.≤∫ It is not my intention to directly engage Dominican scholars and statesmen on the details of the source of a sense of nationhood. Rather, I seek to understand how the intellectual and political elite in the early twentieth century constructed the nation, which they approached, I believe, in typical 18
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Liberal fashion, as ‘‘a broad vision for organizing society, a project for collective identity based on the premise of citizenship—available to all, with individual membership beginning from the assumption of legal equality.’’≤Ω The mechanism they used to create a sense of belonging, I maintain, was not a shared past, but rather a common destiny. The Dominican past, in fact, might not have been ‘‘usable,’’ as Louis Pérez points out for the Cuban case, in the sense that it could hardly inspire people to come together with a collective sense of purpose.≥≠ If anything, recalling the island’s history would only prove advantageous if it served to change the people’s ‘‘anachronistic way of being in the century of constant evolution and limitless progress,’’ the twentieth century.≥∞ Political writers, as pointed out, chose not to revisit the past but rather to dwell on the advantages of a change in outlook. Shortly after Heureaux’s assassination, for example, good citizens were judged by their active stance in favor of the fatherland. ‘‘Those who are interested in the future of the fatherland must work out of their space. The ones who write, the ones who work in factories, the ones who till the soil, must work, [and] not allow [themselves to be influenced] by those who want to lead them away from their labors. And when the moment comes to defend the fatherland from foreigners, then they must give their lives. But in the meantime, there’s work to do.’’≥≤ A more comprehensive list of citizen duties (including honoring the ‘‘usable’’ past) constituted the formula for nationalism as Dominicans in 1913 celebrated the Restoration: [S]etting in the befitting place of honor the great men who dismantled the yoke of colonialism; taking a dignified and discerning attitude as an independent state; not thrashing with [our] feet what we make with [our] hands and have conceived in the heart; worshipping reverently our historical artifacts as a memory of our past and stimulating the development of our private and public wealth, without alien [notions] of any kind, wanting to fit in our milieus what is not ours nor [is] appropriate, we will create a nationalism or we will recover it, because if at any time we had it [we have to] confess, with our contrite soul, that we have been gradually losing it, and the expansionist tentacles of the Northern octopus, acting as protector of its younger sisters, will end up sucking, if we do not thwart him in time, the last drop of blood of our dignity and our honor.≥≥ Anti-imperialism, disguised as love of the fatherland above all else or brazenly forged out of anti-American sentiment, was a powerful force in defining the future of the country, as is evident from the statement above. Beginning with suspicions that the San Domingo Improvement Company introduction
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was acquiring the foreign debt that the Dominican Republic owed a number of European creditors, Dominicans pointed to the ‘‘unsaintly intention of North Americans,’’ about whom one writer commented, ‘‘once they clench [their fist], they don’t let go.’’ U.S. actions in Puerto Rico, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Panama alarmed some, but not others. As late as 1907, when the Dominico-American convention was signed, turning over customs collections and the management of debt service to the United States, Emiliano Tejera, minister of foreign relations, asserted that critics of the convention were wrong in thinking that the Dominican Republic was losing autonomy. Just the opposite, he argued; the island was protecting itself from continued indebtedness to other countries. Still, the weighty presence of the ‘‘American colossus’’ must have clued in Dominican intellectuals to the importance of ‘‘perform[ing] their capacity for civilization,’’ to use Ada Ferrer’s apt phrase for Cuba’s parallel process of achieving status as a nation. As was true for many countries occupied by the United States in the early years of the twentieth century, the Dominican Republic had to prove itself worthy of joining the ranks of civilized and modern nations without U.S. assistance—or become vulnerable to intervention. As occurred in Cuba, it must not have been lost on the ruling and enlightened classes that American intervention depended on whether or not they conformed to the formula for progress, which was, after all, shared with the United States.≥∂ the national character Dominican men of letters and men of state, then, were of one mind when it came to identifying the characteristics that the country needed to develop if it were to modernize. These ‘‘domestic virtues,’’ as Miriam Fernández Sosa calls them, grew out of a local blueprint for progress that associated civilization, education, culture, and moral worth.≥∑ Not surprisingly, given material circumstances and the espousal of Liberal principles, these men ultimately grounded economic and social advances in the rational cultivation of food crops and some export products by Dominican males—either the owners of small tracts of land or the industrious peasants already partially dispossessed by commercial agriculture. The intellectual and political class who imagined the island’s future did not include urban residents—merchants and workers alike—among the Dominicans who produced for the country. References to women were aesthetic (they were like flowers; they cultivated beautiful gardens) or reproductive (land, like women, was fertile; the motherland, a woman, sought the welfare of her progeny).≥∏ Sugar workers from nearby islands, and especially from 20
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Haiti, were suspect insofar as it was believed they introduced diseases, consorted with Dominicans (especially women), and took their wages home after the harvest. Journalists and essayists, then, either embraced immigrants, women, and urban wage workers as contributors to the process of national development in predetermined roles or suspected their ability to participate in building a common sense of purpose. Interestingly, although the composite ideal Dominican was based in the countryside, there was no rural archetype, as existed in Cuba (the guajiro) or Puerto Rico (the jíbaro), that represented the nation, but rather a set of characteristics that conceivably qualified the common person as fit to contribute to the national project. The most important of these probably was, and still is, color. Dominicans, as other Hispanic-descent peoples of Latin America, had internalized the value of whiteness and had even cultivated it vis-à-vis their neighbor, Haiti. To accentuate this tendency, scientific racism had introduced the notion that progress and modernity depended on the appropriate racial mix.≥π Given these circumstances, it was incumbent upon the intelligentsia to claim nationhood on the basis of racial unity by subsuming blackness into the discourse and by erasing it through white immigration. Regardless of the actual racial composition of the population, the ideal Dominican was imagined to be of indeterminate race (the identifier was never mentioned), but undoubtedly conceived as more white than black, as befit the heir to the country’s future. Ironically, the more common racial mix in the Dominican Republic became popularly known as ‘‘indio,’’ not because of any attachment to or admiration for the indigenous past, but rather strictly as a way of minimizing the black contribution to the national configuration. The second important attribute of Dominicanness in this period, as it has remained, was its a≈nity with Europe and, logically, with Spain, the former colonial master. Although Hostos denigrated Spain’s actions as a colonial power, most writers in this period saw the need to connect to familiar attitudes and friendly nations. On Spain’s four-hundredth anniversary in the Antilles, one author proposed putting behind ‘‘four hundred years of civilized life and, with short interruptions, four hundred years of cruel and heartless su√ering.’’≥∫ The disagreement with Spain regarding the location of Columbus’s remains (Havana or Santo Domingo) is another example of the desire to establish a spiritual connection with the cultural matriarch of the region and the source, after all, of many recent immigrants. In a critique of Alma dominicana, a novel by Federico García Godoy, in which the protagonist, a young and uneducated peasant, takes up arms against Spain and dies fighting for the independence of the Dominican Republic, the reviewer introduction
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made clear that the author’s intention was not to discredit Spaniards, because, he asserted, the ties between the two nations became only tighter with time. Renacimiento lauded the creation of a Centro Español in San Pedro de Macorís as contributing to the development of a national culture—intellectual and business rapprochement with the mother country was an admirable goal. This desire for figurative proximity to its European roots could be explained by the increasing need to set the Dominican Republic o√ from the orbit of influence of the United States through language or culture, as Puerto Rico was trying to do, or to align with the ‘‘Latin American race threatened by North American expansionism’’ on the basis of ‘‘the harmony in customs, the form of government, . . . the unity of religion, [and] practices and vices that necessarily tend to unify [the region] under the same ideal.’’≥Ω The third set of desired traits in the new citizens could be labeled ‘‘love of country.’’ For the fatherland, men died, worked hard, loved their children, were moral in their transactions, acted rationally for the welfare of their communities, and more. In one short story, the seed of liberty, although having fallen in loving soil, cannot germinate until the blood of a soldier, who had been fighting for the ideals of freedom and the law, flows into the seedbed.∂≠ Dominicans had also to work hard, which they did in the fields, whether as peasants or hired hands. Schools would provide the opportunity for the general populace to become educated, and as such, more productive. With all this in place, only the right conditions had to exist in order for the exercise in citizenship and nationalism to begin. Two significant conundrums flow out of this discussion. One is the realization that the national attributes are, in fact, a wish list that veils some very objective uncertainties. The other is the economy by which subalterns were to insert themselves practically into these ideological constructs.∂∞ With respect to the first, it is impossible to learn with any assurance how contemporaries reconciled the traits that defined the national character, whose source seems to be the ageless countryside, and the milieu in which these qualities would be developed, the modern city. Without a doubt, stringing together transparent honesty, love of work, intelligence, capacity to produce, political acumen, moral integrity, and the like was an e√ort to identify qualities essential to Dominicanness that responded to the anxieties of government authorities and the bourgeoisie, with whom the intelligentsia socialized, regarding a number of circumstances that marred the Dominican future. Rural areas were, after all, the recruiting ground for insurrections against the government, and writers identified the practice of indiscriminate conscription on the part of caudillos and of military service with the expectation of
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obtaining government posts as evidence of the backward state of political development. Still, it was a commonplace to find romantic references to rural practices or peasant ways when the subject was the generic ‘‘el dominicano’’ (the Dominican man, person, people), although the realities of the countryside were the thorn in the side of progressive thinkers. Certain historians have identified the dichotomy between the country and the city denounced by some contemporary writers as the running thread of Dominican twentieth-century history.∂≤ I have chosen, instead, to point out the contradiction between the elite’s low opinion of the political performance of peasants and its projection of a lofty future for the country based on their capacity for work as representative of the nation. In addition, it is pertinent to highlight the sublimation of these perceived di√erences, which is another way of looking at contemporary writings on the construction of nationality, in the context of the labor unrest that marked the sugar-producing areas in this period. In Costa Rica, racial-national solidarity was used to dilute class cohesion—black West Indian workers were made the outsiders against ladino Costa Rican managers and workers. In Puerto Rico, a similar phenomenon occurred, and the jíbaro, an innocuous white peasant figure, was created to assuage the fears of the national sugar aristocracy. In Guatemala, the national archetype became an urban artisan, to compensate for proletarianization in co√ee plantations. A similar case could be drawn for the Dominican Republic, whose sugar-producing areas since the early days had experienced worker agitation, presented then and still understood as anti-immigrant sentiment. Although no idiosyncratic figure arose that encapsulated all the national virtues or represented any one of them, it is certainly the case that the dedication to work and the love of land that the intellectual elite focused on as a national asset assuaged any fears of the restless rural laborer.∂≥ Likewise, the racelessness that was characteristic of the Dominican ideal type, if one can use a shortcut for the list of national traits, pointed to insecurities regarding the racial makeup of the country. Knowing full well that the legacy of Africa flowed in their blood, Dominicans declared themselves superior, by virtue of their color, to the West Indian and Haitian immigrants who crossed their borders. Undoubtedly aware of the reasoning behind the eugenics movement as it had traveled to Latin America, the Dominican intelligentsia followed the imperative of developing a national identity that resembled that of European nations. Unable to claim whiteness, they settled for directing attention to the racial mix that marked the population and playing down issues of race in political discourse. Their faith in the
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redeeming value of education served to multiply in their minds the chances for the hybrid population to regenerate and make good on their economic potential, despite their heterogeneous origins.∂∂ Two other traits—the implicit maleness of the national character, and its propensity for Western ways—were also a function of the uneasy circumstances in which the country found itself vis-à-vis the overwhelming presence of the United States in the area. As I will elaborate in chapter 4, nationalist writers have commonly portrayed foreign penetration qua violation of territory in sexual terms. To properly protect the virtue of the homeland, then, virility was of the utmost importance. Identification with the Spanish mother country can be easily explained, at least on the cultural plane, by the threat that the United States posed in the region. Although the North American neighbor was much admired for its economic system and its political stability, Dominicans knew it was perfectly within its power and will to impose by force its notions of economic well-being and political security in the area. As a result, identification with civilized Spain, and disassociation from savage Haiti, were in order. The second quandary is easier to navigate. Regardless of how deliberately the Dominican intelligentsia set out to impose their will, the people to whom they directed their e√orts had their own ideas about how they would insert themselves into the national story. By ‘‘buying into’’ the discourse of nationalism, internalizing it, appropriating its language for their own purposes, or injecting their own values and thus transforming it, they molded it to their specifications.∂∑ Because notions of political activism without citizens, or without people who think of themselves as such, are absurd, this book will revisit the roles of the intelligentsia, the state, and the people of early twentieth-century Santo Domingo and San Pedro de Macorís in conceptualizing the nation and writing its history.
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chapter one The National Project
4 he resolute desire to ‘‘modernize’’ captured the minds and hearts of Dominican intellectuals at the turn of the century much as it did all of Latin America. In tandem with developments on the continent, the Dominican discourse of progress portrayed the country’s social, economic, and political trajectory in negative terms and yet hypothesized a favorable aftermath. Its grounding in the universal doctrines of European Liberalism provided for the ideology of progress a sense of common purpose that would be forged out of the joint will of government and civil society. The national project, though, was fraught with contradictions, which historians can easily identify with hindsight. At the time, however, the thrust to modernize was powerful enough to reconcile the disparities in goals and methods that only a few contemporaries could point to.
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pessimism and the national character Contrary to the impression given in the last chapter through the enthusiastic listing of the qualities innate to Dominicans, island intellectuals had serious misgivings about the country’s social capital. ‘‘Dominicans’’ (those fictional archetypes of the ‘‘national character’’), the intelligentsia proclaimed, were given to gambling, women, and alcohol. They were careless with their finances and generally spent more than they earned. Ranchers neglected their cattle, as did parents their children. The population in general displayed an atavistic propensity to abandon the tasks that were most significant to their well-being and remained apathetic to the political life of the country. It was ‘‘not easy to remove the farmer from his work to take him to the book, nor to convert the idler into a hardworking man by way of an education that he will
not seek nor apply’’—it was impracticable, in fact, and the only solution the minister of justice and public education could think of was training young people in agricultural tasks as part of the school curriculum. In the words of Américo Lugo, the most biting critic of the national character: Let’s not harbor any illusions about the moral worth of the Dominican people. Moral worth reaches always the limit of intellectual capacity, and our intellectual capacity is almost nil. An immense majority of citizens who do not know how to read nor write, for whom there are no real needs, but impulses and passions; barbarians, in short, who do not recognize any law other than instinct; any right other than force; any home other than a hovel; any family other than females [to party with; más familia que la hembra del fandango]; any schools other than the cockpit; a minority, a fleeting minority; who knows how to read and write, and [who knows] about duties and rights, among which stand out, it is true, figures that are worth [all the riches in the] world, such is the Dominican people, semisavage on the one hand, enlightened on the other, in general apathetic, bellicose, cruel, and uninterested.∞ These negative images of the country and its people, rightfully dubbed ‘‘pessimism’’ by twentieth-century scholars, alarmed the elite for two reasons. On the one hand, there was the fear that, just as the country was taking o√, the impression of Dominicans abroad was precisely that of a backward people, whose political stability and economic promise were chimerical. This concern pervaded o≈cial and public discourse on the island’s capacity for modernization in the last decades of the nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth, when the state sought capital investment from abroad as well as immigrants to both work the land and establish agricultural enterprises. The second reason for anxiety was the related and very real fear that Dominicans, or the Dominican Republic, was really not a properly constituted country and so was an illegitimate actor on the world stage. Lugo put it as bluntly as only he was capable of: Out of history’s careful lessons, we can deduce that the Dominican people are not constituted as a nation. It is certainly a spiritual community united by language, customs, and other ties; but its lack of culture does not allow it the political development necessary for a people to become a nation . . . The Dominican State reflects what it can, the fluctuating will of the popular masses; in no way a public will, which does not exist here. The Dominican people are not a nation because they have no consciousness of the community that they con26
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stitute, because their political activity is not su≈ciently far-reaching. Not being a nation, the State that aspires to represent it is not a real State.≤ If Dominican intellectuals worried about the impression they gave abroad, high government o≈cials had every reason to suspect the underhanded compliments foreign travelers paid the country and its people. Otto Schoenrich, U.S. special commissioner in charge of assessing the Dominican Republic’s financial solvency in 1905, described Dominicans as robust and vigorous, but somewhat lazy, because the climate, nature, and the political situation encouraged them to postpone tasks. Culturally, he considered them Spanish, although, he remarked, the racial mix had produced a very dark population. He observed that patriotism and liberty were the two ideals in whose names Dominicans committed the most noble and the most perverse acts. Schoenrich believed that the men were womanizers and gamblers, while the women were virtuous, and he placed the out-of-wedlock birthrate at 60 percent. Ten years later, an analyst of the island’s tourism potential portrayed Dominicans as ‘‘simple and good-natured people’’—moderate in their drinking habits, honest, intelligent, hardworking, and happy. He predicted a bright future for the country, once its inhabitants laid down their arms and picked up instead agricultural tools. Later in the period, a Protestant evangelist depicted Dominicans as hospitable, pleasant, cosmopolitan (in their attitudes to race and nationality), hardworking, and fun-loving. He believed they would have achieved more had nature not been so prodigal. Compared to Haiti, which remained under U.S. scrutiny at all times during this period, the Dominican Republic shone for its hard work and organization, ‘‘a state of a√airs certainly unexpected in a republic governed by a black man [Heureaux].’’ At the end of this period, foreigners’ opinions of Dominicans were more or less the same as at the beginning—helpful, respectful, obliging, ‘‘a simple group, instinctive and innocuous, that preferred to live with indi√erence forgetting the duties and responsibilities of life.’’ These foreigners’ assessments of the general population were indeed condescending, but more dangerously, they implicitly measured Dominican achievement against American standards, already very familiar to the political and social elites, and pitted the eastern part of the island against its poorer neighbor to the west as the potential recipient of American favor.≥ Other writers found qualities in the Dominican people that they praised wildly, but they remained equivocal or qualified their statements to the point of retracting them. José Ramón López, whose claim to fame remains his doomsday forecast of the country’s inadequacies due to poor nutrition, de-
the national project
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clared that native peasants worked twice as hard as foreign laborers, despite being malnourished. Similarly, a newspaper columnist proclaimed Dominican ‘‘moral, political, and social superiority over the sectarians of Vodou [Haitians], and . . . equally superior standing, compared to them, . . . among civilized nations.’’ Pedro Francisco Bonó himself considered Dominicans, as individuals, to be ‘‘brave, bold, . . . generous, hospitable, simple, hardworking, intelligent, enterprising.’’ But collectively—he qualified his statement— ‘‘Dominican society does not have the cohesion that is indispensable for a human aggregate that seeks to be definitively independent, [to be the] absolute master of its destinies.’’ Dominicans, then, demonstrated satisfactory progress only as hard (and not necessarily good) workers, when compared to Haitians (the Dominican Republic’s most despicable enemy), and as individuals whose accomplishments were personal.∂ Various theories circulated that explained, but never justified, the negative traits Dominican intellectuals and foreign visitors identified in the general population. The first blamed an unfortunate racial mix between low-class Spaniards and savage Africans for the tragic result: a disparate collection of individuals, of mixed race, incapable of self-regulation, highly susceptible to influence from above, and hardly worth the appellative ‘‘nation.’’∑ Another explanation, frequently overlapping with the first, pointed to three hundred years of colonialism as the cause of the Dominican population’s deficiencies. The legacy of colonial rule—total domination by the imperial power and its representatives, pervasive economic dependence, and generalized use of force—continued to a∆ict the country. Even López, more given to natural explanations than social ones, agreed with this interpretation: ‘‘The monopoly of a few is a solvent for social ideas. The privilege of the few, based on abusive practices, destroys society.’’∏ Other thinkers presented a third theory for the insu≈ciencies of the Dominican people—a gentle climate, a fertile soil, poor nutrition, scarce resources, and inadequate education were responsible for the political limitations of individual citizens. López was convinced that hunger, and the mental and physical inertia it caused, directly a√ected national wealth, and in combination with civil unrest, diminished population and morality. This occurred not only in the countryside, to which most of his pamphlet appears dedicated, but in the cities as well, where degeneration was mostly psychological. An influential analyst listed as problematic several facts: there was no information about the geography and geology of the island, its people, and natural resources; the roads and ports were in poor condition; and there was a high rate of illiteracy. A short story recounted the tragic destiny of Reducindo Nicolás, who was born, not coincidentally the same year as the re28
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public, in 1844. He became an orphan at two and was able nevertheless to grow up strong. His field was the best in the area, much to the chagrin of his neighbors, who were ‘‘lazy, loafers, most of them eaten up by black envy’’ (clearly, Haitians). Boredom, ‘‘or perhaps destiny,’’ led him to war, and the hands that could have been tilling fields now carried a rifle. The ease with which Dominican existence almost constructed itself without any human e√ort was to blame for what intellectuals identified as the population’s political and economic deficiencies, for their propensity for war and aversion to work. The end result of genetic material, circumstance, and fate, however imagined, left much to be desired.π Although it may be transparent to us that these explanations, especially the attempt to treat acquired characteristics as inherited traits, were terribly flawed, writers at the time mixed and matched elements of each in order to give meaning to their reality. López blamed race and the environment for the Dominican people’s violent nature, carelessness, indolence, and distrust of others—despite finding workers generally ‘‘cheerful, hardworking, serious, and resistant.’’ Another example of the tendency to attribute negative traits to nature, nurture, and fortune is Francisco Henríquez y Carvajal’s zealous outburst at the turn of the portentous century: Do you expect a people that has lived in an atmosphere of public immorality and injustice, that is tainted with vices, with fundamental errors, that knows no other governmental practices than those which have been able to persist in this land, those [pertaining to] tyranny; that is always agitated by subversive ideas against the instituted governmental order, whether good or bad, it matters little; do you expect such a people, that lacks absolutely any practical tradition or education, turns overnight, rising from the night of horrors, wrecked, ragged, hungry, with wan and haggard visage, to the delicious morning of an unexpected awakening, to become, we repeat, an adult people, robust and healthy, full of moral vigor, with just ideas, with noble purposes, with political and social habits that permit it to produce in this new kind of life the same accomplishments as those countries, who like Switzerland, England, and the United States of America, not only needed centuries to get there, but also counted on ethnic elements evidently superior because of a preparation and a slow and natural adaptation to the geographic and international milieu?∫ Interestingly, racial inferiority, abuse by the colonizer, and lack of resources made the process of decline of the Dominican people understandable but did not excuse them from inaction. the national project
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The Liberal intelligentsia was obviously in a bind. The entire edifice of the country’s prosperity lay in the capacity of its people to coalesce around a common sense of purpose. The ‘‘people,’’ however, seemed to have no inclination to rise to the occasion. This was dangerous, not only because states were judged by the quality of their institutions, which would be upheld, after all, by civil society, but also because the Dominican Republic had a history of seeing these insu≈ciencies jeopardize its sovereignty. The memory of the Haitian occupation, glorious as its denouement was, and subsequent attempts to obtain the protection of European powers against Haiti weighed down on the Dominican psyche. That other countries discounted the Dominican Republic as a contender in the economic race was merely a source of embarrassment; more serious for Liberals might have been compromising another of their cherished ideals: the participation of the majority in the political life of the country. economic obstacles to progress Another source of worry for the Dominican intelligentsia lay in the economic sphere. Here the spokesmen for progress also found the country lacking, as agricultural pursuits had not replaced cattle raising, the scientific method did not yet prevail over traditional farming practices, and private property had not asserted itself as the dominant form of landholding. Given that the cane industry had held the promise of modernizing the country’s economy in the early 1880s—through wage work, the use of technology, capital investment, and the like—most concerns about the island’s future revolved around sugar and were expressed in reference to it, although the more generic term ‘‘agriculture’’ was used instead. In the e
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6 Little-Known Writers of Color Who Transformed Their Countries
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"Erin McCarthy",
"Damaly Gonzalez"
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2021-09-12T14:21:14+00:00
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Though their contributions were immense, many arenât well-known outside of their nationsâ borders.
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en
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Mental Floss
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https://www.mentalfloss.com/posts/writers-of-color-who-transformed-their-countries
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The 19th and 20th centuries were rife with upheaval. In the 1800s, slavery still existed in many parts of the world; Europe was in political and social chaos, from the Napoleonic Wars in the beginning of the century to the Russian Flu by the end of it; and many countries were fighting for independence from colonial powers. With the 1900s came the abolition of slavery in some countries and freedom for many colonized nations, but also other massive world-changing events, from the First World War and the Great Depression to the Second World War and the Cold War, along with everything in between.
Amid the chaos, writers of color emerged whose work was so powerful and influential that they transformed their home countriesâbut though their contributions were immense, many arenât well-known outside of their nationsâ borders. Here are six who deserve more recognition.
1. Eugenio MarÃa de Hostos (1839-1903)
Eugenio MarÃa de Hostos was a Puerto Rican writer, educator, and advocate who supported the liberation of the Dominican Republic (which was controlled by Spain in 1863), Cuba, and Puerto Rico from Spanish colonial rule. His father actually worked for Queen Isabella II of Spain, and in 1852, Hostos was sent by his parents to study in Bilbao. A few years later, he went on with his studies in Madrid, where he became interested in politics. His most famous work, La peregrinación de Bayoán, was published there in 1863; the novel is written in diary form and manages to romanticize the three colonies while also describing their mutual suffering from Spanish colonization.
Hostos left Spain after the country refused to grant Puerto Rico self-governance in 1869; he went to the United States and became editor of La Revolución, a newspaper devoted to Cuban independence. He spent the rest of his life working to liberate Spainâs Caribbean colonies and used journalism, plays, and books as a space to contest colonization and influence revolution.
Cuba and the Dominican Republic eventually became independent, but Puerto Rico did notâafter the Spanish American War, ownership went to the United States. Although Hostosâs goal of total independence for all three colonies wasnât achieved, he still managed, among other things, to transform the conversation around Caribbean identity and politics.
2. Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964)
Born into slavery in North Carolina in 1858, Anna J. Cooper became a writer, educator, and activist whose 1892 book, A Voice from the South by a Black Woman of the South, has led her to be dubbed the âMother of Black Feminism.â
In addition to getting both a bachelorâs and masterâs degree in mathematics, Cooper was the fourth Black American woman to receive a Ph.D. (she studied history at the University of Paris, Sorbonne, graduating in 1925). She also contributed in the field of sociology, arguing, in the words of the National Park Service, âthat Black women had a unique standpoint from which to observe and contribute to society,â and advocating that educating Black women would make them âat once both the lever and the fulcrum for uplifting the race,â she explained in A Voice From the South.
Cooper was a pioneer in speaking about intersectionality before the term even existed (it was coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989), influencing future thought, theory, and praxis around equal rights for Black women and the distinctive issues that affect them.
3. Jacques Stephen Alexis (1922-1961)
It makes sense that Haitian novelist, intellectual, and advocate Jacques Stephen Alexis would enact changeâhe was a descendant of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, one of the leaders of the Haitian Revolution, and the son of Stephen Alexis, who was Haitiâs ambassador in the UK, representative of Haiti in the United Nations, and author of an important biography of the great Haitian general Toussaint Louverture.
Influenced by this rich lineage, Alexis published his first writing, an essay, at the age of 18 to great acclaim. In his novels, which include Compere Général Soleil (General Sun, My Brother, 1955) and LâEspace dâun cillement (In the Flicker of an Eyelid, 1959), he not only defended the poor but contextualized them, their realities, and their experiences, and called for the unity of all Haitians regardless of class.
As a communist, Alexisâs works accompanied and were motivated by his political work. He created a left-wing political group in 1959, which led to his exile by Haitiâs then-President François Duvalier soon after. He secretly returned to Haiti in 1961, was captured, and consequently killed.
Alexisâs writings influenced the contemporary Haitian writer Edwidge Danticat, who is one of todayâs leading voices for Haitian immigrants and their experiences.
4. José Rizal (1861-1896)
The writings of this Filipino polymath (who studied medicine, philosophy, and languages) helped inspire the movement that led the country to colonial freedom from Spain (though he technically advocated reform of Spanish rule, not immediate freedom from it). Rizal moved to Europe to continue his education in 1882, and finished his first novel, Noli Me Tángereâa brutally honest account of the atrocities of Spanish colonization in the Philippinesâwhile living in Berlin. The novel was published in 1887 and quickly banned in the Philippines. After briefly returning to Manila that same year to an antagonistic atmosphere (Rizal was even shadowed by police), he decided to leave once again. He published his second novel, El Filibusterismo, an extension of Noli but with an increased revolutionary approach, in 1891. This book barely reached the Philippines, and any copies that did were burned.
Rizal continued to write about the Filipino experience during colonial times in everything from poetry to plays, and he advocated for social reforms to grant Filipino people a voice within the colonial structure. He formed La Liga Filipina in 1892, an organization whose objective was to directly include people in the legal reform process; this political activity led to his internal exile. Eventually, he left to work as an army doctor in Cuba, but en route, he was sent back to Manila to be tried on a charge of sedition. He was executed in 1896.
Liberation from Spain ultimately occurred in 1898, but the country wasnât free: It was taken over by the United States. The Philippines didnât gain full independence until 1946. A decade later, a law was passed in the Philippines requiring students at most universities to take courses on Rizal.
5. Forugh Farrokhzad (1934/5-1967)
Born in Tehran, Iran, to a strict military father and a mother who was a housewife, Forugh (also Forough) Farrokhzad began writing poetry at a young ageâbut she immediately destroyed her poems out of fear that her father would find them. Women at this time were expected to fulfill conventional gender roles by taking care of the household and the family; they were not encouraged to be thinkers.
Farrokhzad became a housewife herself at the age of 16 when she married a much older man, but continued to write whenever she completed her housework. She published her first poetry collection, The Captive, in 1955. One poem, âSin,â was published in a literary magazine alongside a photo, a biography, and under her real nameâall unusual for an Iranian poet of any gender at that time.
Farrokhzadâs poems were divisive because of their erotic tones; she received mixed reviews but also gained recognition from them. There were other consequences, too: âSinâ openly acknowledged that she had had an affair while married; according to The Paris Review, while men could have as many affairs as they pleased, âan adulterous woman was taking her life into her handsâshe could be killed for her transgression and her killers barely punished.â Farrokhzad wasnât killed, but when she divorced her husband, she lost custody to her son, Kamyar.
Farrokhzad continued to write about the intimate world of women and directed a documentary before her untimely death in a car accident at the age of 32. She is still praised today for advocating for women and their freedom.
6. Gabriela Mistral (1889-1957)
The Chilean poet and diplomat who would become the first Latin American writer to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature was born Lucila Godoy Alcayaga in Vicuña, Chile, in 1889, and raised in the small village of Monte Grande.
She initially found inspiration close to home: Mistralâs father (who pretty much abandoned the family when she was young) was a poet and teacher, and her religious grandmother was a lover of literature and poems. But it wasnât until she left Monte Grande at age 11 to study in Vicuña that she began to write about the hardships she experienced away from home, as well as the realities that women, children, and the poor (whom she advocated for throughout her life) faced in the world. For her writingsâwhich included newspaper articles, short stories, and poemsâshe used a penname that was probably assembled from the monikers of two other poets (though another theory has it that the name came from the archangel Gabriel and a French wind [PDF]).
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https://medium.com/six-word-photo-story-challenge/citizen-of-the-americas-9075d4a284bf
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Citizen of the Americas
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[
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[
"Ronald C. Flores-Gunkle",
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2024-02-15T06:21:43.714000+00:00
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Eugenio María de Hostos (1839–1903) was an educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist, novelist, and Puerto Rican independence advocate (and more! See Wiki ). His name and fame resonate…
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https://miro.medium.com/v2/5d8de952517e8160e40ef9841c781cdc14a5db313057fa3c3de41c6f5b494b19
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Medium
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https://medium.com/six-word-photo-story-challenge/citizen-of-the-americas-9075d4a284bf
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Celebrating a life in perfect balance.
Eugenio María de Hostos (1839–1903) was an educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist, novelist, and Puerto Rican independence advocate (and more! See Wiki ).
His name and fame resonate all over his natal island: many buildings, schools and streets — and statues like the one above — honor him. He is revered throughout the Americas, including the U.S. where Hostos Community College in New York City is named for him.
When the U.S. took possession of Puerto Rico in 1898 he moved to the Dominican Republic, determined not to return — nor be reinterred after his death — until Puerto Rico gained its independence.
Through his vast bibliography, it is easy to find virtually everything about him. What has not been easy (for me) is finding information about this curious statue (and its sculptor) in the center of Plaza de la Beneficencia in Old San Juan. If you can find a link, please post it in the comments!
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1935 by Sanderson Beck
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BECK index
Puerto Rico 1850-1935
by Sanderson Beck
  Puerto Rico’s Quest for Freedom 1850-98
  Puerto Rico & the United States 1898-1908
  Puerto Rico & the United States 1909-35
Puerto Ricoâs Quest for Freedom 1850-98
Puerto Rico 1744-1850
     Ramón Emeterio Betances was born in Puerto Rico in 1827. In 1837 he went to school in Toulouse, France, and he became a medical doctor and a surgeon. After visiting Puerto Rico he studied at the Faculty of Medicine in Paris from 1848 to 1855. Having observed the 1848 revolution he became an advocate for Puerto Rican independence. After his father’s death in 1854 he and his sister Ana Maria inherited the Hacienda Carmen. He returned to Puerto Rico in July 1856 during a cholera epidemic, and he was one of five doctors treating 24,000 people in Mayagüez. He and future historian Salvador Brau founded an abolition society. In Mayagüez they gave money to parents of slaves being baptized so that they could buy their freedom later.
     Puerto Rico’s Governor Juan de la Pezuela Cevallos had issued strict Regulations in 1849 that lasted until the 1870s, and he enforced the strict libreta (license) system that led to the arrests and deportation of many Creoles including the abolitionist Julio L. Vizcarrondo and the liberal playwright Alejandro Tapia. Gov. Pezuela founded the Royal Academy of Belles Letters, and he banned popular horse races, private dances, and annual festivities. The next Governor Fernando de Norzagaray shut down the newspaper El Ponceño in July 1854 for publishing Daniel Rivera’s poem “Agüeybaná El Bravo” about an Indian chief who told Spaniards to go back to Spain. Vizcarrondo lived in New York from 1850 to 1854 when he returned to Puerto Rico. In 1857 he founded the El Mercurio newspaper, and he started the Spanish Abolitionist Society in 1864.
     In 1858 Puerto Rico’s Governor Fernando Cotoner threatened Betances with exile for being an abolitionist, and he went to France. He returned to Mayagüez in 1859 and worked as an ophthalmologist, and he introduced aseptic surgery. That year his friend Segundo Ruiz Belvis joined the Secret Abolitionist Society that Betances had founded, and for that Governor Fernando Cotoner banished the two Creole physicians.
     Abolitionists pointed out that the 1860 census showed that only 10,000 of the 41,000 slaves were workers, and Puerto Rico had 70,000 other workers who were more productive than slaves. That 1860 census counted 300,406 whites and 282,775 people that included Africans, mulattoes, and mestizos. Only about 16% of Puerto Ricans were literate, and the rest lived in poverty. Spain imposed taxes and tariffs on its Puerto Rican colony.
     In 1861 Betances and Ruiz fled persecution by joining the independence movement in the Dominican Republic. Betances began the use of chloroform in surgery in November 1862. He led the social hygiene movement in exile in the Dominican Republic where they became friends with the leaders General Gregorio Luperón and the priest Fernando Arturo de Meriño. Betances and Ruiz returned to Puerto Rico, and in January 1865 they founded the Hospital San Antonio to take care of the poor. In 1865 Ruiz returned to Madrid, and he advocated abolition in the Cortes Generales. In October Spain’s government ordered the colonies of Cuba and Puerto Rico to pay the interest on Spain’s debt in 1866. That year his father died, and Ruiz inherited the Josefa hacienda and freed the slaves. That year he and Betances went to New York where they started the Comité Revolucionario de Puerto Rico.
     On 7 June 1867 the artillery garrison at San Juan mutinied and asked for political reforms in Puerto Rico. The Governor, General José MarÃa Marchessi, used this as an excuse to execute the rebel Benito Montero and to exile eleven Creoles as potential revolutionaries. Betances and Ruiz in July went to the Dominican Republic while the other nine obeyed the order to go to Madrid. Betances and Ruiz then went to New York where they joined the Sociedad Republicana de Cuba y Puerto Rico that the exiled physician José Francisco Basora of Mayagüez had co-founded with Cuban exiles. Betances and Ruiz returned to Santo Domingo in September 1867 to plan a revolution. Ruiz went to Chile to raise money, but he died in Valparaiso on November 2. That month Betances wrote his famous “Ten Commandments of Free Men.”
 abolition of slavery
 the right to fix taxes
 freedom of religion
 freedom of speech
 freedom of the press
 freedom of trade
 freedom of assembly
 the right to bear arms
 inviolability of the citizen
the right to elect one’s officials.1
During his exile he also proclaimed,
We must conspire because of the five million pesos
that we pay in taxes annually,
more than half finds its way to Spain,
to never return, under the pretext of surplus,
or savings belonging to the (peninsular) employees.
The other half is squandered
in an unnecessary military force,
in a ravenous public treasury,
in an immoral administration,
in faulty public works,
and in a secret police (that spreads terror everywhere).2
     Betances met with the Comité Revolucionario de Puerto Rico on 6 January 1868, and that month they drafted a constitution. Manuel Rojas and Francisco RamÃrez had been exploited by the Spanish government. Spaniards also discriminated against racial minorities. The revolutionaries recruited supporters and planned the revolt to begin at Camuy. When they learned that an informer had alerted authorities, they changed the place to Lares. About 600 men gathered at the estate of Rojas. The revolutionary committee had twelve generals, and they met on September 20.
     Three days later their poorly equipped army took over the town of Lares, arrested the mayor and his assistant, and proclaimed the Republic of Puerto Rico with Francisco RamÃrez Medina as president and a cabinet of five ministers with the mulatto Bernabé Pol as Secretary of State and Manuel Rojas as the Commander-in-Chief of the Liberation Army. They revolted against Spain and demanded independence. The revolution called the “Cry of Lares” or “Lares Grito” spread on the island of Puerto Rico. By December 523 rebels had been captured; 10 had been killed; and 20 escaped. A military court sentenced seven to death, and 80 died in prison of yellow fever. The rest were released by a general amnesty in January 1869. Cuba’s major revolt was on 10 October 1868.
     In elections Creoles managed to win three of the eleven contested seats. The prominent liberals José Julian Acosta and Román Baldorioty de Castro went with the rebels to Madrid. Spain’s Overseas Minister Segismundo Moret introduced a bill to abolish slavery in 1869 for state-owned slaves, those over 60 years, and slave children born after 17 September 1868. Governor José Laureano Sanz y Posse (1868-70) persecuted liberal Creoles. Governor Gabriel Baldrich arrived on 28 May 1870 with instructions to implement a liberal policy. In November 1870 he authorized political parties in Puerto Rico. The Liberal Reform Party was mostly Creoles, and the Conservative Party supported the Spaniards. Baldrich’s liberal policies ended on 13 September 1871. On 17 February 1873 JoaquÃn MarÃa Sanromá during a debate in Spain’s Cortes on compensation during abolition said,
Do you know how I look at compensation?
As an advance made to the planter
for the benefit of the slave;
as a fund for paying wages to the free worker.
In this sense, and in no other,
I am prepared to vote for compensation.3
On March 23 a Republican government in Spain abolished slavery in Puerto Rico for the 31,635 slaves, though they had to serve for three years as apprentices of their former owners. Eugenio MarÃa de Hostos published his novel La peregrinación de Bayoán in 1873 about a Taino who had no friends but poor workers.
     Rafael Primo de Rivera in July abolished the hated libreta system that had rationed food. The Liberal Reform Party began to demand provincial status for Puerto Rico. Governor Sanz came back for a while in 1875. He suspended constitutional rights and suppressed voting so much that only 3,000 of over 20,000 eligible actually voted. Puerto Rico’s governors for nearly two decades followed the policies of Sanz. The liberal Baldorioty founded the newspaper La Crónica, and he advocated fiscal autonomy to reform trade treaties and tariffs. Conservatives restricted voting so much with an electoral law in 1880 that only 2,004 male adults voted out of the 374,640 who were eligible.
     In February 1887 the Liberal Reform Party met in Ponce with 295 delegates debating Baldorioty’s suggested platform for the party. In March they proposed the Partido Autonomista Puertorriqueño (PAP) that moderates hoped would form an alliance with a party in Spain. Baldorioty agreed to be president of that party, and many left the party including 200 who moved to New York City. Conservatives supported the Autonomists. As PAP gained power in municipalities some Incondicionales turned to destroying property of PAP candidates. Autonomists boycotted Spanish businesses who then refused to supply Creole-owned stores. Governor Romualdo Palacio González retaliated by arresting 80 PAP members including Baldorioty and 15 other leaders. Spain replaced Palacio in November, and they ordered the new Governor Juan Contreras MartÃnez to stop the violence. Salvador Baru opposed the boycott, and he managed to make a friendly agreement with Spanish merchants. The black physician José Celso Barbosa negotiated with Spanish republicans.
     On 11 February 1891 Luis Muñoz Rivera, editor of La Democracia, began publishing articles proposing a pact with Spain’s Liberal Fusionist Party of Prime Minister Práxedes Mateo Sagasta. That year the Autonomist Party met in Mayagüez, and the faction led by Muñoz Rivera had a majority of the 62 delegates, and they formed the Orthodox Autonomist Party. Muñoz Rivera then renamed Fusionist PAP the Liberal Party. In 1892 in New York City the Puerto Ricans left the Cuban Revolutionary Party (CRP) to form the Puerto Rico Section (PRS), and Betances in Paris was appointed their delegate general to the CRP. Puerto Ricans began planning a military expedition against the Spaniards in Puerto Rico, and they enlisted Juan Rius Rivera who had fought in the Ten-year Cuban War that ended in 1878. Muñoz Rivera rejected that plan, and he hoped to negotiate self-government with Spain.
     On 28 December 1896 Santiago Iglesias and others organized the Regional Workers Federation and later the weekly newspaper Ensayo Obrero with socialist ideas.
     Práxedes Mateo Sagasta became Prime Minister of Spain for the third time in October 1897. Puerto Rico established an autonomous government on November 9, and on the 25th Sagasta authorized that government. Puerto Rico had a governor general, a bicameral legislature, and an administrative council with a president, five ministers appointed by the governor general, a provincial assembly, municipal governments, and 3 senators and 16 deputies in the Spanish Parliament. The Autonomic Charter reorganized Spain’s Cortes with proportional representation on November 28.
     An Autonomous cabinet was chosen in February 1898, and legislative elections were held in March. Luis Muñoz Rivera was elected Chief of the Cabinet. That March the PRS president José Julio Henna and Secretary Roberto H. Todd met with the US Senator Henry Cabot Lodge who promised to bring up Puerto Rico in the Foreign Relations Committee and in the Senate. Lodge also sent them to talk to his friend Theodore Roosevelt, the Assistant Secretary of the Navy. Betances wrote to Henna in early July warning him not to trust the United States. The Autonomous legislature met on July 17. On the 21st a White House press release stated that Puerto Rico would be kept and would “never be released.”
Puerto Rico & the United States 1898-1908
     On 15 February 1898 the USS Maine was sunk by an explosion in the Havana harbor, and on April 25 the United States declared war against Spain. On May 12 the US Rear Admiral William T. Sampson led eleven warships into San Juan Bay, and they opened fire on the city without a provocation or a warning. General Nelson Miles sent Captain Henry Whitney to spy on Puerto Rico, and he reported that the southern area was not well protected and that the people did not want Spaniards there. The United States began the invasion of Puerto Rico on July 25. The gunboat USS Gloucester was sent to the Bay of Guánica, and they killed four Spaniards and landed 28 Marines and sailors. The town of Yauco and the city of Ponce welcomed the American troops. The USS Massachusetts and ten transport ships would soon bring 3,415 more troops. Some Puerto Ricans helped the Americans remove Spaniards from political positions. In 17 days of fighting 17 Spaniards and 7 Americans were killed, and the total casualties were 105 Spaniards and 52 Americans.
     The United States had already defeated Spain in the Philippines and Cuba, and on August 12 President McKinley signed a pending armistice. On the 26th he proclaimed that Puerto Rico had “become a territory of the United States” and that its people were “dependencies of the United States.” He ordered military officers “to maintain law and order” and to encourage “peaceful economic pursuits.” On August 27 autonomists led by José Celso Barbosa said,
  We aspire to be another State within the Union
in order to affirm the personality of the Puerto Rican people,
accepting in the meanwhile whatever transformations
the Congress deem necessary in accordance
with the civic and cultural state of the country.4
Later on October 21 this group issued a manifesto that called for US citizenship and full self-government. They found that military government was not compatible with American freedoms and should be ended. Labor leaders in October formed the Regional Federation of Puerto Rican Workers.
     On August 29 about 35 armed men with faces darkened by coal had looted and ransacked Lares, and in the next two months authorities in Mayagüez reported 70 similar incidents. The Autonomous Government in Puerto Rico let the occupying American forces restore order. Some Puerto Ricans refused to obey the military ordinances or pay local taxes or cooperate with soldiers investigating criminal cases.
     On October 18 the Spanish government in San Juan officially surrendered to the American military. With Congress adjourned President McKinley announced military rule on the island. He said it would be temporary until the US Congress decided what to do. He appointed a Special Commission to study Puerto Rico’s laws, customs, and economy, and he asked for their recommendations regarding the government. Eugenio MarÃa de Hostos was for independence, and he formed a League of Patriots to urge the end of military government and to let Puerto Ricans decide by a plebiscite on independence or annexation. He suggested there could be a 20-year US protectorate to prepare for independence.
     The US General John R. Brooke became the first military governor on October 18, and he put General Guy V. Henry in charge of civil jurisdiction with headquarters at Ponce and General Frederick D. Grant for military jurisdiction from San Juan. On October 26 the name was changed to Porto Rico, and English was proclaimed the official language of the government. A new Supreme Court was put in charge of all pending appeals. Luis Muñoz Rivera edited La Democracia, and he criticized General Brooke and a “cloud of adventurers.” The Orthodox faction defended the Americans in La Nueva Era and called the Autonomists “Hispanophiles.”
     On December 10 the Paris Treaty recognized Cuba as an independent nation and that Spain had ceded Guam, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico to the United States. Article IX stated that the US Congress would determine the civil rights and political status of those born in Puerto Rico.
     When General Henry replaced Brooke in December, those on the Autonomist Council resigned. Henry refused to accept that, and then he reorganized the government so that they had little power. The Insular Councilmen resigned in protest, and Henry abolished the Insular Council on 6 February 1899. He made a civilian the chief of police, and then he appointed Commander Josiah Pierse to direct the Department of Agriculture and Public Works. He told General John Eaton to hire American teachers for $50 a month and to accelerate the instruction of English. Schools were to have a code and were to be co-educational.
     Gov. Henry also added two regiments of cavalry, created military commissions, and put all criminal cases under military authority. To increase revenues he lowered tariff rates and duties, and he allowed trading with the United States and foreign nations. He lowered the value of the peso compared to the US dollar. He abolished the tax on bread and fresh meat, and he suspended the lottery. When he put a one-year moratorium on debts, creditors made fewer loans. He separated church and state by abolishing the state’s subsidy of the clergy, and he ruled that only Catholics could be buried in Catholic cemeteries. He ordered the state to take over what churches had done for education, health, and civil services. He applied US rules to immigration. Newspapers criticized his policies, and he forbade them doing that “without conclusive proof.” Henry prosecuted editors and suspended La Metralla. General Henry resigned on April 30.
     The American Socialist Party celebrated Labor Day on May 1, and General Henry ordered the 8-hour day for all of Puerto Rico. In July the Free Federation of Workers and the Socialist Workers’ Party were founded.
     General George W. Davis arrived on May 9 and governed for almost a year until the US Congress approved the Puerto Rican government. Davis reformed the judicial system to make it like the United States judiciary.
     On August 8 the hurricane San Ciriaco devastated the island, killed 3,000 people, made 250,000 homeless, and destroyed most of the crops. Davis organized a Charity Board to coordinate donations, and he asked Washington for support. He set up a Board of Health to prevent diseases, and made mayors enforce the vaccination program and sanitary laws. The US Secretary of War Elihu Root sent food, clothing, and medicine; but distribution was difficult, and many were suffering. Davis informed Root that children could not go to school because they were “anemic, half-starved and often naked.”
     A Board of Education was formed, and they replaced the bachelor degree with a secondary school certificate. Gov. Davis limited voting to the literate, tax-paying males over the age of 21. Elections were only for municipal governments, and they were supervised by the military. Davis wrote Washington that Puerto Ricans were presently “unfit for self-government” because they lacked middle-class reforms and honest elections. Root replied that they had “no legal right to assert against the United States” except “a moral right to be treated by the United States in accordance with the underlying principles of justice and freedom which we have declared in our Constitution.”5
     A census in 1900 found that Puerto Rico had 953,243 people with 62% classified as white and 38% as colored. About 150,000 were born in Spain, and 14,000 were from France. Coffee had become the largest crop with twice as much acreage as sugar. Coffee made over 12 million pesos per year and sugar over 4 million. McKinley’s Special Commission recommended free trade and citizenship. Senator Joseph Foraker agreed with that; but the Congress removed citizenship which could imply statehood, and they emphasized ways of increasing revenues in the final bill passed on 12 April 1900.
     Charles H. Allen became the first civil governor of Puerto Rico on May 1. That month the United States Congress declared that Puerto Rico was a territorial possession of the US entitled only to a colonial government with minimal representation. They should have an appointed governor with an executive council and a unicameral legislature. Gov. Allen followed McKinley’s advice to appoint four Puerto Ricans to his council. They were the Republicans José Barbosa and Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón and the Federals José de Diego and Manuel Camuñas. William H. Hunt was the executive secretary. A conflict developed between Muñoz Rivera and Barbosa with barosistas strong in San Juan and muñocistas active inland. Gov. Allen signed a bill that imposed a 1% tax on real property to increase revenues. Federals criticized that during the economic crisis. Allen predicted that the tax would cause even more profits for the sugar industry. Muñoz Rivera campaigned and published The Puerto Rico Herald that was sold in New York and Washington.
     Samuel Gompers led the American Federation of Labor (AFL), and in December 1900 Santiago Iglesias became his devoted disciple. In October 1901 Iglesias went to see President Roosevelt who dictated a letter for him to give to Governor Hunt. The Republican Party’s labor group was the Federación Regional, and their turbas shot at the headquarters of Iglesias. The judge at San Juan sentenced Iglesias to three years in prison. In December the Federación Libre de Trabajadores (FLT) met, and 500 workers voted to affiliate with the AFL. Appeals were sent to Washington, and in April 1902 the Insular Supreme Court overturned the conviction and released Iglesias. Gompers would visit Puerto Rico in early 1904. The FLT would begin working for woman suffrage in 1908. Their organ Unión Obrera was published from 1902 to 1935.
     The former US Judge William Henry Hunt became Governor of Puerto Rico on 15 September 1901. He signed many executive orders and established Thanksgiving Day and Christmas Day as holidays. He favored the Republicans, and they got a majority in the elections on 4 November 1902. The Federals elected 10 of the 25 members of the House of Representatives. The Republican Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón was on the Executive Council and supported the American policy. He was a Social Darwinist, and at a meeting in February 1902 he suggested that Puerto Ricans had moral weakness and should emulate American self-reliance. His ideas led to the founding of the Union de Puerto Rico on 19 February 1904. Muñoz Rivera returned from New York, and he worked for independence with José de Diego.
     In his annual message to the US Congress on 5 December 1905 President Theodore Roosevelt wrote,
I earnestly advocate the adoption of legislation
which will explicitly confer American citizenship
on all citizens of Porto Rico.
There is, in my judgment, no excuse for failure to do this.
The harbor of San Juan should be dredged and improved.
The expenses of the Federal Court of Porto Rico
should be met from the Federal Treasury
and not from the Porto Rican treasury.
The elections in Porto Rico
should take place every four years, and the Legislature
should meet in session every two years.6
The Secretary of State Elihu Root visited Puerto Rico in July 1906. De Diego asked the House of Delegates to show Root the Puerto Rican petition for American citizenship and an elected Senate. President Roosevelt on his way back from the Panama Canal stopped at Puerto Rico in November. He admired the beauty of the land. He felt the people were “pathetic and childlike.” Yet he praised those in the administration. On December 11 he presented a “Message Regarding the State of Puerto Rico” in which he discussed their economy. Again he expressed his desire for them to have “full American citizenship.” He noted the “complete and absolute autonomy in all their municipal governments.” Election frauds were settled in courts. He saw their progress in accepting the American principles of majority rule and not disregarding or trampling on minority rights.
     In June 1907 De Diego spoke at a conference in Virginia and presented the Unionist perspective. He met with President Roosevelt and gave him a message from the House. Muñoz Rivera said that the Council had “six caciques or bosses,” and the governor could not control them. In the 1908 elections the Union Party got twice as many seats as the Republicans.
     Puerto Rico’s total exports increased from $17,502,103 in 1901 to $68,595,326 in 1910. In 1901-02 there were 874 common schools with 42,070 students, and in 1909 they had 1,912 schools and 114,367 pupils.
Puerto Rico & the United States 1909-35
     In a serious message to Congress on 10 May 1909 the United States President William Howard Taft called for more discipline and responsibility in Puerto Rico. In 1909 Nemesio Canales in the House of Delegates introduced a bill for female suffrage.
     Henry L. Stimson became Secretary of War in 1911, and on 7 May 1912 he met with a US Senate committee and suggested that most Americans would like to have Puerto Ricans “exercise supervision over their own fiscal and local self-government.” In 1912 Matienzo Cintrón and other radicals started the Independence Party, and the proposed state ownership of banks, railroads, telephone and telegraph services, guaranteed employment, a minimum wage law, 8-hour day, old-age pensions, equal rights for women, and cooperatives. López Landrón believed that only a “cosmopolitan movement of labor” could counteract the “cosmopolitan movement of capital,” and he suggested that the United States had replaced the “aristocracy of birth” with the “aristocracy of money.”
     The Unionist Muñoz Rivera called for home rule and the same rights as other countries. He believed that citizenship without self-government was worthless, and at an extraordinary meeting in November 1913 the Unionists called for full independence or independence under a protectorate. That year US President Woodrow Wilson appointed Arthur Yager the Governor of Puerto Rico, and he served for eight years. Wilson in his message to Congress in December noted that overseas territories should not be exploited, and he promised them “ample and familiar rights and privileges.”
     On 18 January 1914 Senator John F. Shafroth of Colorado introduced a bill for individual citizenship and civil government for Puerto Rico. On February 27 Muñoz Rivera offered a bill to Congress for home rule, an elective Senate, and citizenship, and he urged Barceló and De Diego to come to Washington. De Diego wrote a Memorial opposing US citizenship, and Muñoz supported that in the House of Delegates. In 1914 Lloréns Torres published El Grito de Lares about the 1868 revolution.
     The work of Gompers and Santiago Iglesias developed local socialist unions. They advocated worker legislation, abolishing the death penalty, the 500-acre law, and votes for women. In 1914 Gompers went to Arecibo, and he was concerned about growing unemployment among sugar workers. That year Arecibo got 2,871 votes and took control of the local government away from the Unionists. In 1914 there was a cigar strike, and in 1915 about 17,000 sugar-cane workers went on strike.
     William A. Jones of Virginia was the head of the House Committee on Insular Affairs, and they proposed making “Porto Rico” a “permanent territory of the United States.” On 5 March 1916 Muñoz Rivera spoke in the House for self-government and against the Jones Bill that did not provide home rule. He warned that if the United States did not provide moral support, he might turn elsewhere. The House of Representatives passed the Jones Bill on May 23. The Senate approved it on 20 February 1917 and with a prohibition amendment on March 2. President Wilson signed the Jones Act on March 4. This liberalized some of the Foraker provisions and granted citizenship to Puerto Ricans.
     After the United States declared war against Germany in April 1917, Puerto Ricans supported the war effort by offering a selective draft. More than 236,000 men registered, and about 18,000 were selected. Puerto Rico’s regiment became part of the army in May, and 4,000 enlisted men were sent to Panama. Other troops stayed on the island for training. Puerto Rico raised a war fund of $112,000. They voted to prohibit alcohol 102,413 to 64,227. On May 14 the General Assembly passed a resolution to be an incorporated territory heading for statehood, and they demanded an elected governor and to remove the US district court. After the war the Federación Libre de Trabajadores (FLT) had tripled in size and had 28,000 members.
     In 1919 the Resident Commissioner Félix Córdova Dávila advocated an elected governor, and the Congress promoted that. Governor Arthur Yager increased the civil servants to 5,953. In the 1920 elections the Socialists received 23% of the votes. They elected four legislators and controlled eight municipalities. By 1920 about 45,000 Puerto Ricans were living in New York City. Women organized the Liga FemÃnea in 1917, and they made it the Liga Social Sufragista in 1921. Literate women would be able to vote in 1932, and all women could vote by 1936.
     The United States President Warren Harding appointed Emmet Montgomery Reily the next governor in 1921, and he was very incompetent and imposed English supremacy in the schools. The co-founder of the Republican Party, Roberto H. Todd, called Reily a “damn fool.” Eventually a grand jury charged Reily with misusing public funds, and he resigned in March 1923. In 1922 Nemesio Canales argued that only abolishing capitalism and its militarism could save the world from a conflagration.
     President Harding appointed Horace Mann Towner of Iowa the next governor, and he gained good will by choosing competent Puerto Ricans for his cabinet. Towner went to Washington and called for an elected governor and extending federal laws to Puerto Rico. US President Calvin Coolidge was cautious and opposed those. In November 1924 an Alliance of two parties defeated the Socialists and dissident Republicans. In 1925 Santiago Iglesias was appointed the head of the Pan American Federation of Labor which tried to keep workers from supporting nationalists or socialists.
     The Alliance (Alianza) won the 1928 elections by only 9,410 votes, and Republicans led by MartÃnez Nadal merged with the conservative Socialists. On 13 September 1828 the hurricane San Felipe devastated Puerto Rico killing 300 people and destroying 250,000 homes. About 500,000 people were destitute, and damage was over $85 million.
     In early September 1929 the US President Herbert Hoover appointed Theodore Roosevelt Jr., son of the former President, the Governor of Puerto Rico. His policies promoted vocational schools and rural centers to help small farmers, and he set up a Department of Labor led by the Socialist Prudencio Rivera MartÃnez. Roosevelt enforced the taxes on the wealthy and absentee corporations, and he promoted manufacturing. He made the liberal José PadÃn head of the Department of Education, and he helped rural schools and defended the use of Spanish as well as English. Republicans called him anti-American. In 1930 the Brookings Institution found that the average income of rural workers was only $150 a year, and town workers got only a little more. Most rural workers had no land, and poverty and disease were spreading since the hurricane and the beginning of the Great Depression in 1929. The 500-acre limit on land had not been enforced, and since 1917 at least 477 persons and corporations owned over 500 acres for a total of 537,193 acres. In 1931 Gov. Roosevelt appointed the Puerto Rican mycologist Carlos E. Chardón the chancellor of the University of Puerto Rico. There students could study the works of John Dewey as well as the great Spanish writers Miguel Unamuno and Ortega y Gasset and the Mexican revolutionary José Vasconselos.
     Theodore Roosevelt Jr. would publish Colonial Policies of the United States in 1937 to defend American policies, and he criticized officials who did not speak Spanish and who assumed cultural and racial superiority and domination by capital. He did not think Puerto Rico could afford to be a state, and he recommended dominion status with self-government.
     Pedro Albizu Campos was born a mulatto in a barrio of Ponce on 12 September 1891, and his father did not acknowledge him until Pedro was at Harvard University. Albizu met leaders of India’s independence movement, and he also supported Irish independence. He learned eight languages, earned a law degree and clerked for the US Supreme Court before working for the US State Department. A racist professor at Harvard by delaying his exams blocked Albizu from giving the valedictory speech as the top student. He returned to Puerto Rico in June 1921. He joined the Alianza, and he was for independence and a constitutional convention. When that party opposed such a convention in the spring of 1924, Albizu joined the Nationalist party that had begun in 1922. From 1927 to 1930 he traveled to Santo Domingo, Haiti, Cuba, Mexico, Panama, Peru, and Venezuela before returning to Puerto Rico. He agreed with Vasconcelos who defended Latin America as the cosmic race. Albizu worked to unify his party, and in May 1930 he was elected president of the General Assembly. He lectured and gave speeches on independence. In the 1932 elections he got 11,000 votes, but his party received only 5,257 out of 383,722. He had fought as a volunteer in the Great War, and now he considered his small party as patriotic soldiers.
     Luis Muñoz MarÃn, the son of Muñoz Rivera, was born on 18 February 1898. By 1920 he was a socialist, and in New York he worked as a journalist for The Nation and The American Mercury. He became a friend of Theodore Roosevelt Jr. and praised his policies. In 1926 he returned to Puerto Rico, and Antonio Barceló hired him to edit La Democracia. In 1929 he wrote,
By now the development
of large absentee-owned sugar estates,
the rapid curtailment in the planting of coffee â¦
and the concentration of cigar manufacturing
in the hands of the American trust, have combined
to make Puerto Rico a land of beggars and millionaires,
of flattering statistics and distressing realitiesâ¦.
It is now Uncle Sam’s second largest sweat-shop.7
     Muñoz MarÃn returned to Puerto Rico in 1931, and after the Alianza split he helped found the Liberal Party. In August 1932 Muñoz MarÃn guided Eleanor Roosevelt on a tour of the island, and he called her the “American conscience in Puerto Rico.” In the elections on November 8 he was elected a senator, and the Liberal Party got 170,794 votes; but the Republican Union with 110,794 votes and the 97,438 votes of the Socialists had a coalition that won a majority. The Nationalists had only 5,257 votes. Eleanor’s report persuaded her husband Franklin Roosevelt to include Puerto Rico in his New Deal, and Muñoz MarÃn supported the implementation of the programs. He opposed the plutocrats and proposed that the government buy the properties of the United Porto Rico Sugar Company. The land would be divided, and small farms would be distributed to the landless. On 14 June 1934 the Agriculture Commissioner Carlos Chandón proposed extending this plan beyond the sugar industry.
     In January 1932 US President Herbert Hoover appointed James R. Beverley governor of Puerto Rico, and he was the only US governor who spoke Spanish and lived on the island. He served until Franklin Roosevelt replaced him with Robert Hayes Gore in July 1933. In August about 7,000 tobacco workers including 5,000 women went on strike in Caguas. From 1930 to 1933 the average income of Puerto Ricans was reduced by 30%. After Gore was called the “worst blunderer,” he resigned on 1 January 1934.
     The Communist Party led by Jesús Colón, Consuelo Lee, Andreu Iglesias, and José Luis González became active in Puerto Rico in 1934. Blanton Winship of Georgia was adjutant general of the War Department. He became Governor of Puerto Rico on February 5. He was a reactionary army man and wanted to increase tourism. US President Franklin Roosevelt moved Puerto Rican affairs from the War Department to the Interior Department under Secretary Harold Ickes. The Puerto Rican Emergency Relief Administration (PRERA) helped tens of thousands get employed, and they provided food for even more. The Costigan-Jones Act gave bonuses to land-owners who did not grow sugar cane. Liberal James Bourne supervised social welfare, free maternal health clinics, the investigation of poverty, public works, home gardens, canning centers, and rural cooperatives. He hired many Liberals, and the Legislative Assembly declared him a public enemy in 1935.
     When Pedro Albizu Campos criticized students at the university in October, the students protested. Police stopped a car filled with Nationalists, and they killed three of them. Albizu blamed Gov. Winship and Police Chief Francis Riggs, and he threatened revenge.
Notes
1. Puerto Rico: An Interpretive History from Pre-Columbian Times to 1900 by Olga Jimenez de Wagenheim, p. 166.
2. Ibid.
3. From Columbus to Castro: The History of the Caribbean 1492-1969 by Eric Williams, p. 331.
4. Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History by Arturo Morales Carrión, p. 141.
5. Puerto Rico: An Interpretive History from Pre-Columbian Times to 1900 by Olga Jimenez de Wagenheim, p. 221.
6. Messages and Papers of the Presidents 1789-1908, Volume XI, p. 1176.
7. Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History by Arturo Morales Carrión, p. 225.
8. Ibid., p. 237.
9. Ibid., p. 250-251.
10. Ibid., p. 258.
Copyright © 2023 by Sanderson Beck
Latin America & Canada 1850-1935 has been published as a book. For ordering information, please click here.
Latin America & Canada to 1850
Introduction
Brazil 1850-1935
Uruguay 1850-1935
Argentina 1850-1935
Paraguay 1850-1935Â
Bolivia 1850-1935
Chile 1850-1935
Peru 1850-1935
Ecuador 1850-1935
Colombia 1850-1935
Venezuela & Guianas 1850-1935
Haiti & Dominican Republic 1850-1935
Cuba 1850-1935
Puerto Rico 1850-1935
Panama 1850-1935
Costa Rica 1850-1935
Nicaragua 1850-1935
El Salvador 1850-1935
Honduras 1850-1935
Guatemala 1850-1935
Mexico 1850-1935
Canada 1850-1935
Bibliography
Chronology of Latin America to 1935
Chronology of Canada to 1935
Chronology of North & South America to 1786
Chronology of North & South America 1787-1844
Chronology of North & South America 1845-1896
Chronology of United States to 1896
World Chronology to 1830
ETHICS OF CIVILIZATION Contents
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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Background and Institutional Context
The mission of Eugenio María de Hostos Community College is to provide educational opportunities leading to socio-economic mobility for first and second generation Hispanics, African Americans, and other residents of New York City who have encountered significant barriers to higher education. This institutional mission was founded on the work and contributions of an intellectual giant, Eugenio María de Hostos, a man who dedicated his life to education and to justice. A Puerto Rican educator, writer and patriot, Eugenio María de Hostos was widely known throughout Latin America as a strong advocate of civic reforms. He was a lifelong fighter for the independence of Puerto Rico, Cuba and the other Latin American and Caribbean countries, fighting to abolish the institution of slavery. His support for women's rights, especially in education, was more than theoretical, since he had decisive influence on the educational systems of Chile and the Dominican Republic in which women were included for the first time under his leadership. A life-long writer, Hostos’ Obras Completas (complete works) published in 20 volumes in 1939 by the Cuban government, includes novels, children’s stories, essays on literature, education, law, morality, politics, sociology, journalistic works and notes for his classroom lectures. During his time in New York, Hostos was at the center of a growing community of Caribbean political activists, and is considered to be one of the pioneers of the city’s Latino community, one that would grow to nearly 2 million residents.
Mott Haven: The Heart of the Latino South Bronx
The impact of Hostos Community College/CUNY on the people of the South Bronx cannot be underestimated. Since 1970 it has served as an anchor to the predominantly Latino community surrounding it. Located in the heart of the South Bronx in the neighborhood of Mott Haven, Hostos is an open-admissions, transitional bilingual institution that was established in 1968 in response to the demands of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic leaders who demanded the creation of a college to meet the needs of the local community. The founding of Hostos Community College was the first occasion in New York that an institution of higher learning had deliberately been sited in a neighborhood like the South Bronx, one of the nation's poorest congressional districts. Hostos' open admissions policy, bilingual educational model, and geography have remained enduring signs of Hostos' identity as an institution dedicated to higher education for poor and predominantly Hispanic students. The College takes pride in its historical role in educating students from diverse ethnic, racial, cultural and linguistic backgrounds, particularly Hispanics and African Americans. An integral part of fulfilling its mission is to provide transitional language instruction for all English-as-a-second-language learners along with Spanish/English bilingual education offerings to foster a multicultural environment for all students. Hostos is nationally known for its bilingual approach to education, allowing Spanish-dominant students to begin courses in their native language while learning English.
Hostos Community College is part of the City University of New York (CUNY), the nation’s largest urban university with 11 senior colleges, 6 community colleges, a graduate school, a law school and a school of biomedical education. The modern campus sits just blocks from Yankee Stadium and major expressways in a transportation area know as “the Hub.” It functions as a Hub in many valuable ways to the local community: educationally, culturally and socially. Hostos enrolls approximately 4,500 students each year—60-65% is full-time, 30-35% percent part-time. Sixty percent of our students are Hispanic/Latino (Dominican, Puerto Rican, Central/South American) and 30% black. Seventy-two percent of our students are female. The College offers an innovative and robust liberal arts program leading to an Associate in Arts, an Associate in Science degree, or transfer to four-year colleges upon graduation. Hostos also offers an Associate in Applied Science (A.A.S.) degree as well as a variety of career programs in the Allied Health professions, paralegal studies, public administration, education, urban health, and business. Hostos further serves the South Bronx through its Hostos-Lincoln Academy High School which was named a national Blue Ribbon School of Excellence during the 2001-2002 academic year.
The Hostos Library Department
Knowledge and freedom were what Eugenio María de Hostos wanted for his own people and for all the people of the world. As the first college in the United States to bear his name, we strive for no less. As the library that serves this college, we are passionately dedicated to the mission of our institution and have designed all of our programs and initiatives around helping our college meet its’ institutional and community goals. In this regard, we have developed a mission statement that bolsters our commitment to supporting our students in the acquisition of English and the critical academic literacy skills that will serve to break down the barriers that have contributed to the exclusion of our community from higher education in the past. Thus, in 2003/04 we revised our mission statement to reflect an emphasis on teaching and defining ourselves as a teaching library. Moreover, as the library that bears his name, we have claimed our role as a research and community resource for information by and about Eugenio María de Hostos in the United States. By establishing a unique collection for research and study on Hostos at Hostos, we strive to provide a unique opportunity for our students, faculty and our surrounding communities from the Bronx and all of New York City to explore with us the rich threads that are brought together in the life experience and works of this extraordinary man.
Our vision of the Hostos Library is that of a centralized empowerment zone focused on a student-centered, active learning environment. At the heart of our mission is our Information Literacy initiative, which we view as the driving force behind our vision for the Library. We believe it is our duty and role to provide our students with these critical skills in order for them to be successful in their academic and life pursuits, and all of our programming, collection development and instructional activities are founded on this belief. Eight fulltime library faculty, four faculty adjuncts, six fulltime administrative support staff, six regular part time support staff and a revolving team of student aides serve this population of approximately 4500 students and 155 fulltime instructional staff. The library is open 7 days a week for total of 68 hours, operating and staffing four public services desks at Reference, Circulation, Reserves and Media Services. In this application we will highlight three primary initiatives, or activity areas, that we believe define our role as a community college library, meet the ACRL criteria for excellence, and are representative of excellence in academic librarianship in the community college environment. The three programmatic areas detailed below include our instruction initiative, grants program and library-faculty curricular collaboration activities.
I. Creativity and Innovation in Meeting the Needs of Hostos Community College
Several years ago the library department made a strategic decision to take the lead in making the library’s teaching agenda an institutional priority with a goal to make the library a visible and critical partner in the college's teaching and learning mission. Thus, the library department has gradually come to be recognized as the academic department that it is, with a teaching agenda of its own that is now reflected through proactive curriculum development. The Middle States review and the accreditation standards presented a golden opportunity to advocate for the library as an academic department and put forward a new, more dynamic image of library faculty—that of educator and faculty partner. We did this by identifying the most important initiatives on our campus and worked to demonstrate how the library department supports those initiatives. In our case these priorities were retention, recruitment, academic integrity, and writing across the curriculum.
We developed a teaching agenda that supports the programs and priorities of the institution and took a proactive approach to presenting the library’s programmatic offerings, rather than our traditionally more comfortable, reactive approach to waiting to be asked to give a tour or teach a workshop. We sought to position ourselves as the invaluable teaching partners that we are, with unique expertise in the information technologies and critical thinking skills that are so crucial to the success of our students and faculty. We market and promote our curriculum and ourselves, showing that as library faculty, we use our information technology and literacy expertise, pedagogic skills and enthusiasm for collaboration, to contribute significantly to the Hostos mission. We believe our approach and program to be innovative and creative in meeting the needs of our community. Our Library mission statement is truly the starting point for a presentation and description of our instruction program and information literacy initiative.
Library Mission Statement
As an academic department, the Hostos Community College Library functions as a dynamic center of teaching and learning. The Library provides information literacy tools that enhance the pursuit of knowledge by teaching our college community to retrieve, critically evaluate and synthesize information for academic, professional and personal pursuits.
In this thriving urban environment, we partner with each academic department to broaden and contextualize all areas of study, selecting and using the necessary instructional materials, related equipment and services that will assist the college in meeting its educational, cultural and social obligations.
As vanguards of information, the library faculty supports an environment of free and critical thought to realize the goals of a bilingual, metropolitan and multicultural community college.
From our Information Literacy Program Mission Statement
No student should graduate from Hostos Community College without the ability to formulate a research question or problem, to determine its information requirements, to locate and retrieve the relevant information, to organize, analyze, evaluate, treat critically and synthesize the information and to communicate and present that information in a cohesive and logical fashion. Moreover, no student should graduate from Hostos without understanding the ethical, legal and socio-political issues surrounding information and knowledge and how it is produced. The students here attending college in the South Bronx must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these skills if they are to participate as equal members of society in the 21st century.
Library Instruction Program
As noted earlier, our Information Literacy initiative is the driving force behind our vision for the Library. Our multi-level, curriculum integrated, information literacy program involves campus-wide faculty development, a new wireless electronic classroom for teaching, a re-trained library faculty, an incentive-based laptop loan program, the provision of high quality, bilingual instructional materials including an online, interactive Bilingual Information Literacy Tutorial and an ever-expanding library Web site with resources for students and faculty.
Library faculty have been making connections with disciplinary faculty for many years, providing unique and varied opportunities for our students to acquire fundamental academic and life skills through our information literacy initiatives. Similar to writing, information literacy skills are best learned over time, through practice and repetition, and they are the very skills our students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam, a graduation requirement for all CUNY students, that tests student ability at reading and writing comprehension in English. Getting Hostos students through the CPE is a major college-wide priority and challenge. Since information literacy focuses on critical thinking, reading, evaluation and the use of information to enhance learning and produce new knowledge, it can be especially effective when taught in the context of disciplinary coursework by the classroom instructor in collaboration with Library faculty. With expertise in teaching research strategies and use of information resources, Library faculty know that information literacy skills facilitate the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge, and that instruction and practice in these skills “supports pedagogy focused on the development of research, critical thinking, and writing or other communication skills.” 1
In 2001, the Library initiated its multilevel, curriculum-integrated Information Literacy program to address the library’s role in supporting the college’s general education goals and teaching general education competencies. We now offer a panoply of research and instructional resources but we started out with three (out of an eventual six) foundational IL open workshops. When we created our IL program, we approached the Counseling department, whose faculty teach the College Orientation course; we were able to convince them that instead of simply assigning their students to read the section of their textbook on library research skills, that they could make attendance in our three foundational open workshops a requirement for the course. The College Orientation faculty would not have to use any of their once-a-week class sessions to cover IL, since students would sign up for the IL workshops during periods when they had no class sessions. It has been a highly successful strategy for both the Library and Counseling departments.
In 2002, the college set out to rethink and redesign our liberal arts core curriculum. After decades of a standard distribution model, with vague general education goals, the college-wide curriculum committee emerged from months of discussion and meetings with a cluster model that includes a General Education requirement of 21-22 credits, an 18-20 credit discipline-based cluster with 4 distinct choices and a final 20 credits of electives, which would include articulated “options,” or the equivalent of a minor. In addition, a set of distinct core general education competencies were identified and agreed upon as the fundamental skills we wanted our students to master by the time they graduated. It is also relevant to note here that the library department has representation on the College-wide Curriculum committee, the CPE Committee, the Writing Across the Curriculum Committee and the Center for Teaching and Learning Council, so we are very much involved with program development and implementation.
When the library faculty successfully integrated IL into the Freshman Orientation course, we in effect managed to insert information literacy into the new Liberal Arts core curriculum through the inclusion of the required College Orientation course. Thus, as of fall 2003, all Liberal Arts students take 2-3 information literacy workshops as part of the college’s general education requirements. In a further sign that faculty in other academic departments are seeing the value of information literacy, in the spring of 2005 the English department voted to require all students enrolled in English 111, the second semester of Freshman Composition in which research papers are assigned, to take an IL module comprised of two of our IL workshops that address research skills and academic integrity.
We now offer six different open workshops, each lasting 75 minutes, which also include hands-on use of wireless laptops. The curriculum addresses the five Information Literacy Standards as designated and described in the Association of College and Research Libraries’ Information Literacy Competency Standards for Higher Education. We teach basic IL skills, including how to use online catalogs, research databases and the Internet, but our focus is on teaching the lasting and transferable skills that all citizens of this information age need to know: how to decide what kind of information one needs in any particular instance, how to use language to create search strategies (now an essential skill in a digitally-based research environment), how to critically evaluate information and its sources, how to decode digital records and citations, and how to use information legally and ethically—all skills that support the acquisition of core general education competencies. Our curriculum was carefully and thoughtfully designed to include specific learning outcomes in each module with clear objectives for each session. Each session includes exercises designed to engage the student in demonstrating that they have met the learning goals.
We also offer course-related workshops for any faculty member who requests one. However, our approach to these customized IL workshops is innovative: before we work with a class, the faculty member must first require that the students take at least two of our open workshops (again, attending workshops outside of their regular class schedules) so that when the faculty member brings in their class, the students have already had some experience with using information tools and resources. In each of our open workshops, we sign students’ Attendance Verification Forms so instructors know their students have attended the workshop(s). All together, we teach approximately 80 workshops per semester, about one-fourth of which are targeted course-related workshops.
We have come to realize that IL instruction can be used as a powerful language-learning tool to reinforce language acquisition of ESL students and this has led to exciting collaborations with faculty and students in our Language and Cognition and English departments. Because part of a researcher’s strategy is to choose vocabulary that will correspond to the subject descriptors in the records of indexes and full text databases, library catalogs and even the freer-wheeling syntax of Web indexing, we strive to make use of teaching strategies that focus on how to choose keywords, synonyms and related terms and how to combine them to create successful results. We also use the pedagogy of IL to reinforce academic literacy skills such as how to engage in the process of research and critical evaluation that leads from broad, still-fuzzy results to narrowly focused, productive results. We often collaborate with disciplinary faculty to create workshops and information-based assignments and resources targeting a specific discipline.
One example of how we work can be found in a collaboration between a library faculty member and two faculty members who teach sections of Intensive English, a content-based ESL course that includes a module on the Holocaust and World War II. As the librarian and ESL teachers discussed creating a course-related workshop, they decided that many of the most useful resources for learning about the Holocaust are web-based resources that include art, photography, oral histories, letters and other primary source documents. The librarian created an online, annotated Pathfinder consisting of several of the most useful websites and an instructional handout to be used in the research workshop by the students in the two Intensive English sections. The library faculty member and class instructor team-taught the session, focusing on specific resources and the research assignment. In the weeks following these workshops, the librarian followed up with one-on-one work with students who needed help as they completed their research paper. Rubrics can then be applied to student work products to determine if the students have grasped the concepts and have demonstrated proficiency. This example of how we work with disciplinary faculty was so successful that it has been repeated for three years now. We try to work in this same fashion with all disciplinary faculty. English and Language and Cognition faculty are the most active in requesting course-related, collaborative workshops such as the one described, but since 2001 when we created our IL program, we have seen the steady rise in participation from all academic departments, and approximately 50 percent of Hostos faculty require students enrolled in their courses to take at least two of our IL open workshops.
We are also developing a credit-bearing Information Studies program to be taught by Library faculty or in collaboration with other departmental faculty which would be accepted as transfer credits by programs at some of CUNY’s senior colleges. Our pedagogic philosophy about teaching Information Literacy is that we can and should utilize a wide variety of methods to teach these crucial skills. One-on-one, point-of-use instruction at the reference desk; the six interlocking open workshops students can take outside their regular courses; course-related research workshops; online tutorials, which are now available in Spanish as well as in English and other instructional support materials available at the HCC Library website; and the emerging opportunity to offer semester-long credit-bearing courses comprise the Hostos IL program.
Outcomes
Among pedagogical outcomes, integrating information literacy into disciplinary curricula supports the ongoing development of academic readiness skills; prepares students to navigate and survive the information revolution; provides another language-learning tool for students to improve vocabulary and language skills; and reinforces the development of cognitive skills such as critical thinking and reading, comparing and contrasting, evaluating and analyzing information resources. Hostos Library faculty also anticipate that by working with faculty in other departments to offer these courses, modules, and workshops, our collective projects will support college efforts to invigorate and revitalize Hostos curricula and move our institution into a leading position among community colleges with its vision of how students in the 21 st Century can and must be supported. Finally, our students benefit by gaining deeper knowledge through making connections across and beyond disciplines through the acquisition of core general education competencies that will prepare them for a wide variety of professions and improve their academic success. Other measurable outcomes include the inclusion of information literacy in the new Liberal Arts core curriculum, which is reflected in the college program documents and continued increases in enrollment in our classes and program.
Outcomes Assessment
As part of our assessment plan, the library is working on several projects that will allow us to assess student outcomes and information literacy. The first is underway and involves integrating information-based assignments into the Writing Intensive (WI) courses, then working with the faculty to assess student papers and work using rubrics. We have developed a rubric to assess the ACRL IL standards and competencies and are employing the use of a basic assessment grid based on the Nichols 5-column chart to track our progress. The second is a project with faculty members in the Allied Health department and two of their summer classes. We collaborated with the classroom faculty to plan two customized workshops with clearly articulated IL learning outcomes, team-taught the session, then applied a rubric on the final student projects and collected assessment data to determine if the students met the learning goals of the session. The rubric assessed the students’ understanding of how to analyze records in our periodicals databases and how to apply APA citation format. The results were encouraging, demonstrating that the students understood the lessons learned in the workshops. This is the process we now employ for most of the course-integrated session requests we receive from faculty and has become a part of our regular routine to insure that we are making the most of our instructional time and meeting the needs of the students and the classroom faculty.
The third means of assessing information literacy instruction is taking place this year, when we will be able for the first time to cross-tab our student workshop data with CPE scores and other testing data from Institutional Research. We have been collecting data from student evaluation forms for several years and are hoping to be able to determine if there is any statistically relevant connection between students who have taken at least two of our IL workshops and GPA, retention rates and test scores. This means of assessing student-learning outcomes is based on a model that has been very successful at a Glendale Community College in California. Working closely with the Office of Institutional Research, we designed an evaluation form that is distributed to students in all of our sessions and we collect data that allows us to track our students through their academic career.
In the past year, the Library Department continued to assess student learning outcomes with regard to information literacy. The Coordinator of Library Instruction is working on Hostos student learning outcomes assessment on several levels. She is a member of the College’s Middle States Periodic Review Subcommittee on Student Outcomes Assessment and in connection with that subcommittee she attended the recent Middle States workshop, “Assessing Student Learning in General Education.” As a member of the CUNY-wide Library Information Literacy Advisory Committee (LILAC), she is Chair of the Articulation subcommittee - tasked with investigating and facilitating coordination and articulation of information literacy programs between and among the community and four year CUNY campuses. This past year she received our professional association’s (LACUNY) Professional Development award to enable her to attend an all-day pre-conference workshop, “Assessment and Beyond: Starting It Off, Pulling It All Together and Making Decisions,” that was held at the end of June at the American Library Association’s Annual Conference.
II. Leadership in Developing and Implementing Exemplary Programs
The Hostos Library has taken a leadership role in developing a proactive grants program to support our vision and address college priorities and institutional retention and instructional goals. Our grants program addresses one of our primary objectives-- to create more culturally relevant materials for curricular integration to support retention efforts on campus. A review of the literature revealed that research conducted over the past 15-20 years on the retention of Hispanic students demonstrates that the integration of Hispanic perspectives, culture and history into the curriculum improves retention rates. 2 Thus, we developed programs to improve the teaching and learning experience by working closely with faculty to include more Hispanic perspectives into the classroom as a part of college initiatives to retain students.
Presented here are four of our grants initiatives that we believe are examples of exemplary programming in support of our college mission to provide the best learning support for our students and retain them.
1. Awarded $5,000 Diversity Grant from the CUNY Office of Diversity for a Bi-lingual Information Literacy Initiative
The primary objective with this project is to provide equal access to critical information technology tools to the Spanish dominant students in CUNY. We know that basic information literacy skills that are learned over time through practice and repetition are the very skills students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam (CPE)—analytical reading and writing, and analyzing, integrating and using information from graphs, charts and corresponding texts. The goals and objectives of both the Information Competency and CPE programs are the same: to teach students how to think critically, compare and contrast, and evaluate and analyze information resources. If CUNY’s many Spanish-dominate ESL students can begin to learn these skills earlier in their own language, their ability to transfer the skills into English will be vastly improved. This project was based on the notion that Spanish-dominant students attending Hostos, and other CUNY colleges, must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these transferable skills if they are to participate as equal members of society and be competitive in the job market. A Spanish language version of our Web-based Information Competency Tutorial will serve CUNY’s Hispanic students in acquiring these essential transferable skills.
Spanish-dominant students, particularly those in the Bronx, face an uphill battle as entering CUNY students as they struggle to improve their language skills while also learning basic student survival and study skills. This online interactive tool is now available across CUNY and can be integrated into all disciplines. Access to a Spanish language version of this 24/7 interactive tutorial is a tremendous tool with potentially far-reaching benefits for CUNYs Hispanic population.
Outcomes
The primary outcome of the project is a Spanish language version of an interactive, online information literacy tutorial accessible to all CUNY students and faculty. A more important and desired benefit and potential outcome is more information literate students who have the ability to think critically and locate, evaluate and use information to become independent life-long learners. If they can do this, they can pass the CPE.
2. Awarded a $25,000 NEH Grant to build a seminal collection and digital archive of works by and about Eugenio María de Hostos
In 2003 the Library applied for and was awarded a National Endowment for the Humanities Extending the Reach grant to develop a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos and develop a digital archive of resources for research. The digital archive allows the College to disseminate information in Spanish and English on Hostos’s life and work to a broad public. With this project, the library fosters collaborative endeavors among faculty to develop and infuse its curriculum with courses that integrate Hostos’s thinking and writings in various disciplines, and promote more culturally relevant curricular offerings for our students. The library also sponsored academic programming that strengthens and supports our role as a research institution on the life and works of Hostos and Caribbean political thought and ideas. For example, the library organized and offered "Teaching Hostos at Hostos," a three-day interdisciplinary faculty retreat that was part of our NEH recent Extending the Reach grant that enabled professors to develop curricular modules on integrating Hostos into the curriculum for a wide range of college courses.
The focus of this project was to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos at Eugenio María de Hostos Community College in order to advance the study of humanities through expanded curricular offerings, symposia, community lectures and exhibitions based on the collection. While there are many scholarly resources for research available in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, there is very little here in the United States. With this project, the library claimed our role in recovering our legacy by developing the richest and most extensive collection of materials by and about Hostos in the United States. We expect the collection to become, in a few years, one of the best library collections on this author in the continental United States. Given the multi-disciplinary nature of Hostos’ life work, these materials can be used across disciplines to support research and curricular initiatives in the arts, history, sociology, education, philosophy, law and Latin American and Caribbean studies.
Outcomes
Measurable outcomes include increased holdings, a digital collection, and new course offerings in the Humanities, English, Language and Cognition, and English departments. Copies of syllabi, Web pages, and records of new holdings are publicly available as concrete measurable outcomes of this effort to promote the life and work of this extraordinary man and advance the study of the Humanities in a variety of disciplines. Specific outcomes included:
multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion of Hostos content in college courses
ongoing acquisition of the writings of Hostos as well as Martí and other Latino writers and thinkers in both Spanish and English
digitization of Hostos’s manuscripts and other historical source documents
development of a comprehensive public website in English and Spanish dedicated to Hostos’ biography and writings
3. Awarded three Documentary Heritage Grants from NY State Archives ($9,400; $24,500; and $18,900) for documentation and preservation project for College Archives
The goal of this project is to identify, survey and plan for the systematic collection of records that document the first decade of Hostos Community College and illustrate the decisive battles it survived—including funding struggles and ethnic conflicts—to become a vital and active contributor to the South Bronx and New York City. This project strives to preserve the institutional memory of the college and provide an accessible collection of primary source material for curricular use. It involves the documentation of archival records relating to Hostos Community College; arrangement and description of documents already gathered, and the design of a survey instrument for the eventual collection of valuable Latino and black records from the larger South Bronx community. This project is a priority because one-of-kind records documenting the history of this controversial bilingual CUNY College are in imminent danger of being lost due to faculty retirements and personnel changes in support staff. It was our intention with this project to bring to light not only a missing chapter in the history of the college, but to present a liberating legacy of Latino and black heritage to the South Bronx by carefully documenting the history of the college and the surrounding community.
Outcomes
These records are integral to the mission and collecting policies of the Hostos Community College Archives. They reflect the history and administration of the college since its inception in 1968. Informational content has yielded valuable documentation about the beginning of the college and its history, the political controversies surrounding its continued existence and its unique bilingual mission that continues to be a hot-button political issue up-to-the-moment. Consequently these records and biographical information on their creators will be quite important to any researcher documenting the history of bilingual education, advancement of Latino and black people existing in poor and underserved neighborhoods, and the continued population growth of Spanish-dominant populations in New York City. Moreover, as we move into year 3 when we survey the community organizations and begin to document their history and contributions to the South Bronx, we will become one of the only archival repositories in the South Bronx area able to serve the public. One very concrete outcome of this project includes the work of Thomas Lopez, an undergraduate at Duke University who is finishing his history thesis entitled "An American Necessity: The Politics of Survival at Hostos Community College, New York, 1970-1978." His honor’s thesis was subsequently awarded highest honors and earned the prize for best honor’s thesis (out of 20 submitted) in the Duke History Department for 2006. It was recently catalogued into the Hostos Library and Archives Collection.
4. Awarded $126,000 NEH Grant to present a NEH Summer Seminar on Hostos and Marti in New York with faculty colleague in Humanities Dept
In the summer of 2005, faculty in the library department, in collaboration with faculty in the Humanities department, were awarded an NEH Summer Seminar Grant to offer a humanities seminar. The seminar examined the role of New York City as a crucible in shaping Latin American and Caribbean political thought and history, as seen through the lives and writings of Puerto Rico’s renowned philosopher and educator, Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903) and Cuba’s martyred patriot, José Martí (1853-1895). Both men lived and worked as writers, journalists, and political activists in New York City, locus of a burgeoning community of Caribbean immigrants and political activists. They also spent considerable time exploring many facets of American life and values, while living in New York City—its educational system, industrial growth, labor movement, literary scene. This seminar, entitled, “Visions of Freedom for the Americas: Eugenio María de Hostos and José Martí in 19th Century New York” focused on New York City’s little known and important role in Latino and Caribbean political activism in the late 19 th century.
As a result of the 2002 NEH grant project to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos, the Library has an extensive collection of works on Hostos and Martí, including a digital archive of primary source material, photographs and original manuscripts and documents by Hostos. The Obras Completas of both Martí and Hostos were available for seminar participants as well as a seminal collection of dissertations and monographs. The Hostos Library served as a resource center throughout the seminar, providing participants with access to over 40 online databases and electronic resources, including numerous Spanish language databases for background research, and copies of all texts required for the program of study. The month-long seminar was co-taught by the Chief Librarian and a professor in the Humanities department. The rich resources for research of New York City’s finest institutions were used as an integral part of this program of study with walking tours, field trips, and research excursions to the best of the City of New York’s Library and research centers.
Outcomes:
Our NEH Summer Seminar offered during summer 2005 provided 15 college faculty participants across the country with a rich and unique opportunity to study and do research on the history of New York City and Caribbean political thought and history through the lens of Hostos and Marti. The ultimate goal of all NEH seminars is to transform undergraduate education, so it is our hope, based on positive evaluations from both the NEH and the participants, that the faculty used the experience to inform and transform their own classrooms. The four-week seminar for 15 college faculty was designed to accomplish the following objectives: (1) provide unique opportunities for research on the role of New York City in Caribbean political movements between 1865-1898; and (2) provide college faculty with new material for multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion on Puerto Rican and Cuban cultural and literary heritage. It was also the first time the NEH had awarded a Summer Seminar grant to a community college to offer a research seminar for college and university faculty.
III. Substantial and Productive Relationships with Classroom Faculty and Students
The final activity area that we present for consideration as meeting the criteria of excellence in academic librarianship is our collaborative relationships with classroom faculty and students. We present two initiatives below that demonstrate our commitment to substantive relationships with students and faculty—the publication of a student literary journal and a series of Poetry Slams and library faculty participation in curricular design and revitalization on campus.
Student Literary Journal and Writing Projects
The Hostos Library department strives to support the college's academic programs, student retention efforts and outreach to our community in its role as a center for research and learning. However, the Library faculty goes further, by creating innovative extracurricular programs and activities that provide more ways for our college and high school students to apply what they are learning and gain extra facility in writing, public performance, and developing their artistic talents and self-confidence.
One of these extracurricular programs is the Library's sponsorship of a series of open mics and poetry slams (competitive original spoken word performances). These poetry slam competitions began in the Fall of 2002, complete with MC and prizes; both our college and high school students flocked to participate as performers and audiences. We have organized ten of these slams so far and the winners and runners-up have also seen their poems published in another Library initiative: our bilingual student literary and art magazine, ¡Escriba! /Write!
We initiated this magazine in Spring 2003 and it is published annually. From the start, our goals for the magazine have included participation in the editorial and publication process for students who are attracted to or curious about the publication process. We began the magazine primarily as a way to publicize students' winning poetry and winning entries in Hostos' essay contests for Women's History Month and Black History Month. However, beginning with our second issue in 2003, we greatly expanded our journal’s diversity by reaching out to classroom faculty to send us student work, and to our art and photography students to submit their work. We encourage students to submit work in Spanish and other languages as well as in English. The result is that ¡Escriba! /Write! is an elegant and exciting student publication. In fact, in 2006 we entered it into the annual Student Literary Magazine competition sponsored by the Community College Humanities Association (CCHA) and our publication won the Eastern Region Small College Award. In addition, one of our student's contributions won the Best Student Essay Award. Besides the honor of these awards, we are pleased that it will be an additional way we can recruit more students to be co-editors and contributors to the magazine.
Curricular Innovation and Collaboration with Faculty
In 1991, Hostos received a Title III grant from the U.S Department of Education, which paved the way for college-wide instructional technology investments. Since then the College has continued to develop the capacity to implement innovative instructional technology initiatives. Both the faculty and the administration are committed to and invested in the potential for information and instructional technology to transform higher education in our college. It is in this context that the library has been able to position itself to take a leading role in the development and implementation of information and technology services in support of curricular goals. In 2003 the Chief Librarian was appointed to the Title V grant development team and worked with an extraordinary group of colleagues on a $2.5 million dollar Title V grant proposal for our college, which we were awarded in 2004/05. This 5-year project has three major components—institutional technology development, faculty development and student enrichment. In the fall of 2005 the Chief Librarian was appointed to co-chair the Title V Faculty Development initiative. This team is charged with innovations in faculty leadership and curricular revitalization.
A major component of our Title V grant initiative, Shifting the Paradigm on Teaching and Learning to Improve Student Success, the Hostos Faculty Development Seminar program was conceived to challenge faculty to participate in a competitive, incentive-based initiative designed to generate faculty-driven innovations in curricular design and pedagogy. The goal is increased faculty engagement to improve student learning outcomes and opportunities through curricular change. The new series challenges faculty to compete for a spot in a seminar series designed to support their ideas for curriculum innovations to be implemented on campus. Faculty with the most innovative ideas are selected for Innovation Awards and are supported by college administration to implement their new course, program, plan or pedagogical approach to teaching and learning. Out of over 50 faculty participating and only seven projects selected for awards and implementation, three of them were library faculty projects, each in collaboration with classroom faculty in other academic departments. A brief description of each project is presented here as evidence of our substantial and productive relationships the library has with classroom faculty.
Hidden Assets: Information Literacy Across the Curriculum
Prof Miriam Laskin, Library Dept & Prof Robert Cohen, Language and Cognition Dept
“Information, Culture & Society: A Critical Introduction to the Information Age” is the working title of a flexible, credit-bearing interdisciplinary course that will provide students with general education competencies including information literacy and technology, critical thinking, computer literacy, reading, writing and oral communication. The course will be cross-listed with other departmental electives and thus will provide a foundation course for more options for Liberal Arts students in such areas as journalism, information studies, educational technology, public administration, communications and computer science. Similar courses at other CUNY institutions are cross-listed in the English, Public Affairs and Communications departments. The flexibility we have in mind could mean that the course might be taught or co-taught by Library and disciplinary faculty in English, Natural Sciences, Humanities, or the Social and Behavioral Sciences. It could offer linked assignments with other courses; it could be offered as an asynchronous Blackboard course, as a discipline-specific module, or as a foundational course in the Liberal Arts clusters. It would also be an excellent fit for CUNY’s new Online Baccalaureate program in the Information Literacy proficiency subject area and be another Hostos course offering.
Information Literacy is, in fact, a true hidden asset. It facilitates and supports the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge and strengthens critical thinking and reading, evaluation, analysis and use of information to produce new knowledge. Although Library faculty have been teaching IL in open and course-integrated workshops, we believe the addition of innovative, interdisciplinary credit-bearing Information Studies (IS) courses, as offered at many of our sister CUNY institutions, will lead to a more thorough integration of critical General Education competencies into the curriculum and to increased student success. This project calls for the development of a foundation or a capstone IS course that can be cross-listed with other departmental electives, team taught, provide more Options for Liberal Arts students, and support the development of the cognitive abilities students need to pass the CPE.
History of Latin America II: a Dual-language, Online Class
Prof Elisabeth Tappeiner, Library Dept & Prof Jairo Taylor, Humanities Dept
Throughout its history Hostos Community College has been committed to providing an excellent education to its significant population of native Spanish-speaking students. Today, Hostos is a CUNY-wide leader in providing support for Spanish-speaking students as they make the transition from ESL to English content courses and as they prepare for the CPE exams. In this project, we seek to strengthen this role by developing a dual-language, online learning environment that supports Spanish-speaking students transitioning to English-only content courses. History of Latin America II Online will be an asynchronous (online only) class that will use online resources in English and Spanish to promote an understanding of the history of Latin America, and build critical thinking and information literacy skills. Open to both Spanish-speaking and English-dominant students, this course will offer students the choice of completing readings and assignments in either Spanish or English. Spanish-speaking students will be encouraged to write and discuss in English. In turn, English-dominant students will be encouraged to work in Spanish or partner with a Spanish-speaking student as they work in English. The class will be evaluated through student feedback and an assessment of student performance in coursework and on CPE exams. It will draw upon Hostos’s many rich institutional resources: a stellar Language and Cognition faculty, experts in teaching and assessing ESL students, excellent Instructional Technology support, and first-class online Library resources. This project is the result of the fruitful collaboration between a Humanities scholar and a Librarian, both of whom are committed to instilling a deep and informed appreciation of Latin American history and culture to Hostos’s students. Through History of Latin America II, we seek to create an online forum for intellectual discovery and exchange between Spanish and English-dominant students that will promote academic excellence and build mutual understanding and respect.
Grand Concourse One Hundred
Prof William Casari, Library Dept & Prof Felix Cardona, Social and Behavioral Sciences Dept
Grand Concourse One Hundred celebrates one of the great streets of New York City while presenting a more complete story of its impact on the Bronx and giving voice to the people who were not free to walk its sidewalks. Using the centenary of the Grand Concourse in 2009 as the catalyst, students in this seminar will explore issues of class, race, identity, exclusion and urban planning to unearth and present a well-rounded story of a particular neighborhood or city planning issue like the new Yankee Stadium project. Students will better understand the great forces—market, political and otherwise—that come together to form great neighborhoods and urban areas. Using primary source materials, field observations, class lectures and oral history interviews students will explore how urban history, geography, economics, sociology and other social science disciplines help us understand cities and their neighborhoods. How have cities and the Grand Concourse neighborhoods in particular responded to immigration, poverty, fiscal crisis, race, class and other political and social issues? What might alternative urban futures be? Students can complete multi-media projects or traditional research papers in which student learning outcomes may include a stronger sense of identity and sense of inclusion in a particular neighborhood. Retention rates may be bolstered when assignments are more culturally relevant and connected to an urban place. Evaluation of the project will be based on student response surveys and review of learning objectives; effectiveness of sponsored field activities and a review of student projects. Students will be graded on a combination of presentations, field work and a final project. Multi-media projects and written presentations will be displayed and/or promoted at Hostos and through collaboration with partner institutions like the Bronx Museum and possible corporate sponsorships. The 2009 birthday of the Concourse will be celebrated with a sharp academic insight and more complete images and stories of a beautiful street, its transitions, people and neighborhoods.
Closing Remarks
As a transitional bilingual college in the South Bronx, we accept the most under-prepared students in the city of New York in the poorest congressional district in the United States and provide them with access to higher education. The challenge is enormous. The Hostos Library Department prides itself on being an integral part of the life of the college and strives to support our college mission and our students with every activity and program we do. Over the last several years we have had two library retreats to address program planning, organizational culture and strategic planning. We completed our first 3-year strategic plan this past summer and are currently in year one. We just hired a new Information Technology librarian who has exceptional Web development skills and will be rolling out a new more user-friendly, accessible Web page in by the end of December. In this fiscal year the library received funding to move to an Information Commons model of reference and information technology support services and is in the middle of designing the new space, developing an implementation plan for a Fall 2007 start date. Given the accomplishments we have had and our strategic approach to planning and program development, we believe we have met all of the necessary criteria to demonstrate how we have worked together as a team with each other, our colleagues in other departments, the students and college administration to further the educational mission of our institution.
Strategic Objectives
From the Hostos Library Department Strategic Plan 2006-2009
Collection Development
GOAL: To develop an outstanding collection in all formats that engages the Hostos community and meets their curricular and informational needs. This effort must be supported by a flexible, proactive, interactive collection development structure that is informed by library faculty and the Hostos community. The collection should reflect the uniqueness and diversity of the Hostos community and current best professional practices.
Technology Development
GOAL: To establish the library as the place for innovation and new technology by being proactive in defining technology within the library landscape and all of its components. We aim to inform and educate the Hostos community as to our expertise and experience in technology and increase our involvement in technology decision-making on campus.
Organizational Culture
GOAL: To create new forums for and methods of communication that will improve interpersonal relationships and the working atmosphere for all. These efforts will foster collaboration and bi-directional conversation.
Faculty Development
GOAL: To establish innovative, proactive faculty partnerships, promote better communication between Library and other disciplinary faculty and foster a better understanding of Library faculty’s professional contributions to the life of the College.
Instructional Development
GOAL: To offer a cohesive, targeted instructional program that integrates information literacy into disciplinary curricula that supports the development of General Education competencies (critical thinking, academic readiness skills) and is aligned with the mission of the College. This program will be informed by a variety of dynamic instructional offerings and pedagogical perspectives.
1Middle States Commission on Higher Education. Developing Research & Communication Skills: Guidelines for Information Literacy in the Curriculum, p. 5. MSCHE (Philadelphia:PA: 2003).
2Hernandez, J. C. (2000). Understanding the retention of Latino college students. Journal of College Student Development, 41(6), 575-588; Zamani, E. M. (2000). Sources and Information Regarding Effective Retention Strategies for Students of Color. New Directions for Community Colleges. 10p.
SUMMARY PROFILE OF THE HOSTOS LIBRARY
2005-06
HOSTOS INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT
FT Instructional Faculty 155
FT Enrollment 2747
PT Enrollment 1720
LIBRARY FACULTY & STAFF
Library Faculty 8
Administrative Support Staff (FT) 6
Support Staff (PT) 6
Student aides 10-15
COLLECTIONS
Number of Volumes 64,000
Volumes Added 1,900
Current Serial Titles 410
Online Databases & Services 78
APPENDICES
Sample Web Pages:
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http://cryer.org.uk/Gag_Law_(Puerto_Rico)/
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Gag Law (Puerto Rico) Explained
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What is Gag Law (Puerto Rico)? Gag Law was an act enacted by the Puerto Rico legislature of 1948, with the purpose of suppressing the independence movement ...
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Law 53 of 1948 better known as the Gag Law,[1] (Spanish; Castilian: '''Ley de La Mordaza''') was an act enacted by the Puerto Rico legislature of 1948, with the purpose of suppressing the independence movement in Puerto Rico. The act made it a crime to own or display a Puerto Rican flag, to sing a patriotic tune, to speak or write of independence, or to meet with anyone or hold any assembly in favor of Puerto Rican independence.[2] It was passed by a legislature that was overwhelmingly dominated by members of the Popular Democratic Party (PPD), which supported developing an alternative political status for the island. The bill was signed into law on June 10, 1948 by Jesús T. Piñero, the United States-appointed governor.[3] Opponents tried but failed to have the law declared unconstitutional by the United States Supreme Court.
The law remained in force for nine years until 1957, when it was repealed on the basis that it was unconstitutional as protected by freedom of speech within Article II of the Constitution of Puerto Rico and the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States.
Prelude
After the United States invaded Puerto Rico in 1898 during the Spanish–American War, some leaders, such as José de Diego and Eugenio María de Hostos, expected the United States to grant the island its independence.[4] [5] Instead, under the terms of the Treaty of Paris of 1898 ratified on December 10, 1898, the U.S. annexed Puerto Rico. Spain lost its American territories, and the United States gained imperial strength and global presence.[6]
In the early 20th century, the Puerto Rican independence movement was strong, growing, and embraced by multiple political parties. Among these were the Union Party of Puerto Rico founded in February 1904 by Luis Muñoz Rivera, Rosendo Matienzo Cintrón, Antonio R. Barceló, and José de Diego; the Liberal Party of Puerto Rico founded by Antonio R. Barceló; and the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party founded by José Coll y Cuchí.[7]
In 1914, the entire Puerto Rican House of Delegates demanded independence from the U.S. Instead, the U.S. imposed the Jones Act of 1917, which mandated U.S. citizenship on the entire island.[8] The passage of the Jones Act coincided with America's entry unto World War I, and it allowed the U.S. to conscript Puerto Ricans into the U.S. military.[9] The Jones Act was passed over the unanimous objection of the entire Puerto Rican House of Delegates, which was the legislature of Puerto Rico at that time.[8] In addition to subjecting Puerto Ricans to the military draft, and sending them into World War I,[9] the Jones Act created a bicameral, popularly elected legislature in Puerto Rico (following ratification of the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1913 providing for popular election of senators), a bill of rights, and executive functions similar to those in most states. Because Puerto Rico was not a state, it did not have electoral status for U.S. presidential elections. The Act authorized popular election of the Resident Commissioner, previously appointed by the President of the U.S.In the 1930s, leaders of the Nationalist Party split as differences arose between José Coll y Cuchí and his deputy, Pedro Albizu Campos, a Harvard-educated attorney. Coll y Cuchí left the party and Albizu Campos became president in 1931. He retained this post for the rest of his life, including terms in prison. In the 1930s, social unrest rose during the harsh conditions of the Great Depression. The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, then presided over by Albizu Campos, had some confrontations with the established government of the U.S. in the island, during which people were killed by police.
In 1938, Luis Muñoz Marín, son of Luis Muñoz Rivera and at first a member of the Liberal Party, founded the Partido Liberal, Neto, Auténtico y Completo (the "Clear, Authentic and Complete Liberal Party") in the town of Arecibo. He and his followers Felisa Rincon de Gautier and Ernesto Ramos Antonini claimed to have founded the "true" Liberal Party. His group renamed itself as the Popular Democratic Party (PPD). According to the historian Delma S. Arrigoitia, it abandoned its quest for independence and, by 1950, settled for a new political status for Puerto Rico called the Estado Libre Associado (Free Associated State), which opponents likened to continued colonialism.[10]
In the 1940 election, the PPD finished in a dead heat with Barceló's Liberal Party. In order to secure his position as Senate president, Muñoz Marin brokered an alliance with minor Puerto Rican factions, which was possible in such a multi-party system. In the elections of 1944 and 1948, the PPD gained a majority in the Senate and increasing victory margins. In addition, its candidates won almost all legislative posts and mayoral races. The Nationalist Party did not gain much electoral support.
By the late 1940s, the PPD fostered the idea of the creation of a "new" political status for the island. Under this hybrid political status as an Estado Libre Associado, or Associate Free State, the people of Puerto Rico would be allowed to elect their own governor, rather than having to accept a US appointee. In exchange, the United States would continue to control the island's monetary system, provide defense, and collect custom duties. It reserved the exclusive right to enter into treaties with foreign nations.
Under this status, the laws of Puerto Rico would continue to be subject to the approval of the Federal government of the United States.[11] The status of Estado Libre Associado displeased many advocates of Puerto Rican independence, as well as those who favored the island's being admitted as a state of the U.S.[7]
Passage
In 1948, the Senate passed a bill that restricted expressions of ideas related to the nationalist movement. The Senate at the time was controlled by the PPD and presided over by Luis Muñoz Marín.[12]
The bill, known as Law 53 and the Ley de la Mordaza (Gag Law), passed the legislature was signed into law on June 10, 1948, by the U.S.-appointed governor of Puerto Rico Jesús T. Piñero. It closely resembled the anti-communist Smith Law passed in the United States.[13]
The law prohibited owning or displaying a Puerto Rican flag anywhere, even in one's own home. It also became a crime to speak against the U.S. government; to speak in favor of Puerto Rican independence; to print, publish, sell or exhibit any material intended to paralyze or destroy the insular government; or to organize any society, group or assembly of people with a similar destructive intent. Anyone accused and found guilty of disobeying the law could be sentenced to ten years imprisonment, a fine of $10,000 (US), or both.[14]
Dr. Leopoldo Figueroa, a member of the Partido Estadista Puertorriqueño (Puerto Rican Statehood Party) and the only non-PPD member of the Puerto Rico House of Representatives, said the law was repressive and in direct violation of the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which guarantees Freedom of Speech.[15] He noted that Puerto Ricans had been granted US citizenship and were covered by its constitutional guarantees.[16]
Reaction
Among those who opposed the "Gag Law" was Santos Primo Amadeo Semidey, a.k.a. "The Champion of Habeas Corpus." Amadeo Semidey was an educator, lawyer and former Senator in the Puerto Rico legislature who confronted the government of Puerto Rico when the government approved and executed the laws of La Mordaza.[17] Amadeo Semidey, an expert in Constitutional Law, immediately filed a habeas corpus action with the U.S. Supreme Court which questioned the constitutionality of Law 53, and demanded the release of Enrique Ayoroa Abreu, arrested in Ponce. Amadeo Semidey and other lawyers also defended 15 members of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, who were accused of breaking Gag Law 53.[18]
Revolts
On June 21, 1948, Pedro Albizu Campos, president of the Nationalist Party since 1931, gave a speech in the town of Manati where Nationalists from all over the island had gathered, in case the police attempted to arrest him. Later that month Campos visited Blanca Canales and her cousins Elio and Griselio Torresola, the Nationalist leaders of the town of Jayuya. Griselio soon moved to New York City where he met and befriended Oscar Collazo. From 1949 to 1950, the Nationalists in the island began to plan and prepare an armed revolution. The revolution was to take place in 1952, on the date the United States Congress was to approve the creation of the political status of the Commonwealth (Estado Libre Associado) for Puerto Rico. Albizu Campos called for an armed revolution because he considered the "new" status to be a colonial farce. He picked the town of Jayuya as the headquarters of the revolution because of its location. Weapons were stored in the Canales' residence.[19] The uprisings, which became known as the "Puerto Rican Nationalist Party Revolts of the 1950s," began on October 30, 1950. Albizu Campos ordered them after learning about his potential imminent arrest. Uprisings occurred in various towns, amongst them Peñuelas, Mayagüez, Naranjito, Arecibo and Ponce. Most notable were the Utuado Uprising, where the insurgents were massacred, and the Jayuya Uprising, in the town of the same name, where Nationalists attacked the police station, killing officers. The government sent in the Puerto Rican National Guard to take back control and used its planes to bomb the town.
Nationalists declared the "Free Republic of Puerto Rico" in Jayuya. Other Nationalists attempted to assassinate Governor Luis Muñoz Marín in his residence at La Fortaleza, as part of the San Juan Nationalist revolt.
By the end of the local revolts, 28 were dead - 7 police officers, 1 National Guardsman, and 16 Nationalists. There were also 49 wounded - 23 police officers, 6 National Guardsmen, 9 Nationalists and 11 non-participating bystanders.[20]
The revolts were not limited to Puerto Rico. They included a plot to assassinate United States President Harry S. Truman in Washington, D.C. On November 1, 1950, two Nationalists from New York City attacked the Blair House, where Truman was staying while renovations were being made to the White House. They did not harm him.
Truman acknowledged that it was important to settle Puerto Rico's status, and supported the plebiscite in 1952 in which voters had a chance to choose whether or not they wanted the constitution that had been drafted for the Estado Libre Associado. Nearly 82% of the voters on the island approved the new constitution.[21]
The last major attempt by the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party to draw world attention to Puerto Rico's colonial situation occurred on March 1, 1954, when four nationalists: Lolita Lebrón, Rafael Cancel Miranda, Irvin Flores and Andres Figueroa Cordero, attacked members of the United States House of Representatives by opening fire from the Congressional gallery. They wounded five representatives, one of them severely.[22]
Examples of suppression
Francisco Matos Paoli, Olga Viscal Garriga, Isabel Rosado and Vidal Santiago Díaz were four supporters of independence who were suppressed during the crackdown.
Francisco Matos Paoli, a poet and member of the Nationalist Party, was arrested and imprisoned under the Gag Law. For writing four Nationalist speeches and owning a Puerto Rican flag, Paoli was imprisoned for ten years.[23] [24]
Olga Viscal Garriga was a student leader at the University of Puerto Rico. She was known for her skills as an orator and an active political activist. She was arrested in 1950 for participating in a demonstration that turned deadly in Old San Juan when U.S. forces opened fire and killed one of the demonstrators. Viscal Garriga was held without bail in La Princesa prison. During her trial in federal court, she was uncooperative with the U. S. Government prosecution, and refused to recognize the authority of the U.S. over Puerto Rico. She was sentenced to eight years for contempt of court (not for the initial charges regarding the demonstration), and released after serving five years.[25] Isabel Rosado was accused of participating in the revolts. Police arrested her at her job.[26] Rosado was convicted at trial and sentenced to fifteen months in jail; she was fired from her job.[26]
Vidal Santiago Díaz was Albizu Campos' barber. On October 31, he offered to serve as an intermediary if the government arrested Albizu Campos. That afternoon, while waiting alone in his barbershop Salon Boricua for an answer from the attorney general, he saw that his shop was surrounded by 15 police officers and 25 National Guardsmen. A gunfight ensued between Santiago Díaz and the police. It happened to be transmitted live via radio to the Puerto Rican public in general. The battle lasted 3 hours and came to an end after Santiago Díaz received five bullet wounds. Although Santiago Díaz had not been involved in the Nationalist revolts, he was sentenced to 17 years of prison after recovering from his wounds. He served two years before he was set free on a conditioned parole.[27]
Repeal
Law 53 (the Gag Law) or La Ley de la Mordaza as it is known in Puerto Rico, was repealed in 1957. In 1964, David M. Helfeld wrote in his article Discrimination for Political Beliefs and Associations that Law 53 was written with the explicit intent of eliminating the leaders of the Nationalist and other pro-independence movements, and to intimidate anyone who might follow them - even if their speeches were reasonable and orderly, and their activities were peaceful.[22]
Further reading
"War Against All Puerto Ricans: Revolution and Terror in America’s Colony"; Author: Nelson Antonio Denis; Publisher: Nation Books (April 7, 2015); .
See also
Articles related to the quest of Puerto Rican independence:
List of revolutions and rebellions
Attempted assassination of Harry S. Truman
19th Century male leaders of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
Ramón Emeterio Betances
Mathias Brugman
Francisco Ramírez Medina
Manuel Rojas
Segundo Ruiz Belvis
Antonio Valero de Bernabé
19th century female leaders of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
María de las Mercedes Barbudo
Lola Rodríguez de Tió
Mariana Bracetti
Articles related to the Puerto Rican Independence Movement
Puerto Rican Nationalist Party
Cadets of the Republic
Ponce massacre
Río Piedras massacre
Puerto Rican Nationalist Party revolts of the 1950s
Puerto Rican Independence Party
Grito de Lares
Intentona de Yauco
Articles related to Politics of Puerto Rico
Elections in Puerto Rico
List of political parties in Puerto Rico
Politics of Puerto Rico
Further reading
La mordaza: Puerto Rico, 1948-1957; By: Ivonne Acosta; Publisher: Editorial Edil (1987); ;
Puerto Rico Under Colonial Rule: Political Persecution And The Quest For Human Rights; By: Ramon Bosque-Perez (Editor) and Jose Javier Colon Morera (Editor); Publisher: State Univ of New York Pr; ;
The Puerto Rican Movement: Voices from the Diaspora (Puerto Rican Studies); By: Andres Torres; Publisher: Temple University Press; ;
Notes and References
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Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance 9780472074273, 9780472054275, 9780472126071
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Translocas focuses on drag and transgender performance and activism in Puerto Rico and its diaspora. Arguing for its pol...
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Citation preview
Tr a nsl o c as
TRIANGULATIONS Lesbian/Gay/Queer ▲ Theater/Drama/Performance Series Editors Jill Dolan, Princeton University David Román, University of Southern California Associate Editors Ramón H. Rivera-Servera, University of Texas Austin Sara Warner, Cornell University recent titles in the series: Queer Nightlife
Edited by Kemi Adeyemi, Kareem Khubchandani, and Ramón H. Rivera-Servera
Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance by Lawrence La Fountain-Stokes Prismatic Performances: Queer South Africa and the Fragmentation of the Rainbow Nation by April Sizemore-Barber Ishtyle: Accenting Gay Indian Nightlife by Kareem Khubchandani The Bodies of Others: Drag Dances and Their Afterlives by Selby Wynn Schwartz Charles Ludlam Lives! Charles Busch, Bradford Louryk, Taylor Mac, and the Queer Legacy of the Ridiculous Theatrical Company by Sean F. Edgecomb Memories of the Revolution: The First Ten Years of the WOW Café Theater edited by Holly Hughes, Carmelita Tropicana, and Jill Dolan Murder Most Queer: The Homicidal Homosexual in the American Theater by Jordan Schildcrout Butch Queens Up in Pumps: Gender, Performance, and Ballroom Culture in Detroit by Marlon M. Bailey Acts of Gaiety: LGBT Performance and the Politics of Pleasure
by Sara Warner
Performing Queer Latinidad: Dance, Sexuality, Politics by Ramón H. Rivera-Servera A Menopausal Gentleman: The Solo Performances of Peggy Shaw edited by Jill Dolan Lady Dicks and Lesbian Brothers: Staging the Unimaginable at the WOW Café Theatre by Kate Davy Bulldaggers, Pansies, and Chocolate Babies: Performance, Race, and Sexuality in the Harlem Renaissance by James F. Wilson Queering Mestizaje: Transculturation and Performance by Alicia Arrizón
Transl o cas The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance Lawrence La Fountain-Stokes
Uni ve rsi t y of Michigan Press Ann Arbor
Copyright © 2021 by Lawrence La Fountain-Stokes All rights reserved This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher. Published in the United States of America by the University of Michigan Press Manufactured in the United States of America Printed on acid-free paper First published April 2021 Names: La Fountain-Stokes, Lawrence Martin, 1968– author. Title: Translocas : the politics of Puerto Rican drag and trans performance / Lawrence La Fountain-Stokes. Description: Ann Arbor : University of Michigan Press, 2021. | Series: Triangulations: lesbian/gay/queer/theater/drama/performance | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020053142 (print) | LCCN 2020053143 (ebook) | ISBN 9780472074273 (hardcover) | ISBN 9780472054275 (paperback) | ISBN 9780472126071 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Cross-dressers—Puerto Rico. | Female impersonators— Puerto Rico. | Transgender people—Puerto Rico. | Hispanic Americans— Social conditions. | Gender expression—Puerto Rico. Classification: LCC HQ77.2.U6 L3 2021 (print) | LCC HQ77.2.U6 (ebook) | DDC 306.76/8097295—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020053142 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020053143
Pero sí contra vosotros, maricas de las ciudades, de carne tumefacta y pensamiento inmundo, madres de lodo, arpías, enemigos sin sueño del Amor que reparte coronas de alegría. Contra vosotros siempre, que dais a los muchachos gotas de sucia muerte con amargo veneno. Contra vosotros siempre, Faeries de Norteamérica, Pájaros de La Habana, Jotos de México, Sarasas de Cádiz, Apios de Sevilla, Cancos de Madrid, Floras de Alicante, Adelaidas de Portugal. ¡Maricas de todo el mundo, asesinos de palomas! Esclavos de la mujer, perras de sus tocadores, abiertos en las plazas con fiebre de abanico o emboscados en yertos paisajes de cicuta. Federico García Lorca, “Oda a Walt Whitman” (1930) Poeta en Nueva York
Contents
Acknowledgmentsix
Introduction1 one. Theorizing la Loca: Feminist and Queer Debates
28
two. Transloca Epistemologies: Nina Flowers, Jorge Steven López Mercado, and Kevin Fret
45
three. Diasporic Welfare Queens and the Transloca Drag of Poverty
70
four. Freddie Mercado and the Ultrabaroque Drag of Rasanblaj
102
five. Javier Cardona and the Transloca Drag of Race
135
six. Bolero, Translocation, Performance: Jorge B. Merced and the Pregones Theater of the Bronx
163
seven. Adoring Lady Catiria, Knowing Barbra Herr
196
Epilogue228 Notes233 Works Cited
259
Index323 Digital materials related to this title can be found on the Fulcrum platform via the following citable URL: https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.11314788
Acknowledgments
There are many people and institutions to thank for the completion of this project. I first got my feet wet in what was for me the new field of performance studies thanks to Diana Taylor and to the participants of the Hemispheric Institute of Performance and Politics’ Encuentro held at UNIRIO, the Federal University of the State of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 2000. I went on to use the word translocas and to write a paper about Puerto Rican drag performance during my fellowship year in the seminar on performance led by Carolyn Williams and Elin Diamond at the Center for the Critical Analysis of Contemporary Culture (CCACC), now known as the Center for Cultural Analysis at Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, New Brunswick, in 2002. I wish to thank my former Rutgers colleagues Ben. Sifuentes-Jáuregui, Yolanda Martínez-San Miguel, Camilla Stevens, and César Braga-Pinto for their unwavering support. I also benefited from the intellectual stimulation and collegiality of the Global Ethnic Literatures Seminar led by Tobin Siebers at the University of Michigan in 2004 and from a 2006 Woodrow Wilson Career Enhancement Fellowship. My first scholarly publication from this project appeared in Spanish in 2005. I thank Alberto Sandoval-Sánchez and Frances R. Aparicio for the encouragement to write about Jorge B. Merced for their special issue of Revista Iberoamericana on Latinx literature and culture, and for their support over the years. I also wish to thank Susan Stryker, Paisley Currah, and Lisa Jean Moore for publishing an English-language version of my essay in their special issue of WSQ: Women’s Studies Quarterly on “Trans-” in 2008. Subsequently, Jill Lane had me submit my article “Translocas: Migration, Homosexuality, and Transvestism in Recent Puerto Rican Performance” to the peer-reviewed, multilingual electronic journal emisférica, where it appeared in 2011 in English, Spanish, and Portuguese with the translation assistance of Pablo Assumpção Barros Costa, while Marcial Godoy
x Acknowledgments
encouraged me to submit a preliminary version of my work on Freddie Mercado for emisférica’s special issue on Caribbean rasanblaj, edited by Gina Athena Ulysse in 2015. ¡Gracias Jill! ¡Gracias Marcial! Before realizing this would be a book, and before I was even using the word “transloca,” I started publishing performance and theater reviews about some of the artists featured in Translocas in the Puerto Rican weekly newspaper Claridad in 1996, and have never stopped. I reprinted many of these early pieces in my more recent volume Escenas transcaribeñas: Ensayos sobre teatro, performance y cultura (2018), published by Isla Negra Editores in Puerto Rico, notwithstanding the challenges of Hurricanes Irma and María. I wish to thank Rafah Acevedo, Lowell Fiet, Alida Millán Ferrer, and Carlos Roberto Gómez Beras for their support. I also thank all of the readers in Puerto Rico and the diaspora who have encouraged me to write about our national culture. The Center for Puerto Rican Studies at Hunter College, CUNY, has also been crucial in this respect; special thanks to Xavier Totti, editor of CENTRO Journal, for more than ten years of collaborations. Additional research for this book was conducted at the University of Michigan Library (Special Collections Research Center). At the University of Michigan Press, I am particularly thankful to LeAnn Fields for her friendship, professional encouragement, and support, and to Anna Pohlod and Melissa Scholke for their editorial assistance. I have presented numerous versions of these chapters at colleges, universities, and international professional conferences. I particularly wish to thank Marisa Belausteguigoitia, Lucía Melgar, Stephany Slaughter, and Hortensia Moreno for the positive reception I received at the Programa Universitario de Estudios de Género at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México and for publishing my work in the unfortunately short-lived, no longer available electronic journal Revista Re-d: Arte, cultura visual y género and in the anthology Representación y fronteras: El performance en los límites del género, both in 2009. I also wish to thank Diego Falconí Trávez, Santiago Castellanos, and María Amelia Viteri, who published “Epistemología de la loca: Localizando a la transloca en la transdiáspora” in their anthology Resentir lo queer en América Latina: Diálogos desde/con el Sur, which appeared with Editorial Egales in Spain in 2014, and for their warm reception during my trips to Ecuador and Catalonia. More recently, I benefited from the welcome of Grace Dávila at Pomona College, where I spoke about Kevin Fret, and of Mabel Cuesta (University of Houston) and of Jorge L. Chinea and the staff of the Center for Latino/a and Latin American Studies at Wayne State University, who invited me
Acknowledgments xi
to speak about Javier Cardona. These are but some of the many generous interlocutors and invitations I have had for this project over the last seventeen years, which have also included Erika Almenara and Rachel ten Haaf (University of Arkansas); Arlene Dávila and María Josefina Saldaña Portillo (New York University); Theresa Delgadillo (while at the Ohio State University); Walfrido Dorta (Susquehanna University); Lowell Fiet and Rosa Luisa Márquez (Universidad de Puerto Rico, Río Piedras); Claire F. Fox and Darrel Wanzer-Serrano (while at the University of Iowa); Paola S. Hernández (University of Wisconsin); Guillermo Irizarry and Jacqueline Loss (University of Connecticut); Anne Lambright (while at Trinity College); Greggor Mattson (Oberlin College); Maylei Blackwell and Uri McMillan (UCLA); Danny Méndez and Sheila Contreras (Michigan State University); Mabel Moraña and Ignacio M. Sánchez Prado (Washington University in St. Louis); John Nieto-Phillips (Indiana University, Bloomington); Donald E. Pease and Israel Reyes (Dartmouth College); Ramón H. Rivera-Servera (while at Northwestern University); Radost Rangelova (Gettysburg College); Lissette Rolón Collazo and Beatriz Llenín Figueroa (Universidad de Puerto Rico, Mayagüez); Sandra Ruiz and Dara E. Goldman (University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign); and Lillian Manzor and Gema Pérez Sánchez (University of Miami), among many others. I also appreciate the support and friendship of Francheska Alers-Rojas, Jossianna Arroyo, Manuel Avilés-Santiago, Ruth Behar, William Calvo-Quirós, Luis Carle, David Caron, Iván Chaar-López, María Eugenia Cotera, Clare Croft, Arnaldo Cruz-Malavé, Beth Currans, Dama Estrada, Marc Felion, Fausto Fernós, Licia Fiol-Matta, Francisco J. Galarte, Juan G. Gelpí, Anita González, Laura G. Gutiérrez, Jarrod Hayes, Jesse Hoffnung-Garskof, Holly Hughes, E. Patrick Johnson, Betina Kaplan, Petra Kuppers, Sophie Large, Javier E. Laureano, Lourdes Martínez-Echazábal, Nancy Raquel Mirabal, Jonathan Montalvo, Anthony P. Mora, Esther Newton, Urayoán Noel, Marcia Ochoa, Ricardo L. Ortíz, Andrea Parra, Mario Pecheny, Silvia Pedraza, Antonio Prieto Stambaugh, Joseph M. Pierce, José Quiroga, Yeidy M. Rivero, Víctor Hugo Robles, Juana María Rodríguez, Rafael Rosario, Rubén Ríos Ávila, Margarita Saona, Horacio Sívori, Deborah R. Vargas, Charlie Vázquez, Salvador Vidal-Ortiz, and Magdalena Zaborowska. Muchas gracias a todes ustedes and my profuse apologies to all the persons I have neglected to mention by name. I have enormous debts of gratitude to my colleagues and to the graduate and undergraduate students and staff at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, in the Departments of American Culture, Romance Languages and
xii Acknowledgments
Literatures, and Women’s and Gender Studies and in the Latina/o Studies Program, and to all of the institutions and additional individuals and friends who have contributed to this research, whom I look forward to thanking individually. I especially want to thank the College of Literature, Science, and the Arts at the University of Michigan for granting me Associate Professor Support Funds and a Michigan Humanities Award, as well as the National Center for Institutional Diversity for a Think-Act Tank Grant for our Queer/Cuir Américas Work Group. Thank you to Kerry White for reading this manuscript during the COVID-19 quarantine, and to Gregory E. Dowd, Enrique García Santo-Tomás, Alejandro Herrero-Olaizola, Cristina Moreiras-Menor, and Alexandra Minna Stern for reading earlier drafts. Perhaps my biggest debt is to the drag, trans, and otherwise queer or cuir Puerto Rican artists, filmmakers, activists, and writers who so generously have helped me in many occasions, and who have given all of us the gift of their work. Thank you.
Introduction
Translocas piss people off, but sometimes they also make us laugh and even cry. They (or should I be saying we, us Puerto Rican and Caribbean translocas) are upsetting and exhilarating but also dreadful, redundant, and passé. Hilarious but simultaneously boring. Gorgeous except when absolutely hideous or simply plain. Political except when we are not. Alive except when we are dead: assassinated, like the homeless trans woman Alexa Neulisa Luciano Ruiz in 2020 or the young Puerto Rican trap singer Kevin Fret in 2019, or burned and dismembered like the adolescent Jorge Steven López Mercado in 2009, or lost to AIDS like Lady Catiria in 1999, or swept up by the winds of a hurricane and left to die by the side of the road. Stuck in the past with fake Lee Press-On Nails and clichéd jokes, boomeranging audiences into the future, snapping the present out of its complacency, challenging its teleological insistence on narratives of progress, modernity, and integration. Puerto Rican, Latinx, and Caribbean translocas (whether gay or straight, transgender or cisgender, dead or alive, male or female or simply fabulous) shatter molds in different colonial languages and geographies, but especially in the multiple transatlantic and trans-Caribbean crossings between English and Spanish, dragging our bilingual cultural legacies like bright flowers or exotic birds in the tropics or as carcasses at the slaughterhouse, highlighting and subverting the negative connotations of the term “travesty” (a false, absurd, or distorted representation) embedded at the heart of the word “transvestism,” at least in its Spanish variant of travestismo.1 Disreputable, cross-dressing, effeminate, and transgender translocas transubstantiate, vomit, and sometimes even clean ourselves up, engaging with abjection as much as glamour.2 We are dirty and messy, undesirable and offensive, except when we are bright and shiny like jewels or so nondescript or dainty that we make others and ourselves fall asleep. Translo-
2 translocas
cas, whether insane women, effeminate homosexuals, drag performers, or transgender subjects, are way too many things in an ever-expanding transgeographic rhizomatic map that inhabits and pushes out from the tropics and engulfs other spaces and locales. We are central and unacknowledged parts of the Caribbean and its diaspora, as the Puerto Rican writer Mayra Santos-Febres (2005, 2013) has noted, in a context in which transvestism can be a strategy of survival.3 We are also nothing, like queers, like Puerto Rico, like dead or dismembered bodies, like wilted flowers, like me. For effeminate locas, like “sissies,” “nellies,” “fairies,” “faggots,” “pansies,” “queens,” and “queers” in English and bichas (or bixas) and veados and travestis in Brazilian Portuguese and folles in French and massisi in Haitian Kreyòl and batty bwoys and battymen and buller men in Jamaican Patois and West Indian English and maricas and maricones and mariquitas and mariposas and muxes and patos and pájaros and putos and vestidas in a variety of dialects of Spanish, seem to wreak havoc just by existing, but other times simply irritate, upset, and bore.4 We are like the maricas, faeries, pájaros, jotos, sarasas, apios, cancos, floras, and adelaidas that the murdered Spanish poet Federico García Lorca invoked and condemned in his renowned “Oda a Walt Whitman” (“Ode to Walt Whitman”) of 1930, where Lorca hyperbolically accused those of our kind of having “pensamiento inmundo” (filthy thoughts) and of being “murderers of doves! / Slaves of women, bitches of their dressing tables,” contrasted to the masculine camaraderie and rugged bearded persona embodied by the canonical nineteenth-century American poet Walt Whitman: a more palatable, gender-conforming, homosexual role model.5 Transloca disruption, geographically specific but also diasporically promiscuous, happens particularly when we don a wig, makeup, breast forms, hip and buttock pads, feminine clothes, jewelry, and high heels, or when we transform our bodies and have gender reassignment surgeries or other cosmetic procedures that change our appearance and bring forth new identities, especially when we throw ourselves onto the street, on a stage, on a movie screen or television or computer or typewritten page or into cyberspace. But it can also happen as part of casual, everyday life, simply by feigning a limp wrist, applying some lip gloss, sparkling a cheek with glitter, or speaking and singing in falsetto or in an affected way. Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance is precisely about this discomfort, about the shock we create or the banal acceptance we receive: the politics of transformation, whether as an art
Introduction 3
form, a cultural representation, an embodied personal experience, or a social movement for the recognition of our basic human rights. In spite of being the object of frequent hatred and antipathy, translocas survive and carry on; we perform our lives and enjoy the performances and company of others. At times a career, an arts practice, a survival strategy, or part of the expression of a gay, queer/cuir, nonbinary, or transgender identity, the Puerto Rican loca, drag, and trans theatrical, film, literary, activist, and cabaret/nightclub performances that I am invoking with the neologism “transloca” do myriad things. Transloca performances are quite similar to but also unlike the effeminate embodiments and drag and trans performances of other groups, ethnicities, and nationalities across the globe: some absolutely shocking, other times surprisingly nondescript, as scholars such as Esther Newton ([1972] 1979), Marjorie Garber (1992), and Laurence Selenick (2000) have discussed, but here refracted through a Caribbean or “Caribglobal” lens, to use the term Rosamond S. King (2014, 1–7) has proposed in her book Island Bodies: Transgressive Sexualities in the Caribbean Imagination, highlighting local specificities in a global context. Translocas echo the stigma and anxiety clearly expressed by Lorca and maintain the potentially dangerous edge of the word loca in Spanish, what the Argentine poet and scholar Néstor Perlongher called “loca sex” (2019, 19–25), identified by the Chilean activists and performers Pedro Lemebel and Víctor Hugo Robles as the loca’s rupture, questioning, and destabilization of dominant norms: the oblique look that challenges hegemonic conventions (Robles 2015, 274); a practice that at times violates the law and social and religious orthodoxies and that has been met with violence and even death. Translocas also partake of what the queer Brazilian artist Hélio Oiticica called “tropicamp,” a term inspired by the Puerto Rican drag performer Mario Montez’s Caribbean-inflected (tropical, Latin American) camp performance: a culturally specific, decidedly not Anglo-American queer sensibility and practice that invokes a different universe of significations marked by glamour, humor, and Latin American referents.6 Translocas are also “signifying queens,” as the Cuban American scholar Oscar Montero (1998) has called Latinx queer subjects who wreak havoc and turn things upside down. This paradoxical tension between irrelevance and danger leads to simultaneous dismissal and overinvestment: swept aside because of our supposed frivolity yet simultaneously demonized as horrendous threats. Contradictions, or rather paradoxes, rule this book. While transloca
4 translocas
performances (principally, acts of transformismo) are typically understood as lighthearted, inconsequential, and humorous performative gender practices, frequently those of effeminate cisgendered gay or queer/ cuir men who at times dress or perform as women or in a feminine way, referred to in Puerto Rico as transformistas, travestis, and dragas, appearing on mainstream television and theatrical stages practically every day, these embodiments can also be those of transgender or gender-nonconforming individuals and of cisgendered women dressing in theatrical hyperfeminine attire (what Laura G. Gutiérrez [2010, 118] refers to as “same-sex masquerade and gender parody”), or who dress in a masculine way, and are occasionally seen as highly charged, biased, or controversial representations (threatening, misogynistic, illegal, immoral, confusing, debased).7 At the simplest level, transloca performance frequently challenges hetero-, homo-, and transnormative gender narratives, particularly when we question expectations and social conventions about masculinity and femininity, although we are simultaneously at risk of reinscribing hegemonic models of gender and sexuality and of assimilating into neoliberal models of consumption and commercialization (Berlant 1997; Duggan 2003; Lopes 2002, 102–3; Puar 2007; Snorton and Haritaworn 2013; Vaid 1995), for example through the uncritical participation in or reception of cultural products such as the television reality competition RuPaul’s Drag Race, a major space for Puerto Rican drag and trans representation.8 At the same time, as Latin American, Caribbean, and diasporic, colonial, queer-and trans-of-color subjects, Puerto Rican translocas also negotiate local, regional, national, and transnational specificities, marked by particular histories and contexts similar to the ones explored in the rich Latin American scholarship on this topic, for example in Jean Franco’s (1999) and Nelly Richard’s articulation of a politics of difference in the performances of Francisco Casas and Pedro Lemebel, also known as the Yeguas del Apocalipsis (Mares of the Apocalypse) in Chile, or in Denilson Lopes’s (2002), Ben. Sifuentes-Jáuregui’s (2002), Héctor Domínguez Ruvalcaba’s (2007), Laura G. Gutiérrez’s (2010), Vek Lewis’s (2010), Giuseppe Campuzano’s (2008, 2013), Miguel A. López and Fernanda Nogueira’s (2013), and Antonio Prieto Stambaugh’s (2000, 2014, 2019) nuanced discussions of the cultural representation of Latin American transvestism over many decades, but also highlighting questions of race, particularly of Blackness and of African descent.9 In its specificity and particularity, transloca performance partakes of the ser marica (being or becoming faggot) and of the inflexión marica
Introduction 5
(faggot inflection) that Paco Vidarte ([2007] 2010) and Diego Falconí Trávez (2018) propose as a radical challenge to the imperialist reach of the Anglo-American category of “gay,” similar to how Marlene Wayar (2019) and others posit travesti (and not transgénero, or transgender) as a vernacular Latin American category and critical framework, or as Wayar proposes, following D. W. Winnicott, “una teoría lo suficientemente buena” (a good-enough theory).10 In this sense, translocas are more cuir than queer, if we understand cuir as a variant spelling of “queer” in Spanish that emerged as a way to mark a distance from the English language and from global North activist and theoretical frameworks; similarly, translocas are more travesti than transgender, following the usage of the term travesti in Latin America.11 Drag and trans performance matters to the nation and to our conceptions of Puerto Ricanness and Latinidad. In his landmark book Performance in America: Contemporary U.S. Culture and the Performing Arts (2005), the queer Latino scholar David Román highlights the centrality of drag and of other types of performance in US national debates and conceptualizations. Through varied examples, Román demonstrates the multiple ways the performing arts grapple with complex social issues that affect Americans and allow for myriad subject positions and community stances. Similarly, in his book Performing Queer Latinidad, the queer Puerto Rican scholar Ramón H. Rivera-Servera illustrates how “performance played a critical role in the development of Latina/o public culture in the United States at the dusk of the twentieth and the dawn of the twenty-first centuries” (2012, 6), a gesture that builds on, expands, and dialogues with José Esteban Muñoz’s (1999, 2009, 2020) and Juana María Rodríguez’s (2003, 2014) key insights on queer-and trans-of-color performance and identity. Muñoz in particular was interested in drag performance as a space for the contestation of racism and nationalism, as in the work of the Chicana / African American artist Vaginal Davis (1999, 93–115), and for challenging ethnic and sexist chauvinism, as in the Cuban American Carmelita Tropicana’s (Alina Troyano’s) drag king impersonation of the suave bus driver and ladies’ man Pingalito Betancourt (1999, 128–35). Meanwhile, Rodríguez highlights the ways individuals are obliged to perform in certain ways for the state (for example, during asylum proceedings) or online (2003), and how artists such as the Chicana Xandra Ibarra (La Chica Boom) radically challenge conventions through their performance (2014, 148–51). Following these scholars’ leads, I argue that Puerto Rican transloca
6 translocas
practices and drag and transgender performances and representations, whether on the page, stage, street, or screen, are key to understanding translocal Puerto Rican, American, Latin American, and Caribbean national imaginaries and social processes, for example, by serving as a mechanism for historical memory and for intergenerational transmission of knowledge, as when a transloca or drag performer embodies a historical figure from the past, what David Román refers to as “archival drag” (2005, 137–78).12 Yet, as I suggested earlier through my inclusion of violent, perhaps unsettling and abject, references, the translocas I focus on also move complexly between the acknowledgment of, critical engagement with, or experience of violence, bodily decay, death, and lack of futurity (the lack of a positive envisioning of the future to come, a critical position that I do not necessarily subscribe to), counterpoised by a more utopian bent, mediated through camp humor, a political engagement with abjection as a strategy of empowerment, and an explicit acknowledgment of Puerto Rican coloniality through a queer-and trans-of-color and queer and trans diasporic lens.13 Similarly, if we take the queer (or Latin American variant cuir) and trans disruptions of marica and travesti seriously, transloca performance must be understood as a political practice that challenges the status quo. Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance is an effort to apprehend this multiplicity through the exploration of very specific artistic practices (some better known, others less) in the context of translocal Puerto Rican culture, understood as one marked by colonial politics, geographical displacements, and translation. This book entails the documentation and analysis of the lives and work of a select group of cisgender and transgender artists and activists to show the very different uses they make of drag or trans performance and cultural or activist representation in Puerto Rico and in the United States. It is also about the reception of this work and its multiple meanings for diverse audiences, as well as the crónica, testimonio, or auto-ethnographic reflection of a self- identified Puerto Rican transloca (a queer man, myself) who is a fan of transloca performance and who has performed in drag for over a decade. As it happens, while I was conducting this research, I was invited by the Puerto Rican drag performer, performance artist, and podcaster Fausto Fernós to appear with him and his husband Marc Felion in Cooking with Drag Queens, a user-generated drag queen cooking show filmed in Chicago and circulated on YouTube.14 While I had painted my fingernails black and blue as an undergraduate and even worn a plaid skirt on
Introduction 7
occasion, I had never really dressed in drag before, except perhaps (rather unremarkably) for a Halloween drag ball at Harvard College. The fact that I ended up performing as Lola von Miramar (my drag persona) as I wrote about drag as a recently tenured professor at the University of Michigan is not that unusual: numerous researchers, including Esther Newton (1972), Jack Halberstam (1998, 231–66), and Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor (2003) also describe being integrated into the drag performances they were writing about, a reflection of the highly participatory nature of this art form and of its embrace of amateur practitioners; the diasporic South Asian scholar Kareem Khubchandani (2015), also known as LaWhore Vagistan, is an example of a drag queen whose performance practice is directly tied to their research and pedagogy on diasporic queer nightlife. Other scholars such as the Peruvian Giancarlo Cornejo (2019) describe a rather different case: being invited to dress in feminine clothes and accompany a female trans sex worker, or travesti, to a site of street prostitution in Lima, where a near run-in with the police created enormous tension and put the young ethnographer’s life at risk. My drag practice has entailed similar scares, as I describe below. Practicing drag as an art form allows for a different, more nuanced appreciation, an embodied experience that can complement, expand, or transform perceptions and understandings, as I discuss in chapter 6 in relation to Jorge B. Merced. While it can make the research process more fun, it creates its own challenges, particularly given the stigma attached to drag performance in certain professional contexts, the potential transphobic violence one is exposed to, and the ways it can lead practitioners (or audiences) to question a subject’s sexual and gender identity. I have experienced these advantages and disadvantages personally, which has made the experience of appearing as Lola von Miramar enjoyable but also at times challenging. It is precisely this tension, between joy and fear, elation and violence, that is at the heart of transloca performance and of transloca lives. Translocations, Displacements, Disciplinary Fields What do transloca performances, entailing loca subjectivities, drag and trans embodiments, and varied multimedia, theatrical, and literary representations, mean in Caribbean and diasporic Puerto Rican and Latinx contexts at a moment of profound social and economic crisis, increased
8 translocas
migration, transgender hypervisibility, quickly shifting public perceptions, intensified media coverage, and legal reforms?15 How do Spanish- language and Spanglish, Latin American, Hispanic Caribbean, and Latinx vernacular categories such as loca, draga, travesti, transformista, and vestida and neologisms such as transloca, translatina, and cuir relate to broader conceptualizations of gay, queer, drag, and transgender practices and identities in English, Spanish, and other languages such as Portuguese and French? How are all of these terms translated, if this is even possible?16 What are the limits and potentialities of cultural and linguistic translation? And how do artists, activists, and scholars fail or succeed?17 Furthermore, how do these transloca conceptualizations fit in, challenge, or dialogue with the longer tradition of scholarship on nonnormative gender identities and drag and trans performance by pioneering researchers in LGBTQ, queer of color, queer migration, queer diaspora, and Latin American and Caribbean cuir studies and with new disciplinary knowledge in the quickly expanding field of transgender studies, marked by anthologies such as the two-volume Transgender Studies Reader published in 2006 and 2013 and by innovative peer-reviewed journals such as TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly, established in 2014?18 And how do Puerto Rican, Nuyorican, Diasporican, and AmeRícan artists, activists, artivists, and scholars reenvision the meanings and uses of stigmatized categories such as loca, the practices of drag, and the multiplicities of “trans” as a prefix and as a noun, be it regarding the transgender, transsexual, transnational, translational, translocal, transglobal, or transglocal, a neologism that bridges the transnational, the global, and the local?19 In this book, I focus on an idiosyncratic group of Puerto Rican artists, activists, and performers who have been active since the 1960s, particularly Sylvia Rivera, Nina Flowers, Freddie Mercado, Javier Cardona, Jorge B. Merced, Erika Lopez, Holly Woodlawn, Monica Beverly Hillz, Lady Catiria, and Barbra Herr. I engage their lives and work through the lens of transloca performance in order to show how they destabilize or, to the contrary, reify dominant notions of gender, sexuality, and race, while also engaging issues of class, national identity, migratory displacement, and social justice. I also discuss a small number of transloca literary representations, including a short story by Manuel Ramos Otero; documentary films such as Paris Is Burning (1990), The Salt Mines (1990), La aguja / The Needle (2012), and Mala Mala (2014); and the murders of Jorge Steven López Mercado in 2009 and of Kevin Fret in 2019. My scholarship is enriched and in dialogue with the valuable analysis of other key
Introduction 9
Puerto Rican translocas such as the flamboyant astrologer and television personality Walter Mercado (Barradas 2016; Colón-Zayas 2012; Hedrick 2013; Taylor 2003), greatly celebrated for his style, baroque excess, and discourse of love and inclusion, who has been described as an “extravagant Puerto Rican astrologer, psychic, and gender nonconforming legend” and as a “gay Latinx icon” (Dry 2020), but also criticized for his conservative, pro-US statehood (pro-annexation) political views, for abusing his white privilege, and for his solidarity and friendship with right-wing anti- Castro Cubans in Miami and San Juan such as Julito Labatut, who has been linked to extreme acts of violence; the astrologer is the subject of a major Netflix documentary, Mucho Mucho Amor: The Legend of Walter Mercado (Costantini and Tabsch 2020), which points, precisely, to the complex negotiations required to succeed (and survive) as an effeminate Puerto Rican entertainer, and to the ways in which a transloca performer uses costume, makeup, hairstyle, jewelry, movement, voice, and persona to create an intense relationship with audiences, who feel utterly transformed by their embrace of the artist and strive to touch him in the flesh. I also refer to the leading cabaret and theatrical drag performer Antonio Pantojas, whose work has been discussed by scholars such as Félix Jiménez (2004), Javier E. Laureano (2007, 2016), and Carlos Manuel Rivera (2014) and who served as a mentor and inspiration to contemporary performers such as Barbra Herr.20 Pantojas is a particularly interesting case as a committed leftist travesti who suffered homophobic exclusions from the pro-independence movement (Rodríguez Martinó 1990) and who eventually stopped performing in drag due to his frustration with his limited employment opportunities (Del Valle 1995). This book is not a thorough or comprehensive history of Puerto Rican queer male effeminacy or of drag and trans performance, but rather a theorization based on historical events and on the works of very specific individuals who shed light on a broader phenomenon. These particular artists’ and activists’ lives and cultural productions allow me to reflect critically on the uses of nonhegemonic, antihomonormative, and antitransnormative queerness and of drag and trans performance for varied personal, communitarian, aesthetic, political, cultural, educational, pedagogical, and social purposes. My selection of artists, activists, and representations has to do with my own experiences meeting specific individuals and attending their performances or interacting with available documentation, be it recordings, films, works of literature, or television programs, an ephemeral and fragile archive (a “living archive of desire”) of queer and
10 translocas
trans Puerto Ricanness and Latinidad (Roque Ramírez 2005, 2008); the specificities of their work; and my interest in challenging universalizing discourses that see English-language terms such as “gay” and “queer” and even “trans” as generalizable symbols of progress and modernity, eclipsing local, vernacular conceptions.21 It also has to do with my desire to present loca and “transloca” and other terms such as marica, travesti, and cuir as unstable and dangerous categories of meaning or as optics, epistemologies, or types of praxis that can challenge and hopefully not reinscribe myriad orthodoxies and essentialisms. I bring together Puerto Rican drag and trans femininities and, on occasion, masculinities under the term “translocas” and, in some cases, transmachos and transmachas, extremely aware of how drag and trans performance are overlapping yet distinct cultural formations that should not be simply conflated. I am particularly interested in loca, drag, trans, and for that matter, transformista and travesti as temporally marked concepts that reflect particular historical moments. I am also interested in the terms’ complex relationship and contiguity, for example, how a leading figure such as the New York Intralatina Puerto Rican / Venezuelan Stonewall pioneer and community activist Sylvia Rivera self-identified early in her life as a “drag queen,” “street queen,” and “street transvestite” (indexing her homelessness and poverty), particularly in the 1960s and early 1970s, and came to self-identify as a trans woman by the late 1990s and early 2000s, shortly before her death.22 While not a traditional artist, Rivera’s political performances as a highly visible trans activist of color fully inform this book; Rivera is a STAR (a street transvestite action revolutionary), as in the name of the organization that she coestablished in 1970 with her friend and coconspirator, the African American Marsha P. Johnson, a light in the firmament that has led my way.23 Originally perceived as an alcohol- and drug-consuming, homeless rabble-rouser and firebrand, Rivera has come to be recognized as a national symbol in the United States, becoming the first transgender person featured at the Smithsonian National Portrait Gallery in Washington, DC, where she appears in a photo by the gay Puerto Rican photographer Luis Carle with two additional trans women: Rivera’s partner Julia Murray and the Puerto Rican Stonewall veteran Cristina Hayworth, who originated the first LGBTQ march in San Juan in 1991 (see figure 1).24 Sylvia Rivera’s movement between “drag queen,” “street queen,” “transvestite,” and “trans” anticipates that of other performers I discuss, such as Holly Woodlawn and Barbra Herr. It also reflects how someone might
Fig. 1. Cristina Hayworth, Sylvia Rivera, and Julia Murray in New York City. Photo by Luis Carle, 2000.
12 translocas
have initially presented as a drag queen in RuPaul’s Drag Race, such as the Puerto Rican Peruvian American Carmen Carrera in 2012, or as Monica Beverly Hillz did in 2013, only to eventually disclose a different self-identification as a trans woman.25 The contiguities and confusions of drag and trans that I negotiate through the category of transloca performance are historically grounded, socially constructed, and theoretically productive and should not be simply dismissed; it is impossible to discuss drag performance without acknowledging the centrality of trans experience to this art form.26 It is also important to acknowledge how some Puerto Rican cisgender or gender-nonconforming women, for example the San Francisco–based Erika Lopez and Marga Gomez (who is Cuban Puerto Rican), have occasionally embraced female drag, that is to say, the campy, exaggerated, theatrical representation of femininity, as a strategy of empowerment, not to mention the phenomenon of “drag kings,” which I do not discuss at length in this book, making our conceptualization even more complex.27 Parsing Prefixes, Scrutinizing Words There is a fundamental link between sexual and gender enactments, spatial location or geography, and queer migrations and diasporas.28 In this context, the “trans-” in transgender, transvestite, transformista, and transsexual can be productively linked to the “trans-” in translocal, transglocal, and transnational, following Meg Wesling’s (2002) provocation in relation to the drag queens portrayed in the Cuban documentary Mariposas en el andamio (Butterflies on the Scaffold), directed by Margaret Gilpin and Luis Felipe Bernaza (1996), an earnest, low-budget, yet very engaging film that proposes the revolutionary potential of openly gay, working-class drag performers in Havana—what we could call “Communist Caribbean locas”—showcasing their everyday integration into social and cultural practices of the Cuban Revolution.29 This film led Wesling to ask, “Is the ‘trans’ in transsexual the same as the ‘trans’ in transnational?”—a question that she reformulated in her essay “Why Queer Diaspora?” (2008).30 More recently, modernist scholar Jessica Berman (2017) has also explored this question in greater detail in her essay “Is the Trans in Transnational the Trans in Transgender?,” focusing on Virginia Woolf ’s Orlando, on the case of the Danish transsexual Lili Elbe, on US passports, on feminist science fiction, and on diasporic Indian literature, among other examples, while
Introduction 13
the trans scholar C. Riley Snorton has demonstrated how “the ‘trans-’ in ‘transatlantic’ is not only about movements across space but also about movements across time and being, and concomitantly about movements across blackness,” particularly “the degree to which the ‘trans-’ in transatlantic literature bears a resemblance to the ‘trans-’ that modifies conceptions of gender,” as seen in his analysis of Three Negro Classics by Booker T. Washington, W. E. B. Du Bois, and James Weldon Johnson (2017, 107).31 Translocas: The Politics of Puerto Rican Drag and Trans Performance works through the spirit of these questions, at times directly, at others more obliquely, in the multiple and constantly shifting, variable iterations of trans vocabularies and displacements, particularly by joining the prefix “trans-” (across, beyond, through) to the vernacular Spanish-language sociolinguistic category of loca as a political gesture that marks multiplicity and complexity, a move that is similar to and in dialogue with the multiple (transnational, translational) examples highlighted by the scholars included in the 2016 special issue of TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly titled “Translating Transgender” and in the 2019 special issue “Trans Studies en las Américas,” coedited by Claudia Sofía Garriga-López, Denilson Lopes, Cole Rizki, and Juana María Rodríguez.32 Historically, the prefix “trans-” has enabled multiple key Latin American, Caribbean, and Latinx theoretical terms that account for cultural fusion and negotiations, albeit not necessarily in relation to gender and sexuality. Some of these terms include Fernando Ortiz’s ([1947] 1995) “transculturation,” Juan Flores and George Yúdice’s (1990) “transcreation,” Enrique Dussel’s (2012) “transmodernity,” Laurietz Seda’s (2009, 2018) “trans/actions” and “trans/acting,” and Guillermo Gómez-Peña’s “transculture” (1996, 10–12), a concept that Gómez-Peña is actually critical of, preferring to embrace the notion of the hybrid. In counterpoint, reflections on the prefix are also at the heart of contemporary analyses of gender and sexuality, a privileged site of transgender studies, for example, the thirteen keyword essays on terms beginning with “tran-” or “trans-” in the inaugural issue of TSQ, including my contribution on “Translatinas/os.”33 While “trans-” indicates a type of movement or displacement, loca, the second term that structures the title of this book, stands in its most common etymological sense for “madwoman” in Spanish, but also means “effeminate man” or “queer,” similar to English-language usages such as “pansy,” “nelly,” “fairy,” “Mary,” and “queen” and to other Spanish-language terms such as marica, mariquita, and maricón, which are diminutive and augmentative variations of the proper name María. Loca is a common,
14 translocas
everyday word, used as an insult but also in some very specific contexts as a term of endearment; while potentially disparaging and at times offensive, it also used occasionally as an in-group marker of identity and recognition, and can also be a radical signifier of political consciousness.34 It is also a Puerto Rican folkloric category, alluding not only to every neighborhood’s or town’s effeminate man (la loca del barrio or la loca del pueblo), but also to one of the four characters in one of the archipelago’s most famous religious celebrations, las Fiestas de Santiago Apóstol (the Feast of St. James the Apostle) held annually in Loíza in late July, where the character of la Loca has traditionally been played by ostensibly masculine, heterosexual Afro–Puerto Rican men in blackface who cross-dress for the occasion and aggressively tease passersby, a practice that has expanded over the last several decades, to the chagrin of some, as effeminate gay men and trans women also enact the role.35 The loca is also a character in other Puerto Rican festivities such as the Ponce carnival, held before Lent, as the important folklorist Teodoro Vidal has documented (1982, 2003). “Loca” is also the name of the protagonist of Manuel Ramos Otero’s ([1980] 1992) short story “Loca la de la locura” and of the main character in Ángel Lozada’s (2006) novel No quiero quedarme sola y vacía, a hallucinating narrative in which the protagonist has a relationship with another loca and constantly verges on the precipice of madness.36 Loca is a very particular word, in a context where words matter. And, as the queer Filipino-American anthropologist Martin F. Manalansan IV (2003) incisively demonstrated in his discussions of the transnational, diasporic traveling of queer Tagalog and English-language terms such as bakla, beauty, and diva, words are not necessarily translatable; they acquire new and shifting meanings in their transoceanic crossings and carry a specific universe of queer significations. With the neologism “transloca,” I link the stigmatized category of male homosexuality and effeminate male behavior and, with greater care, female transgender performance, to that of women’s madness or subversion, as well as to geography and space, especially to contemporary discussions of translocality.37 I differ in some ways from the Cuban American scholar Sonia E. Alvarez (2014), who summarized the work of a group of researchers working in translation who also used the term “transloca” in their anthology Translocalities/Translocalidades to self-identify as transnational Latin American and US Latina feminists; as I explain in more detail in chapter 1, my effort is closer to that of the queer Chicano scholar Lionel Cantú Jr., who first proposed its use to the Transnational Feminist Politics of Translation research group with a queer camp feminist inflection.38
Introduction 15
In my conceptualization, translocas and translocura (transmadness, transqueenness, transfaggotry) can be seen as new social formations and identity positions and as a radical (ludic) performance modality, but also as the site of violence, social marginalization, and death. I have used the word “transloca” since 2002 to make sense (or nonsense) and to organize (or disorganize) the rather different and multiplying iterations of Puerto Rican drag, transgender, and loca experience and performance, here and elsewhere, across boundaries and genres and historical timeframes. Numerous artists and activists have used drag and transgender performance to challenge, reconceptualize, and transcend gender roles and sexual identities in the Americas, to present new forms of masculinity and femininity, and to envision non-gender-binary identities and practices. Drag and trans performance has also served as a form of employment. Others have used drag and trans performance as a way to create a crisis of interpretation that confuses and destabilizes expected ideals, and leads to different realms, such as the nature of androgyny; the relationship of the large body and of excess to femininity; the blurring or hypervisibilization of racial distinction; the issue of racial and class prejudice; the role of art and audience participation; and the question of what is human, what is animal or nonanimal, and what is divine. Transnational and Translocal Puerto Rican Contexts The Puerto Rican “transnation,” seen as a sociopolitical and cultural sphere, extends well beyond the geographic confines of the Caribbean— that is to say, beyond the Puerto Rican archipelago, including the island of Puerto Rico and the smaller inhabited island municipalities of Vieques and Culebra—to include the diaspora, where the bulk of the Puerto Rican population currently resides.39 Currently, there are over eight million Puerto Ricans, including more than five million in the diaspora, constituting the second-largest Latinx group in the United States. Historically, Puerto Rican diasporic populations settled mostly in the US Northeast, extending from Boston to Philadelphia, particularly in the metropolitan areas of New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, but also including sites in the Midwest such as northeastern Ohio and the Chicago region, as well as more distant locations such as California and Hawaii. More recently, this diaspora has centered primarily in Florida, especially in the Orlando and Tampa metropolitan regions, with continuing migration to historic sites as well as to Texas, the US Virgin Islands, and the Dominican Repub-
16 translocas
lic.40 This scenario has only been amplified recently as a result of a profound and long-standing economic crisis and of natural catastrophes such as Hurricanes Irma and María in 2017; multiple devastating earthquakes in 2020; and the coronavirus pandemic (Rosa and Robles 2020).41 As Juan Flores, Jorge Duany, and other scholars have shown, the links of continuity between these multiple spaces are numerous, although it is also important to recognize the particularities and differences of each.42 Inversely, as Duany (2002) and Yolanda Martínez-San Miguel (2003) have argued, migration to Puerto Rico from other countries, especially from Cuba and the Dominican Republic, but also from Latin America, the United States, and the French-and English-speaking Caribbean, and reverse or return migration of US Puerto Ricans back to the island have historically made the island itself a multiethnic and, to a limited extent, multilingual and multidialectal society. Thus, when one speaks of Puerto Rican as well as of global culture, it is necessary to account for this translocal condition, that is to say, the knowledge and experience of inhabiting different spaces and of being in intimate contact with diverse communities at multiple locations.43 Scholars such as Elizabeth M. Aranda, César J. Ayala, Rafael Bernabe, Jorge Duany, Ramón Grosfoguel, Agustín Lao-Montes, Frances Negrón- Muntaner, and Mayra Santos-Febres have highlighted the historical, political, and affective framework for contemporary Puerto Rican translocality.44 Lao-Montes (1997, 176), for example, invokes Benedict Anderson’s (1992) concept of “imagined communities” and Henri Lefebvre’s (1991) notion of “social space” as a way “to imagine the Puerto Rican community as a translocal social space (a transnation),” recognizing the dense interconnections of Puerto Ricans who live dispersed across geographical locations due to colonial processes and the specific structures that anchor these connections. Expanding Lao-Montes’s analysis, I contend that the drag and trans embodiments that I read under the optic of transloca performance create, challenge, and disorganize these translocal “imagined communities” (envisioned as cohesive groups based on shared affinities and experiences) and social spaces (that is to say, spaces constituted through social relations and conceptualizations). Translocality can be defined as the interlinked experiences of persons in diverse geographic locations, whether in the country of origin or in the diaspora, who nevertheless are in complex and constant daily, weekly, monthly, or yearly contact, be it through travel, migration, communications, or other forms of exchange; who live in the intimacy of these inter-
Introduction 17
actions and of the knowledge they generate; who might not even be living in different sovereign nations, but rather in different locations marked by profound linguistic and cultural differences in the same nation-state, for example as diasporic metropolitan subjects vis-à-vis colonial, insular ones.45 Translocality entails a multiplicity of knowledges, family and other personal connections, economic and cultural remittances (Flores 2009), and actual physical displacements. It is a more intimate form of connection than what we usually associate with the transnational, closer to what we could call transcolonial, perhaps similar to what Yolanda Martínez- San Miguel (2014) has termed, following Aníbal Quijano, “coloniality of diasporas,” referring to the recurrent and complex exchanges between present and former colonies and their colonial metropoles, a situation that emulates Ramón Grosfoguel’s (2003) analysis of Puerto Rico following a world-systems theory model. Theater, performance, film, literature, music, and other arts have been profoundly affected by this translocal reality and have reflected this phenomenon extensively. Theater scholar Lowell Fiet (1997), for example, has referred to Puerto Rican dramatic arts as a “puente aéreo entre ambas orillas” (an air bridge between both shores).46 The development of queer Puerto Rican sexualities has also been deeply marked by this experience, as Puerto Ricans have become part of a much broader wave of queer and trans diasporas, and Puerto Rican social formations have been caught up in processes of globalization, including gay or LGBTQ liberation, queer tourism, capitalist commodification, and rising transgender visibility.47 In Translocas, I link traditional and innovative conceptions of performance, place, gender, and sexuality and bring them together with migratory spatial analysis as a way to question and rethink the meanings of these concepts. In fact, the very terms “gay,” “queer,” and “transgender” already assume unstable positions and categories within the wide range of that which is understood as masculine, feminine, androgynous, nonbinary, indeterminate, or in between; of hetero-, homo-, bi-, and pansexual attractions; of perversions and the most commonly accepted stereotypes and assumptions within the sphere of the sexual. More importantly, we must consider the particularities of Boricua or Puerto Rican sexuality, with its ample repertoire of terms in English and Spanish entailing greater or lesser pejorative connotations, which include standard and nonstandard vernacular terms such as pato (literally a duck, but used figuratively to refer to a homosexual or effeminate man), pata (lesbian or masculine woman), maricón, afeminado, ponca, loca, travesti, vestida, bugarrón,
18 translocas
marimacho, marimacha, tortillera, bucha, papi chulo, banjee, butch queen, femme queen, and thug.48 The term “transloca” engages with and complicates this list. What (or Who) Are Translocas? Translocas are many things, contradictory ones, to be sure: performers, innovators, marginals, exiles, eccentrics, troublemakers, lovers, loners, and friends who live in a transnational/translocal context marked by cultural, racial, and linguistic mixtures and juxtapositions.49 To be a transloca is to tread a dangerous ground, to make and break allegiances, and to redefine meanings and sensibilities. It is potentially to disidentify as an active practice of cultural and political contestation in the sense advanced by José Esteban Muñoz (1999), who argued that the disidentificatory practices of queer persons of color entail complex, strategic negotiations of power through the selective adscription and rejection of normative identities and practices. As Muñoz stated, “Disidentification is the third mode of dealing with dominant ideology, one that neither opts to assimilate within such a structure nor strictly opposes it; rather, disidentification is a strategy that works on and against dominant ideology” (1999, 11). Translocas also operate in the realm of “queer futurity,” the spaces of possibility for envisioning a potential world to come or utopia: “Queerness is that thing that lets us feel that this world is not enough, that indeed something is missing” (Muñoz 2009, 1).50 They also engage the “theories in practice” of home, hope, utopia, and friction that Ramón H. Rivera-Servera (2012) presents as part of the daily lives and strategies of resistance that queer Latinxs engage in as part of convivencia diaria (daily encounters and shared experiences), a term Rivera-Servera borrows from the ethnographers Milagros Ricourt and Ruby Danta (2002). Finally, translocas negotiate the “politics of representation, identity, location, and affinity” that Alberto Sandoval- Sánchez and Nancy Saporta Sternbach (2001, 4) identify as crucial to Latinx theater and performance, particularly when viewed through the lens of Latin American theories of transculturation. What do the many performers, artists, and activists that I bring together in this book think of the label “transloca”? There is no doubt that these individuals could not be more different from one another and that, in fact, some are not thrilled by this neologism. For this reason, it might be more useful to think of transloca performance (a type of action) as a cuir,
Introduction 19
marica, or travesti modality, one that is not necessarily bound to specific (racially or nationally marked) bodies, more than to think of transloca as an identity; it is a praxis that can account for contradiction, hybridization, and resistance. Hopefully, “transloca” is a mutable and expansive or capacious concept that can account for variations and different national contexts; for example, the American scholar Jacqueline Loss (2013, 51–60) has found the term useful to discuss the work of the Cuban writer and drag performer Pedro Manuel González Reinoso, also known as Roxy and as La Rusa Roxana Rojo (the Russian Roxana the Red), and the American scholar Camilla Stevens (2019, 94) frames her analysis of the Dominican performer Waddys Jáquez’s P.A.R.G.O.: Los pecados permitidos (2001) in relation to translocas, while the Brazilian photographer Evna Moura (2013) has used the word to title her series of photos about Brazilian drag queens and queer people at the “Festa da Chiquita,” a LGBTQ event that forms part of the annual Círio de Nazaré religious procession in Belém do Pará.51 At times, I have felt that my theorization might be more a critical- interpretive fantasy of mine, that of the transloca scholar and artist: Lola von Miramar’s delusions. Nevertheless, I have found it useful to compare multiple artists and activists in relation to the historically important but also culturally and geographically specific concept of transculturation. For the Cuban ethnographer Fernando Ortiz ([1947] 1995), cultures that come in contact do not necessarily erase or substitute each other, but rather find a dynamic balance—at times mediated through profound violence—in which elements of each persist but, more importantly, are transformed and coexist as a new formation; transculturation, seen as “the merging and converging of cultures,” serves as an alternative or corrective to the American sociological term “assimilation” (Ramírez 2017, 16). While Ortiz was most interested in the particular situation of Cuba, specifically in the coming together of European and African influences that he symbolized through the metaphor of ajiaco (a rich stew with many diverse ingredients), I will focus on a translocal Puerto Rican context in which transnational Indigenous, African, Hispanic, and Anglo-American elements predominate, and where new notions of sexuality and space have radically transformed people’s understandings of self.52 And while the Cuban ethnographer clearly felt that European (and, need we say, heterosexual) culture was superior and would dominate the mix, I have the suspicion that in the Puerto Rican case, all bets are off. I propose that we see the prefix “trans-” at the core of transformation— change, the power or ability to mold, reorganize, reconstruct, construct—
20 translocas
and transgeographical, as in the transcontinental, transatlantic, transhemispheric, and transarchipelagic, but also transversal, oblique, and not direct. This transgeneric transitoriness implies several challenges to dominant notions of Puerto Ricanness that do not accept migration—the migrant diasporic community and/or immigrants in Puerto Rico—or queer sexualities and alternative gender identities. It can also be associated with the transgression of mediums or artistic genres that Francisco José Ramos (1998) identified as part of the “poetics of experimentation” that marks the artistic production of a number of contemporary visual artists such as Freddie Mercado, a modality of experimentation that the art historian Haydee Venegas (1998) referred to as travestismo (transvestism). It also has to do, as previously mentioned, with the conceptual and terminological instability Meg Wesling (2002) has hinted at and with queer ethnographer Marcia Ochoa’s (2008) playful theorization of loca-lization as the confluence of queer sexuality, space, and place among Venezuelan drag queens and transgender women in Caracas. Loca, in its own right, also suggests a form of hysterical identity, pathologized at the clinical level, scandalous at the popular one, constitutive of the individual lacking sanity, composure, or ascription to dominant norms: effeminate homosexuals, madwomen, rebels for any cause; marginalized categories that in an ironic and playful gesture I wish to resemanticize in the style of and in resistance to the Anglo-American term “queer”: loca, as maricón (faggot) friends calls one another, as a sign of complicity and understanding, of being entendidos (those in the know, in the life), and not necessarily as a hostile insult, joke, or putdown, although perhaps that too, if one is to do justice to cruelty as an art or strategy for survival, or simply, as an acknowledgment of self-hatred; loca as the felicitous yet critical, perhaps decolonial coming-together of Susan Sontag’s “Notes on Camp” (1964), Esther Newton’s Mother Camp: Female Impersonators in America (1972, 1979), and Denilson Lopes’s “Terceiro manifesto camp” (2002, 89– 120), with the good graces of Judith Butler (1990), Marjorie Garber (1992), Arnaldo Cruz-Malavé (1995), and Ben. Sifuentes-Jáuregui (2002), as a high-camp extravaganza, or as a homage to the drag house system portrayed in the documentary Paris Is Burning (1990) as well as in the television reality competition RuPaul’s Drag Race (2009–2021) and in the more recent TV series Pose (2018–2019), all with a cuir Latin American loca and marica inflection (Falconí Trávez 2018; Perlongher 2019). The performative character of this transloca condition is reflected in
Introduction 21
the transvestic game, which occurs with greater ease in the sphere of social interaction but also extends into theory and literature, as the Cuban writer Severo Sarduy (1982) demonstrated in his essays on simulation and in his multiple experimental 1960s and 1970s novels, populated by drag queens as they were.53 By performative, I am referring to verbal and bodily enactments brought forth through public repetitions in real life and on the stage or space of artistic representation, following Judith Butler’s elaborations in Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity (1990), where the feminist philosopher expanded J. L. Austin’s theorizations of linguistic performative utterances, which is to say, of words that do things, to account for the social construction of gender via naturalized, reiterative everyday practices.54 “Transvestic game,” in turn, accounts for the knowledge of the artificiality, or more correctly, the arbitrary nature of the classification of signs, whether racial, ethnic, sexual, gender, class, or motile, and the possibility for their manipulations and reinventions or contestations, at least according to a writer such as Sarduy. The performers, artists, activists, and artivists in question, in different ways and at different moments, allude to or incarnate this sphere, as gendered and sexed bodies marked by race, ethnicity, class, age, and unorthodox desire, and located voluntarily or involuntarily in varied geographical contexts. Becoming Lola: Self-Reflexivity and Drag I too have now become a diasporic, translocal, and exaggeratedly bilingual Midwestern transloca, a writer and college professor who occasionally performs in drag on stage and online. While I have lived in Michigan since 2003, it is fair to say that I was already a loca long before I ever donned my first wig. My first appearance as Lola von Miramar at the behest of Fausto Fernós and Marc Felion of the Feast of Fun podcast in 2010, specifically for their Cooking with Drag Queens YouTube series, has led me to learn a lot more about the practice of drag than I ever envisioned, ranging from the intricacies of makeup, feminine clothing, and jewelry to the subtleties of girdles, padding, hosiery, and wigs, not to mention lip-synch, choreography, and onstage humor.55 As I am not an ethnographer or professionally trained as a theater practitioner, I initially approached drag and transgender performance strictly as an audience member, reader, film viewer, and critic—a privileged white or light-skinned Latinx loca one, to be sure;
22 translocas
Fig. 2. Marc Felion, Lola von Miramar, and Fausto Fernós on the set of Cooking with Drag Queens, Chicago, 2015. Photo by Fausto Fernós.
one who was initially taught to conduct literary and cultural analysis, who later became immersed in performance studies and who appraised performances, trying to understand what went into them. While it is certainly not necessary to practice an art form in order to understand it or to relate to it psychically and to internalize it as constitutive of one’s subjectivity (Lopes 2002, 67–88), there are some advantages, and I hope that my explicitly and implicitly performative experiences enrich the discussions that I offer in the pages to come. In fact, as I mentioned earlier, there is a long tradition of having the researcher “drag it up,” whether by dressing or performing in drag or assisting with the drag show, at least since the appearance of Esther Newton’s pioneering Mother Camp in 1972. Similarly, in Female Masculinity, Jack Halberstam (1998) describes attending and being invited to compete in drag king contests in New York City, while lesbian feminist scholars Leila Rupp and Verta Taylor (2003) describe performing in drag as part of the research process for their ethnography of the 801 Cabaret in Key West, Florida. The sociologist Joshua Gamson (1998, 139–40), on the other hand, begins a chapter on transgen-
Introduction 23
der participation on television talk shows by discussing a personal experience in which his dressing in drag with seven friends in San Francisco created significant anxiety for those who encountered them in public. And in their master’s thesis “‘Estar perra es la onda’: Arte, escena y miradas drag en la Ciudad de México,” the Puerto Rican scholar Jaime Géliga Quiñones (2016) describes the process of becoming-drag (devenir draga) as one of going “De Jaime el investigador a Juanita Caminante la drag tropical” (From Jaime the researcher to Juanita the Wanderer, Tropical Drag Queen) (48–51), including photo documentation of their transformation. A different example is that of African American gay or self-described “butch queen” ethnographer Marlon M. Bailey (2013), who made walking a category in a ball in search of a prize a central focus of his methodological approach to exploring the Black LGBTQ and drag ballroom scene, as described in his book Butch Queens Up in Pumps: Gender, Performance, and Ballroom Culture in Detroit. In this case, Bailey performed in professional masculine business attire and envisioned himself as an insider/ outsider, highlighting his embrace of Dwight Conquergood’s concept of “coperformative witness” (a dynamic relationship between researcher and the subjects traditionally identified as informants or ethnographic subjects), also identifying scholar and performer E. Patrick Johnson (2003) as a role model for engaged and participatory critical performance studies scholarship; Rivera-Servera (2012, 19) also embraces Conquergood’s term. I too have become a coperformative witness of sorts, as well as an occasional “butch queen up in pumps” (a queer-of-color man in drag), at times more actively involved in actual performances, on other occasions as an audience member that shares his enthusiasm and joy, frequently through a notably loud, disruptive laugh. The exhilaration of performance is addictive; the pleasures of audience interaction are extremely fulfilling. Performing in drag, perhaps all performance, entails becoming an/other, embodying a self-projection that is different from oneself, where the self is temporarily suspended or intensified, similar to donning a mask and truly transforming into the character, falling into a performative trance that displaces regular subjectivity with a heightened, alternative one. This book is a reflection on drag and transgender performance as an artistic practice, a form of entertainment, a catalyst for community growth, and a mechanism of self-expression; it is a reflection that surges from the experience of being a devout fan of drag and trans performance (one who adores the artists on the dance floor or stage or screen, and who performs the quite dramatic, over-the-top iden-
24 translocas
tity of a fan) as much as from the experience of becoming a bona fide performer. It is also a chronicle of the fear of violence and rejection, of the anguish produced by the possibility that one will be attacked for dressing in drag (Cornejo 2019) or for being a trans person or an effeminate man or a loca, and of paranoid anxiety regarding difficult or challenging personal and professional relations with femmephobic or transphobic individuals. I have experienced these fears firsthand, for example in Buenos Aires in 2013, when anonymous individuals (apparently hotel employees) aggressively harassed me late at night on the phone inquiring about a transcomunicador (transcommunicator), perhaps believing I was a trans sex worker, after I returned from an event in full costume, which led me to barricade myself in my room and to relive in my mind anti-loca dictatorship-era-like scenes of violence of the type that Néstor Perlongher (2019) has described, and that I associated with the gay political thriller Apartment Zero (1988, dir. Martin Donovan). Ironically, I was staying at the Bauen Hotel, a site recuperated by workers after the Argentinean financial collapse of 2001, to attend the ninth biennial meeting of the International Association for the Study of Sexuality, Culture and Society (IASSCS), and had just performed at the conference’s party held at the historic Club Español, an ornate art nouveau-inspired Catalan modernist-style building located on Bernardo de Irigoyen Street in the historic center region. It seems that having hundreds of hotel guests who researched topics related to sexuality was not advantageous for this Puerto Rican drag queen, who got clocked and intimidated when she got home. This anecdote is trivial compared to the physical aggression and lethal violence routinely experienced by effeminate men and trans women across the globe, but my fear was real and has marked my research process. This and other experiences (for example, having a senior colleague in the profession, now deceased, feign surprise at seeing me dressed in masculine clothes, when he assumed I was now transgender; or having to explain to a gay, masculine-oriented potential sexual partner that I perform in drag; or shaving my facial hair off and seeing how it changes and demasculinizes my appearance, an awkward experience for someone who is attracted to bearded gay men referred to as “bears”) have led me to embrace the Chicana lesbian writer Cherríe Moraga’s conceptualization of “theory in the flesh,” a critical practice grounded in personal experience and life history.56 “Theory in the flesh” implies recognizing that knowledge is created from lived experience as much as from scholarly research and philosophical reflection. As Moraga indicates, “A theory in the flesh
Introduction 25
means one where the physical realities of our lives—our skin color, the land or concrete we grew up on, our sexual longings—all fuse to create a politic born out of necessity” (Moraga and Anzaldúa 1983, 23).57 It suggests a very particular type of investment in knowledge that recognizes its everyday impacts and social and political ramifications. It signals a deep commitment that comes from phenomenological experience (knowledge filtered through the body and the senses) or from what the Chicana scholar Stephanie Fetta describes as a somatic transaction or corporeal process engaging the “soma—the perceptive and expressive body” (2018, 2) as much as from analytic thought. My book is foremost an argument for Puerto Rican transloca performance or translocura as an epistemology, a way of seeing the world, and a cause for shifting the way we see: a potentially radical tool for expanding perception and understanding. It is also a discussion of an art form and practice that I have come to embody and better understand, and the nuanced appraisal of very specific individuals with very concrete artistic, political, and cultural experiences. Book Structure In the chapters that follow I trace the heterogeneity of Puerto Rican transloca performance. In chapter 1, I engage queer and feminist theoretical debates on the term loca, particularly in the social sciences and in creative literature, as a way to contextualize how the broader fields of Latin American, Latinx, LGBTQ, and women’s, gender, and sexuality studies have focused on these issues, highlighting the profound disagreements about the term’s usefulness, paying particular attention to complex recuperations of the word. Given the stresses of anti-Black racism, misogyny, ableism, xenophobia, femmephobia, transphobia, and homophobia, not everyone is excited to recuperate or engage the term loca. In chapter 2, I go on to posit Puerto Rican transloca performance as an epistemology or critical and experiential method that oscillates between joy and death, highlighting three examples: the transnational success of the light-skinned drag performer Nina Flowers (Jorge Flores), who appeared on RuPaul’s Drag Race in 2009; the brutal murder of the aspiring young fashion designer and makeup artist Jorge Steven López Mercado that same year; and the songs and videos of the assassinated trap singer Kevin Fret, who was known for his fearless celebration of loca alterity and
26 translocas
was killed in 2019. Here, I contrast Nina Flowers’s joyful recuperation of loca and her effusive transloca performance to the radical violence that marked the end of López Mercado’s and Fret’s lives, but also to López Mercado’s and Fret’s differential articulation of self. Subsequently, in chapter 3, I document how drag and trans performance became a strategy for combating the violence of poverty and the stigma associated with the phrase “welfare queen” in the work of the Afro- Puerto Rican writer and performer Erika Lopez, the light-skinned actress and cabaret star Holly Woodlawn, and the Black trans performer Monica Beverly Hillz, juxtaposing their experiences to the life and activism of Stonewall veteran Sylvia Rivera. I posit the transloca drag of poverty as a tactic of resistance that embraces humor, anger, glamour, parody, and political discourse to overcome social marginalization and impoverishment, frequently marked by anti-Black bias. Additional chapters home in on specific performers. In chapter 4, I analyze drag as a sociocultural and cognitive disruption and historical archive (the ultrabaroque drag of rasanblaj), focusing on the light-skinned performance artist Freddie Mercado through the framework of rasanblaj (reassembly) and the ultrabaroque. I highlight Mercado’s visual arts practice (painting, sculpture, installation, and performance art) and his historical reenactments of the famous mayor of San Juan, doña Fela (Felisa Rincón de Gautier), and of the renowned singer, composer, and television host Myrta Silva, as well as his hybrid, comical, and at times grotesque, abject, or monstrous creations, emphasizing the centrality of collaboration, improvisation, and recycling in his work. I am particularly interested in Mercado’s questioning and challenging of the borders of race, ethnicity, gender, sex, and the human in relation to nonhuman animals, monsters, and divinities, including his critical approach to matters of Afrodiasporic life and experience, and the artist’s negotiations of poverty and bias. In chapter 5, I propose the transloca drag of race as a framework to understand the dancer and actor Javier Cardona’s political intervention denouncing anti-Black racism, reading his piece You Don’t Look Like . . . (1996) as a rescripting of the Snow White fairy tale in which Cardona becomes the Evil Queen as a means to challenge the exclusions of Afro– Puerto Ricans from the media industry. I see Cardona engaging and questioning folkloric transloca traditions and using popular music, parodic blackface, mirrors, photographic images, performative objects, audience interaction, confessional storytelling, and choreography to make a crucial antiracist statement.
Introduction 27
In chapter 6, I highlight transloca performance, drag embodiment, and music (particularly the genre of the bolero) as tools of identity building and community building in the diaspora. Here, I focus on the light- skinned actor and director Jorge B. Merced and the Pregones Theater of the Bronx’s 1997 play El bolero fue mi ruina (The Bolero Was My Downfall), an adaptation of Manuel Ramos Otero’s short story “Loca la de la locura” (“The Queen of Madness”). I contend that Merced’s life experiences, particularly his processes of transloca approximation and transloca incorporation (a type of “theory in the flesh”), are crucial elements that determine the success of this theatrical production, in which storytelling and lip-synching boleros serves to affirm cuir and travesti diasporic Latinx identity and community. Finally, in chapter 7, I take a slightly different approach, highlighting two light-skinned New York–based Puerto Rican transgender performers: Lady Catiria and Barbra Herr. I see the hormonally and surgically modified body of Lady Catiria and her 1990s weekly performances at La Escuelita nightclub in New York City as works of art, highlighting the artistic value of lip-synch and of burlesque performance and their potential for creating community. I also discuss Lady Catiria’s 1996 embrace of AIDS activism, particularly as a participant in the Miss Continental Pageant in Chicago. I then focus on the language-and music-centered cabaret and theatrical enactments of Barbra Herr, particularly Herr’s one-woman show Trans-mission (2017), highlighting her impassioned plea for social transformation and acceptance. In the epilogue, I reflect on this journey and offer additional thoughts on the current status of transloca representation and performance.
one
Theorizing la Loca Feminist and Queer Debates ¿Qué le falta a lo queer para que se convierta en locura, al estilo latinoamericano, estilo Perlongher, Lemebel o Arenas? Le hace falta raza, clase, le falta realidad social y política, y, al parecer, le falta amor. —Paola Arboleda Ríos (2011)
Locas produce drama, disagreement, and anger, and suffer social exclusion and marginalization, even when they can also entertain audiences and challenge authority.1 While key queer Latin American writers such as the Argentine Néstor Perlongher, the Chilean Pedro Lemebel, and the Cuban Reinaldo Arenas provocatively recuperated and deployed the term loca in their essays, fiction, and poetry as a term of radical alterity in the late twentieth century, others have been more resistant, notwithstanding the (at the time closeted) Puerto Rican singer Ricky Martin’s 1999 exhortation for us to embrace “Livin’ la Vida Loca.”2 Some rebellious gender- nonconforming women have also claimed the term. For example, multiple women graffiti writers in the Americas identified as “graffiti grrlz” by Jessica Nydia Pabón-Colón (2016, 2018) proudly call themselves locas at the same time that they resist the label of “feminists” and engage in women- centered praxis. In her essay “To(o) Queer the Writer—Loca, escritora y chicana,” the woman-of-color feminist Gloria Anzaldúa ([1991] 2009) indicates how the word loca is closer to her experiences as a working-class, South Texas Chicana than the term “lesbian,” which is monopolized by white women who are not attentive to the particularities of race, language, and class. And in his Locas comics (part of the Love and Rockets series), the Chicano artist Jaime Hernández (2004) carefully conveys the lives of complex Chicana gender-nonconforming queer women.3 28
Theorizing la Loca 29
There are complex and wide-ranging tensions regarding the uses of loca or la loca in Latin American, Caribbean, and Latinx feminist and gender and sexuality studies, where scholars have expressed mixed feelings about its efficacy, and concerns about its disappearance, eclipsed by the global adoption of English-language terms such as “queer” and “gay.” In this chapter, I work through these productive tensions, analyzing cases from diverse academic fields and from a range of countries and regions, as a way to situate and better understand the Puerto Rican artists and activists I discuss in the rest of the book. Normative Spanish-language sources such as the Diccionario de la lengua española of the Real Academia Española (RAE) indicate the challenges and ambiguity of loca.4 While the signifier clearly has a queer meaning— concretely, the current tenth entry as hombre homosexual afeminado, or “effeminate homosexual man,” a 2018 revision to the former rather incomplete definition as hombre homosexual, or homosexual man (RAE 2001), which conflated the effeminate gender expression that characterizes the loca with same-sex sexual activity—Puerto Rican translocas undoubtedly contaminate ourselves with the term’s additional significations: que ha perdido la razón (one who has lost the use of reason); de poco juicio, disparatado e imprudente (of little judgment, crazy and reckless); que excede en mucho a lo ordinario o presumible (that far exceeds the ordinary or presumed); mujer informal y ligera en sus relaciones con los hombres (a woman who is informal and light in her relationships with men); prostituta (prostitute)—that is to say, assuming that the queer or cuir loca has not evacuated her locura or lost her Spanish-language or Latin American specificity, whether because of migration or normativization. Locas preoccupy, cause concern, and disconcert, similar to the way Anglo-American, Latinx, queer-of-color, and Canadian faggots do, as the writer and activist Mattilda Bernstein Sycamore (2012) brilliantly demonstrates in Why Are Faggots So Afraid of Faggots?, a volume in which a variety of contributors challenge mainstream, assimilationist LGBTQ conceptions. As the title page indicates, Sycamore’s book poses “flaming challenges to masculinity, objectification, and the desire to conform.” Sycamore describes their volume as “an emergency intervention” edited by “a genderqueer faggot and a queen with a certain amount of notoriety [who is] incredibly inspired by the politics and potentials of trans, genderqueer, and gender-defiant culture” (2012, 2). The recuperation of the term “faggots,” also visible in Larry Mitchell’s 1977 fable/manifesto The Faggots and Their Friends between Revolutions (but strongly resisted in
30 translocas
Larry Kramer’s 1978 sex-negative novel Faggots), is linguistically specific, temporally marked, and meaningful in the United States (and Canada) in very particular contexts in the late 1970s and early 2000s but also in the 2017 “Faggot Manifesto” presented by the SPIT! (Sodomites, Perverts, Inverts Together!) collective formed by the artist Carlos Motta, the writer and curator John Arthur Peetz, and the artist Carlos María Romero, which seeks to reclaim the term, affirming: “A faggot is not a corporation. A faggot is not a polite citizen. A faggot is not a commodity to be traded. A faggot is not sanitary. A faggot is not just a rich white gay man” (SPIT! 2017, 6). In France, it is folles (the French equivalent of locas, referring to madwomen and effeminate male homosexuals) as a term and an identity or practice, as in the celebrated play, musical, and film La Cage aux Folles, who disquiet and who have been recuperated as transgressive signifiers of queer political resistance, as Jean-Yves Le Talec (2008) explores in his very insightful and carefully researched Folles de France: Repenser l’homosexualité masculine. In his book, Le Talec highlights the French liberationist group Les Gazolines as well as the political and cultural interventions of the Sœurs de la Perpétuelle Indulgence, the French equivalent of the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, a street performance group that uses drag and religious attire as part of its social critique (Fitzsimons 2019). Meanwhile, in some Spanish-speaking contexts, the term that has been mobilized as a sign of queer/cuir alterity and activism is marica. For example, in the introduction of his Ética marica (Marica Ethics), the Spanish cuir philosopher and activist Paco Vidarte expresses his desire that his book serve as “un interruptor. Un dispositivo que corta la corriente,” that is to say, as a switch or device that cuts off electric power ([2007] 2010, 9); he understands the marica subject as one who rejects the fascist legacy of Franco’s dictatorship and who questions and challenges assimilationist gay imperatives under democracy.5 For Vidarte, the anarchic power of marica as a posture, which he invokes together with bollos (lesbians) and trans subjects, is to disrupt and serve as an anticapitalist, antibourgeois cog in the system, engaging in a type of “política perra” (bitch politics) that wanders, nomad-like, as if inspired by the radical theorists Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari (1986b), without a clear destination in mind. In his Nación marica: Prácticas culturales y crítica activista (Marica Nation: Cultural Practices and Activist Critique), the Chilean author Juan Pablo Sutherland references the American direct-action group Queer Nation and invokes Néstor Perlonguer’s essay “Matan a un marica” (“They Kill a Marica”),
Theorizing la Loca 31
reading the sign marica as a “lugar de castigo, privilegio de asesinato y genocidio permanente en una identidad bastarda” (a site of punishment, an entitlement to permanent murder and genocide in a bastard identity) (2009, 23). Fellow Chilean Pedro Lemebel, meanwhile, appealed to a mariconaje guerrero or warrior faggotry (quoted in Arboleda Ríos 2011, 114– 16). Finally, in the anthology Inflexión marica: Escrituras del descalabro gay en América Latina (Marica Inflection: Writings of Gay Breakdown in Latin America), the Ecuadorian lawyer and literary scholar Diego Falconí Trávez identifies loca, marica, and lo cuir as some of the diverse fragmented and localized ways of signifying sex-gender difference in Latin America, indicating that they are “tres muestras de la imposibilidad (incluso el peligro) de pensar una América Latina uniforme desde la política sexual” (three samples of the impossibility—in fact, the danger—of thinking a uniform Latin America in relation to sexual politics) (2018, 10). It is not only faggots, fairies, sissies, folles, maricas, and queers, or rather, homonormative, assimilationist gays and transnormative individuals who fear or distance themselves from locura (referring to madness or queerness); some feminists also reject this position, particularly when understood as a pathology or stigmatizing status that marks women. Divided or mixed assessments also appear within Latin American and Latinx queer studies, where loca has mostly received a positive valorization from scholars such as Marcia Ochoa, Horacio Federico Sívori, María Amelia Viteri, Susana Peña, and Salvador Vidal-Ortiz, but also been labeled as a problematic or undesirable term. Ultimately, Perlongher’s, Lemebel’s, and Arenas’s commitment to loca and its use by countless others substantiate broader claims to the relevance and value of this word. Latina Feminist Concerns and the Queer Feminist Origins of “Translocas” There is an inherent tension in the way the Spanish-language term loca circulates among Latin American and Latinx women and among some feminists, and this tension affects queer deployments. In contrast to the partial recuperation of the literary character of the madwoman as a symbol of feminist resistance explored in the North American second-wave feminist classic The Madwoman in the Attic by Sandra M. Gilbert and Susan Gubar (1979), a widely influential scholarly volume named after a character in Charlotte Brontë’s novel Jane Eyre, some Latina scholars have been more wary of engaging the radical potential of locura (mad-
32 translocas
ness), seeing it as linked to mental illness and not as a poetic trope or as a sign of radical revolt. One example is Marta Caminero-Santangelo’s (1998) scholarly monograph The Madwoman Can’t Speak, or, Why Insanity Is Not Subversive, where the critic rejects literary madness as liberatory; as she states, “My theoretical starting point is the suggestion that a search for the subversive madwoman in literature not only involves some violent repressions of its own . . . but also is fundamentally misguided, since the symbolic resolution of the madwoman as an alternative to patriarchy ultimately traps the woman in silence” (4). Caminero-Santangelo’s critical stance is echoed by Lyn Di Iorio Sandín (2004) in her Killing Spanish: Literary Essays on Ambivalent U.S. Latino/a Identity, where the Puerto Rican scholar points to the problems with the insistence on the madness of Latina women, particularly in the context of contemporary novels published in the United States in which the female protagonists consistently die. Other scholars such as Vilma Santiago-Ortiz (2001), Patricia Gherovici (2003), and Christopher Christian (2019) have also focused on Puerto Rican women and mental health issues in the diaspora through the lens of the medical and social sciences, including analyzing the ataque de nervios, also referenced as the “Puerto Rican syndrome.”6 The threat of madness, of losing one’s judgment and falling into the marginalized and excluded condition of she who does not have the use of reason, is anathema to many. For example, the Puerto Rican–Cape Verdean American feminist Caridad Souza (2001) rejects the term loca in her essay “Esta risa no es de loca” (“This Laughter Is Not That of a Madwoman”), included in the anthology Telling to Live: Latina Feminist Testimonios. The title of Souza’s piece, as suggested by its epigraph, is a feminization of renowned Puerto Rican salsa singer Héctor Lavoe’s verse “Esta risa no es de loco” (This laughter is not that of a madman) (Souza 2001, 114), the opening line of the song “Vamos a reír un poco” (“Let’s Laugh a Little”) from his 1976 album De ti depende.7 In her testimonio, Souza discusses the all-too-present risks that she faces as the daughter of working-class immigrants, specifically as an Afro-descendant colonial subject in a context in which the unequal relations of power between the United States and Puerto Rico and the problems of poor women of color are not recognized. For Souza, the silence that dominates gendered and racialized colonial relationships of exploitation (that of the unspeakable, what people prefer to downplay or not discuss in informal contexts) threatens to provoke madness, particularly given the effort to negotiate the cultural, social, and
Theorizing la Loca 33
political contradictions of her life. In this context, the author affirms the power of laughter as an antidote, insisting that “laughter has always been a part of my survival mechanism” (2001, 122). Here Souza’s performative laughter coincides with that of the French Algerian feminist Hélène Cixous as articulated in Cixous’s classic essay “The Laugh of the Medusa” (1976), a laughter meant to empower women and resist phallogocentrism, racism, and colonialism through writing, but also through the physical and auditory gesture of a body that gives in to a powerful emotion and makes it tangible, visible, and audible; a somatic response to racialization (Fetta 2018). Souza’s testimonial narrative, which also includes a black and white photo of her family dancing, posits writing as a tool of transformation and bridges Blackness and womanhood as sites of resistance, a key conceit of Cixous’s essay. For the Puerto Rican literary scholar Lisa Sánchez González (2001), the marginalization of Puerto Rican and Latina feminists in the United States affects everything.8 In her book Boricua Literature the critic decries this situation in a bilingual and contestatory way, moving freely between English and Spanish, destabilizing dominant monolingualism and ideologies of linguistic purity. As Sánchez González writes, “Speaking from this contradictory space renders the Latina feminist quite painfully global, local, and ultimately, loca en la boca, transforming experience into an escritura both capable and incapable of ‘competing with food’ in our mouths (Deleuze and Guattari 1986)” (2001, 139).9 This condition of being loca en la boca (mad or crazy in the mouth), in which the affect of anger or the pathology of madness is gendered feminine, marked by the linguistic tensions between English and Spanish, creates the paradox of simultaneous intelligibility and confusion. In this way, the Puerto Rican feminist critic attempts to capture and transform Deleuze and Guattari’s meditation on Franz Kafka’s writing, that is to say, their conceit regarding the tension of a mouth that alternates between speaking and eating, which is mediated by the possibilities of writing; a mouth that is caught between basic instincts for nutrition and language’s ability for symbolization, but particularly one negotiating the situation of the German language in Prague (initially as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and then in Czechoslovakia) in contact with Czech and Yiddish, as was Kafka’s case. The Puerto Rican critic argues that the challenges of this multilingual framework can also help us to understand the Latinx experience in the United States. In her text, Sánchez González also affirms the need to speak of a femi-
34 translocas
nism that is full of specificities, those of Latina feminism (Cotera 2017), a loca-lized feminism that challenges hegemonic feminism (that is to say, Anglo-American feminism written with an uppercase F) and that takes advantage of the pioneering decolonial Chicana feminist Emma Pérez’s concept of “un sitio y una lengua (a space and language) that rejects colonial ideology” (Pérez 1991, 161), even when this project will be belittled. As Sánchez González writes, “Loca-lizing theory is often construed as a hysterical project, since speaking to and from a collective, radicalized, and unapologetically Latina-centric lengua y sitio (tongue and location) (Pérez 1991) means upsetting the Feminist establishment, only, in the end, to be dismissed, forgotten, or plagiarized” (2001, 139–40).10 This sentiment echoes Pérez’s own self-referential theoretical ruminations and the kinds of anecdotes she presents in her earlier piece. Not all Latin American or Latinx self-identified feminists reject the utility of self-affirmation as locas; some advocate for the embrace of the term “translocas” as a sign of critical resistance. For example, the women who published the anthology Translocalities/Translocalidades: Feminist Politics of Translation in the Latin/a Américas (Alvarez et al. 2014) adopted the neologism “translocas,” using the plural locas with the capitalized prefix “trans-,” written with emphasis in the original. The Cuban American feminist scholar Sonia Alvarez has summarized this group’s views, emphasizing “how feminist discourses and practices travel across a variety of sites and directionalities to become interpretive paradigms to read and write issues of class, gender, race, sexuality, migration, health, social movements, development, citizenship, politics and the circulation of identities and texts” (2014, 1).11 As Alvarez points out, Because our transit across multiple boundaries disrupts the prevailing common sense in many of the localities through which we move in ways that sometimes make us seem outright mad (in a double sense), we early on adopted the nickname Translocas for the cross-disciplinary, cross-border research group of Latina and Latin American(ist) feminists who brought this edited collection into being. (2014, 3) This double sense of mad (as angry and crazy) and of performing madness negotiates forces that can empower but also stigmatize. While “translocas” is not used in their case principally in relation to homosexuality or to the transgression of male gender, Alvarez does indicate that “we embrace the transgressive, queer, transgendered sense of the term as well” (2014, 4).
Theorizing la Loca 35
In an endnote, Alvarez credits the deceased Chicano gay scholar Lionel Cantú Jr., a specialist on Mexican gay male migration to the United States, for coining the term: Lionel Cantú was the first to call our group Translocas and was among the most enthusiastic and insig
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Puerto Rican Official, Public and National Holidays
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View all public, national and official holidays in Puerto Rico, neatly displayed on a graphical calendar on PuertoRico.com.
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PuertoRico Travel Guide
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https://www.puertoricotravel.guide/culture/official-holidays/
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Puerto Rico celebrates a mixture of traditional, religious, and national government holidays. Official public holidays are those recognized by the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. On such holidays, all public offices are closed. Below you will find a list of all traditional, religious, and national holidays celebrated in the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.
2021-01-01 | New Year’s Day (Día de Año Nuevo)
As is the case in many countries around the world, New Year’s Eve is celebrated with fireworks and other festivities. New Year’s Day is celebrated by Puerto Ricans as a holiday together with family and friends.
2021-01-06 | Three Kings Day (Día de los Tres Reyes Magos)
This religious holiday is also an official holiday for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Celebrations which are held to commemorate the Wise Men (Reyes Magos) visiting the newborn Christ, include children stacking boxes of hay under their beds for the camels of the Wise Men to find. The boxes of hay are exchanged for gifts.
2021-01-8 | Birthday of Eugenio María de Hostos (Natalicio de Eugenio María de Hostos)
Celebrated on the second Monday of January, this official holiday of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico remembers Eugenio María de Hostos – a Puerto Rican writer and statesman who was prominent in the fight for independence. Eugenio María de Hostos was also an educator, philosopher, lawyer and sociologist who was instrumental in putting an end to slavery in the late 1800s. This advocate for independence was referred to as El Ciudadano de América – meaning the Citizen of the Americas.
2021-01-21 | Martin Luther King Jr. Day (Natalicio de Martin Luther King, Jr.)
Taking place on the third Monday of January each year, Martin Luther King Jr. Day is both a US Federal Holiday and an official holiday for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Martin Luther King, Jr. was born on January 15, 1929. He became a prominent spokesman for nonviolent activism for civil rights and against racial discrimination.
2021-02-14 | Valentine’s Day (Día de San Valentín)
While not an official holiday, Valentine’s Day is a significant cultural and religious celebration. On this day friends and lovers exchange greeting cards, boxes of chocolate, roses, and gifts.
2021-02-18 | Presidents’ Day (Día de los Presidentes)
Washington’s Birthday is observed as an official government holiday in both the United States and Puerto Rico. George Washington was the first president of the United States. The holiday is celebrated on the third Monday in February, which allows for an official day off and a long weekend for government employees.
2021-03-22 | Emancipation Day (Día de la Abolición de Esclavitud)
Commemorating the abolition of slavery in 1873, Emancipation Day is an official holiday of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. At the time that slavery was abolished (1873), the island was still a colony of Spain. The event continues to be commemorated today.
2021-04-15 | Birthday of José de Diego (Natalicio de José de Diego)
Celebrated on the third Monday of April each year, this official public holiday is in honor of José de Diego y Martínez, who was known as the “Father of the Puerto Rican Independence Movement”. As a statesman, poet, journalist, lawyer and advocate for Puerto Rican independence from Spain and the United States, José de Diego was an important figure in the history of island.
2021-04-19 | Good Friday (Viernes Santo)
Primarily a religious holiday, Good Friday is an official public holiday in the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Good Friday takes place on the Friday before Easter, with all businesses closing for the day.
2021-04-21 | Easter Sunday (Domingo de la Resurrección)
Easter or Resurrection Sunday is a religious holiday which commemorates the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Most businesses in Puerto Rico remain open on this day. Christians will generally attend church services in the morning, then, celebrate the day with family and friends. Easter egg decorations, candy baskets, and floral gifts are common on this day.
2021-05-12 | Mother’s Day (Día de las Madres)
On the second Sunday in May, Puerto Ricans celebrate Mother’s Day. Mother’s Day is a tradition which recognizes the importance of mothers and the maternal bond between mother and child. Businesses in Puerto Rico remain open on this day.
2021-05-27 | Memorial Day (Recordación de los Muertos de la Guerra)
As a US Federal holiday and an official holiday for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, Memorial Day is observed on the last Monday of May each year. Although Memorial Day originally honored soldiers who died in the Civil War, it was later extended to commemorate all Americans who have lost their lives in armed conflict.
2021-06-18 | Father’s Day (Día de las Padres)
On the third Sunday in June, Puerto Ricans celebrate Father’s Day. Father’s Day is a tradition which recognizes the importance of fathers and the paternal bond between father and child. Businesses in Puerto Rico remain open on this day.
2021-07-04 | Independence Day (Día de la Independencia de Estados Unidos)
Independence Day is a United States government holiday, and an official holiday in Puerto Rico. The holiday commemorates the signing of the Declaration of Independence of the United States, on July 4, 1776.
2021-07-15 | Birthday of Luis Muñoz Rivera (Natalicio de Luis Muñoz Rivera)
An official national holiday, the birthday of Luis Munoz Rivera is celebrated on the third Monday of July. Don Luis Muñoz Rivera was born in 1859 and died in 1916. He was a prominent journalist, poet, and a politician who advocated for the independence of Puerto Rico from both Spain and the United States.
2021-07-25 | Commonwealth Constitution Day (Constitución del Estado Libre Asociado de Puerto Rico)
Previously referred to as Occupation Day, this official Commonwealth of Puerto Rico holiday commemorates the anniversary of American troops landing at Guanica in 1989. As a commonwealth of the United States, the Puerto Rican Constitution adheres to the US Constitution, but nevertheless has its own Constitution composed of nine articles which set out the island’s governmental structure.
2021-07-27 | Birthday of José Celso Barbosa (Natalicio de José Celso Barbosa)
This is an official holiday of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, honoring Natalicio de Dr. José Celso Barbosa (1857-1921) who was an active advocate of statehood and founded the Republican Party on the Island. Referred to as the ‘Father of the Statehood for Puerto Rico movement’ within in the New Progressive Party, Dr Barbosa was a medical doctor, political leader and sociologist – prominent in the history of the island.
2021-09-02 | Labor Day (Día del Trabajo)
Labor Day is a public holiday celebrated both in the United States and Puerto Rico. The holiday is celebrated on the first Monday in September. Labor, or workers, are generally given the day off and encourage to spend the long weekend with family. The day also culturally marks the end of the summer, and, a time when students return to their studies.
2021-10-14 | Columbus Day (Descubrimiento de América)
Commemorating the arrival of Christopher Columbus in the Americas, Columbus Day is a US Federal holiday and an official holiday of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Columbus Day has been celebrated in various ways since the late-1870s. Columbus Day is celebrated on the second Monday of October.
2021-10-31 | Halloween (Día de Brujas)
Halloween is not an official holiday in Puerto Rico. You may notice stores and homes decorated in the latest Halloween fashion. Trick or treating is not as common as in the mainland United States. Clubs and pubs in Old San Juan, Isla Verde, and Condado may attract witches and warlocks on this holiday — Puerto Ricans in costume, dancing the night away.
2021-11-11 | Veteran’s Day (Día del Veterano)
Veteran’s Day is celebrated annually on November 11. The holiday is meant to honor military veterans of the United States and the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Veteran’s Day in on the island is traditionally celebrated at the Puerto Rico National Cemetery.
2021-11-19 | Discovery of Puerto Rico (Descubrimiento de Puerto Rico)
This official holiday of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico commemorates the landing of Christopher Columbus on Puerto Rico’s northwest coast in 1493. Columbus (Don Cristóbal Colón) landed on the coast near present day Aguada on his second voyage to the so-called New World in 1493.
2021-11-28 | Thanksgiving Day (Día de Acción de Gracias)
Marking the beginning of the Holiday Season, Thanksgiving Day is a US Federal holiday and an official holiday for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Thanksgiving Day has been an annual tradition in the US since President Abraham Lincoln declared a national day of thanksgiving be observed on November 26, 1863.
2021-12-24 | Christmas Eve (Noche Buena)
Traditional Christmas decorations are common across the island of Puerto Rico during the year-end holiday season. Workers may leave early on this religious holiday and gather with family and friends for dinner and parties. Parents and children ready themselves for Santa Claus, who travels the world to deliver presents, and stuffs their stockings while they sleep.
2021-12-25 | Christmas Day (Día de Navidad)
This religious holiday is also an official holiday for the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico. Started during Spanish colonial rule, Christmas is the celebration of the birth of Jesus of Nazareth. Christmas decorations are common across Puerto Rico during the year-end holiday season. Feliz Navidad and other Christmas songs will be sung and played all day long.
2021-12-31 | New Year’s Eve (Fin de Año)
Around the world everyone celebrates the end of the old year, and, the beginning of the new year. Firework displays and parties will flourish around the island, the largest of which will be held along the waterfront in San Juan.
Last updated: February 8, 2021
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6 Little-Known Writers of Color Who Transformed Their Countries
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"Erin McCarthy",
"Damaly Gonzalez"
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2021-09-12T14:21:14+00:00
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Though their contributions were immense, many arenât well-known outside of their nationsâ borders.
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Mental Floss
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https://www.mentalfloss.com/posts/writers-of-color-who-transformed-their-countries
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The 19th and 20th centuries were rife with upheaval. In the 1800s, slavery still existed in many parts of the world; Europe was in political and social chaos, from the Napoleonic Wars in the beginning of the century to the Russian Flu by the end of it; and many countries were fighting for independence from colonial powers. With the 1900s came the abolition of slavery in some countries and freedom for many colonized nations, but also other massive world-changing events, from the First World War and the Great Depression to the Second World War and the Cold War, along with everything in between.
Amid the chaos, writers of color emerged whose work was so powerful and influential that they transformed their home countriesâbut though their contributions were immense, many arenât well-known outside of their nationsâ borders. Here are six who deserve more recognition.
1. Eugenio MarÃa de Hostos (1839-1903)
Eugenio MarÃa de Hostos was a Puerto Rican writer, educator, and advocate who supported the liberation of the Dominican Republic (which was controlled by Spain in 1863), Cuba, and Puerto Rico from Spanish colonial rule. His father actually worked for Queen Isabella II of Spain, and in 1852, Hostos was sent by his parents to study in Bilbao. A few years later, he went on with his studies in Madrid, where he became interested in politics. His most famous work, La peregrinación de Bayoán, was published there in 1863; the novel is written in diary form and manages to romanticize the three colonies while also describing their mutual suffering from Spanish colonization.
Hostos left Spain after the country refused to grant Puerto Rico self-governance in 1869; he went to the United States and became editor of La Revolución, a newspaper devoted to Cuban independence. He spent the rest of his life working to liberate Spainâs Caribbean colonies and used journalism, plays, and books as a space to contest colonization and influence revolution.
Cuba and the Dominican Republic eventually became independent, but Puerto Rico did notâafter the Spanish American War, ownership went to the United States. Although Hostosâs goal of total independence for all three colonies wasnât achieved, he still managed, among other things, to transform the conversation around Caribbean identity and politics.
2. Anna J. Cooper (1858-1964)
Born into slavery in North Carolina in 1858, Anna J. Cooper became a writer, educator, and activist whose 1892 book, A Voice from the South by a Black Woman of the South, has led her to be dubbed the âMother of Black Feminism.â
In addition to getting both a bachelorâs and masterâs degree in mathematics, Cooper was the fourth Black American woman to receive a Ph.D. (she studied history at the University of Paris, Sorbonne, graduating in 1925). She also contributed in the field of sociology, arguing, in the words of the National Park Service, âthat Black women had a unique standpoint from which to observe and contribute to society,â and advocating that educating Black women would make them âat once both the lever and the fulcrum for uplifting the race,â she explained in A Voice From the South.
Cooper was a pioneer in speaking about intersectionality before the term even existed (it was coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989), influencing future thought, theory, and praxis around equal rights for Black women and the distinctive issues that affect them.
3. Jacques Stephen Alexis (1922-1961)
It makes sense that Haitian novelist, intellectual, and advocate Jacques Stephen Alexis would enact changeâhe was a descendant of Jean-Jacques Dessalines, one of the leaders of the Haitian Revolution, and the son of Stephen Alexis, who was Haitiâs ambassador in the UK, representative of Haiti in the United Nations, and author of an important biography of the great Haitian general Toussaint Louverture.
Influenced by this rich lineage, Alexis published his first writing, an essay, at the age of 18 to great acclaim. In his novels, which include Compere Général Soleil (General Sun, My Brother, 1955) and LâEspace dâun cillement (In the Flicker of an Eyelid, 1959), he not only defended the poor but contextualized them, their realities, and their experiences, and called for the unity of all Haitians regardless of class.
As a communist, Alexisâs works accompanied and were motivated by his political work. He created a left-wing political group in 1959, which led to his exile by Haitiâs then-President François Duvalier soon after. He secretly returned to Haiti in 1961, was captured, and consequently killed.
Alexisâs writings influenced the contemporary Haitian writer Edwidge Danticat, who is one of todayâs leading voices for Haitian immigrants and their experiences.
4. José Rizal (1861-1896)
The writings of this Filipino polymath (who studied medicine, philosophy, and languages) helped inspire the movement that led the country to colonial freedom from Spain (though he technically advocated reform of Spanish rule, not immediate freedom from it). Rizal moved to Europe to continue his education in 1882, and finished his first novel, Noli Me Tángereâa brutally honest account of the atrocities of Spanish colonization in the Philippinesâwhile living in Berlin. The novel was published in 1887 and quickly banned in the Philippines. After briefly returning to Manila that same year to an antagonistic atmosphere (Rizal was even shadowed by police), he decided to leave once again. He published his second novel, El Filibusterismo, an extension of Noli but with an increased revolutionary approach, in 1891. This book barely reached the Philippines, and any copies that did were burned.
Rizal continued to write about the Filipino experience during colonial times in everything from poetry to plays, and he advocated for social reforms to grant Filipino people a voice within the colonial structure. He formed La Liga Filipina in 1892, an organization whose objective was to directly include people in the legal reform process; this political activity led to his internal exile. Eventually, he left to work as an army doctor in Cuba, but en route, he was sent back to Manila to be tried on a charge of sedition. He was executed in 1896.
Liberation from Spain ultimately occurred in 1898, but the country wasnât free: It was taken over by the United States. The Philippines didnât gain full independence until 1946. A decade later, a law was passed in the Philippines requiring students at most universities to take courses on Rizal.
5. Forugh Farrokhzad (1934/5-1967)
Born in Tehran, Iran, to a strict military father and a mother who was a housewife, Forugh (also Forough) Farrokhzad began writing poetry at a young ageâbut she immediately destroyed her poems out of fear that her father would find them. Women at this time were expected to fulfill conventional gender roles by taking care of the household and the family; they were not encouraged to be thinkers.
Farrokhzad became a housewife herself at the age of 16 when she married a much older man, but continued to write whenever she completed her housework. She published her first poetry collection, The Captive, in 1955. One poem, âSin,â was published in a literary magazine alongside a photo, a biography, and under her real nameâall unusual for an Iranian poet of any gender at that time.
Farrokhzadâs poems were divisive because of their erotic tones; she received mixed reviews but also gained recognition from them. There were other consequences, too: âSinâ openly acknowledged that she had had an affair while married; according to The Paris Review, while men could have as many affairs as they pleased, âan adulterous woman was taking her life into her handsâshe could be killed for her transgression and her killers barely punished.â Farrokhzad wasnât killed, but when she divorced her husband, she lost custody to her son, Kamyar.
Farrokhzad continued to write about the intimate world of women and directed a documentary before her untimely death in a car accident at the age of 32. She is still praised today for advocating for women and their freedom.
6. Gabriela Mistral (1889-1957)
The Chilean poet and diplomat who would become the first Latin American writer to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature was born Lucila Godoy Alcayaga in Vicuña, Chile, in 1889, and raised in the small village of Monte Grande.
She initially found inspiration close to home: Mistralâs father (who pretty much abandoned the family when she was young) was a poet and teacher, and her religious grandmother was a lover of literature and poems. But it wasnât until she left Monte Grande at age 11 to study in Vicuña that she began to write about the hardships she experienced away from home, as well as the realities that women, children, and the poor (whom she advocated for throughout her life) faced in the world. For her writingsâwhich included newspaper articles, short stories, and poemsâshe used a penname that was probably assembled from the monikers of two other poets (though another theory has it that the name came from the archangel Gabriel and a French wind [PDF]).
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guided walking tour of Old San Juan including tourist map
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2018-08-20T15:22:10+00:00
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Whether on a cruise stop or a longer stay, this free self-guided walking tour of Old San Juan stops at many of the city's major sites.
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en
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Boulevards & Byways
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https://boulevardsandbyways.com/blog/self-guided-walking-tour-of-old-san-juan
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One of the best ways to see the city of Old San Juan, Puerto Rico is to walk. Stroll upon the blue cobblestone streets of this oldest city in America and see pastel-colored colonial architecture, historic forts, quaint museums, monuments, and charming plazas with cafes and restaurants.
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The city is layered with hundreds of years of Spanish, Taino, and African influences. Take this self-guided walking tour of Old San Juan and immerse yourself in the culture and cuisine of this charming city.
Self-Guided Walking Tour of Old San Juan
Links to Google Maps are included to help you along your journey.
Welcome to Old San Juan!
Start Your Walking Tour at Calle Marina
This walking tour starts at Calle Marina, which is where the cruise ships dock. If you are driving into the city, there’s a reasonably priced parking garage on PR38. Park in the garage and walk toward the waterfront. Enjoy the beautiful view of the bay!
Plaza Darsenas & Casita de Rones Bar
From the marina head west, with the bay on your left, to Calle Comercio. You will come upon Plaza Darsenas and the Casita de los Rones bar. It serves as a promotion center for the rums of Puerto Rico. Make a stop and grab a refreshing rum cocktail or a bite to eat.
Plaza de Hostos
Continue walking towards Plaza de Hostos. A bust of Eugenio María de Hostos stands proudly. Hostos was an avid supporter of the independence movement for Puerto Rico and Cuba. He dedicated his life to educational causes and advocating women’s is cbum natural rights to higher education.
What are the blue stones?
You may have noticed you’ve been walking on blue stones. Brought over on Spanish ships, they are adoquin, cast from furnace slag, and used as ballast on the ships. The characteristic blue color comes from age and moisture.
El Paseo de la Princesa
Continue strolling on the path toward San Juan’s most beautiful promenade, El Paseo de la Princesa. Originally created in 1853, the Paseo, features a broad brick walkway. It leads visitors through a pleasant tree-lined sculptural and garden showcase.
Look up and see the remains of the original city walls. La Muralla, a UNESCO World Heritage Site is nearly 400 years old. By 1873 masonry walls fully encircled the city and the fortification defended the entire islet. It was considered one of the best fortified cities in the Caribbean and consisted of lookouts and defensive positions.
On weekends, vendors sell local art, handmade jewelry, fried treats, and piragua, a shaved-ice made with tropical fruit syrup.
Puerto Rico Tourism Company
The Puerto Rico Tourism Company will be on your right. This building served as the prison from 1837 to 1960 and visitors can view the original jail cells located in the back courtyard.
Raices Fountain
Along with the lovely views of San Juan Bay you will see the beautiful Raíces or Roots Fountain. The fountain celebrates Puerto Rico’s rich cultural diversity and historical heritage. Sculpted by Spanish artist, Luis Sanguin, Amerindian, African, and Spanish peoples are represented.
Bacardi Factory
Look across the bay you’ll see a few wind turbines spinning. That’s the Bacardi Rum Factory. To visit the Bacardi Factory from Old San Juan, ride the La Lancha Ferry on Pier 2 to Catano. Continue to the Bacardi Factory by taxi.
Crecimiento Sculptures
Follow the walkway as it bears to the right. A collection of bronze sculptures sit along the outside of the city walls called ‘Crecimiento.’ These are the creation of Carmen Inés Blondet in 1996 and represent the affirmation of life.
The shapes, rising from the ground, convey the idea that the fragility of growth is only an impression and what is truly important has to be eternal.
Queen Isabella Sculpture
Continue following the pathway and view the sculpture of Queen Isabella I of Spain in a courtyard next to the city wall. It’s shaded by a stately ficus tree.
Self-Guided Walking Tour of Old San Juan
La Puerta de San Juan
As you continue to follow the path you will come upon an immense red gate or La Puerta de San Juan. Build between 1634 and 1638, when the wall was built around the entire city, this massive door was closed at night to protect the city and its inhabitants.
Out of the three that were built, this is the only one that stands to this day. As you walk through the gate, notice the 15-feet thick walls.
A blessing, at the top of the gate, to all visitors as they pass through: “Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord.”
Caleta San Juan
Walk through the gate and continue straight on San Juan Street or Caleta San Juan. Notice the colors and architecture of these 400-year old homes. The beautiful Moorish title and hidden courtyards make this my favorite street to take a stroll.
Cathedral de San Juan Bautista
At the top of San Juan Street is the graceful gothic Cathedral de San Juan Bautista or the Cathedral of Saint John the Baptist. It is the second oldest church in the western hemisphere and oldest church on US soil. The history of the church begins in 1521 with the beginnings of the Spanish colonialization of the island.
The tomb of Ponce de Leon, the first governor of Puerto Rico is housed in this church. A Spanish conquistador, he led the first European expedition for gold to the Americas in addition to a small island to be later named, Puerto Rico. It was in 1509 he took office as the first Governor of Puerto Rico by appointment of the Spanish crown.
El Convento Hotel
El Convento Hotel is on the diagonal corner of the cathedral.
There have been numerous sightings of ghosts in the guest rooms over the years at El Convento Hotel. A Carmelite convent in the past, the popular ghost story revolves about Doña Ana de Lansos y Menéndez de Valdez, the founder.
Doña Ana was its first mother superior, and many say she never left. She and her nuns walk the halls, it has been reported. It is said that the swishing sound of their robes echoes through this hotel, even centuries after Doña Ana’s death.
El Bate bar
Head up the hill to Cristo Street or Calle de Cristo. If you’re thirsty, stop into El Bate, a little gem, with graffiti-covered walls and business cards hanging from the ceiling. Reasonably priced drinks, this place is a welcome respite from the heat.
San Jose Church
Continue walking up Calle Cristo and on the right is the oldest church in San Juan, the San Jose Church.
Built in 1532, it is one of the finest and oldest examples of Gothic influenced architecture built by the Spanish in the New World. It has recently been renovated.
Institute of Puerto Rican Culture
As the road bears to the left, the Institute of Puerto Rican Culture will be on the right. This museum houses the largest collection of Puerto Rican paintings from the eighteenth century to the 1960s.
El Totem Telurico & Plaza del Quinto Centario
Continue walking towards the left and you will see a plaza with a totem pole or El Totem Telurico. This is Plaza del Quinto Centenario.
In 1992, to honor the 500 year anniversary of Columbus’ first voyage to the Americas, artist Jaime Suarez created this totem with clay. The clay is from different locations of the Americas, signifying the origins of the people.
Look out toward the ocean and you will see El Morro Fort in the distance.
El Morro Fort
A National Historic Site, completed in 1589, El Morro Fort is a stunning six-level fortress. It successfully protected the city from sea invaders.
The three flags waving at the top commemorate Puerto Rico, the US, and the Spanish military. Spectacular views and interesting historical items make this a fascinating place to visit. On weekends you’ll see families flying kites on the lawn.
La Perla
The colorful neighborhood known as La Perla is located along the ocean to the right of El Morro. Community leaders have been making efforts toward the growth and development of what has for generations been one of the most underserved and economically disadvantaged sectors of San Juan.
This colorful barrio is where the filming for the pop hit “Despacito” took place. Please note that this is a local neighborhood, not a tourist attraction, so respect the privacy of those who live here.
Santa Maria Magdalena de Pazzis Cemetery
Before you reach El Morro, you will see the beautiful Santa Maria Magdalena de Pazzis Cemetery is the final resting place of many of Puerto Rico’s most prominent natives and residents; artists, politicians, musicians, and painters.
If you plan to visit the cemetery it can be accessed by walking on Calle Norzagaray to the parking garage located underneath the Plaza del Quinto Centenario. Continue on Calle Del Cementerio and through the underground tunnel to reach the cemetery’s entrance.
Across from El Morro Fort on Calle Norzagaray, continue walking to Beneficencia to the Plaza de Beneficencia.
Plaza de Beneficencia
In the plaza is a statue in honor of Eugenio Maria de Hostos. Importantly known as “The Great Citizen of the Americas” he was an advocate for Puerto Rico’s independence and an educator, lawyer, philosopher, sociologist, and writer.
Plaza de Ballaja & Museo de las Americas
To fully explore the attractions on this street, you’ll need about 2 hours if you were to visit both museums.
Museo de las Americas
Continue to the Plaza de Ballaja and see the ballajá or military barracks. Built in 1854 for the Spanish troops and their families. This building is home today of the Museo de las Americas containing pre-Columbian to modern art from the Americas.
Casa Blanca Museum
Continue walking and tucked on the southwest end of Calle Beneficencia and San Sebastian Street on the right, is Casa Blanca, built in 1521 for Juan Ponce de Leon and his family. It is the oldest house on the island. Visitors can tour the lovely gardens, mansion living spaces, a display of artifacts, and historic information.
Side Trip to La Factoria Bar
If you want to make a stop to the famous La Factoria Bar, don’t turn on Calle Sole just yet. Stay on San Sebastian Street and walk 2 blocks. La Factoria is rated as one of the worlds 50-best bars in North America. A labyrinth of six unique rooms, each with different menus and themes, cater to guests looking for a slightly different experience.
Calle Sol
From San Sebastian Street turn onto Calle Sol. Bursting with brightly painted houses and flowers, it’s a favorite of mine. A street that’s really a staircase. Now that’s unusual!
La Rogativa statue
At the bottom of Calle Sol, you’ll see La Rogativa statue, made by Lindsay Daen out of bronze. Rogativa means procession. This statue was created to celebrate a famous procession of faith in history.
When the British were about to attack the Spanish army in 1797, the Bishop and towns-women came up with a brilliant plan to protect the city. They held a procession, and subsequently, the British gave up the attack thinking the women were Spanish army reinforcements.
Limber
Across the street from La Rogativa, there’s a sign that says “limbers.” Next to it there is a small hallway and gated door. Run by a local family, they’ve been selling these sweet-fruit flavored ice treats for years. If no one is at the window, just knock loudly or call out a greeting.
Self-Guided Walking Tour of Old San Juan
Cristo & Forteleza Streets
Go up Las Monjas Street toCristo Street. On Cristo Street, turn right. Cristo and Forteleza Streets are the main shopping areas. Outlet shops, Puerto Rican handcrafts, unique souvenirs, high-quality jewelry, and artwork can be found here.
La Forteleza
At the very end of La Forteleza Street, is the official residence of the Governor of Puerto Rico. La Forteleza, built to defend the harbor of San Juan is the oldest executive mansion in continuous use and a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Capilla del Santo Cristo
Around the corner from La Forteleza, you’ll see the Capilla del Santo Cristo. Believers who come to the chapel seek miracles for physical illnesses.
The legend says that Baltazar Montanez, in 1753, took part in a traditional horse race, lost control, and plunged off the cliffs. The Spanish Secretary of Government, Don Mateo Pratts, cried out, “Christ of Good Health, save him!” The young rider, lived. He was miraculously saved, they believed! That same year Montanez built the small chapel on the exact spot where Montanzez fell over the cliff.
Over the years believers have brought tiny silver ornaments, each one representing some ailing part of their body. These small “Milagros,” decorate the walls. They represent the cause of pain for the pilgrim. The church is open on Tuesdays and religious days.
El Parque las Palomas
Next to the chapel on Calle de Tetuan, is Parque las Palomas or Pigeon Park. Here you can purchase bird food and feed the hundreds of pigeons that flock in the park.
You can choose to END your walking tour here, or continue to on to Fort de San Cristobal, which will put you near the parking garage on PR38.
Fort de San Cristobal
If you wish to visit Fort de San Cristobal, follow these directions from the Parque Las Palomas.
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https://www.ala.org/acrl/awards/achievementawards/excellenceaward/hostosap
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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https://www.ala.org/acrl/awards/achievementawards/excellenceaward/hostosap
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Background and Institutional Context
The mission of Eugenio María de Hostos Community College is to provide educational opportunities leading to socio-economic mobility for first and second generation Hispanics, African Americans, and other residents of New York City who have encountered significant barriers to higher education. This institutional mission was founded on the work and contributions of an intellectual giant, Eugenio María de Hostos, a man who dedicated his life to education and to justice. A Puerto Rican educator, writer and patriot, Eugenio María de Hostos was widely known throughout Latin America as a strong advocate of civic reforms. He was a lifelong fighter for the independence of Puerto Rico, Cuba and the other Latin American and Caribbean countries, fighting to abolish the institution of slavery. His support for women's rights, especially in education, was more than theoretical, since he had decisive influence on the educational systems of Chile and the Dominican Republic in which women were included for the first time under his leadership. A life-long writer, Hostos’ Obras Completas (complete works) published in 20 volumes in 1939 by the Cuban government, includes novels, children’s stories, essays on literature, education, law, morality, politics, sociology, journalistic works and notes for his classroom lectures. During his time in New York, Hostos was at the center of a growing community of Caribbean political activists, and is considered to be one of the pioneers of the city’s Latino community, one that would grow to nearly 2 million residents.
Mott Haven: The Heart of the Latino South Bronx
The impact of Hostos Community College/CUNY on the people of the South Bronx cannot be underestimated. Since 1970 it has served as an anchor to the predominantly Latino community surrounding it. Located in the heart of the South Bronx in the neighborhood of Mott Haven, Hostos is an open-admissions, transitional bilingual institution that was established in 1968 in response to the demands of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic leaders who demanded the creation of a college to meet the needs of the local community. The founding of Hostos Community College was the first occasion in New York that an institution of higher learning had deliberately been sited in a neighborhood like the South Bronx, one of the nation's poorest congressional districts. Hostos' open admissions policy, bilingual educational model, and geography have remained enduring signs of Hostos' identity as an institution dedicated to higher education for poor and predominantly Hispanic students. The College takes pride in its historical role in educating students from diverse ethnic, racial, cultural and linguistic backgrounds, particularly Hispanics and African Americans. An integral part of fulfilling its mission is to provide transitional language instruction for all English-as-a-second-language learners along with Spanish/English bilingual education offerings to foster a multicultural environment for all students. Hostos is nationally known for its bilingual approach to education, allowing Spanish-dominant students to begin courses in their native language while learning English.
Hostos Community College is part of the City University of New York (CUNY), the nation’s largest urban university with 11 senior colleges, 6 community colleges, a graduate school, a law school and a school of biomedical education. The modern campus sits just blocks from Yankee Stadium and major expressways in a transportation area know as “the Hub.” It functions as a Hub in many valuable ways to the local community: educationally, culturally and socially. Hostos enrolls approximately 4,500 students each year—60-65% is full-time, 30-35% percent part-time. Sixty percent of our students are Hispanic/Latino (Dominican, Puerto Rican, Central/South American) and 30% black. Seventy-two percent of our students are female. The College offers an innovative and robust liberal arts program leading to an Associate in Arts, an Associate in Science degree, or transfer to four-year colleges upon graduation. Hostos also offers an Associate in Applied Science (A.A.S.) degree as well as a variety of career programs in the Allied Health professions, paralegal studies, public administration, education, urban health, and business. Hostos further serves the South Bronx through its Hostos-Lincoln Academy High School which was named a national Blue Ribbon School of Excellence during the 2001-2002 academic year.
The Hostos Library Department
Knowledge and freedom were what Eugenio María de Hostos wanted for his own people and for all the people of the world. As the first college in the United States to bear his name, we strive for no less. As the library that serves this college, we are passionately dedicated to the mission of our institution and have designed all of our programs and initiatives around helping our college meet its’ institutional and community goals. In this regard, we have developed a mission statement that bolsters our commitment to supporting our students in the acquisition of English and the critical academic literacy skills that will serve to break down the barriers that have contributed to the exclusion of our community from higher education in the past. Thus, in 2003/04 we revised our mission statement to reflect an emphasis on teaching and defining ourselves as a teaching library. Moreover, as the library that bears his name, we have claimed our role as a research and community resource for information by and about Eugenio María de Hostos in the United States. By establishing a unique collection for research and study on Hostos at Hostos, we strive to provide a unique opportunity for our students, faculty and our surrounding communities from the Bronx and all of New York City to explore with us the rich threads that are brought together in the life experience and works of this extraordinary man.
Our vision of the Hostos Library is that of a centralized empowerment zone focused on a student-centered, active learning environment. At the heart of our mission is our Information Literacy initiative, which we view as the driving force behind our vision for the Library. We believe it is our duty and role to provide our students with these critical skills in order for them to be successful in their academic and life pursuits, and all of our programming, collection development and instructional activities are founded on this belief. Eight fulltime library faculty, four faculty adjuncts, six fulltime administrative support staff, six regular part time support staff and a revolving team of student aides serve this population of approximately 4500 students and 155 fulltime instructional staff. The library is open 7 days a week for total of 68 hours, operating and staffing four public services desks at Reference, Circulation, Reserves and Media Services. In this application we will highlight three primary initiatives, or activity areas, that we believe define our role as a community college library, meet the ACRL criteria for excellence, and are representative of excellence in academic librarianship in the community college environment. The three programmatic areas detailed below include our instruction initiative, grants program and library-faculty curricular collaboration activities.
I. Creativity and Innovation in Meeting the Needs of Hostos Community College
Several years ago the library department made a strategic decision to take the lead in making the library’s teaching agenda an institutional priority with a goal to make the library a visible and critical partner in the college's teaching and learning mission. Thus, the library department has gradually come to be recognized as the academic department that it is, with a teaching agenda of its own that is now reflected through proactive curriculum development. The Middle States review and the accreditation standards presented a golden opportunity to advocate for the library as an academic department and put forward a new, more dynamic image of library faculty—that of educator and faculty partner. We did this by identifying the most important initiatives on our campus and worked to demonstrate how the library department supports those initiatives. In our case these priorities were retention, recruitment, academic integrity, and writing across the curriculum.
We developed a teaching agenda that supports the programs and priorities of the institution and took a proactive approach to presenting the library’s programmatic offerings, rather than our traditionally more comfortable, reactive approach to waiting to be asked to give a tour or teach a workshop. We sought to position ourselves as the invaluable teaching partners that we are, with unique expertise in the information technologies and critical thinking skills that are so crucial to the success of our students and faculty. We market and promote our curriculum and ourselves, showing that as library faculty, we use our information technology and literacy expertise, pedagogic skills and enthusiasm for collaboration, to contribute significantly to the Hostos mission. We believe our approach and program to be innovative and creative in meeting the needs of our community. Our Library mission statement is truly the starting point for a presentation and description of our instruction program and information literacy initiative.
Library Mission Statement
As an academic department, the Hostos Community College Library functions as a dynamic center of teaching and learning. The Library provides information literacy tools that enhance the pursuit of knowledge by teaching our college community to retrieve, critically evaluate and synthesize information for academic, professional and personal pursuits.
In this thriving urban environment, we partner with each academic department to broaden and contextualize all areas of study, selecting and using the necessary instructional materials, related equipment and services that will assist the college in meeting its educational, cultural and social obligations.
As vanguards of information, the library faculty supports an environment of free and critical thought to realize the goals of a bilingual, metropolitan and multicultural community college.
From our Information Literacy Program Mission Statement
No student should graduate from Hostos Community College without the ability to formulate a research question or problem, to determine its information requirements, to locate and retrieve the relevant information, to organize, analyze, evaluate, treat critically and synthesize the information and to communicate and present that information in a cohesive and logical fashion. Moreover, no student should graduate from Hostos without understanding the ethical, legal and socio-political issues surrounding information and knowledge and how it is produced. The students here attending college in the South Bronx must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these skills if they are to participate as equal members of society in the 21st century.
Library Instruction Program
As noted earlier, our Information Literacy initiative is the driving force behind our vision for the Library. Our multi-level, curriculum integrated, information literacy program involves campus-wide faculty development, a new wireless electronic classroom for teaching, a re-trained library faculty, an incentive-based laptop loan program, the provision of high quality, bilingual instructional materials including an online, interactive Bilingual Information Literacy Tutorial and an ever-expanding library Web site with resources for students and faculty.
Library faculty have been making connections with disciplinary faculty for many years, providing unique and varied opportunities for our students to acquire fundamental academic and life skills through our information literacy initiatives. Similar to writing, information literacy skills are best learned over time, through practice and repetition, and they are the very skills our students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam, a graduation requirement for all CUNY students, that tests student ability at reading and writing comprehension in English. Getting Hostos students through the CPE is a major college-wide priority and challenge. Since information literacy focuses on critical thinking, reading, evaluation and the use of information to enhance learning and produce new knowledge, it can be especially effective when taught in the context of disciplinary coursework by the classroom instructor in collaboration with Library faculty. With expertise in teaching research strategies and use of information resources, Library faculty know that information literacy skills facilitate the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge, and that instruction and practice in these skills “supports pedagogy focused on the development of research, critical thinking, and writing or other communication skills.” 1
In 2001, the Library initiated its multilevel, curriculum-integrated Information Literacy program to address the library’s role in supporting the college’s general education goals and teaching general education competencies. We now offer a panoply of research and instructional resources but we started out with three (out of an eventual six) foundational IL open workshops. When we created our IL program, we approached the Counseling department, whose faculty teach the College Orientation course; we were able to convince them that instead of simply assigning their students to read the section of their textbook on library research skills, that they could make attendance in our three foundational open workshops a requirement for the course. The College Orientation faculty would not have to use any of their once-a-week class sessions to cover IL, since students would sign up for the IL workshops during periods when they had no class sessions. It has been a highly successful strategy for both the Library and Counseling departments.
In 2002, the college set out to rethink and redesign our liberal arts core curriculum. After decades of a standard distribution model, with vague general education goals, the college-wide curriculum committee emerged from months of discussion and meetings with a cluster model that includes a General Education requirement of 21-22 credits, an 18-20 credit discipline-based cluster with 4 distinct choices and a final 20 credits of electives, which would include articulated “options,” or the equivalent of a minor. In addition, a set of distinct core general education competencies were identified and agreed upon as the fundamental skills we wanted our students to master by the time they graduated. It is also relevant to note here that the library department has representation on the College-wide Curriculum committee, the CPE Committee, the Writing Across the Curriculum Committee and the Center for Teaching and Learning Council, so we are very much involved with program development and implementation.
When the library faculty successfully integrated IL into the Freshman Orientation course, we in effect managed to insert information literacy into the new Liberal Arts core curriculum through the inclusion of the required College Orientation course. Thus, as of fall 2003, all Liberal Arts students take 2-3 information literacy workshops as part of the college’s general education requirements. In a further sign that faculty in other academic departments are seeing the value of information literacy, in the spring of 2005 the English department voted to require all students enrolled in English 111, the second semester of Freshman Composition in which research papers are assigned, to take an IL module comprised of two of our IL workshops that address research skills and academic integrity.
We now offer six different open workshops, each lasting 75 minutes, which also include hands-on use of wireless laptops. The curriculum addresses the five Information Literacy Standards as designated and described in the Association of College and Research Libraries’ Information Literacy Competency Standards for Higher Education. We teach basic IL skills, including how to use online catalogs, research databases and the Internet, but our focus is on teaching the lasting and transferable skills that all citizens of this information age need to know: how to decide what kind of information one needs in any particular instance, how to use language to create search strategies (now an essential skill in a digitally-based research environment), how to critically evaluate information and its sources, how to decode digital records and citations, and how to use information legally and ethically—all skills that support the acquisition of core general education competencies. Our curriculum was carefully and thoughtfully designed to include specific learning outcomes in each module with clear objectives for each session. Each session includes exercises designed to engage the student in demonstrating that they have met the learning goals.
We also offer course-related workshops for any faculty member who requests one. However, our approach to these customized IL workshops is innovative: before we work with a class, the faculty member must first require that the students take at least two of our open workshops (again, attending workshops outside of their regular class schedules) so that when the faculty member brings in their class, the students have already had some experience with using information tools and resources. In each of our open workshops, we sign students’ Attendance Verification Forms so instructors know their students have attended the workshop(s). All together, we teach approximately 80 workshops per semester, about one-fourth of which are targeted course-related workshops.
We have come to realize that IL instruction can be used as a powerful language-learning tool to reinforce language acquisition of ESL students and this has led to exciting collaborations with faculty and students in our Language and Cognition and English departments. Because part of a researcher’s strategy is to choose vocabulary that will correspond to the subject descriptors in the records of indexes and full text databases, library catalogs and even the freer-wheeling syntax of Web indexing, we strive to make use of teaching strategies that focus on how to choose keywords, synonyms and related terms and how to combine them to create successful results. We also use the pedagogy of IL to reinforce academic literacy skills such as how to engage in the process of research and critical evaluation that leads from broad, still-fuzzy results to narrowly focused, productive results. We often collaborate with disciplinary faculty to create workshops and information-based assignments and resources targeting a specific discipline.
One example of how we work can be found in a collaboration between a library faculty member and two faculty members who teach sections of Intensive English, a content-based ESL course that includes a module on the Holocaust and World War II. As the librarian and ESL teachers discussed creating a course-related workshop, they decided that many of the most useful resources for learning about the Holocaust are web-based resources that include art, photography, oral histories, letters and other primary source documents. The librarian created an online, annotated Pathfinder consisting of several of the most useful websites and an instructional handout to be used in the research workshop by the students in the two Intensive English sections. The library faculty member and class instructor team-taught the session, focusing on specific resources and the research assignment. In the weeks following these workshops, the librarian followed up with one-on-one work with students who needed help as they completed their research paper. Rubrics can then be applied to student work products to determine if the students have grasped the concepts and have demonstrated proficiency. This example of how we work with disciplinary faculty was so successful that it has been repeated for three years now. We try to work in this same fashion with all disciplinary faculty. English and Language and Cognition faculty are the most active in requesting course-related, collaborative workshops such as the one described, but since 2001 when we created our IL program, we have seen the steady rise in participation from all academic departments, and approximately 50 percent of Hostos faculty require students enrolled in their courses to take at least two of our IL open workshops.
We are also developing a credit-bearing Information Studies program to be taught by Library faculty or in collaboration with other departmental faculty which would be accepted as transfer credits by programs at some of CUNY’s senior colleges. Our pedagogic philosophy about teaching Information Literacy is that we can and should utilize a wide variety of methods to teach these crucial skills. One-on-one, point-of-use instruction at the reference desk; the six interlocking open workshops students can take outside their regular courses; course-related research workshops; online tutorials, which are now available in Spanish as well as in English and other instructional support materials available at the HCC Library website; and the emerging opportunity to offer semester-long credit-bearing courses comprise the Hostos IL program.
Outcomes
Among pedagogical outcomes, integrating information literacy into disciplinary curricula supports the ongoing development of academic readiness skills; prepares students to navigate and survive the information revolution; provides another language-learning tool for students to improve vocabulary and language skills; and reinforces the development of cognitive skills such as critical thinking and reading, comparing and contrasting, evaluating and analyzing information resources. Hostos Library faculty also anticipate that by working with faculty in other departments to offer these courses, modules, and workshops, our collective projects will support college efforts to invigorate and revitalize Hostos curricula and move our institution into a leading position among community colleges with its vision of how students in the 21 st Century can and must be supported. Finally, our students benefit by gaining deeper knowledge through making connections across and beyond disciplines through the acquisition of core general education competencies that will prepare them for a wide variety of professions and improve their academic success. Other measurable outcomes include the inclusion of information literacy in the new Liberal Arts core curriculum, which is reflected in the college program documents and continued increases in enrollment in our classes and program.
Outcomes Assessment
As part of our assessment plan, the library is working on several projects that will allow us to assess student outcomes and information literacy. The first is underway and involves integrating information-based assignments into the Writing Intensive (WI) courses, then working with the faculty to assess student papers and work using rubrics. We have developed a rubric to assess the ACRL IL standards and competencies and are employing the use of a basic assessment grid based on the Nichols 5-column chart to track our progress. The second is a project with faculty members in the Allied Health department and two of their summer classes. We collaborated with the classroom faculty to plan two customized workshops with clearly articulated IL learning outcomes, team-taught the session, then applied a rubric on the final student projects and collected assessment data to determine if the students met the learning goals of the session. The rubric assessed the students’ understanding of how to analyze records in our periodicals databases and how to apply APA citation format. The results were encouraging, demonstrating that the students understood the lessons learned in the workshops. This is the process we now employ for most of the course-integrated session requests we receive from faculty and has become a part of our regular routine to insure that we are making the most of our instructional time and meeting the needs of the students and the classroom faculty.
The third means of assessing information literacy instruction is taking place this year, when we will be able for the first time to cross-tab our student workshop data with CPE scores and other testing data from Institutional Research. We have been collecting data from student evaluation forms for several years and are hoping to be able to determine if there is any statistically relevant connection between students who have taken at least two of our IL workshops and GPA, retention rates and test scores. This means of assessing student-learning outcomes is based on a model that has been very successful at a Glendale Community College in California. Working closely with the Office of Institutional Research, we designed an evaluation form that is distributed to students in all of our sessions and we collect data that allows us to track our students through their academic career.
In the past year, the Library Department continued to assess student learning outcomes with regard to information literacy. The Coordinator of Library Instruction is working on Hostos student learning outcomes assessment on several levels. She is a member of the College’s Middle States Periodic Review Subcommittee on Student Outcomes Assessment and in connection with that subcommittee she attended the recent Middle States workshop, “Assessing Student Learning in General Education.” As a member of the CUNY-wide Library Information Literacy Advisory Committee (LILAC), she is Chair of the Articulation subcommittee - tasked with investigating and facilitating coordination and articulation of information literacy programs between and among the community and four year CUNY campuses. This past year she received our professional association’s (LACUNY) Professional Development award to enable her to attend an all-day pre-conference workshop, “Assessment and Beyond: Starting It Off, Pulling It All Together and Making Decisions,” that was held at the end of June at the American Library Association’s Annual Conference.
II. Leadership in Developing and Implementing Exemplary Programs
The Hostos Library has taken a leadership role in developing a proactive grants program to support our vision and address college priorities and institutional retention and instructional goals. Our grants program addresses one of our primary objectives-- to create more culturally relevant materials for curricular integration to support retention efforts on campus. A review of the literature revealed that research conducted over the past 15-20 years on the retention of Hispanic students demonstrates that the integration of Hispanic perspectives, culture and history into the curriculum improves retention rates. 2 Thus, we developed programs to improve the teaching and learning experience by working closely with faculty to include more Hispanic perspectives into the classroom as a part of college initiatives to retain students.
Presented here are four of our grants initiatives that we believe are examples of exemplary programming in support of our college mission to provide the best learning support for our students and retain them.
1. Awarded $5,000 Diversity Grant from the CUNY Office of Diversity for a Bi-lingual Information Literacy Initiative
The primary objective with this project is to provide equal access to critical information technology tools to the Spanish dominant students in CUNY. We know that basic information literacy skills that are learned over time through practice and repetition are the very skills students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam (CPE)—analytical reading and writing, and analyzing, integrating and using information from graphs, charts and corresponding texts. The goals and objectives of both the Information Competency and CPE programs are the same: to teach students how to think critically, compare and contrast, and evaluate and analyze information resources. If CUNY’s many Spanish-dominate ESL students can begin to learn these skills earlier in their own language, their ability to transfer the skills into English will be vastly improved. This project was based on the notion that Spanish-dominant students attending Hostos, and other CUNY colleges, must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these transferable skills if they are to participate as equal members of society and be competitive in the job market. A Spanish language version of our Web-based Information Competency Tutorial will serve CUNY’s Hispanic students in acquiring these essential transferable skills.
Spanish-dominant students, particularly those in the Bronx, face an uphill battle as entering CUNY students as they struggle to improve their language skills while also learning basic student survival and study skills. This online interactive tool is now available across CUNY and can be integrated into all disciplines. Access to a Spanish language version of this 24/7 interactive tutorial is a tremendous tool with potentially far-reaching benefits for CUNYs Hispanic population.
Outcomes
The primary outcome of the project is a Spanish language version of an interactive, online information literacy tutorial accessible to all CUNY students and faculty. A more important and desired benefit and potential outcome is more information literate students who have the ability to think critically and locate, evaluate and use information to become independent life-long learners. If they can do this, they can pass the CPE.
2. Awarded a $25,000 NEH Grant to build a seminal collection and digital archive of works by and about Eugenio María de Hostos
In 2003 the Library applied for and was awarded a National Endowment for the Humanities Extending the Reach grant to develop a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos and develop a digital archive of resources for research. The digital archive allows the College to disseminate information in Spanish and English on Hostos’s life and work to a broad public. With this project, the library fosters collaborative endeavors among faculty to develop and infuse its curriculum with courses that integrate Hostos’s thinking and writings in various disciplines, and promote more culturally relevant curricular offerings for our students. The library also sponsored academic programming that strengthens and supports our role as a research institution on the life and works of Hostos and Caribbean political thought and ideas. For example, the library organized and offered "Teaching Hostos at Hostos," a three-day interdisciplinary faculty retreat that was part of our NEH recent Extending the Reach grant that enabled professors to develop curricular modules on integrating Hostos into the curriculum for a wide range of college courses.
The focus of this project was to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos at Eugenio María de Hostos Community College in order to advance the study of humanities through expanded curricular offerings, symposia, community lectures and exhibitions based on the collection. While there are many scholarly resources for research available in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, there is very little here in the United States. With this project, the library claimed our role in recovering our legacy by developing the richest and most extensive collection of materials by and about Hostos in the United States. We expect the collection to become, in a few years, one of the best library collections on this author in the continental United States. Given the multi-disciplinary nature of Hostos’ life work, these materials can be used across disciplines to support research and curricular initiatives in the arts, history, sociology, education, philosophy, law and Latin American and Caribbean studies.
Outcomes
Measurable outcomes include increased holdings, a digital collection, and new course offerings in the Humanities, English, Language and Cognition, and English departments. Copies of syllabi, Web pages, and records of new holdings are publicly available as concrete measurable outcomes of this effort to promote the life and work of this extraordinary man and advance the study of the Humanities in a variety of disciplines. Specific outcomes included:
multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion of Hostos content in college courses
ongoing acquisition of the writings of Hostos as well as Martí and other Latino writers and thinkers in both Spanish and English
digitization of Hostos’s manuscripts and other historical source documents
development of a comprehensive public website in English and Spanish dedicated to Hostos’ biography and writings
3. Awarded three Documentary Heritage Grants from NY State Archives ($9,400; $24,500; and $18,900) for documentation and preservation project for College Archives
The goal of this project is to identify, survey and plan for the systematic collection of records that document the first decade of Hostos Community College and illustrate the decisive battles it survived—including funding struggles and ethnic conflicts—to become a vital and active contributor to the South Bronx and New York City. This project strives to preserve the institutional memory of the college and provide an accessible collection of primary source material for curricular use. It involves the documentation of archival records relating to Hostos Community College; arrangement and description of documents already gathered, and the design of a survey instrument for the eventual collection of valuable Latino and black records from the larger South Bronx community. This project is a priority because one-of-kind records documenting the history of this controversial bilingual CUNY College are in imminent danger of being lost due to faculty retirements and personnel changes in support staff. It was our intention with this project to bring to light not only a missing chapter in the history of the college, but to present a liberating legacy of Latino and black heritage to the South Bronx by carefully documenting the history of the college and the surrounding community.
Outcomes
These records are integral to the mission and collecting policies of the Hostos Community College Archives. They reflect the history and administration of the college since its inception in 1968. Informational content has yielded valuable documentation about the beginning of the college and its history, the political controversies surrounding its continued existence and its unique bilingual mission that continues to be a hot-button political issue up-to-the-moment. Consequently these records and biographical information on their creators will be quite important to any researcher documenting the history of bilingual education, advancement of Latino and black people existing in poor and underserved neighborhoods, and the continued population growth of Spanish-dominant populations in New York City. Moreover, as we move into year 3 when we survey the community organizations and begin to document their history and contributions to the South Bronx, we will become one of the only archival repositories in the South Bronx area able to serve the public. One very concrete outcome of this project includes the work of Thomas Lopez, an undergraduate at Duke University who is finishing his history thesis entitled "An American Necessity: The Politics of Survival at Hostos Community College, New York, 1970-1978." His honor’s thesis was subsequently awarded highest honors and earned the prize for best honor’s thesis (out of 20 submitted) in the Duke History Department for 2006. It was recently catalogued into the Hostos Library and Archives Collection.
4. Awarded $126,000 NEH Grant to present a NEH Summer Seminar on Hostos and Marti in New York with faculty colleague in Humanities Dept
In the summer of 2005, faculty in the library department, in collaboration with faculty in the Humanities department, were awarded an NEH Summer Seminar Grant to offer a humanities seminar. The seminar examined the role of New York City as a crucible in shaping Latin American and Caribbean political thought and history, as seen through the lives and writings of Puerto Rico’s renowned philosopher and educator, Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903) and Cuba’s martyred patriot, José Martí (1853-1895). Both men lived and worked as writers, journalists, and political activists in New York City, locus of a burgeoning community of Caribbean immigrants and political activists. They also spent considerable time exploring many facets of American life and values, while living in New York City—its educational system, industrial growth, labor movement, literary scene. This seminar, entitled, “Visions of Freedom for the Americas: Eugenio María de Hostos and José Martí in 19th Century New York” focused on New York City’s little known and important role in Latino and Caribbean political activism in the late 19 th century.
As a result of the 2002 NEH grant project to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos, the Library has an extensive collection of works on Hostos and Martí, including a digital archive of primary source material, photographs and original manuscripts and documents by Hostos. The Obras Completas of both Martí and Hostos were available for seminar participants as well as a seminal collection of dissertations and monographs. The Hostos Library served as a resource center throughout the seminar, providing participants with access to over 40 online databases and electronic resources, including numerous Spanish language databases for background research, and copies of all texts required for the program of study. The month-long seminar was co-taught by the Chief Librarian and a professor in the Humanities department. The rich resources for research of New York City’s finest institutions were used as an integral part of this program of study with walking tours, field trips, and research excursions to the best of the City of New York’s Library and research centers.
Outcomes:
Our NEH Summer Seminar offered during summer 2005 provided 15 college faculty participants across the country with a rich and unique opportunity to study and do research on the history of New York City and Caribbean political thought and history through the lens of Hostos and Marti. The ultimate goal of all NEH seminars is to transform undergraduate education, so it is our hope, based on positive evaluations from both the NEH and the participants, that the faculty used the experience to inform and transform their own classrooms. The four-week seminar for 15 college faculty was designed to accomplish the following objectives: (1) provide unique opportunities for research on the role of New York City in Caribbean political movements between 1865-1898; and (2) provide college faculty with new material for multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion on Puerto Rican and Cuban cultural and literary heritage. It was also the first time the NEH had awarded a Summer Seminar grant to a community college to offer a research seminar for college and university faculty.
III. Substantial and Productive Relationships with Classroom Faculty and Students
The final activity area that we present for consideration as meeting the criteria of excellence in academic librarianship is our collaborative relationships with classroom faculty and students. We present two initiatives below that demonstrate our commitment to substantive relationships with students and faculty—the publication of a student literary journal and a series of Poetry Slams and library faculty participation in curricular design and revitalization on campus.
Student Literary Journal and Writing Projects
The Hostos Library department strives to support the college's academic programs, student retention efforts and outreach to our community in its role as a center for research and learning. However, the Library faculty goes further, by creating innovative extracurricular programs and activities that provide more ways for our college and high school students to apply what they are learning and gain extra facility in writing, public performance, and developing their artistic talents and self-confidence.
One of these extracurricular programs is the Library's sponsorship of a series of open mics and poetry slams (competitive original spoken word performances). These poetry slam competitions began in the Fall of 2002, complete with MC and prizes; both our college and high school students flocked to participate as performers and audiences. We have organized ten of these slams so far and the winners and runners-up have also seen their poems published in another Library initiative: our bilingual student literary and art magazine, ¡Escriba! /Write!
We initiated this magazine in Spring 2003 and it is published annually. From the start, our goals for the magazine have included participation in the editorial and publication process for students who are attracted to or curious about the publication process. We began the magazine primarily as a way to publicize students' winning poetry and winning entries in Hostos' essay contests for Women's History Month and Black History Month. However, beginning with our second issue in 2003, we greatly expanded our journal’s diversity by reaching out to classroom faculty to send us student work, and to our art and photography students to submit their work. We encourage students to submit work in Spanish and other languages as well as in English. The result is that ¡Escriba! /Write! is an elegant and exciting student publication. In fact, in 2006 we entered it into the annual Student Literary Magazine competition sponsored by the Community College Humanities Association (CCHA) and our publication won the Eastern Region Small College Award. In addition, one of our student's contributions won the Best Student Essay Award. Besides the honor of these awards, we are pleased that it will be an additional way we can recruit more students to be co-editors and contributors to the magazine.
Curricular Innovation and Collaboration with Faculty
In 1991, Hostos received a Title III grant from the U.S Department of Education, which paved the way for college-wide instructional technology investments. Since then the College has continued to develop the capacity to implement innovative instructional technology initiatives. Both the faculty and the administration are committed to and invested in the potential for information and instructional technology to transform higher education in our college. It is in this context that the library has been able to position itself to take a leading role in the development and implementation of information and technology services in support of curricular goals. In 2003 the Chief Librarian was appointed to the Title V grant development team and worked with an extraordinary group of colleagues on a $2.5 million dollar Title V grant proposal for our college, which we were awarded in 2004/05. This 5-year project has three major components—institutional technology development, faculty development and student enrichment. In the fall of 2005 the Chief Librarian was appointed to co-chair the Title V Faculty Development initiative. This team is charged with innovations in faculty leadership and curricular revitalization.
A major component of our Title V grant initiative, Shifting the Paradigm on Teaching and Learning to Improve Student Success, the Hostos Faculty Development Seminar program was conceived to challenge faculty to participate in a competitive, incentive-based initiative designed to generate faculty-driven innovations in curricular design and pedagogy. The goal is increased faculty engagement to improve student learning outcomes and opportunities through curricular change. The new series challenges faculty to compete for a spot in a seminar series designed to support their ideas for curriculum innovations to be implemented on campus. Faculty with the most innovative ideas are selected for Innovation Awards and are supported by college administration to implement their new course, program, plan or pedagogical approach to teaching and learning. Out of over 50 faculty participating and only seven projects selected for awards and implementation, three of them were library faculty projects, each in collaboration with classroom faculty in other academic departments. A brief description of each project is presented here as evidence of our substantial and productive relationships the library has with classroom faculty.
Hidden Assets: Information Literacy Across the Curriculum
Prof Miriam Laskin, Library Dept & Prof Robert Cohen, Language and Cognition Dept
“Information, Culture & Society: A Critical Introduction to the Information Age” is the working title of a flexible, credit-bearing interdisciplinary course that will provide students with general education competencies including information literacy and technology, critical thinking, computer literacy, reading, writing and oral communication. The course will be cross-listed with other departmental electives and thus will provide a foundation course for more options for Liberal Arts students in such areas as journalism, information studies, educational technology, public administration, communications and computer science. Similar courses at other CUNY institutions are cross-listed in the English, Public Affairs and Communications departments. The flexibility we have in mind could mean that the course might be taught or co-taught by Library and disciplinary faculty in English, Natural Sciences, Humanities, or the Social and Behavioral Sciences. It could offer linked assignments with other courses; it could be offered as an asynchronous Blackboard course, as a discipline-specific module, or as a foundational course in the Liberal Arts clusters. It would also be an excellent fit for CUNY’s new Online Baccalaureate program in the Information Literacy proficiency subject area and be another Hostos course offering.
Information Literacy is, in fact, a true hidden asset. It facilitates and supports the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge and strengthens critical thinking and reading, evaluation, analysis and use of information to produce new knowledge. Although Library faculty have been teaching IL in open and course-integrated workshops, we believe the addition of innovative, interdisciplinary credit-bearing Information Studies (IS) courses, as offered at many of our sister CUNY institutions, will lead to a more thorough integration of critical General Education competencies into the curriculum and to increased student success. This project calls for the development of a foundation or a capstone IS course that can be cross-listed with other departmental electives, team taught, provide more Options for Liberal Arts students, and support the development of the cognitive abilities students need to pass the CPE.
History of Latin America II: a Dual-language, Online Class
Prof Elisabeth Tappeiner, Library Dept & Prof Jairo Taylor, Humanities Dept
Throughout its history Hostos Community College has been committed to providing an excellent education to its significant population of native Spanish-speaking students. Today, Hostos is a CUNY-wide leader in providing support for Spanish-speaking students as they make the transition from ESL to English content courses and as they prepare for the CPE exams. In this project, we seek to strengthen this role by developing a dual-language, online learning environment that supports Spanish-speaking students transitioning to English-only content courses. History of Latin America II Online will be an asynchronous (online only) class that will use online resources in English and Spanish to promote an understanding of the history of Latin America, and build critical thinking and information literacy skills. Open to both Spanish-speaking and English-dominant students, this course will offer students the choice of completing readings and assignments in either Spanish or English. Spanish-speaking students will be encouraged to write and discuss in English. In turn, English-dominant students will be encouraged to work in Spanish or partner with a Spanish-speaking student as they work in English. The class will be evaluated through student feedback and an assessment of student performance in coursework and on CPE exams. It will draw upon Hostos’s many rich institutional resources: a stellar Language and Cognition faculty, experts in teaching and assessing ESL students, excellent Instructional Technology support, and first-class online Library resources. This project is the result of the fruitful collaboration between a Humanities scholar and a Librarian, both of whom are committed to instilling a deep and informed appreciation of Latin American history and culture to Hostos’s students. Through History of Latin America II, we seek to create an online forum for intellectual discovery and exchange between Spanish and English-dominant students that will promote academic excellence and build mutual understanding and respect.
Grand Concourse One Hundred
Prof William Casari, Library Dept & Prof Felix Cardona, Social and Behavioral Sciences Dept
Grand Concourse One Hundred celebrates one of the great streets of New York City while presenting a more complete story of its impact on the Bronx and giving voice to the people who were not free to walk its sidewalks. Using the centenary of the Grand Concourse in 2009 as the catalyst, students in this seminar will explore issues of class, race, identity, exclusion and urban planning to unearth and present a well-rounded story of a particular neighborhood or city planning issue like the new Yankee Stadium project. Students will better understand the great forces—market, political and otherwise—that come together to form great neighborhoods and urban areas. Using primary source materials, field observations, class lectures and oral history interviews students will explore how urban history, geography, economics, sociology and other social science disciplines help us understand cities and their neighborhoods. How have cities and the Grand Concourse neighborhoods in particular responded to immigration, poverty, fiscal crisis, race, class and other political and social issues? What might alternative urban futures be? Students can complete multi-media projects or traditional research papers in which student learning outcomes may include a stronger sense of identity and sense of inclusion in a particular neighborhood. Retention rates may be bolstered when assignments are more culturally relevant and connected to an urban place. Evaluation of the project will be based on student response surveys and review of learning objectives; effectiveness of sponsored field activities and a review of student projects. Students will be graded on a combination of presentations, field work and a final project. Multi-media projects and written presentations will be displayed and/or promoted at Hostos and through collaboration with partner institutions like the Bronx Museum and possible corporate sponsorships. The 2009 birthday of the Concourse will be celebrated with a sharp academic insight and more complete images and stories of a beautiful street, its transitions, people and neighborhoods.
Closing Remarks
As a transitional bilingual college in the South Bronx, we accept the most under-prepared students in the city of New York in the poorest congressional district in the United States and provide them with access to higher education. The challenge is enormous. The Hostos Library Department prides itself on being an integral part of the life of the college and strives to support our college mission and our students with every activity and program we do. Over the last several years we have had two library retreats to address program planning, organizational culture and strategic planning. We completed our first 3-year strategic plan this past summer and are currently in year one. We just hired a new Information Technology librarian who has exceptional Web development skills and will be rolling out a new more user-friendly, accessible Web page in by the end of December. In this fiscal year the library received funding to move to an Information Commons model of reference and information technology support services and is in the middle of designing the new space, developing an implementation plan for a Fall 2007 start date. Given the accomplishments we have had and our strategic approach to planning and program development, we believe we have met all of the necessary criteria to demonstrate how we have worked together as a team with each other, our colleagues in other departments, the students and college administration to further the educational mission of our institution.
Strategic Objectives
From the Hostos Library Department Strategic Plan 2006-2009
Collection Development
GOAL: To develop an outstanding collection in all formats that engages the Hostos community and meets their curricular and informational needs. This effort must be supported by a flexible, proactive, interactive collection development structure that is informed by library faculty and the Hostos community. The collection should reflect the uniqueness and diversity of the Hostos community and current best professional practices.
Technology Development
GOAL: To establish the library as the place for innovation and new technology by being proactive in defining technology within the library landscape and all of its components. We aim to inform and educate the Hostos community as to our expertise and experience in technology and increase our involvement in technology decision-making on campus.
Organizational Culture
GOAL: To create new forums for and methods of communication that will improve interpersonal relationships and the working atmosphere for all. These efforts will foster collaboration and bi-directional conversation.
Faculty Development
GOAL: To establish innovative, proactive faculty partnerships, promote better communication between Library and other disciplinary faculty and foster a better understanding of Library faculty’s professional contributions to the life of the College.
Instructional Development
GOAL: To offer a cohesive, targeted instructional program that integrates information literacy into disciplinary curricula that supports the development of General Education competencies (critical thinking, academic readiness skills) and is aligned with the mission of the College. This program will be informed by a variety of dynamic instructional offerings and pedagogical perspectives.
1Middle States Commission on Higher Education. Developing Research & Communication Skills: Guidelines for Information Literacy in the Curriculum, p. 5. MSCHE (Philadelphia:PA: 2003).
2Hernandez, J. C. (2000). Understanding the retention of Latino college students. Journal of College Student Development, 41(6), 575-588; Zamani, E. M. (2000). Sources and Information Regarding Effective Retention Strategies for Students of Color. New Directions for Community Colleges. 10p.
SUMMARY PROFILE OF THE HOSTOS LIBRARY
2005-06
HOSTOS INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT
FT Instructional Faculty 155
FT Enrollment 2747
PT Enrollment 1720
LIBRARY FACULTY & STAFF
Library Faculty 8
Administrative Support Staff (FT) 6
Support Staff (PT) 6
Student aides 10-15
COLLECTIONS
Number of Volumes 64,000
Volumes Added 1,900
Current Serial Titles 410
Online Databases & Services 78
APPENDICES
Sample Web Pages:
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https://aurorazdb.medium.com/the-architect-of-liberation-eugenio-mar%25C3%25ADa-de-hostos-42914fed3da0
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The Architect of Liberation: Eugenio María de Hostos
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2022-01-12T00:58:21.568000+00:00
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“Ideals that take days to conceive, mature over centuries of struggles.” wrote Eugenio Maria de Hostos in the late 1800s. Educator, humanist, abolitionist, feminist, philosopher, writer, politician…
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https://miro.medium.com/v2/5d8de952517e8160e40ef9841c781cdc14a5db313057fa3c3de41c6f5b494b19
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https://aurorazdb.medium.com/the-architect-of-liberation-eugenio-mar%C3%ADa-de-hostos-42914fed3da0
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Boricua Social Philosopher, Educator — Writer — Patriot
“Ideals that take days to conceive, mature over centuries of struggles.” wrote Eugenio Maria de Hostos in the late 1800s.
Educator, humanist, abolitionist, feminist, philosopher, writer, politician, and above all, an early advocate of self-government for Puerto Rico, Hostos is globally recognized as one of the most distinguished and illustrious men in Puerto Rico’s history. The creation of a Spanish West Indies Confederation was his lifelong mission.
Called the “Citizen of America,” he educated an entire continent with a straightforward, liberal, pragmatic, and international mindset. He advocated and devoted his life to seeking the political independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, designing a united Federation of the Great Antilles to encompass Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic with sovereignty for each Island.
American investors sponsored his travels to New York, as they did many writers who advocated independence from Spain. Once there, Hostos established the Puerto Rican section of the Cuban Revolutionary Party organized by Cuban poet and patriot José Marti. The first to sign on: Arturo Schomburg.
He was editor of a La Revolución, the journal of the Cuban revolutionary movement. He was…
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https://www.linkedin.com/posts/latinojustice_caribe-caribbean-hostos-activity-7151302246780026881-WDbE
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LatinoJustice PRLDEF on LinkedIn: #caribe #caribbean #hostos #education
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2024-01-11T20:02:00.379000+00:00
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Today we celebrate the birthdate of Eugenio María de Hostos, a founder of public education in 🇵🇷 🇩🇴, philosopher, sociologist and advocate for independence…
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https://static.licdn.com/aero-v1/sc/h/al2o9zrvru7aqj8e1x2rzsrca
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https://www.linkedin.com/posts/latinojustice_caribe-caribbean-hostos-activity-7151302246780026881-WDbE
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El último "Country report" de la Comisión Europea (https://lnkd.in/daJ63mYz) apunta a una serie de retos en los que España está en una situación preocupante: 1) Abandono educativo 2) Jóvenes que no estudian ni trabajan 3) Evolución de la renta disponible de los hogares 4) Pobreza infantil 5) Reducción de la pobreza con transferencias sociales La radiografía global es la de un país incapaz de ofrecer oportunidades adecuadas a sus jóvenes y con problemas de desigualdad no resueltos. En abandono educativo somos el segundo país de la Unión Europea con mayor tasa de abandono educativo temprano. Por poner un ejemplo, España tiene una tasa de abandono educativo temprano más de tres veces superior a la de Irlanda. La Comisión considera que estamos en situación crítica a este respecto, aunque varía mucho por regiones. El impacto que tiene a largo plazo sobre el desarrollo vital de millones de ciudadanos debería convertirlo en una prioridad absoluta de cualquier gobierno. A este respecto, destacan iniciativas como EdugalIA, de la Xunta de Galicia, las cuales se enmarcan en una conception integral del abandono educativo como elemento esencial de la equidad del sistema. No en vano, Galicia es una de las regiones de España con menor tasa de abandono educativo temprano. Profundizando en la falta de oportunidades, más del 12% de los jóvenes ni estudia ni trabaja, lo cual tendrá, una vez más, consecuencias a largo plazo sobre su capacidad para desplegar un proyecto vital pleno y satisfactorio. La situación general de los hogares no es mejor. España es uno de los país de la unión europea en donde peor evolucionó la renta bruta disponible de los hogares desde 2008 (-4%). La Comisión considera que estamos en situación crítica a ese respecto. También es crítica la situación a nivel de pobreza y redistribución, incluso después de desplegar políticas como el IMV, el cuál solo llega a una fracción de su población objetivo, pero eso daría para otro post. Casi un tercio de los jóvenes menores de 17 años están en situación de riesgo de pobreza o exclusión social, el tercer país con peor tasa de la Unión Europea. A eso tenemos que unirle que España está claramente por debajo de la media en reducción de la pobreza con transferencias sociales. Para ponerlo en perspectiva, según un informe del JRC (https://lnkd.in/ddDYgMhb), España e Irlanda tienen tasas de riesgo de riesgo de pobreza infantil similares antes de intervención pública, pero mientras Irlanda la reduce en más de 10 puntos, en España el efecto de las intervenciones públicas es de menos de la mitad (4 puntos de reducción). De hecho, el propio informe del JRC apunta a que en España buena parte de las ayudas directas e indirectas a la infancia acaban en los mayores deciles de renta. En definitiva, sin ánimo de ser catastrofista, está claro que tenemos por delante retos no resueltos de primer nivel.
CONTEXT: Schools in Italy are mandated to respect some national holidays, AND are given a number of days they can freely choose to declare off for any reason (it can be "traditional", for instance the day of the patron saint of the city they are in, or an anniversary; or specific to an event, like the death of a student or of a teacher). The Ministry of Education decides how many days schools get, but has no influence on how they allocate them (or choose not to). In spite of Italy formally not having a State religion, and the Constitution allowing anyone to practice their spirituality as they see fit, the Christian matrix of the country runs so deep that a school which chose to close on the day of Eid, to allow its (mostly Muslim) students to celebrate with their families created a scandal. The headmaster had every right to call a day off; the majority of the students are Muslim, they wouldn't have come to school on Eid anyway; the teachers agreed that it would be better to have a day off for all, to incentivise inclusion (and curiosity towards a different culture from the other students) and ensure no one lags behind. Had this been any other holiday/festival/celebration this would have gone unnoticed. In a seemingly unfitting parallel... Today is Labour day in most of the world, not in the Netherlands (which if I'm not mistaken has chosen to celebrate King's day instead of Labour day). I, like all my other colleagues, am working. And I can't help but reflect about inclusion being achieved through many monumental issues, but also through a myriad of small issues: giving the freedom to choose which days to take off based on a person's beliefs or traditions -and making sure that employees know they can, not saying "well, you could have..." after they showed up for work- makes a lot of difference for those we want to hire and retain. Even though it may appear like a paradox, by allowing the expression of individuality we foster the sense of belonging. It's easier to belong when we are allowed to be who we are.
June 19th marks the day in 1865 when slavery ended in the United States. Why does this matter in Canada? We mark this day in Canada to celebrate the end of slavery in the U.S. and to recognize that Canada also had a long history of enslaving African people – in fact, Canada has a longer history of enslaving people (about 200 years) than not enslaving them. Even after our own Emancipation Day on August 1, 1834, Canada benefitted from the institution of slavery, largely through banks and industries building wealth from trade and participation in the U.S. slave economy. Juneteenth gives us an opportunity to reckon with our national past and move forward with a more honest understanding of where inequities in our own country need to be redressed. If you want to dive deeper into why Juneteenth matters in Canada, read Jennifer Adams’ piece in The Conversation: https://loom.ly/5EFIQo0 #juneteenth #freedomday #emancipation
The #Chinese state is intent on quashing the identity of the #Tibetan people. It's chief weapon is not dystopian camps but something seemingly more quotidian: 'Residential Schools'. Nearly a million Tibetan children live in state-run residential schools on the Tibetan plateau. Chinese authorities subject these children to a highly politicized curriculum designed to strip them of their mother tongue, sever their ties to their religion and culture, and methodically replace their Tibetan identity with a Chinese one. Children as young as four have been separated from their parents and enrolled in boarding kindergartens under a recruitment strategy based largely on coercion. Until recently, the schools in Tibet were mostly local day-schools, and students returned home each evening; whatever they were taught in school was moderated by what they learned at home. But since Xi came to power, the government has shuttered most of these local schools and consolidated them into newly constructed boarding establishments located far from villages and towns. Unlike the schools of the past, the residential institutions enable the state to fully wrest control of the students’ attention and environment. This gives the #Chinese_Communist_Party unprecedented power to shape the worldview and mold the identity of the youngest generation of #Tibetans. The most comprehensive study on the residential school system to date comes from a 2021 report by the #Tibet_Action_Institute, a human rights advocacy group. Its researchers used Chinese government statistical yearbooks, firsthand testimonials from Tibet, and Chinese language academic publications to estimate that some 800,000 Tibetan students aged six to 18 are currently in the boarding system—roughly, three out of every four students in Tibet. This staggering statistic does not include the more than 100,000 Tibetan children aged four to six who are believed to be in boarding kindergartens. The report also documents many cases of the state coercing parents into enrolling their children, puncturing Beijing’s claim that all enrollment is voluntary. Chinese authorities impose punitive measures, including fines, denial of welfare subsidies, even arrest and imprisonment, to force parents to enroll their children in the schools. The West should be particularly concerned by China’s imposition of these schools on Tibetan youth. After all, the residential schools resemble the church-run boarding schools in which authorities thrust indigenous children in Australia and North America in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Where in recent years, researchers and survivors have brought to light the horrific scale of abuses and trauma associated with these schools, which sought to separate children from their indigenous cultures and families. https://lnkd.in/gzgJXGdM
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Eugenio Maria de Hostos Resource Page
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The materials in the link below provide writings by Eugenio Maria de Hostos in Spanish, English, and other sources that have translated his works to English. These writings are great resources for Spanish language arts and ELA classes taught in RCSD.
History of Hostos Abroad and in New York
BACKGROUND
Patriot, educator, sociologist, philosopher, essayist, and novelist. He was born in the municipality of Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, on January 11, 1839.
He did his first studies in Mayagüez and later went to Spain (Bilbao) for his secondary education. Following his father’s desires, he went to Madrid to study law, but his constant activism in support of the political rights for Puerto Rico and the Spanish republican movement prevented him from pursuing his law degree. In Spain, he associated with liberal, anti-monarchic political groups.
From Spain, he went to New York, where he spent almost a year and fought alongside the Cubans in their struggle for independence. Later, he undertook a journey throughout South America for more than three years to plead for the Cuban cause. Wherever he went, he was regarded as a man of integrity, devoted to the service of humanity.
In Perú, he denounced the exploitation of the numerous Chinese laborers who had immigrated to that country.
In Chile, he advocated for the right of women to obtain a scientific education. He was a member of the Academy of Letters of Santiago de Chile and published various writings, among them: a historical report on Puerto Rico; an essay on Hamlet, by English playwright William Shakespeare (considered one of the best on this work in Spanish); and a critical biography of Plácido, the Cuban poet.
In Argentina, he campaigned for the construction of the first railway route across the Andes, and the first train that crossed that mountain range bore the name Eugenio María de Hostos.
He established his residence in Santo Domingo in 1879. There he founded the first teachers' school in 1880. During the following nine years, he undertook an intense program of educational reforms in that country. After the United States invasion of Puerto Rico in 1898, he returned to the island. He wanted to stir the spirit of his compatriots so that they could demand their rights; he founded the League of Puerto Rican Patriots and headed the first commission that went to Washington to seek recognition for the rights of Puerto Rico. Nevertheless, all these efforts failed in the face of the firm decision by the North American government to retain the island as a colony and the lack of support from his compatriots.
It could be said that although Hostos published treatises, essays, two novels, and numerous journalistic articles that were successful, his best work was his extraordinary life, clean, just, humanitarian, and patriotic, which has placed him high among the great men of Latin America. Eugenio María de Hostos died in 1903 in Santo Domingo, where he is buried.
Biographical Data of Eugenio María de Hostos is adapted from the Institute of Hostosian Studies – University of Puerto Rico
You will find some resources below in addition to Hostos and his contributions and one source providing information on how to differentiate fiction and nonfiction text. ELA 11 teachers will at some point in the year teach Hamlet. Teachers can now access excerpts from the document titled, "Background and Translated Works" an essay by Eugenio Maria de Hostos on Shakespeare's play, Hamlet (pgs. 203-269). Students can have an opportunity to learn from a Puerto Rican scholar's insights on Shakespearean literature. When coming across difficult texts with cultural and historical significance, teachers can benefit from creative ways to differentiate difficult texts. Teachers will find links to digital literacies that engage students in the "Differentiating Texts" article. The authors showcase apps and web tools they have used in developing learners’ literacy. Most of the recommended apps are free and suggestions are included as to how teachers might use these tools with students when differentiating texts.
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https://www.everyculture.com/multi/Pa-Sp/Puerto-Rican-Americans.html
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Puerto Rican Americans
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Puerto Rican Americans - History, Modern era, Early mainlander puerto ricans, Significant immigration waves Pa-Sp
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Countries and Their Cultures
Pa-Sp
Puerto Rican Americans
Puerto rican americans
by Derek Green
Overview
The island of Puerto Rico (formerly Porto Rico) is the most easterly of the Greater Antilles group of the West Indies island chain. Located more than a thousand miles southeast of Miami, Puerto Rico is bounded on the north by the Atlantic Ocean, on the east by the Virgin Passage (which separates it from the Virgin Islands), on the south by the Caribbean Sea, and on the west by the Mona Passage (which separates it from the Dominican Republic). Puerto Rico is 35 miles wide (from north to south), 95 miles long (from east to west) and has 311 miles of coastline. Its land mass measures 3,423 square miles—about two-thirds the area of the state of Connecticut. Although it is considered to be part of the Torrid Zone, the climate of Puerto Rico is more temperate than tropical. The average January temperature on the island is 73 degrees, while the average July temperature is 79 degrees. The record high and low temperatures recorded in San Juan, Puerto Rico's northeastern capital city, are 94 degrees and 64 degrees, respectively.
According to the 1990 U.S. Census Bureau report, the island of Puerto Rico has a population of 3,522,037. This represents a three-fold increase since 1899—and 810,000 of those new births occurred between the years of 1970 and 1990 alone. Most Puerto Ricans are of Spanish ancestry. Approximately 70 percent of the population is white and about 30 percent is of African or mixed descent. As in many Latin American cultures, Roman Catholicism is the dominant religion, but Protestant faiths of various denominations have some Puerto Rican adherents as well.
Puerto Rico is unique in that it is an autonomous Commonwealth of the United States, and its people think of the island as un estado libre asociado, or a "free associate state" of the United States—a closer relationship than the territorial possessions of Guam and the Virgin Islands have to America. Puerto Ricans have their own constitution and elect their own bicameral legislature and governor but are subject to U.S executive authority. The island is represented in the U.S House of Representatives by a resident commissioner, which for many years was a nonvoting position. After the 1992 U.S. presidential election, however, the Puerto Rican delegate was granted the right to vote on the House floor. Because of the Puerto Rico's commonwealth status, Puerto Ricans are born as natural American citizens. Therefore all Puerto Ricans, whether born on the island or the mainland, are Puerto Rican Americans.
Puerto Rico's status as a semiautonomous Commonwealth of the United States has sparked considerable political debate. Historically, the main conflict has been between the nationalists, who support full Puerto Rican independence, and the statists, who advocate U.S. statehood for Puerto Rico. In November of 1992 an island-wide referendum was held on the issue of statehood versus continued Commonwealth status. In a narrow vote of 48 percent to 46 percent, Puerto Ricans opted to remain a Commonwealth.
HISTORY
Fifteenth-century Italian explorer and navigator Christopher Columbus, known in Spanish as Cristobál Colón, "discovered" Puerto Rico for Spain on November 19, 1493. The island was conquered for Spain in 1509 by Spanish nobleman Juan Ponce de León (1460-1521), who became Puerto Rico's first colonial governor. The name Puerto Rico, meaning "rich port," was given to the island by its Spanish conquistadors (or conquerors); according to tradition, the name comes from Ponce de León himself, who upon first seeing the port of San Juan is said to have exclaimed, "¡Ay que puerto rico!" ("What a rich port!").
Puerto Rico's indigenous name is Borinquen ("bo REEN ken"), a name given by its original inhabitants, members of a native Caribbean and South American people called the Arawaks. A peaceful agricultural people, the Arawaks on the island of Puerto Rico were enslaved and virtually exterminated at the hands of their Spanish colonizers. Although Spanish heritage has been a matter of pride among islander and mainlander Puerto Ricans for hundreds of years—Columbus Day is a traditional Puerto Rican holiday—recent historical revisions have placed the conquistadors in a darker light. Like many Latin American cultures, Puerto Ricans, especially younger generations living in the mainland United States, have become increasingly interested in their indigenous as well as their European ancestry. In fact, many Puerto Ricans prefer to use the terms Boricua ("bo REE qua") or Borrinqueño ("bo reen KEN yo") when referring to each other.
Because of its location, Puerto Rico was a popular target of pirates and privateers during its early colonial period. For protection, the Spanish constructed forts along the shoreline, one of which, El Morro in Old San Juan, still survives. These fortifications also proved effective in repelling the attacks of other European imperial powers, including a 1595 assault from British general Sir Francis Drake. In the mid-1700s, African slaves were brought to Puerto Rico by the Spanish in great numbers. Slaves and native Puerto Ricans mounted rebellions against Spain throughout the early and mid-1800s. The Spanish were successful, however, in resisting these rebellions.
In 1873 Spain abolished slavery on the island of Puerto Rico, freeing black African slaves once and for all. By that time, West African cultural traditions had been deeply intertwined with those of the native Puerto Ricans and the Spanish conquerors. Intermarriage had become a common practice among the three ethnic groups.
MODERN ERA
As a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898, Puerto Rico was ceded by Spain to the United States in the Treaty of Paris on December 19, 1898. In 1900 the U.S. Congress established a civil government on the island. Seventeen years later, in response to the pressure of Puerto Rican activists, President Woodrow Wilson signed the Jones Act, which granted American citizenship to all Puerto Ricans. Following this action, the U.S. government instituted measures to resolve the various economic and social problems of the island, which even then was suffering from overpopulation. Those measures included the introduction of American currency, health programs, hydroelectric power and irrigation programs, and economic policies designed to attract U.S. industry and provide more employment opportunities for native Puerto Ricans.
In the years following World War II, Puerto Rico became a critical strategic location for the U.S. military. Naval bases were built in San Juan Harbor and on the nearby island of Culebra. In 1948 Puerto Ricans elected Luis Muñoz Marín governor of the island, the first native puertorriqueño to hold such a post. Marín favored Commonwealth status for Puerto Rico. The question of whether to continue the Commonwealth relationship with the United States, to push for U.S. statehood, or to rally for total independence has dominated Puerto Rican politics throughout the twentieth century.
Following the 1948 election of Governor Muñoz, there was an uprising of the Nationalist Party, or independetistas, whose official party platform included agitation for independence. On November 1, 1950, as part of the uprising, two Puerto Rican nationalists carried out an armed attack on Blair House, which was being used as a temporary residence by U.S. President Harry Truman. Although the president was unharmed in the melee, one of the assailants and one Secret Service presidential guard were killed by gunfire.
After the 1959 Communist revolution in Cuba, Puerto Rican nationalism lost much of its steam; the main political question facing Puerto Ricans in the mid-1990s was whether to seek full statehood or remain a Commonwealth.
EARLY MAINLANDER PUERTO RICANS
Since Puerto Ricans are American citizens, they are considered U.S. migrants as opposed to foreign immigrants. Early Puerto Rican residents on the mainland included Eugenio María de Hostos (b. 1839), a journalist, philosopher, and freedom fighter who arrived in New York in 1874 after being exiled from Spain (where he had studied law) because of his outspoken views on Puerto Rican independence. Among other pro-Puerto Rican activities, María de Hostos founded the League of Patriots to help set up the Puerto Rican civil government in 1900. He was aided by Julio J. Henna, a Puerto Rican physician and expatriate. Nineteenth-century Puerto Rican statesman Luis Muñoz Rivera—the father of Governor Luis Muñoz Marín—lived in Washington D.C., and served as Puerto Rico's ambassador to the States.
SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES
Although Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States almost immediately after the island became a U.S. protectorate, the scope of early migration was limited because of the severe poverty of average Puerto Ricans. As conditions on the island improved and the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States grew closer, the number of Puerto Ricans who moved to the U.S. mainland increased. Still, by 1920, less than 5,000 Puerto Ricans were living in New York City. During World War I, as many as 1,000 Puerto Ricans—all newly naturalized American citizens—served in the U.S. Army. By World War II that number soared to over 100,000 soldiers. The hundred-fold increase reflected the deepening cooperation between Puerto Rico and the mainland States. World War II set the stage for the first major migration wave of Puerto Ricans to the mainland.
That wave, which spanned the decade between 1947 and 1957, was brought on largely by economic factors: Puerto Rico's population had risen to nearly two million people by mid-century, but the standard of living had not followed suit. Unemployment was high on the island while opportunity was dwindling. On the mainland, however, jobs were widely available. According to Ronald Larsen, author of The Puerto Ricans in America, many of those jobs were in New York City's garment district. Hard-working Puerto Rican women were especially welcomed in the garment district shops. The city also provided the sort of low-skilled service industry jobs that non-English speakers needed to make a living on the mainland.
New York City became a major focal point for Puerto Rican migration. Between 1951 and 1957 the average annual migration from Puerto Rico to New York was over 48,000. Many settled in East Harlem, located in upper Manhattan between 116th and 145th streets, east of Central Park. Because of its high Latino population, the district soon came to be known as Spanish Harlem. Among New York City puertorriqueños, the Latino-populated area was referred to as el barrio, or "the neighborhood." Most first-generation migrants to the area were young men who later sent for their wives and children when finances allowed.
By the early 1960s the Puerto Rican migration rate slowed down, and a "revolving door" migratory pattern—a back-and-forth flow of people between the island and the mainland—developed. Since then, there have been occasional bursts of increased migration from the island, especially during the recessions of the late 1970s. In the late 1980s Puerto Rico became increasingly plagued by a number of social problems, including rising violent crime (especially drug-associated crime), increased overcrowding, and worsening unemployment. These conditions kept the flow of migration into the United States steady, even among professional classes, and caused many Puerto Ricans to remain on the mainland permanently. According to U.S. Census Bureau statistics, more than 2.7 million Puerto Ricans were living in the mainland Unites States by 1990, making Puerto Ricans the second-largest Latino group in the nation, behind Mexican Americans, who number nearly 13.5 million.
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
Most early Puerto Rican migrants settled in New York City and, to a lesser degree, in other urban areas in the northeastern United States. This migration pattern was influenced by the wide availability of industrial and service-industry jobs in the eastern cities. New York remains the chief residence of Puerto Ricans living outside of the island: of the 2.7 million Puerto Ricans living on the mainland, over 900,000 reside in New York City, while another 200,000 live elsewhere in the state of New York.
That pattern has been changing since the 1990s, however. A new group of Puerto Ricans— most of them younger, wealthier, and more highly educated than the urban settlers—have increasingly begun migrating to other states, especially in the South and Midwest. In 1990 the Puerto Rican population of Chicago, for instance, was over 125,000. Cities in Texas, Florida, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Massachusetts also have a significant number of Puerto Rican residents.
Acculturation and Assimilation
The history of Puerto Rican American assimilation has been one of great success mixed with serious problems. Many Puerto Rican mainlanders hold high-paying white collar jobs. Outside of New York City, Puerto Ricans often boast higher college graduation rates and higher per capita incomes than their counterparts in other Latino groups, even when those groups represent a much higher proportion of the local population.
However, U.S. Census Bureau reports indicate that for at least 25 percent of all Puerto Ricans living on the mainland (and 55 percent living on the island) poverty is a serious problem. Despite the presumed advantages of American citizenship, Puerto Ricans are—overall—the most economically disadvantaged Latino group in the United States. Puerto Rican communities in urban areas are plagued by problems such as crime, drug-use, poor educational opportunity, unemployment, and the breakdown of the traditionally strong Puerto Rican family structure. Since a great many Puerto Ricans are of mixed Spanish and African descent, they have had to endure the same sort of racial discrimination often experienced by African Americans. And some Puerto Ricans are further handicapped by the Spanish-to-English language barrier in American cities.
Despite these problems, Puerto Ricans, like other Latino groups, are beginning to exert more political power and cultural influence on the mainstream population. This is especially true in cities like New York, where the significant Puerto Rican population can represent a major political force when properly organized. In many recent elections Puerto Ricans have found themselves in the position of holding an all-important "swingvote"—often occupying the sociopolitical ground between African Americans and other minorities on the one hand and white Americans on the other. The pan-Latin sounds of Puerto Rican singers Ricky Martin, Jennifer Lopez, and Marc Anthony, and jazz musicians such as saxophonist David Sanchez, have not only brought a cultural rivival, they have increased interest in Latin music in the late 1990s. Their popularity has also had a legitimizing effect on Nuyorican, a term coined by Miguel Algarin, founder of the Nuyorican Poet's Café in New York, for the unique blend of Spanish and English used among young Puerto Ricans living in New York City.
TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS
The traditions and beliefs of Puerto Rican islanders are heavily influenced by Puerto Rico's Afro-Spanish history. Many Puerto Rican customs and superstitions blend the Catholic religious traditions of Spaniards and the pagan religious beliefs of the West African slaves who were brought to the island beginning in the sixteenth century. Though most Puerto Ricans are strict Roman Catholics, local customs have given a Caribbean flavor to some standard Catholic ceremonies. Among these are weddings, baptisms and funerals. And like other Caribbean islanders and Latin Americans, Puerto Ricans traditionally believe in espiritismo, the notion that the world is populated by spirits who can communicate with the living through dreams.
In addition to the holy days observed by the Catholic church, Puerto Ricans celebrate several other days that hold particular significance for them as a people. For instance, El Dia de las Candelarias, or "candlemas," is observed annually on the evening of February 2; people build a massive bonfire around which they drink and dance and
chant "¡Viva las candelarias!" or "Long live the flames!" And each December 27 is El Dia de los Innocentes or the "Day of the Children." On that day Puerto Rican men dress as women and women dress as men; the community then celebrates as one large group.
Many Puerto Rican customs revolve around the ritual significance of food and drink. As in other Latino cultures, it is considered an insult to turn down a drink offered by a friend or stranger. It is also customary for Puerto Ricans to offer food to any guest, whether invited or not, who might enter the household: failure to do so is said to bring hunger upon one's own children. Puerto Ricans traditionally warn against eating in the presence of a pregnant woman without offering her food, for fear she might miscarry. Many Puerto Ricans also believe that marrying or starting a journey on a Tuesday is bad luck, and that dreams of water or tears are a sign of impending heartache or tragedy. Common centuries-old folk remedies include the avoidance of acidic food during menstruation and the consumption of asopao ("ah so POW"), or chicken stew, for minor ailments.
MISCONCEPTIONS AND STEREOTYPES
Although awareness of Puerto Rican culture has increased within mainstream America, many common misconceptions still exist. For instance, many other Americans fail to realize that Puerto Ricans are natural-born American citizens or wrongly view their native island as a primitive tropical land of grass huts and grass skirts. Puerto Rican culture is often confused with other Latino American cultures, especially that of Mexican Americans. And because Puerto Rico is an island, some mainlanders have trouble distinguishing Pacific islanders of Polynesian descent from the Puerto Rican people, who have Euro-African and Caribbean ancestry.
CUISINE
Puerto Rican cuisine is tasty and nutritious and consists mainly of seafood and tropical island vegetables, fruits, and meats. Although herbs and spices are used in great abundance, Puerto Rican cuisine is not spicy in the sense of peppery Mexican cuisine. Native dishes are often inexpensive, though they require some skill in preparation. Puerto Rican
women are traditionally responsible for the cooking and take great pride in their role.
Many Puerto Rican dishes are seasoned with a savory mixture of spices known as sofrito ("so-FREE-toe"). This is made by grinding fresh garlic, seasoned salt, green peppers, and onions in a pilón ("pee-LONE"), a wooden bowl similar to a mortar and pestle, and then sautéing the mixture in hot oil. This serves as the spice base for many soups and dishes. Meat is often marinated in a seasoning mixture known as adobo, which is made from lemon, garlic, pepper, salt, and other spices. Achiote seeds are sautéed as the base for an oily sauce used in many dishes.
Bacalodo ("bah-kah-LAH-doe"), a staple of the Puerto Rican diet, is a flaky, salt-marinated cod fish. It is often eaten boiled with vegetables and rice or on bread with olive oil for breakfast. Arroz con pollo, or rice and chicken, another staple dish, is served with abichuelas guisada ("ah-bee-CHWE-lahs gee-SAH-dah"), marinated beans, or a native Puerto Rican pea known as gandules ("gahn-DOO-lays"). Other popular Puerto Rican foods include asopao ("ah-soe-POW"), a rice and chicken stew; lechón asado ("le-CHONE ah-SAH-doe"), slow-roasted pig; pasteles ("pah-STAY-lehs"), meat and vegetable patties rolled in dough made from crushed plantains (bananas); empanadas dejueyes ("em-pah-NAH-dahs deh WHE-jays"), Puerto Rican crab cakes; rellenos ("reh-JEY-nohs"), meat and potato fritters; griffo ("GREE-foe"), chicken and potato stew; and tostones, battered and deep fried plantains, served with salt and lemon juice. These dishes are often washed down with cerveza rúbia ("ser-VEH-sa ROO-bee-ah"), "blond" or light-colored American lager beer, or ron ("RONE") the world-famous, dark-colored Puerto Rican rum.
TRADITIONAL COSTUMES
Traditional dress in Puerto Rico is similar to other Caribbean islanders. Men wear baggy pantalons (trousers) and a loose cotton shirt known as a guayaberra. For certain celebrations, women wear colorful dresses or trajes that have African influence. Straw hats or Panama hats ( sombreros de jipijipa ) are often worn on Sundays or holidays by men. Spanish-influenced garb is worn by musicians and dancers during performances—often on holidays.
The traditional image of the jíbaro, or peasant, has to some extent remained with Puerto Ricans. Often depicted as a wiry, swarthy man wearing a straw hat and holding a guitar in one hand and a machete (the long-bladed knife used for cutting sugarcane) in the other, the jíbaro to some symbolizes the island's culture and its people. To others, he is an object of derision, akin to the derogatory image of the American hillbilly.
DANCES AND SONGS
Puerto Rican people are famous for throwing big, elaborate parties—with music and dancing—to celebrate special events. Puerto Rican music is polyrhythmic, blending intricate and complex African percussion with melodic Spanish beats. The traditional Puerto Rican group is a trio, made up of a qauttro (an eight-stringed native Puerto Rican instrument similar to a mandolin); a guitarra, or guitar; and a basso, or bass. Larger bands have trumpets and strings as well as extensive percussion sections in which maracas, guiros, and bongos are primary instruments.
Although Puerto Rico has a rich folk music tradition, fast-tempoed salsa music is the most widely known indigenous Puerto Rican music. Also the name given to a two-step dance, salsa has gained popularity among non-Latin audiences. The merengue, another popular native Puerto Rican dance, is a fast step in which the dancers' hips are in close contact. Both salsa and merengue are favorites in American barrios. Bombas are native Puerto Rican songs sung a cappella to African drum rhythms.
HOLIDAYS
Puerto Ricans celebrate most Christian holidays, including La Navidád (Christmas) and Pasquas (Easter), as well as El Año Nuevo (New Year's Day). In addition, Puerto Ricans celebrate El Dia de Los Tres Reyes, or "Three King's Day," each January 6. It is on this day that Puerto Rican children expect gifts, which are said to be delivered by los tres reyes magos ("the three wise men"). On the days leading up to January 6, Puerto Ricans have continuous celebrations. Parrandiendo (stopping by) is a practice similar to American and English caroling, in which neighbors go visiting house to house. Other major celebration days are El Día de Las Raza (The Day of the Race—Columbus Day) and El Fiesta del Apostal Santiago (St. James Day). Every June, Puerto Ricans in New York and other large cities celebrate Puerto Rican Day. The parades held on this day have come to rival St. Patrick's Day parades and celebrations in popularity.
HEALTH ISSUES
There are no documented health problems or mental health problems specific to Puerto Ricans. However, because of the low economic status of many Puerto Ricans, especially in mainland inner-city settings, the incidence of poverty-related health problems is a very real concern. AIDS, alcohol and drug dependency, and a lack of adequate health care coverage are the biggest health-related concerns facing the Puerto Rican community.
Language
There is no such thing as a Puerto Rican language. Rather, Puerto Ricans speak proper Castillian Spanish, which is derived from ancient Latin. While Spanish uses the same Latin alphabet as English, the letters "k" and "w" occur only in foreign words. However, Spanish has three letters not found in English: "ch" ("chay"), "ll" ("EL-yay"), and "ñ" ("AYN-nyay"). Spanish uses word order, rather than noun and pronoun inflection, to encode meaning. In addition, the Spanish language tends to rely on diacritical markings such as the tilda (~) and the accento (') much more than English.
The main difference between the Spanish spoken in Spain and the Spanish spoken in Puerto Rico (and other Latin American locales) is pronunciation. Differences in pronunciation are similar to the regional variations between American English in the southern United States and New England. Many Puerto Ricans have a unique tendency among Latin Americans to drop the "s" sound in casual conversation. The word ustéd (the proper form of the pronoun "you"), for instance, may be pronounced as "oo TED" rather than "oo STED." Likewise, the participial suffix " -ado " is often changed by Puerto Ricans. The word cemado (meaning "burned") is thus pronounced "ke MOW" rather than "ke MA do."
Although English is taught to most elementary school children in Puerto Rican public schools, Spanish remains the primary language on the island of Puerto Rico. On the mainland, many first-generation Puerto Rican migrants are less than fluent in English. Subsequent generations are often fluently bilingual, speaking English outside of the home and Spanish in the home. Bilingualism is especially common among young, urbanized, professional Puerto Ricans.
Long exposure of Puerto Ricans to American society, culture, and language has also spawned a unique slang that has come to be known among many Puerto Ricans as "Spanglish." It is a dialect that does not yet have formal structrure but its use in popular songs has helped spread terms as they are adopted. In New York itself the unique blend of languages is called Nuyorican. In this form of Spanglish, "New York" becomes Nuevayork, and many Puerto Ricans refer to themselves as Nuevarriqueños. Puerto Rican teenagers are as likely to attend un pahry (a party) as to attend a fiesta; children look forward to a visit from Sahnta Close on Christmas; and workers often have un Beeg Mahk y una Coca-Cola on their lunch breaks.
GREETINGS AND OTHER COMMON EXPRESSIONS
For the most part, Puerto Rican greetings are standard Spanish greetings: Hola ("OH lah")—Hello; ¿Como está? ("como eh-STAH")—How are you?; ¿Que tal? ("kay TAHL")—What's up; Adiós ("ah DYOSE")—Good-bye; Por favór ("pore fah-FORE")—Please; Grácias ("GRAH-syahs")— Thank you; Buena suerte ("BWE-na SWAYR-tay")—Good luck; Feliz Año Nuevo ("feh-LEEZ AHN-yoe NWAY-vo")—Happy New Year.
Some expressions, however, appear to be unique to Puerto Ricans. These include: Mas enamorado que el cabro cupido (More in love than a goat shot by Cupid's arrow; or, to be head over heels in love); Sentado an el baúl (Seated in a trunk; or, to be henpecked); and Sacar el ratón (Let the rat out of the bag; or, to get drunk).
Family and Community Dynamics
Puerto Rican family and community dynamics have a strong Spanish influence and still tend to reflect
the intensely patriarchal social organization of European Spanish culture. Traditionally, husbands and fathers are heads of households and serve as community leaders. Older male children are expected to be responsible for younger siblings, especially females. Machismo (the Spanish conception of manhood) is traditionally a highly regarded virtue among Puerto Rican men. Women, in turn, are held responsible for the day-to-day running of the household.
Both Puerto Rican men and women care very much for their children and have strong roles in childrearing; children are expected to show respeto (respect) to parents and other elders, including older siblings. Traditionally, girls are raised to be quiet and diffident, and boys are raised to be more aggressive, though all children are expected to defer to elders and strangers. Young men initiate courtship, though dating rituals have for the most part become Americanized on the mainland. Puerto Ricans place a high value on the education of the young; on the island, Americanized public education is compulsory. And like most Latino groups, Puerto Ricans are traditionally opposed to divorce and birth out of wedlock.
Puerto Rican family structure is extensive; it is based on the Spanish system of compadrazco (literally "co-parenting") in which many members—not just parents and siblings—are considered to be part of the immediate family. Thus los abuelos (grandparents), and los tios y las tias (uncles and aunts) and even los primos y las primas (cousins) are considered extremely close relatives in the Puerto Rican family structure. Likewise, los padrinos (godparents) have a special role in the Puerto Rican conception of the family: godparents are friends of a child's parents and serve as "second parents" to the child. Close friends often refer to each other as compadre y comadre to reinforce the familial bond.
Although the extended family remains standard among many Puerto Rican mainlanders and islanders, the family structure has suffered a serious breakdown in recent decades, especially among urban mainlander Puerto Ricans. This breakdown seems to have been precipitated by economic hardships among Puerto Ricans, as well as by the influence of America's social organization, which deemphasizes the extended family and accords greater autonomy to children and women.
For Puerto Ricans, the home has special significance, serving as the focal point for family life. Puerto Rican homes, even in the mainland United States, thus reflect Puerto Rican cultural heritage to a great extent. They tend to be ornate and colorful, with rugs and gilt-framed paintings that often reflect a religious theme. In addition, rosaries, busts of La Virgin (the Virgin Mary) and other religious icons have a prominent place in the household. For many Puerto Rican mothers and grandmothers, no home is complete without a representation of the suffering of Jesús Christo and the Last Supper. As young people increasingly move into mainstream American culture, these traditions and many others seem to be waning, but only slowly over the last few decades.
INTERACTIONS WITH OTHERS
Because of the long history of intermarriage among Spanish, Indian, and African ancestry groups, Puerto Ricans are among the most ethnically and racially diverse people in Latin America. As a result, the relations between whites, blacks, and ethnic groups on the island—and to a somewhat lesser extent on the mainland—tend to be cordial.
This is not to say that Puerto Ricans fail to recognize racial variance. On the island of Puerto Rico, skin color ranges from black to fair, and there are many ways of describing a person's color. Light-skinned persons are usually referred to as blanco (white) or rúbio (blond). Those with darker skin who have Native American features are referred to as indio, or "Indian." A person with dark-colored skin, hair, and eyes—like the majority of the islanders—are referred to as trigeño (swarthy). Blacks have two designations: African Puerto Ricans are called people de colór or people "of color," while African Americans are referred to as moreno. The word negro, meaning "black," is quite common among Puerto Ricans, and is used today as a term of endearment for persons of any color.
Religion
Most Puerto Ricans are Roman Catholics. Catholicism on the island dates back to the earliest presence of the Spanish conquistadors, who brought Catholic missionaries to convert native Arawaks to Christianity and train them in Spanish customs and culture. For over 400 years, Catholicism was the island's dominant religion, with a negligible presence of Protestant Christians. That has changed over the last century. As recently as 1960, over 80 percent of Puerto Ricans identified themselves as Catholics. By the mid-1990s, according to U.S. Census Bureau statistics, that number had decreased to 70 percent. Nearly 30 percent of Puerto Ricans identify themselves as Protestants of various denominations, including Lutheran, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and Christian Scientist. The Protestant shift is about the same among mainlander Puerto Ricans. Although this trend may be attributable to the overwhelming influence of American culture on the island and among mainland Puerto Ricans, similar changes have been observed throughout the Caribbean and into the rest of Latin America.
Puerto Ricans who practice Catholicism observe traditional church liturgy, rituals, and traditions. These include belief in the Creed of the Apostles and adherence to the doctrine of papal infallibility. Puerto Rican Catholics observe the seven Catholic sacraments: Baptism, Eucharist, Confirmation, Penance, Matrimony, Holy Orders, and Anointing of the Sick. According to the dispensations of Vatican II, Puerto Ricans celebrate mass in vernacular Spanish as opposed to ancient Latin. Catholic churches in Puerto Rico are ornate, rich with candles, paintings, and graphic imagery: like other Latin Americans, Puerto Ricans seem especially moved by the Passion of Christ and place particular emphasis on representations of the Crucifixion.
Among Puerto Rican Catholics, a small minority actively practice some version of santería ("sahnteh-REE-ah"), an African American pagan religion with roots in the Yoruba religion of western Africa. (A santo is a saint of the Catholic church who also corresponds to a Yoruban deity.) Santería is prominent throughout the Caribbean and in many places in the southern United States and has had a strong influence on Catholic practices on the island.
Employment and Economic Traditions
Early Puerto Rican migrants to the mainland, especially those settling in New York City, found jobs in service and industry sectors. Among women, garment industry work was the leading form of employment. Men in urban areas most often worked in the service industry, often at restaurant jobs—bussing tables, bartending, or washing dishes. Men also found work in steel manufacturing, auto assembly, shipping, meat packing, and other related industries. In the early years of mainland migration, a sense of ethnic cohesion, especially in New York City, was created by Puerto Rican men who held jobs of community significance: Puerto Rican barbers, grocers, barmen, and others provided focal points for the Puerto Rican community to gather in the city. Since the 1960s, some Puerto Ricans have been journeying to the mainland as temporary contract laborers—working seasonally to harvest crop vegetables in various states and then returning to Puerto Rico after harvest.
As Puerto Ricans have assimilated into mainstream American culture, many of the younger generations have moved away from New York City and other eastern urban areas, taking high-paying white-collar and professional jobs. Still, less than two percent of Puerto Rican families have a median income above $75,000.
In mainland urban areas, though, unemployment is rising among Puerto Ricans. According to 1990 U.S. Census Bureau statistics, 31 percent of all Puerto Rican men and 59 percent of all Puerto Rican women were not considered part of the American labor force. One reason for these alarming statistics may be the changing face of American employment options. The sort of manufacturing sector jobs that were traditionally held by Puerto Ricans, especially in the garment industry, have become increasingly scarce. Institutionalized racism and the rise in single-parent households in urban areas over the last two decades may also be factors in the employment crisis. Urban Puerto Rican unemployment—whatever its cause—has emerged as one of the greatest economic challenges facing Puerto Rican community leaders at the dawn of the twenty-first century.
Politics and Government
Throughout the twentieth century, Puerto Rican political activity has followed two distinct paths— one focusing on accepting the association with the United States and working within the American political system, the other pushing for full Puerto Rican independence, often through radical means. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, most Puerto Rican leaders living in New York City fought for Caribbean freedom from Spain in general and Puerto Rican freedom in particular. When Spain ceded control of Puerto Rico to the United States following the Spanish-American War, those freedom fighters turned to working for Puerto Rican independence from the States. Eugenio María de Hostos founded the League of Patriots to help smooth the transition from U.S. control to independence. Although full independence was never achieved, groups like the League paved the way for Puerto Rico's special relationship with the United States. Still, Puerto Ricans were for the most part blocked from wide participation in the American political system.
In 1913 New York Puerto Ricans helped establish La Prensa, a Spanish-language daily newspaper, and over the next two decades a number of Puerto Rican and Latino political organizations and groups—some more radical than others—began to form. In 1937 Puerto Ricans elected Oscar García Rivera to a New York City Assembly seat, making him New York's first elected official of Puerto Rican decent. There was some Puerto Rican support in New York City of radical activist Albizu Campos, who staged a riot in the Puerto Rican city of Ponce on the issue of independence that same year; 19 were killed in the riot, and Campos's movement died out.
The 1950s saw wide proliferation of community organizations, called ausentes. Over 75 such hometown societies were organized under the umbrella of El Congresso de Pueblo (the "Council of Hometowns"). These organizations provided services for Puerto Ricans and served as a springboard for activity in city politics. In 1959 the first New York City Puerto Rican Day parade was held. Many commentators viewed this as a major cultural and political "coming out" party for the New York Puerto Rican community.
Low participation of Puerto Ricans in electoral politics—in New York and elsewhere in the country—has been a matter of concern for Puerto Rican leaders. This trend is partly attributable to a nationwide decline in American voter turnout. Still, some studies reveal that there is a substantially higher rate of voter participation among Puerto Ricans on the island than on the U.S. mainland. A number of reasons for this have been offered. Some point to the low turnout of other ethnic minorities in U.S. communities. Others suggest that Puerto Ricans have never really been courted by either party in the American system. And still others suggest that the lack of opportunity and education for the migrant population has resulted in widespread political cynicism among Puerto Ricans. The fact remains, however, that the Puerto Rican population can be a major political force when organized.
Individual and Group Contributions
Although Puerto Ricans have only had a major presence on the mainland since the mid-twentieth century, they have made significant contributions to American society. This is especially true in the areas of the arts, literature, and sports. The following is a selected list of individual Puerto Ricans and some of their achievements.
ACADEMIA
Frank Bonilla is a political scientist and a pioneer of Hispanic and Puerto Rican Studies in the United States. He is the director of the City University of New York's Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños and the author of numerous books and monographs. Author and educator Maria Teresa Babín (1910– ) served as director of the University of Puerto Rico's Hispanic Studies Program. She also edited one of only two English anthologies of Puerto Rican literature.
ART
Olga Albizu (1924– ) came to fame as a painter of Stan Getz's RCA record covers in the 1950s. She later became a leading figure in the New York City arts community. Other well-known contemporary and avant-garde visual artists of Puerto Rican descent include Rafael Ferre (1933– ), Rafael Colón (1941– ), and Ralph Ortíz (1934– ).
MUSIC
Ricky Martin, born Enrique Martin Morales in Puerto Rico, began his career as a member of the teen singing group Menudo. He gained international fame at the 1999 Grammy Awards ceremony with his rousing performance of "La Copa de la Vida." His continued success, most notably with his single "La Vida Loca" was a major influence in the growing interest in new Latin beat styles among mainstream America in the late 1990s.
Marc Anthony (born Marco Antonio Muniz) gained renown both as an actor in films like The Substitute (1996), Big Night (1996), and Bringing out the Dead (1999) and as a top selling Salsa song writer and performer. Anthony has contributed hit songs to albums by other singers and recorded his first album, The Night Is Over, in 1991 in Latin hip hop-style. Some of his other albums reflect more of his Salsa roots and include Otra Nota in 1995 and Contra La Corriente in 1996.
BUSINESS
Deborah Aguiar-Veléz (1955– ) was trained as a chemical engineer but became one of the most famous female entrepreneurs in the United States. After working for Exxon and the New Jersey Department of Commerce, Aguiar-Veléz founded Sistema Corp. In 1990 she was named the Outstanding Woman of the Year in Economic Development. John Rodriguez (1958– ) is the founder of AD-One, a Rochester, New York-based advertising and public relations firm whose clients include Eastman Kodak, Bausch and Lomb, and the Girl Scouts of America.
FILM AND THEATER
San Juan-born actor Raúl Juliá (1940-1994), best known for his work in film, was also a highly regarded figure in the theater. Among his many film credits are Kiss of the Spider Woman, based on South American writer Manuel Puig's novel of the same name, Presumed Innocent, and the Addams Family movies. Singer and dance Rita Moreno (1935– ), born Rosita Dolores Alverco in Puerto Rico, began working on Broadway at the age of 13 and hit Hollywood at age 14. She has earned numerous awards for her work in theater, film, and television. Miriam Colón (1945– ) is New York City's first lady of Hispanic theater. She has also worked widely in film and television. José Ferrer (1912– ), one of cinema's most distinguished leading men, earned a 1950 Academy Award for best actor in the film Cyrano de Bergerac.
Jennifer Lopez, born July 24, 1970 in the Bronx, is a dancer, an actress, and a singer, and has gained fame successively in all three areas. She began her career as a dancer in stage musicals and music videos and in the Fox Network TV show In Living Color. After a string of supporting roles in movies such as Mi Familia (1995) and Money Train (1995), Jennifer Lopez became the highest paid Latina actress in films when she was selected for the title role in Selena in 1997. She went on to act in Anaconda (1997), U-turn (1997), Antz (1998) and Out Of Sight (1998). Her first solo album, On the 6, released in 1999, produced a hit single, "If You Had My Love."
LITERATURE AND JOURNALISM
Jesús Colón (1901-1974) was the first journalist and short story writer to receive wide attention in English-language literary circles. Born in the small Puerto Rican town of Cayey, Colón stowed away on a boat to New York City at the age of 16. After working as an unskilled laborer, he began writing newspaper articles and short fiction. Colón eventually became a columnist for the Daily Worker; some of his works were later collected in A Puerto Rican in New York and Other Sketches. Nicholasa Mohr (1935– ) is the only Hispanic American woman to write for major U.S. publishing houses, including Dell, Bantam, and Harper. Her books include Nilda (1973), In Nueva York (1977) and Gone Home (1986). Victor Hernández Cruz (1949– ) is the most widely acclaimed of the Nuyorican poets, a group of Puerto Rican poets whose work focuses on the Latino world in New York City. His collections include Mainland (1973) and Rhythm, Content, and Flavor (1989). Tato Laviena (1950– ), the best-selling Latino poet in the United States, gave a 1980 reading at the White House for U.S. President Jimmy Carter. Geraldo Rivera (1943– ) has won ten Emmy Awards and a Peabody Award for his investigative journalism. Since 1987 this controversial media figure has hosted his own talk show, Geraldo.
POLITICS AND LAW
José Cabrenas (1949– ) was the first Puerto Rican to be named to a federal court on the U.S. mainland. He graduated from Yale Law School in 1965 and received his LL.M. from England's Cambridge University in 1967. Cabrenas held a position in the Carter administration, and his name has since been raised for a possible U.S. Supreme Court nomination. Antonia Novello (1944– ) was the first Hispanic woman to be named U.S. surgeon general. She served in the Bush administration from 1990 until 1993.
SPORTS
Roberto Walker Clemente (1934-1972) was born in Carolina, Puerto Rico, and played center field for the Pittsburgh Pirates from 1955 until his death in 1972. Clemente appeared in two World Series contests, was a four-time National League batting champion, earned MVP honors for the Pirates in 1966, racked up 12 Gold Glove awards for fielding, and was one of only 16 players in the history of the game to have over 3,000 hits. After his untimely death in a plane crash en route to aid earthquake victims in Central America, the Baseball Hall of Fame waived the usual five-year waiting period and inducted Clemente immediately. Orlando Cepeda (1937– ) was born in Ponce, Puerto Rico, but grew up in New York City, where he played sandlot baseball. He joined the New York Giants in 1958 and was named Rookie of the Year. Nine years later he was voted MVP for the St. Louis Cardinals. Angel Thomas Cordero (1942– ), a famous name in the world of horseracing, is the fourth all-time leader in races won—and Number Three in the amount of money won in purses: $109,958,510 as of 1986. Sixto Escobar (1913– ) was the first Puerto Rican boxer to win a world championship, knocking out Tony Matino in 1936. Chi Chi Rodriguez (1935– ) is one of the best-known American golfers in the world. In a classic rags-to-riches story, he started out as a caddie in his hometown of Rio Piedras and went on to become a millionaire player. The winner of numerous national and world tournaments, Rodriguez is also known for his philanthropy, including his establishment of the Chi Chi Rodriguez Youth Foundation in Florida.
Media
More than 500 U.S. newspapers, periodicals, newsletters, and directories are published in Spanish or have a significant focus on Hispanic Americans. More than 325 radio and television stations air broadcasts in Spanish, providing music, entertainment, and information to the Hispanic community.
PRINT
El Diario/La Prensa.
Published Monday through Friday, since 1913, this publication has focused on general news in Spanish.
Contact: Carlos D. Ramirez, Publisher.
Address: 143-155 Varick Street, New York, New York 10013.
Telephone: (718) 807-4600.
Fax: (212) 807-4617.
Hispanic.
Established in 1988, it covers Hispanic interests and people in a general editorial magazine format on a monthly basis.
Address: 98 San Jacinto Boulevard, Suite 1150, Austin, Texas 78701.
Telephone: (512) 320-1942.
Hispanic Business.
Established in 1979, this is a monthly English-language business magazine that caters to Hispanic professionals.
Contact: Jesus Echevarria, Publisher.
Address: 425 Pine Avenue, Santa Barbara, California 93117-3709.
Telephone: (805) 682-5843.
Fax: (805) 964-5539.
Online: http://www.hispanstar.com/hb/default.asp .
Hispanic Link Weekly Report.
Established in 1983, this is a weekly bilingual community newspaper covering Hispanic interests.
Contact: Felix Perez, Editor.
Address: 1420 N Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.
Telephone: (202) 234-0280.
Noticias del Mundo.
Established in 1980, this is a daily general Spanish-language newspaper.
Contact: Bo Hi Pak, Editor.
Address: Philip Sanchez Inc., 401 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10016.
Telephone: (212) 684-5656.
Vista.
Established in September 1985, this monthly magazine supplement appears in major daily English-language newspapers.
Contact: Renato Perez, Editor.
Address: 999 Ponce de Leon Boulevard, Suite 600, Coral Gables, Florida 33134.
Telephone: (305) 442-2462.
RADIO
Caballero Radio Network.
Contact: Eduardo Caballero, President.
Address: 261 Madison Avenue, Suite 1800, New York, New York 10016.
Telephone: (212) 697-4120.
CBS Hispanic Radio Network.
Contact: Gerardo Villacres, General Manager.
Address: 51 West 52nd Street, 18th Floor, New York, New York 10019.
Telephone: (212) 975-3005.
Lotus Hispanic Radio Network.
Contact: Richard B. Kraushaar, President.
Address: 50 East 42nd Street, New York, New York 10017.
Telephone: (212) 697-7601.
WHCR-FM (90.3).
Public radio format, operating 18 hours daily with Hispanic news and contemporary programming.
Contact: Frank Allen, Program Director.
Address: City College of New York, 138th and Covenant Avenue, New York, New York 10031.
Telephone: (212) 650-7481.
WKDM-AM (1380).
Independent Hispanic hit radio format with continuous operation.
Contact: Geno Heinemeyer, General Manager.
Address: 570 Seventh Avenue, Suite 1406, New York, New York 10018.
Telephone: (212) 564-1380.
TELEVISION
Galavision.
Hispanic television network.
Contact: Jamie Davila, Division President.
Address: 2121 Avenue of the Stars, Suite 2300, Los Angeles, California 90067.
Telephone: (310) 286-0122.
Telemundo Spanish Television Network.
Contact: Joaquin F. Blaya, President.
Address: 1740 Broadway, 18th Floor, New York, New York 10019-1740.
Telephone: (212) 492-5500.
Univision.
Spanish-language television network, offering news and entertainment programming.
Contact: Joaquin F. Blaya, President.
Address: 605 Third Avenue, 12th Floor, New York, New York 10158-0180.
Telephone: (212) 455-5200.
WCIU-TV, Channel 26.
Commercial television station affiliated with the Univision network.
Contact: Howard Shapiro, Station Manager.
Address: 141 West Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois 60604.
Telephone: (312) 663-0260.
WNJU-TV, Channel 47.
Commercial television station affiliated with Telemundo.
Contact: Stephen J. Levin, General Manager.
Address: 47 Industrial Avenue, Teterboro, New Jersey 07608.
Telephone: (201) 288-5550.
Organizations and Associations
Association for Puerto Rican-Hispanic Culture.
Founded in 1965. Seeks to expose people of various ethnic backgrounds and nationalities to cultural values of Puerto Ricans and Hispanics. Focuses on music, poetry recitals, theatrical events, and art exhibits.
Contact: Peter Bloch.
Address: 83 Park Terrace West, New York, New York 10034.
Telephone: (212) 942-2338.
Council for Puerto Rico-U.S. Affairs.
Founded in 1987, the council was formed to help create a positive awareness of Puerto Rico in the United States and to forge new links between the mainland and the island.
Contact: Roberto Soto.
Address: 14 East 60th Street, Suite 605, New York, New York 10022.
Telephone: (212) 832-0935.
National Association for Puerto Rican Civil Rights (NAPRCR).
Addresses civil rights issues concerning Puerto Ricans in legislative, labor, police, and legal and housing matters, especially in New York City.
Contact: Damaso Emeric, President.
Address: 2134 Third Avenue, New York, New York 10035.
Telephone: (212) 996-9661.
National Conference of Puerto Rican Women (NACOPRW).
Founded in 1972, the conference promotes the participation of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic women in social, political, and economic affairs in the United States and in Puerto Rico. Publishes the quarterly Ecos Nationales.
Contact: Ana Fontana.
Address: 5 Thomas Circle, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.
Telephone: (202) 387-4716.
National Council of La Raza.
Founded in 1968, this Pan-Hispanic organization provides assistance to local Hispanic groups, serves as an advocate for all Hispanic Americans, and is a national umbrella organization for 80 formal affiliates throughout the United States.
Address: 810 First Street, N.E., Suite 300, Washington, D.C. 20002.
Telephone: (202) 289-1380.
National Puerto Rican Coalition (NPRC).
Founded in 1977, the NPRC advances the social, economic, and political well-being of Puerto Ricans. It evaluates the potential impact of legislative and government proposals and policies affecting the Puerto Rican community and provides technical assistance and training to start-up Puerto Rican organizations. Publishes National Directory of Puerto Rican Organizations; Bulletin; Annual Report.
Contact: Louis Nuñez, President.
Address: 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 500, Washington, D.C. 20006.
Telephone: (202) 223-3915.
Fax: (202) 429-2223.
National Puerto Rican Forum (NPRF).
Concerned with the overall improvement of Puerto Rican and Hispanic communities throughout the United States
Contact: Kofi A. Boateng, Executive Director.
Address: 31 East 32nd Street, Fourth Floor, New York, New York 10016-5536.
Telephone: (212) 685-2311.
Fax: (212) 685-2349.
Online: http://www.nprf.org/ .
Puerto Rican Family Institute (PRFI).
Established for the preservation of the health, wellbeing, and integrity of Puerto Rican and Hispanic families in the United States.
Contact: Maria Elena Girone, Executive Director.
Address: 145 West 15th Street, New York, New York 10011.
Telephone: (212) 924-6320.
Fax: (212) 691-5635.
Museums and Research Centers
Brooklyn College of the City University of New York Center for Latino Studies.
Research institute centered on the study of Puerto Ricans in New York and Puerto Rico. Focuses on history, politics, sociology, and anthropology.
Contact: Maria Sanchez.
Address: 1205 Boylen Hall, Bedford Avenue at Avenue H, Brooklyn, New York 11210.
Telephone: (718) 780-5561.
Hunter College of the City University of New York Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños.
Founded in 1973, it is the first university-based research center in New York City designed specifically to develop Puerto Rican perspectives on Puerto Rican problems and issues.
Contact: Juan Flores, Director.
Address: 695 Park Avenue, New York, New York 10021.
Telephone: (212) 772-5689.
Fax: (212) 650-3673.
E-mail: hcordero@shiva.hunter.cuny.edu.
Institute of Puerto Rican Culture, Archivo General de Puerto Rico.
Maintains extensive archival holdings relating to the history of Puerto Rico.
Contact: Carmen Davila.
Address: 500 Ponce de León, Suite 4184, San Juan, Puerto Rico 00905.
Telephone: (787) 725-5137.
Fax: (787) 724-8393.
PRLDEF Institute for Puerto Rican Policy.
The Institute for Puerto Rican Policy merged with the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund in 1999. In September of 1999 a website was in progress but unfinished.
Contact: Angelo Falcón, Director.
Address: 99 Hudson Street, 14th Floor, New York, New York 10013-2815.
Telephone: (212) 219-3360 ext. 246.
Fax: (212) 431-4276.
E-mail: ipr@iprnet.org.
Puerto Rican Culture Institute, Luis Muñoz Rivera Library and Museum.
Founded in 1960, it houses collections that emphasize literature and art; institute supports research into the cultural heritage of Puerto Rico.
Address: 10 Muñoz Rivera Street, Barranquitas, Puerto Rico 00618.
Telephone: (787) 857-0230.
Sources for Additional Study
Alvarez, Maria D. Puerto Rican Children on the Mainland: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New York: Garland Pub., 1992.
Dietz, James L. Economic History of Puerto Rico: Institutional Change and Capitalist Development. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Falcón, Angelo. Puerto Rican Political Participation: New York City and Puerto Rico. Institute for Puerto Rican Policy, 1980.
Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration to the Mainland. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1987.
——. The Stranger Is Our Own: Reflections on the Journey of Puerto Rican Migrants. Kansas City, Missouri: Sheed & Ward, 1996.
Growing up Puerto Rican: An Anthology, edited by Joy L. DeJesus. New York: Morrow, 1997.
Hauberg, Clifford A. Puerto Rico and the Puerto Ricans. New York: Twayne, 1975.
Perez y Mena, Andres Isidoro. Speaking with the Dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion Among Puerto Ricans in the United States: A Study into Inter-penetration of Civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991.
Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History, edited by Arturo Morales Carrion. New York: Norton, 1984.
Urciuoli, Bonnie. Exposing Prejudice: Puerto Rican Experiences of Language, Race, and Class. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996.
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World of 1898: International Perspectives on the Spanish American War
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https://guides.loc.gov/ld.php?screenshot=bcbfbab.png&size=facebook&cb=1723774750
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https://guides.loc.gov/ld.php?screenshot=bcbfbab.png&size=facebook&cb=1723774750
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This presentation provides resources and documents about the Spanish-American War, the period before the war, and some of the fascinating people who participated in the fighting or commented about it.
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https://guides.loc.gov/world-of-1898/hostos-bonilla
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1839-1903
Born in Rio Cañas in Mayagüez, Hostos received his elementary schooling in San Juan and then went to Spain for both secondary studies and law school. While there, he joined the Spanish republicans, only to become disillusioned when they abandoned their pledge to make Puerto Rico independent. Hostos moved to New York City in 1869 where he became a member of the Cuban Revolutionary Junta. In 1870 he began a four-year trip throughout Latin America propagandizing for his themes of the abolition of slavery and a federation of Antillean nations. His championing of maltreated Chinese laborers in Peru helped change public opinion as did his hostility toward the Oruro railway project. His writings in Chile helped women gain admittance to professional schools and his advocacy of a transandean railway in Argentina resulted in its first locomotive being named after him. From 1875 to 1888 he devoted his energies to reforming the educational systems in both the Dominican Republic and in Chile.
He returned to New York City in 1898 and for the next two years pursued his advocacy of establishing the future status of Puerto Rico through popular vote throughout the island. He was a member of a delegation that delivered such demands to U.S. President William McKinley. In 1900 he returned to the Dominican Republic. Of his fifty books and countless essays, his most important was La Peregrinación de Bayoán, a seminal work promoting Cuban independence. He was also known as a supporter of women's rights. He even wrote his own epitaph:
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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ACRL Excellence in Academic Libraries Award Eugenio Maria de Hostos Community College/City University of New York Library Application
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https://www.ala.org/acrl/awards/achievementawards/excellenceaward/hostosap
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Background and Institutional Context
The mission of Eugenio María de Hostos Community College is to provide educational opportunities leading to socio-economic mobility for first and second generation Hispanics, African Americans, and other residents of New York City who have encountered significant barriers to higher education. This institutional mission was founded on the work and contributions of an intellectual giant, Eugenio María de Hostos, a man who dedicated his life to education and to justice. A Puerto Rican educator, writer and patriot, Eugenio María de Hostos was widely known throughout Latin America as a strong advocate of civic reforms. He was a lifelong fighter for the independence of Puerto Rico, Cuba and the other Latin American and Caribbean countries, fighting to abolish the institution of slavery. His support for women's rights, especially in education, was more than theoretical, since he had decisive influence on the educational systems of Chile and the Dominican Republic in which women were included for the first time under his leadership. A life-long writer, Hostos’ Obras Completas (complete works) published in 20 volumes in 1939 by the Cuban government, includes novels, children’s stories, essays on literature, education, law, morality, politics, sociology, journalistic works and notes for his classroom lectures. During his time in New York, Hostos was at the center of a growing community of Caribbean political activists, and is considered to be one of the pioneers of the city’s Latino community, one that would grow to nearly 2 million residents.
Mott Haven: The Heart of the Latino South Bronx
The impact of Hostos Community College/CUNY on the people of the South Bronx cannot be underestimated. Since 1970 it has served as an anchor to the predominantly Latino community surrounding it. Located in the heart of the South Bronx in the neighborhood of Mott Haven, Hostos is an open-admissions, transitional bilingual institution that was established in 1968 in response to the demands of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic leaders who demanded the creation of a college to meet the needs of the local community. The founding of Hostos Community College was the first occasion in New York that an institution of higher learning had deliberately been sited in a neighborhood like the South Bronx, one of the nation's poorest congressional districts. Hostos' open admissions policy, bilingual educational model, and geography have remained enduring signs of Hostos' identity as an institution dedicated to higher education for poor and predominantly Hispanic students. The College takes pride in its historical role in educating students from diverse ethnic, racial, cultural and linguistic backgrounds, particularly Hispanics and African Americans. An integral part of fulfilling its mission is to provide transitional language instruction for all English-as-a-second-language learners along with Spanish/English bilingual education offerings to foster a multicultural environment for all students. Hostos is nationally known for its bilingual approach to education, allowing Spanish-dominant students to begin courses in their native language while learning English.
Hostos Community College is part of the City University of New York (CUNY), the nation’s largest urban university with 11 senior colleges, 6 community colleges, a graduate school, a law school and a school of biomedical education. The modern campus sits just blocks from Yankee Stadium and major expressways in a transportation area know as “the Hub.” It functions as a Hub in many valuable ways to the local community: educationally, culturally and socially. Hostos enrolls approximately 4,500 students each year—60-65% is full-time, 30-35% percent part-time. Sixty percent of our students are Hispanic/Latino (Dominican, Puerto Rican, Central/South American) and 30% black. Seventy-two percent of our students are female. The College offers an innovative and robust liberal arts program leading to an Associate in Arts, an Associate in Science degree, or transfer to four-year colleges upon graduation. Hostos also offers an Associate in Applied Science (A.A.S.) degree as well as a variety of career programs in the Allied Health professions, paralegal studies, public administration, education, urban health, and business. Hostos further serves the South Bronx through its Hostos-Lincoln Academy High School which was named a national Blue Ribbon School of Excellence during the 2001-2002 academic year.
The Hostos Library Department
Knowledge and freedom were what Eugenio María de Hostos wanted for his own people and for all the people of the world. As the first college in the United States to bear his name, we strive for no less. As the library that serves this college, we are passionately dedicated to the mission of our institution and have designed all of our programs and initiatives around helping our college meet its’ institutional and community goals. In this regard, we have developed a mission statement that bolsters our commitment to supporting our students in the acquisition of English and the critical academic literacy skills that will serve to break down the barriers that have contributed to the exclusion of our community from higher education in the past. Thus, in 2003/04 we revised our mission statement to reflect an emphasis on teaching and defining ourselves as a teaching library. Moreover, as the library that bears his name, we have claimed our role as a research and community resource for information by and about Eugenio María de Hostos in the United States. By establishing a unique collection for research and study on Hostos at Hostos, we strive to provide a unique opportunity for our students, faculty and our surrounding communities from the Bronx and all of New York City to explore with us the rich threads that are brought together in the life experience and works of this extraordinary man.
Our vision of the Hostos Library is that of a centralized empowerment zone focused on a student-centered, active learning environment. At the heart of our mission is our Information Literacy initiative, which we view as the driving force behind our vision for the Library. We believe it is our duty and role to provide our students with these critical skills in order for them to be successful in their academic and life pursuits, and all of our programming, collection development and instructional activities are founded on this belief. Eight fulltime library faculty, four faculty adjuncts, six fulltime administrative support staff, six regular part time support staff and a revolving team of student aides serve this population of approximately 4500 students and 155 fulltime instructional staff. The library is open 7 days a week for total of 68 hours, operating and staffing four public services desks at Reference, Circulation, Reserves and Media Services. In this application we will highlight three primary initiatives, or activity areas, that we believe define our role as a community college library, meet the ACRL criteria for excellence, and are representative of excellence in academic librarianship in the community college environment. The three programmatic areas detailed below include our instruction initiative, grants program and library-faculty curricular collaboration activities.
I. Creativity and Innovation in Meeting the Needs of Hostos Community College
Several years ago the library department made a strategic decision to take the lead in making the library’s teaching agenda an institutional priority with a goal to make the library a visible and critical partner in the college's teaching and learning mission. Thus, the library department has gradually come to be recognized as the academic department that it is, with a teaching agenda of its own that is now reflected through proactive curriculum development. The Middle States review and the accreditation standards presented a golden opportunity to advocate for the library as an academic department and put forward a new, more dynamic image of library faculty—that of educator and faculty partner. We did this by identifying the most important initiatives on our campus and worked to demonstrate how the library department supports those initiatives. In our case these priorities were retention, recruitment, academic integrity, and writing across the curriculum.
We developed a teaching agenda that supports the programs and priorities of the institution and took a proactive approach to presenting the library’s programmatic offerings, rather than our traditionally more comfortable, reactive approach to waiting to be asked to give a tour or teach a workshop. We sought to position ourselves as the invaluable teaching partners that we are, with unique expertise in the information technologies and critical thinking skills that are so crucial to the success of our students and faculty. We market and promote our curriculum and ourselves, showing that as library faculty, we use our information technology and literacy expertise, pedagogic skills and enthusiasm for collaboration, to contribute significantly to the Hostos mission. We believe our approach and program to be innovative and creative in meeting the needs of our community. Our Library mission statement is truly the starting point for a presentation and description of our instruction program and information literacy initiative.
Library Mission Statement
As an academic department, the Hostos Community College Library functions as a dynamic center of teaching and learning. The Library provides information literacy tools that enhance the pursuit of knowledge by teaching our college community to retrieve, critically evaluate and synthesize information for academic, professional and personal pursuits.
In this thriving urban environment, we partner with each academic department to broaden and contextualize all areas of study, selecting and using the necessary instructional materials, related equipment and services that will assist the college in meeting its educational, cultural and social obligations.
As vanguards of information, the library faculty supports an environment of free and critical thought to realize the goals of a bilingual, metropolitan and multicultural community college.
From our Information Literacy Program Mission Statement
No student should graduate from Hostos Community College without the ability to formulate a research question or problem, to determine its information requirements, to locate and retrieve the relevant information, to organize, analyze, evaluate, treat critically and synthesize the information and to communicate and present that information in a cohesive and logical fashion. Moreover, no student should graduate from Hostos without understanding the ethical, legal and socio-political issues surrounding information and knowledge and how it is produced. The students here attending college in the South Bronx must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these skills if they are to participate as equal members of society in the 21st century.
Library Instruction Program
As noted earlier, our Information Literacy initiative is the driving force behind our vision for the Library. Our multi-level, curriculum integrated, information literacy program involves campus-wide faculty development, a new wireless electronic classroom for teaching, a re-trained library faculty, an incentive-based laptop loan program, the provision of high quality, bilingual instructional materials including an online, interactive Bilingual Information Literacy Tutorial and an ever-expanding library Web site with resources for students and faculty.
Library faculty have been making connections with disciplinary faculty for many years, providing unique and varied opportunities for our students to acquire fundamental academic and life skills through our information literacy initiatives. Similar to writing, information literacy skills are best learned over time, through practice and repetition, and they are the very skills our students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam, a graduation requirement for all CUNY students, that tests student ability at reading and writing comprehension in English. Getting Hostos students through the CPE is a major college-wide priority and challenge. Since information literacy focuses on critical thinking, reading, evaluation and the use of information to enhance learning and produce new knowledge, it can be especially effective when taught in the context of disciplinary coursework by the classroom instructor in collaboration with Library faculty. With expertise in teaching research strategies and use of information resources, Library faculty know that information literacy skills facilitate the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge, and that instruction and practice in these skills “supports pedagogy focused on the development of research, critical thinking, and writing or other communication skills.” 1
In 2001, the Library initiated its multilevel, curriculum-integrated Information Literacy program to address the library’s role in supporting the college’s general education goals and teaching general education competencies. We now offer a panoply of research and instructional resources but we started out with three (out of an eventual six) foundational IL open workshops. When we created our IL program, we approached the Counseling department, whose faculty teach the College Orientation course; we were able to convince them that instead of simply assigning their students to read the section of their textbook on library research skills, that they could make attendance in our three foundational open workshops a requirement for the course. The College Orientation faculty would not have to use any of their once-a-week class sessions to cover IL, since students would sign up for the IL workshops during periods when they had no class sessions. It has been a highly successful strategy for both the Library and Counseling departments.
In 2002, the college set out to rethink and redesign our liberal arts core curriculum. After decades of a standard distribution model, with vague general education goals, the college-wide curriculum committee emerged from months of discussion and meetings with a cluster model that includes a General Education requirement of 21-22 credits, an 18-20 credit discipline-based cluster with 4 distinct choices and a final 20 credits of electives, which would include articulated “options,” or the equivalent of a minor. In addition, a set of distinct core general education competencies were identified and agreed upon as the fundamental skills we wanted our students to master by the time they graduated. It is also relevant to note here that the library department has representation on the College-wide Curriculum committee, the CPE Committee, the Writing Across the Curriculum Committee and the Center for Teaching and Learning Council, so we are very much involved with program development and implementation.
When the library faculty successfully integrated IL into the Freshman Orientation course, we in effect managed to insert information literacy into the new Liberal Arts core curriculum through the inclusion of the required College Orientation course. Thus, as of fall 2003, all Liberal Arts students take 2-3 information literacy workshops as part of the college’s general education requirements. In a further sign that faculty in other academic departments are seeing the value of information literacy, in the spring of 2005 the English department voted to require all students enrolled in English 111, the second semester of Freshman Composition in which research papers are assigned, to take an IL module comprised of two of our IL workshops that address research skills and academic integrity.
We now offer six different open workshops, each lasting 75 minutes, which also include hands-on use of wireless laptops. The curriculum addresses the five Information Literacy Standards as designated and described in the Association of College and Research Libraries’ Information Literacy Competency Standards for Higher Education. We teach basic IL skills, including how to use online catalogs, research databases and the Internet, but our focus is on teaching the lasting and transferable skills that all citizens of this information age need to know: how to decide what kind of information one needs in any particular instance, how to use language to create search strategies (now an essential skill in a digitally-based research environment), how to critically evaluate information and its sources, how to decode digital records and citations, and how to use information legally and ethically—all skills that support the acquisition of core general education competencies. Our curriculum was carefully and thoughtfully designed to include specific learning outcomes in each module with clear objectives for each session. Each session includes exercises designed to engage the student in demonstrating that they have met the learning goals.
We also offer course-related workshops for any faculty member who requests one. However, our approach to these customized IL workshops is innovative: before we work with a class, the faculty member must first require that the students take at least two of our open workshops (again, attending workshops outside of their regular class schedules) so that when the faculty member brings in their class, the students have already had some experience with using information tools and resources. In each of our open workshops, we sign students’ Attendance Verification Forms so instructors know their students have attended the workshop(s). All together, we teach approximately 80 workshops per semester, about one-fourth of which are targeted course-related workshops.
We have come to realize that IL instruction can be used as a powerful language-learning tool to reinforce language acquisition of ESL students and this has led to exciting collaborations with faculty and students in our Language and Cognition and English departments. Because part of a researcher’s strategy is to choose vocabulary that will correspond to the subject descriptors in the records of indexes and full text databases, library catalogs and even the freer-wheeling syntax of Web indexing, we strive to make use of teaching strategies that focus on how to choose keywords, synonyms and related terms and how to combine them to create successful results. We also use the pedagogy of IL to reinforce academic literacy skills such as how to engage in the process of research and critical evaluation that leads from broad, still-fuzzy results to narrowly focused, productive results. We often collaborate with disciplinary faculty to create workshops and information-based assignments and resources targeting a specific discipline.
One example of how we work can be found in a collaboration between a library faculty member and two faculty members who teach sections of Intensive English, a content-based ESL course that includes a module on the Holocaust and World War II. As the librarian and ESL teachers discussed creating a course-related workshop, they decided that many of the most useful resources for learning about the Holocaust are web-based resources that include art, photography, oral histories, letters and other primary source documents. The librarian created an online, annotated Pathfinder consisting of several of the most useful websites and an instructional handout to be used in the research workshop by the students in the two Intensive English sections. The library faculty member and class instructor team-taught the session, focusing on specific resources and the research assignment. In the weeks following these workshops, the librarian followed up with one-on-one work with students who needed help as they completed their research paper. Rubrics can then be applied to student work products to determine if the students have grasped the concepts and have demonstrated proficiency. This example of how we work with disciplinary faculty was so successful that it has been repeated for three years now. We try to work in this same fashion with all disciplinary faculty. English and Language and Cognition faculty are the most active in requesting course-related, collaborative workshops such as the one described, but since 2001 when we created our IL program, we have seen the steady rise in participation from all academic departments, and approximately 50 percent of Hostos faculty require students enrolled in their courses to take at least two of our IL open workshops.
We are also developing a credit-bearing Information Studies program to be taught by Library faculty or in collaboration with other departmental faculty which would be accepted as transfer credits by programs at some of CUNY’s senior colleges. Our pedagogic philosophy about teaching Information Literacy is that we can and should utilize a wide variety of methods to teach these crucial skills. One-on-one, point-of-use instruction at the reference desk; the six interlocking open workshops students can take outside their regular courses; course-related research workshops; online tutorials, which are now available in Spanish as well as in English and other instructional support materials available at the HCC Library website; and the emerging opportunity to offer semester-long credit-bearing courses comprise the Hostos IL program.
Outcomes
Among pedagogical outcomes, integrating information literacy into disciplinary curricula supports the ongoing development of academic readiness skills; prepares students to navigate and survive the information revolution; provides another language-learning tool for students to improve vocabulary and language skills; and reinforces the development of cognitive skills such as critical thinking and reading, comparing and contrasting, evaluating and analyzing information resources. Hostos Library faculty also anticipate that by working with faculty in other departments to offer these courses, modules, and workshops, our collective projects will support college efforts to invigorate and revitalize Hostos curricula and move our institution into a leading position among community colleges with its vision of how students in the 21 st Century can and must be supported. Finally, our students benefit by gaining deeper knowledge through making connections across and beyond disciplines through the acquisition of core general education competencies that will prepare them for a wide variety of professions and improve their academic success. Other measurable outcomes include the inclusion of information literacy in the new Liberal Arts core curriculum, which is reflected in the college program documents and continued increases in enrollment in our classes and program.
Outcomes Assessment
As part of our assessment plan, the library is working on several projects that will allow us to assess student outcomes and information literacy. The first is underway and involves integrating information-based assignments into the Writing Intensive (WI) courses, then working with the faculty to assess student papers and work using rubrics. We have developed a rubric to assess the ACRL IL standards and competencies and are employing the use of a basic assessment grid based on the Nichols 5-column chart to track our progress. The second is a project with faculty members in the Allied Health department and two of their summer classes. We collaborated with the classroom faculty to plan two customized workshops with clearly articulated IL learning outcomes, team-taught the session, then applied a rubric on the final student projects and collected assessment data to determine if the students met the learning goals of the session. The rubric assessed the students’ understanding of how to analyze records in our periodicals databases and how to apply APA citation format. The results were encouraging, demonstrating that the students understood the lessons learned in the workshops. This is the process we now employ for most of the course-integrated session requests we receive from faculty and has become a part of our regular routine to insure that we are making the most of our instructional time and meeting the needs of the students and the classroom faculty.
The third means of assessing information literacy instruction is taking place this year, when we will be able for the first time to cross-tab our student workshop data with CPE scores and other testing data from Institutional Research. We have been collecting data from student evaluation forms for several years and are hoping to be able to determine if there is any statistically relevant connection between students who have taken at least two of our IL workshops and GPA, retention rates and test scores. This means of assessing student-learning outcomes is based on a model that has been very successful at a Glendale Community College in California. Working closely with the Office of Institutional Research, we designed an evaluation form that is distributed to students in all of our sessions and we collect data that allows us to track our students through their academic career.
In the past year, the Library Department continued to assess student learning outcomes with regard to information literacy. The Coordinator of Library Instruction is working on Hostos student learning outcomes assessment on several levels. She is a member of the College’s Middle States Periodic Review Subcommittee on Student Outcomes Assessment and in connection with that subcommittee she attended the recent Middle States workshop, “Assessing Student Learning in General Education.” As a member of the CUNY-wide Library Information Literacy Advisory Committee (LILAC), she is Chair of the Articulation subcommittee - tasked with investigating and facilitating coordination and articulation of information literacy programs between and among the community and four year CUNY campuses. This past year she received our professional association’s (LACUNY) Professional Development award to enable her to attend an all-day pre-conference workshop, “Assessment and Beyond: Starting It Off, Pulling It All Together and Making Decisions,” that was held at the end of June at the American Library Association’s Annual Conference.
II. Leadership in Developing and Implementing Exemplary Programs
The Hostos Library has taken a leadership role in developing a proactive grants program to support our vision and address college priorities and institutional retention and instructional goals. Our grants program addresses one of our primary objectives-- to create more culturally relevant materials for curricular integration to support retention efforts on campus. A review of the literature revealed that research conducted over the past 15-20 years on the retention of Hispanic students demonstrates that the integration of Hispanic perspectives, culture and history into the curriculum improves retention rates. 2 Thus, we developed programs to improve the teaching and learning experience by working closely with faculty to include more Hispanic perspectives into the classroom as a part of college initiatives to retain students.
Presented here are four of our grants initiatives that we believe are examples of exemplary programming in support of our college mission to provide the best learning support for our students and retain them.
1. Awarded $5,000 Diversity Grant from the CUNY Office of Diversity for a Bi-lingual Information Literacy Initiative
The primary objective with this project is to provide equal access to critical information technology tools to the Spanish dominant students in CUNY. We know that basic information literacy skills that are learned over time through practice and repetition are the very skills students need to pass the CUNY Proficiency Exam (CPE)—analytical reading and writing, and analyzing, integrating and using information from graphs, charts and corresponding texts. The goals and objectives of both the Information Competency and CPE programs are the same: to teach students how to think critically, compare and contrast, and evaluate and analyze information resources. If CUNY’s many Spanish-dominate ESL students can begin to learn these skills earlier in their own language, their ability to transfer the skills into English will be vastly improved. This project was based on the notion that Spanish-dominant students attending Hostos, and other CUNY colleges, must be afforded an equal opportunity to acquire these transferable skills if they are to participate as equal members of society and be competitive in the job market. A Spanish language version of our Web-based Information Competency Tutorial will serve CUNY’s Hispanic students in acquiring these essential transferable skills.
Spanish-dominant students, particularly those in the Bronx, face an uphill battle as entering CUNY students as they struggle to improve their language skills while also learning basic student survival and study skills. This online interactive tool is now available across CUNY and can be integrated into all disciplines. Access to a Spanish language version of this 24/7 interactive tutorial is a tremendous tool with potentially far-reaching benefits for CUNYs Hispanic population.
Outcomes
The primary outcome of the project is a Spanish language version of an interactive, online information literacy tutorial accessible to all CUNY students and faculty. A more important and desired benefit and potential outcome is more information literate students who have the ability to think critically and locate, evaluate and use information to become independent life-long learners. If they can do this, they can pass the CPE.
2. Awarded a $25,000 NEH Grant to build a seminal collection and digital archive of works by and about Eugenio María de Hostos
In 2003 the Library applied for and was awarded a National Endowment for the Humanities Extending the Reach grant to develop a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos and develop a digital archive of resources for research. The digital archive allows the College to disseminate information in Spanish and English on Hostos’s life and work to a broad public. With this project, the library fosters collaborative endeavors among faculty to develop and infuse its curriculum with courses that integrate Hostos’s thinking and writings in various disciplines, and promote more culturally relevant curricular offerings for our students. The library also sponsored academic programming that strengthens and supports our role as a research institution on the life and works of Hostos and Caribbean political thought and ideas. For example, the library organized and offered "Teaching Hostos at Hostos," a three-day interdisciplinary faculty retreat that was part of our NEH recent Extending the Reach grant that enabled professors to develop curricular modules on integrating Hostos into the curriculum for a wide range of college courses.
The focus of this project was to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos at Eugenio María de Hostos Community College in order to advance the study of humanities through expanded curricular offerings, symposia, community lectures and exhibitions based on the collection. While there are many scholarly resources for research available in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, there is very little here in the United States. With this project, the library claimed our role in recovering our legacy by developing the richest and most extensive collection of materials by and about Hostos in the United States. We expect the collection to become, in a few years, one of the best library collections on this author in the continental United States. Given the multi-disciplinary nature of Hostos’ life work, these materials can be used across disciplines to support research and curricular initiatives in the arts, history, sociology, education, philosophy, law and Latin American and Caribbean studies.
Outcomes
Measurable outcomes include increased holdings, a digital collection, and new course offerings in the Humanities, English, Language and Cognition, and English departments. Copies of syllabi, Web pages, and records of new holdings are publicly available as concrete measurable outcomes of this effort to promote the life and work of this extraordinary man and advance the study of the Humanities in a variety of disciplines. Specific outcomes included:
multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion of Hostos content in college courses
ongoing acquisition of the writings of Hostos as well as Martí and other Latino writers and thinkers in both Spanish and English
digitization of Hostos’s manuscripts and other historical source documents
development of a comprehensive public website in English and Spanish dedicated to Hostos’ biography and writings
3. Awarded three Documentary Heritage Grants from NY State Archives ($9,400; $24,500; and $18,900) for documentation and preservation project for College Archives
The goal of this project is to identify, survey and plan for the systematic collection of records that document the first decade of Hostos Community College and illustrate the decisive battles it survived—including funding struggles and ethnic conflicts—to become a vital and active contributor to the South Bronx and New York City. This project strives to preserve the institutional memory of the college and provide an accessible collection of primary source material for curricular use. It involves the documentation of archival records relating to Hostos Community College; arrangement and description of documents already gathered, and the design of a survey instrument for the eventual collection of valuable Latino and black records from the larger South Bronx community. This project is a priority because one-of-kind records documenting the history of this controversial bilingual CUNY College are in imminent danger of being lost due to faculty retirements and personnel changes in support staff. It was our intention with this project to bring to light not only a missing chapter in the history of the college, but to present a liberating legacy of Latino and black heritage to the South Bronx by carefully documenting the history of the college and the surrounding community.
Outcomes
These records are integral to the mission and collecting policies of the Hostos Community College Archives. They reflect the history and administration of the college since its inception in 1968. Informational content has yielded valuable documentation about the beginning of the college and its history, the political controversies surrounding its continued existence and its unique bilingual mission that continues to be a hot-button political issue up-to-the-moment. Consequently these records and biographical information on their creators will be quite important to any researcher documenting the history of bilingual education, advancement of Latino and black people existing in poor and underserved neighborhoods, and the continued population growth of Spanish-dominant populations in New York City. Moreover, as we move into year 3 when we survey the community organizations and begin to document their history and contributions to the South Bronx, we will become one of the only archival repositories in the South Bronx area able to serve the public. One very concrete outcome of this project includes the work of Thomas Lopez, an undergraduate at Duke University who is finishing his history thesis entitled "An American Necessity: The Politics of Survival at Hostos Community College, New York, 1970-1978." His honor’s thesis was subsequently awarded highest honors and earned the prize for best honor’s thesis (out of 20 submitted) in the Duke History Department for 2006. It was recently catalogued into the Hostos Library and Archives Collection.
4. Awarded $126,000 NEH Grant to present a NEH Summer Seminar on Hostos and Marti in New York with faculty colleague in Humanities Dept
In the summer of 2005, faculty in the library department, in collaboration with faculty in the Humanities department, were awarded an NEH Summer Seminar Grant to offer a humanities seminar. The seminar examined the role of New York City as a crucible in shaping Latin American and Caribbean political thought and history, as seen through the lives and writings of Puerto Rico’s renowned philosopher and educator, Eugenio María de Hostos (1839-1903) and Cuba’s martyred patriot, José Martí (1853-1895). Both men lived and worked as writers, journalists, and political activists in New York City, locus of a burgeoning community of Caribbean immigrants and political activists. They also spent considerable time exploring many facets of American life and values, while living in New York City—its educational system, industrial growth, labor movement, literary scene. This seminar, entitled, “Visions of Freedom for the Americas: Eugenio María de Hostos and José Martí in 19th Century New York” focused on New York City’s little known and important role in Latino and Caribbean political activism in the late 19 th century.
As a result of the 2002 NEH grant project to build a seminal collection of works by and about Hostos, the Library has an extensive collection of works on Hostos and Martí, including a digital archive of primary source material, photographs and original manuscripts and documents by Hostos. The Obras Completas of both Martí and Hostos were available for seminar participants as well as a seminal collection of dissertations and monographs. The Hostos Library served as a resource center throughout the seminar, providing participants with access to over 40 online databases and electronic resources, including numerous Spanish language databases for background research, and copies of all texts required for the program of study. The month-long seminar was co-taught by the Chief Librarian and a professor in the Humanities department. The rich resources for research of New York City’s finest institutions were used as an integral part of this program of study with walking tours, field trips, and research excursions to the best of the City of New York’s Library and research centers.
Outcomes:
Our NEH Summer Seminar offered during summer 2005 provided 15 college faculty participants across the country with a rich and unique opportunity to study and do research on the history of New York City and Caribbean political thought and history through the lens of Hostos and Marti. The ultimate goal of all NEH seminars is to transform undergraduate education, so it is our hope, based on positive evaluations from both the NEH and the participants, that the faculty used the experience to inform and transform their own classrooms. The four-week seminar for 15 college faculty was designed to accomplish the following objectives: (1) provide unique opportunities for research on the role of New York City in Caribbean political movements between 1865-1898; and (2) provide college faculty with new material for multi-disciplinary curriculum infusion on Puerto Rican and Cuban cultural and literary heritage. It was also the first time the NEH had awarded a Summer Seminar grant to a community college to offer a research seminar for college and university faculty.
III. Substantial and Productive Relationships with Classroom Faculty and Students
The final activity area that we present for consideration as meeting the criteria of excellence in academic librarianship is our collaborative relationships with classroom faculty and students. We present two initiatives below that demonstrate our commitment to substantive relationships with students and faculty—the publication of a student literary journal and a series of Poetry Slams and library faculty participation in curricular design and revitalization on campus.
Student Literary Journal and Writing Projects
The Hostos Library department strives to support the college's academic programs, student retention efforts and outreach to our community in its role as a center for research and learning. However, the Library faculty goes further, by creating innovative extracurricular programs and activities that provide more ways for our college and high school students to apply what they are learning and gain extra facility in writing, public performance, and developing their artistic talents and self-confidence.
One of these extracurricular programs is the Library's sponsorship of a series of open mics and poetry slams (competitive original spoken word performances). These poetry slam competitions began in the Fall of 2002, complete with MC and prizes; both our college and high school students flocked to participate as performers and audiences. We have organized ten of these slams so far and the winners and runners-up have also seen their poems published in another Library initiative: our bilingual student literary and art magazine, ¡Escriba! /Write!
We initiated this magazine in Spring 2003 and it is published annually. From the start, our goals for the magazine have included participation in the editorial and publication process for students who are attracted to or curious about the publication process. We began the magazine primarily as a way to publicize students' winning poetry and winning entries in Hostos' essay contests for Women's History Month and Black History Month. However, beginning with our second issue in 2003, we greatly expanded our journal’s diversity by reaching out to classroom faculty to send us student work, and to our art and photography students to submit their work. We encourage students to submit work in Spanish and other languages as well as in English. The result is that ¡Escriba! /Write! is an elegant and exciting student publication. In fact, in 2006 we entered it into the annual Student Literary Magazine competition sponsored by the Community College Humanities Association (CCHA) and our publication won the Eastern Region Small College Award. In addition, one of our student's contributions won the Best Student Essay Award. Besides the honor of these awards, we are pleased that it will be an additional way we can recruit more students to be co-editors and contributors to the magazine.
Curricular Innovation and Collaboration with Faculty
In 1991, Hostos received a Title III grant from the U.S Department of Education, which paved the way for college-wide instructional technology investments. Since then the College has continued to develop the capacity to implement innovative instructional technology initiatives. Both the faculty and the administration are committed to and invested in the potential for information and instructional technology to transform higher education in our college. It is in this context that the library has been able to position itself to take a leading role in the development and implementation of information and technology services in support of curricular goals. In 2003 the Chief Librarian was appointed to the Title V grant development team and worked with an extraordinary group of colleagues on a $2.5 million dollar Title V grant proposal for our college, which we were awarded in 2004/05. This 5-year project has three major components—institutional technology development, faculty development and student enrichment. In the fall of 2005 the Chief Librarian was appointed to co-chair the Title V Faculty Development initiative. This team is charged with innovations in faculty leadership and curricular revitalization.
A major component of our Title V grant initiative, Shifting the Paradigm on Teaching and Learning to Improve Student Success, the Hostos Faculty Development Seminar program was conceived to challenge faculty to participate in a competitive, incentive-based initiative designed to generate faculty-driven innovations in curricular design and pedagogy. The goal is increased faculty engagement to improve student learning outcomes and opportunities through curricular change. The new series challenges faculty to compete for a spot in a seminar series designed to support their ideas for curriculum innovations to be implemented on campus. Faculty with the most innovative ideas are selected for Innovation Awards and are supported by college administration to implement their new course, program, plan or pedagogical approach to teaching and learning. Out of over 50 faculty participating and only seven projects selected for awards and implementation, three of them were library faculty projects, each in collaboration with classroom faculty in other academic departments. A brief description of each project is presented here as evidence of our substantial and productive relationships the library has with classroom faculty.
Hidden Assets: Information Literacy Across the Curriculum
Prof Miriam Laskin, Library Dept & Prof Robert Cohen, Language and Cognition Dept
“Information, Culture & Society: A Critical Introduction to the Information Age” is the working title of a flexible, credit-bearing interdisciplinary course that will provide students with general education competencies including information literacy and technology, critical thinking, computer literacy, reading, writing and oral communication. The course will be cross-listed with other departmental electives and thus will provide a foundation course for more options for Liberal Arts students in such areas as journalism, information studies, educational technology, public administration, communications and computer science. Similar courses at other CUNY institutions are cross-listed in the English, Public Affairs and Communications departments. The flexibility we have in mind could mean that the course might be taught or co-taught by Library and disciplinary faculty in English, Natural Sciences, Humanities, or the Social and Behavioral Sciences. It could offer linked assignments with other courses; it could be offered as an asynchronous Blackboard course, as a discipline-specific module, or as a foundational course in the Liberal Arts clusters. It would also be an excellent fit for CUNY’s new Online Baccalaureate program in the Information Literacy proficiency subject area and be another Hostos course offering.
Information Literacy is, in fact, a true hidden asset. It facilitates and supports the acquisition of disciplinary knowledge and strengthens critical thinking and reading, evaluation, analysis and use of information to produce new knowledge. Although Library faculty have been teaching IL in open and course-integrated workshops, we believe the addition of innovative, interdisciplinary credit-bearing Information Studies (IS) courses, as offered at many of our sister CUNY institutions, will lead to a more thorough integration of critical General Education competencies into the curriculum and to increased student success. This project calls for the development of a foundation or a capstone IS course that can be cross-listed with other departmental electives, team taught, provide more Options for Liberal Arts students, and support the development of the cognitive abilities students need to pass the CPE.
History of Latin America II: a Dual-language, Online Class
Prof Elisabeth Tappeiner, Library Dept & Prof Jairo Taylor, Humanities Dept
Throughout its history Hostos Community College has been committed to providing an excellent education to its significant population of native Spanish-speaking students. Today, Hostos is a CUNY-wide leader in providing support for Spanish-speaking students as they make the transition from ESL to English content courses and as they prepare for the CPE exams. In this project, we seek to strengthen this role by developing a dual-language, online learning environment that supports Spanish-speaking students transitioning to English-only content courses. History of Latin America II Online will be an asynchronous (online only) class that will use online resources in English and Spanish to promote an understanding of the history of Latin America, and build critical thinking and information literacy skills. Open to both Spanish-speaking and English-dominant students, this course will offer students the choice of completing readings and assignments in either Spanish or English. Spanish-speaking students will be encouraged to write and discuss in English. In turn, English-dominant students will be encouraged to work in Spanish or partner with a Spanish-speaking student as they work in English. The class will be evaluated through student feedback and an assessment of student performance in coursework and on CPE exams. It will draw upon Hostos’s many rich institutional resources: a stellar Language and Cognition faculty, experts in teaching and assessing ESL students, excellent Instructional Technology support, and first-class online Library resources. This project is the result of the fruitful collaboration between a Humanities scholar and a Librarian, both of whom are committed to instilling a deep and informed appreciation of Latin American history and culture to Hostos’s students. Through History of Latin America II, we seek to create an online forum for intellectual discovery and exchange between Spanish and English-dominant students that will promote academic excellence and build mutual understanding and respect.
Grand Concourse One Hundred
Prof William Casari, Library Dept & Prof Felix Cardona, Social and Behavioral Sciences Dept
Grand Concourse One Hundred celebrates one of the great streets of New York City while presenting a more complete story of its impact on the Bronx and giving voice to the people who were not free to walk its sidewalks. Using the centenary of the Grand Concourse in 2009 as the catalyst, students in this seminar will explore issues of class, race, identity, exclusion and urban planning to unearth and present a well-rounded story of a particular neighborhood or city planning issue like the new Yankee Stadium project. Students will better understand the great forces—market, political and otherwise—that come together to form great neighborhoods and urban areas. Using primary source materials, field observations, class lectures and oral history interviews students will explore how urban history, geography, economics, sociology and other social science disciplines help us understand cities and their neighborhoods. How have cities and the Grand Concourse neighborhoods in particular responded to immigration, poverty, fiscal crisis, race, class and other political and social issues? What might alternative urban futures be? Students can complete multi-media projects or traditional research papers in which student learning outcomes may include a stronger sense of identity and sense of inclusion in a particular neighborhood. Retention rates may be bolstered when assignments are more culturally relevant and connected to an urban place. Evaluation of the project will be based on student response surveys and review of learning objectives; effectiveness of sponsored field activities and a review of student projects. Students will be graded on a combination of presentations, field work and a final project. Multi-media projects and written presentations will be displayed and/or promoted at Hostos and through collaboration with partner institutions like the Bronx Museum and possible corporate sponsorships. The 2009 birthday of the Concourse will be celebrated with a sharp academic insight and more complete images and stories of a beautiful street, its transitions, people and neighborhoods.
Closing Remarks
As a transitional bilingual college in the South Bronx, we accept the most under-prepared students in the city of New York in the poorest congressional district in the United States and provide them with access to higher education. The challenge is enormous. The Hostos Library Department prides itself on being an integral part of the life of the college and strives to support our college mission and our students with every activity and program we do. Over the last several years we have had two library retreats to address program planning, organizational culture and strategic planning. We completed our first 3-year strategic plan this past summer and are currently in year one. We just hired a new Information Technology librarian who has exceptional Web development skills and will be rolling out a new more user-friendly, accessible Web page in by the end of December. In this fiscal year the library received funding to move to an Information Commons model of reference and information technology support services and is in the middle of designing the new space, developing an implementation plan for a Fall 2007 start date. Given the accomplishments we have had and our strategic approach to planning and program development, we believe we have met all of the necessary criteria to demonstrate how we have worked together as a team with each other, our colleagues in other departments, the students and college administration to further the educational mission of our institution.
Strategic Objectives
From the Hostos Library Department Strategic Plan 2006-2009
Collection Development
GOAL: To develop an outstanding collection in all formats that engages the Hostos community and meets their curricular and informational needs. This effort must be supported by a flexible, proactive, interactive collection development structure that is informed by library faculty and the Hostos community. The collection should reflect the uniqueness and diversity of the Hostos community and current best professional practices.
Technology Development
GOAL: To establish the library as the place for innovation and new technology by being proactive in defining technology within the library landscape and all of its components. We aim to inform and educate the Hostos community as to our expertise and experience in technology and increase our involvement in technology decision-making on campus.
Organizational Culture
GOAL: To create new forums for and methods of communication that will improve interpersonal relationships and the working atmosphere for all. These efforts will foster collaboration and bi-directional conversation.
Faculty Development
GOAL: To establish innovative, proactive faculty partnerships, promote better communication between Library and other disciplinary faculty and foster a better understanding of Library faculty’s professional contributions to the life of the College.
Instructional Development
GOAL: To offer a cohesive, targeted instructional program that integrates information literacy into disciplinary curricula that supports the development of General Education competencies (critical thinking, academic readiness skills) and is aligned with the mission of the College. This program will be informed by a variety of dynamic instructional offerings and pedagogical perspectives.
1Middle States Commission on Higher Education. Developing Research & Communication Skills: Guidelines for Information Literacy in the Curriculum, p. 5. MSCHE (Philadelphia:PA: 2003).
2Hernandez, J. C. (2000). Understanding the retention of Latino college students. Journal of College Student Development, 41(6), 575-588; Zamani, E. M. (2000). Sources and Information Regarding Effective Retention Strategies for Students of Color. New Directions for Community Colleges. 10p.
SUMMARY PROFILE OF THE HOSTOS LIBRARY
2005-06
HOSTOS INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT
FT Instructional Faculty 155
FT Enrollment 2747
PT Enrollment 1720
LIBRARY FACULTY & STAFF
Library Faculty 8
Administrative Support Staff (FT) 6
Support Staff (PT) 6
Student aides 10-15
COLLECTIONS
Number of Volumes 64,000
Volumes Added 1,900
Current Serial Titles 410
Online Databases & Services 78
APPENDICES
Sample Web Pages:
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https://newkensington.psu.edu/story/2572/2017/03/08/new-kensington-community-service-arm-reaches-mangroves-puerto-rico
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New Kensington community service arm reaches mangroves of Puerto Rico
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2017-03-08T00:00:00
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After spending Martin Luther King Jr. Day 60 miles from campus volunteering at nonprofit organizations in Uniontown, Pennsylvania, Penn State New Kensington students are extending their sphere of influence and spending spring break week 1,700 miles from campus performing community service projects in San Juan, Puerto Rico.
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Penn State New Kensington
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NEW KENSINGTON, Pa. — After spending Martin Luther King Jr. Day 60 miles from campus volunteering at nonprofit organizations in Uniontown, Pennsylvania, Penn State New Kensington students are extending their sphere of influence and spending spring break week 1,700 miles from campus performing community service projects in San Juan, Puerto Rico.
Fourteen New Kensington students traveled to the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico on March 3 for a hybrid community service project, which combines helping environmental efforts and underserved communities. Melba Amador, instructor in Spanish, and Adam Robinson, learning center coordinator, accompanied the students to the United States’ territory.
“I’ve never taken part in an alternative spring break, and I have never led a student trip,” Robinson said. “I see this as a chance for me to learn and grow as an educator and global citizen. I’m excited to see how the trip will change our students’ view of the world and their place in it. My view will change alongside theirs.”
Bill Sadecky, Billy Carney, Tyler Campbell, David Rottschaefer, Paulina Iniguez, Shannon Lamanna, Savannah Smith, Ashley Worlds, Courtney Cambal, Hannah Albright, JadeAnn Menear, Ahsanti Crowder, Taylor McHenry and Shannon Josefoski volunteered for the trip. While many of their classmates are soaking up the sun in a variety of exotic locations during the weeklong cessation of classes, the campus contingent is soaking up culture in the midst of an “Alternate Spring Break.”
“Not only are we doing service that is impacting the communities we are working in, but we also have the ability to immerse into their cultures,” said Josefoski, a senior project and supply chain management major.
The students are performing a variety of functions, including rehabilitating a mangrove in San Juan, the commonwealth’s capital. Mangroves are trees or shrubs that grow in tropical coastal swamps, which flood at high tide.
“We are in an area that has been deforested and is, therefore, prone to flooding,” Robinson said. “The area attracts more mosquitoes and brings more mosquito-borne illnesses to the local community.”
The New Kensington group is working with Amizade, a Pittsburgh-based organization that facilitates global service learning trips. Amizade involves students with community projects that are initiated and led by the community itself. The arrangement ensures the project helps the community.
“We are working on the planting project along with the staff of a nonprofit organization called Caras de las Americas,” Robinson said. “Caras’ goal is to plant 1,500 trees by July.”
The eight-day goodwill journey includes sightseeing around Old San Juan, a small island off the coast of the commonwealth. Three bridges connect the oldest settlement in Puerto Rico to the mainland. Crossing bridges should make the students from western Pennsylvania feel right at home when they visit El Morro Fortress and other colonial buildings that are still standing and in service.
Other leisure activities include beaches, rainforests (El Yunque) and festivals. The campus volunteers are eating meals in the communities where they are working and at local restaurants.
“The idea is to help the small business owners and the communities where we will be working,” Amador said. “We want to not just help our students learn about the world we live in, but also to help the communities we go to.”
The group doesn’t need a tour guide for their side excursions as they have an expert among them. Amador was born and raised in San Juan, and thus is very familiar with the area.
“I looked forward to seeing my family, but also to see students learn,” Amador said. “I am always looking for that ‘aha’ moment to happen. I like to see students go outside their comfort zone and learn about different cultures and languages other than their own. Even though we traveled to a U.S. territory, it is still a very different place. Students are immersed in a Spanish-speaking world with different food, music and traditions.”
Amador’s mother, father and a sister still live in the commonwealth. Her other siblings reside in the continental United States. She tries to get home about every couple of years; the last time was three years ago at Christmas. The spring break trip gives her the opportunity to get re-acquainted with a young niece.
“I was excited to go this time for several reasons,” Amador said. “One of them was because my youngest niece doesn't know me. She was less than a year old last time I visited.”
For one student, the trip is an opportunity to return to her Spanish roots in a different land. Iniguez, a sophomore from Murrysville, grew up in the Dominican Republic and moved to the United States when she was 15 years old.
“I am on the trip because I want to be around the language, music, food, and overall culture I grew up with,” Iniguez said. “I am going back to what I've always known, but in a place where I've never been to before.”
Carney, Josefoski and Worlds are veterans of the Alternate Spring Break program. Last year they went to Navajo Nation in Arizona. The students absorbed the Navajo culture and history.
“The trip last year was a life-changing experience,” Josefoski said. “This year, I am extremely excited to learn not only about myself but the Puerto Rican culture as well.”
The students return to the states March 11. The final project for the expedition will be a public presentation to the campus community. The students will show photos and videos while talking about learning and working with the indigenous people.
The students’ daily Facebook posts keep the campus community abreast of the group’s activities.
Information on all campus events can be found on the Social Media Dashboard.
Puerto Rico
Like destination weddings for young couples, Puerto Rico is a destination community service project for New Kensington students. Two years ago, ten students embarked on the same benevolent journey.
Puerto Rico, Spanish for “rich port,” is an archipelago comprising four islands in the in the northeastern Caribbean Sea. San Juan is the capital of the main island of Puerto Rico, which is located between the Dominican Republic and the Virgin Islands. The “island of enchantment” is a part of a group of islands that includes Cuba, Hispaniola (Dominican Republic and Haiti) and Jamaica that constitute the Greater Antilles.
A possession of Spain for more than 400 years, Puerto Rico was ceded to the U.S. in 1898 after the Spanish-American War. The inhabitants elect their own governor but are unrepresented in the U.S. Congress, which holds sway over the territory. The 3.7 million Puerto Rican people cannot vote in U.S. presidential elections.
The island operates under the Atlantic Time Zone, an hour ahead of Pittsburgh in the Eastern Time Zone. Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands are the only United States possessions located in the Atlantic zone.
Amador and Robinson
Amador brought a wealth of Latino, Chicano and Latin America culture to the New Kensington campus in 2015. She taught college-level Spanish, composition and grammar for 12 years, including two years at Western Kentucky University, prior to joining the campus faculty. She is nearing completion of her doctorate in Hispanic Literature at the University of New Mexico, where she earned a master’s degree in Latin America Studies and a bachelor’s degree in Fine Arts. Amador is active outside the classroom and serves as faculty mentor and adviser for student clubs and as a volunteer and organizer for community events.
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State, nation, other: Puerto Rico tries to decide
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2010-10-31T15:37:14+00:00
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Puerto Ricans cannot decide whether they want to go for statehood, have some sort of in-between commitment or break up altogether. They have voted on the issue three times to date.
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https://nodeassets.nbcnews.com/cdnassets/projects/ramen/favicon/nbcnews/all-other-sizes-PNG.ico/favicon.ico
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https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna39936428
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Dayra Rivera saw the letter as a slap in the face for Puerto Ricans: No, Apple Inc. told her, you cannot have the free iPhone case promised to U.S. customers.
Apple, which was giving out plastic cases because of problems with dropped calls, said it would not ship to an "international" destination. Never mind that Puerto Rico's 4 million residents are American citizens, and that it is closer to the mainland than Hawaii.
"I felt like I was being treated like a second-class citizen," said Rivera, a 46-year-old manager of a clothing store near the capital, San Juan.
Apple, as it turns out, is hardly alone in considering the island 1,000 miles southeast of Florida a foreign land. Other businesses, politicians, entertainers and even Puerto Ricans themselves are not quite sure what to make of a place where highway distances are in kilometers but road speeds in miles per hour.
Puerto Rico and the United States are like one of those couples who have been together forever without getting married, forcing people to make awkward introductions at weddings like "and ... this is her special friend." Perhaps comedian Larry David captured the confusion most bluntly on the TV program "Curb Your Enthusiasm" as he riffed on America's boundaries, asking: What is Puerto Rico anyway?
It is a question the island asks itself all the time. For now at least, the most Puerto Rican thing about Puerto Rico could be its identity problem.
Puerto Ricans cannot decide whether they want to go for statehood, have some sort of in-between commitment or break up altogether. They have voted on the issue three times to date, in 1967, 1993 and 1998, and each time decided to keep the status quo.
The issue may come up again in 2011: The pro-statehood movement, which now controls the legislature and the governor's office, hopes to hold another vote. And the U.S. House of Representatives has passed a bill that would allow Puerto Rico's government to ask its residents if they want to change the island's commonwealth status.
But most exasperating of all is that, even as Puerto Rico is preoccupied with its status, much of the United States hardly seems to know or care.
Several months ago, House candidate Vaughn Ward, a Republican from Idaho, called Puerto Rico a "country" in a political debate. When corrected, he said, "I really don't care what it is. It doesn't matter."
Under U.S. jurisdiction since 1898
For the record, Puerto Rico has been under U.S. jurisdiction — some would say boot heel — since 1898, its people citizens since 1917. The island is home to 150,000 military veterans, and three-quarters of its National Guard troops have been deployed overseas since the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks. The island shuts down and shoots off fireworks on the Fourth of July, American Independence Day.
Yet Puerto Ricans cannot vote for president, and their representative in Congress cannot vote either. They pay Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes that finance the government's retirement and principal medical programs; they do not pay federal income tax (they pay Puerto Rican income tax instead, so it is no paradise.)
And The Associated Press considers its reporters in Puerto Rico foreign correspondents.
Both Spanish and English are official languages, although you will hear much more of the former than the latter. The island has a holiday in honor of Eugenio Maria de Hostos, a figure associated with Puerto Rican independence. It puts up its own Miss Universe contestant and its own Olympic team.
Confused? So is Congress. Members of the U.S. Congress have wondered if they need passports to travel to Puerto Rico, according to an anecdote often told by New Jersey Sen. Robert Menendez, son of Cuban immigrants. And Joachim de Posada, an author and business consultant who lives in Puerto Rico, gets the passport question all the time, most recently in Germany. (Answer: U.S. citizens do not need passports).
"It is amazing the level of ignorance I find, not only in the U.S. but all around the world," de Posada said.
There are other U.S. territories, such as Guam and the U.S. Virgin Islands, but none has near the population of Puerto Rico and the huge cultural impact on the mainland that comes with it.
The question of what exactly the island is lingers even among Puerto Ricans in the United States, who outnumber those in Puerto Rico. U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor has called her parents immigrants, but they are not from another country; they are from Puerto Rico. Sotomayor herself in recent years has been careful not to come down publicly on one side or the other of the statehood issue.
Not so resident commissioner Pedro Pierluisi, the nonvoting representative in Congress.
"The question about the statehood for Puerto Rico is not whether it's going to happen, it's when," he said. "I have no doubt that's where we're headed." Pierluisi said that the growing Hispanic population in the United States will compel Congress to support statehood if islanders demand it.
Hector Pesquera, co-chairman of the National Hostos Independence Movement, has a very different take. To him, Puerto Rico would be obliterated by statehood.
"People who vote in favor of statehood are like chickens voting for Kentucky Fried Chicken," he said.
'It's definitely very American'
The rest of the world is similarly all over the place in its dealings with Puerto Rico. The island has its own ranking on World Economic Forum's annual ranking of global competitiveness, coming in at No. 41, between Cyprus and Spain. The United States is ranked No. 4.
Puerto Rico also got its own ranking in a Gallup World Poll published in July of the happiest countries (No. 23) and its own spot on Transparency International's annual list of corruption perceptions, coming in at 33rd least corrupt (the U.S. was 22nd). And technically it is a commonwealth, which means it has some political and economic autonomy.
But Puerto Rico does not make the Forbes list of best countries to do business. It doesn't have its own seat at the United Nations, and it is not invited to the annual Ibero-American summit of Spanish-speaking countries.
"You've got your fast food, your Costco, the mall. It's definitely very American," said 32-year-old Adriana Pons, who was born on the island and later moved to New York but has now returned to help out in her family's water-bottling business. "But it's very hard to categorize. It's neither here nor there."
Which comes back around to the question of whether Puerto Ricans can get free iPhone cases.
A number of companies do not ship to Puerto Rico to avoid conflicts over exclusive distribution agreements that some manufacturers have in the island. Others will not ship because it is too expensive, often more than twice what it costs with the major shipping companies to a mainland U.S. destination. Sometimes, there also are problems with warranties that might not be applicable in Puerto Rico.
At least one company, www.buyonlineshiptopr.com, allows people to work around it by having their goods shipped to Miami, Florida, then sent by U.S. Postal Service. Primo Delgado, the marketing director, said they have worked with most of the major online retailers since opening in April. Even if Puerto Rico should become a state, he said, it would face the same complexities and shipping would still be a problem.
But Rivera sees it as injustice all the same. She fired off a note to popular consumer rights advocacy blog Consumerist.com, which publicized her cause, as did several other online forums.
"A lot of people were really upset over this situation," she said. "They weren't treating Puerto Rico right."
Rivera says she generally stays out of the status debate, but the iPhone saga has pushed her toward statehood. "I want Puerto Rico to be a state so this situation gets fixed," she said.
She may not have to wait. An Apple spokeswoman said the cancellation of Rivera's iPhone case had been a mistake, although she would not say why or how it was made. And in August, Rivera got a follow-up: Another e-mail that her case was en route.
This time the e-mail was in Spanish.
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Puerto Rican Americans
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Puerto Rican Americans - History, Modern era, Early mainlander puerto ricans, Significant immigration waves Pa-Sp
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Countries and Their Cultures
Pa-Sp
Puerto Rican Americans
Puerto rican americans
by Derek Green
Overview
The island of Puerto Rico (formerly Porto Rico) is the most easterly of the Greater Antilles group of the West Indies island chain. Located more than a thousand miles southeast of Miami, Puerto Rico is bounded on the north by the Atlantic Ocean, on the east by the Virgin Passage (which separates it from the Virgin Islands), on the south by the Caribbean Sea, and on the west by the Mona Passage (which separates it from the Dominican Republic). Puerto Rico is 35 miles wide (from north to south), 95 miles long (from east to west) and has 311 miles of coastline. Its land mass measures 3,423 square miles—about two-thirds the area of the state of Connecticut. Although it is considered to be part of the Torrid Zone, the climate of Puerto Rico is more temperate than tropical. The average January temperature on the island is 73 degrees, while the average July temperature is 79 degrees. The record high and low temperatures recorded in San Juan, Puerto Rico's northeastern capital city, are 94 degrees and 64 degrees, respectively.
According to the 1990 U.S. Census Bureau report, the island of Puerto Rico has a population of 3,522,037. This represents a three-fold increase since 1899—and 810,000 of those new births occurred between the years of 1970 and 1990 alone. Most Puerto Ricans are of Spanish ancestry. Approximately 70 percent of the population is white and about 30 percent is of African or mixed descent. As in many Latin American cultures, Roman Catholicism is the dominant religion, but Protestant faiths of various denominations have some Puerto Rican adherents as well.
Puerto Rico is unique in that it is an autonomous Commonwealth of the United States, and its people think of the island as un estado libre asociado, or a "free associate state" of the United States—a closer relationship than the territorial possessions of Guam and the Virgin Islands have to America. Puerto Ricans have their own constitution and elect their own bicameral legislature and governor but are subject to U.S executive authority. The island is represented in the U.S House of Representatives by a resident commissioner, which for many years was a nonvoting position. After the 1992 U.S. presidential election, however, the Puerto Rican delegate was granted the right to vote on the House floor. Because of the Puerto Rico's commonwealth status, Puerto Ricans are born as natural American citizens. Therefore all Puerto Ricans, whether born on the island or the mainland, are Puerto Rican Americans.
Puerto Rico's status as a semiautonomous Commonwealth of the United States has sparked considerable political debate. Historically, the main conflict has been between the nationalists, who support full Puerto Rican independence, and the statists, who advocate U.S. statehood for Puerto Rico. In November of 1992 an island-wide referendum was held on the issue of statehood versus continued Commonwealth status. In a narrow vote of 48 percent to 46 percent, Puerto Ricans opted to remain a Commonwealth.
HISTORY
Fifteenth-century Italian explorer and navigator Christopher Columbus, known in Spanish as Cristobál Colón, "discovered" Puerto Rico for Spain on November 19, 1493. The island was conquered for Spain in 1509 by Spanish nobleman Juan Ponce de León (1460-1521), who became Puerto Rico's first colonial governor. The name Puerto Rico, meaning "rich port," was given to the island by its Spanish conquistadors (or conquerors); according to tradition, the name comes from Ponce de León himself, who upon first seeing the port of San Juan is said to have exclaimed, "¡Ay que puerto rico!" ("What a rich port!").
Puerto Rico's indigenous name is Borinquen ("bo REEN ken"), a name given by its original inhabitants, members of a native Caribbean and South American people called the Arawaks. A peaceful agricultural people, the Arawaks on the island of Puerto Rico were enslaved and virtually exterminated at the hands of their Spanish colonizers. Although Spanish heritage has been a matter of pride among islander and mainlander Puerto Ricans for hundreds of years—Columbus Day is a traditional Puerto Rican holiday—recent historical revisions have placed the conquistadors in a darker light. Like many Latin American cultures, Puerto Ricans, especially younger generations living in the mainland United States, have become increasingly interested in their indigenous as well as their European ancestry. In fact, many Puerto Ricans prefer to use the terms Boricua ("bo REE qua") or Borrinqueño ("bo reen KEN yo") when referring to each other.
Because of its location, Puerto Rico was a popular target of pirates and privateers during its early colonial period. For protection, the Spanish constructed forts along the shoreline, one of which, El Morro in Old San Juan, still survives. These fortifications also proved effective in repelling the attacks of other European imperial powers, including a 1595 assault from British general Sir Francis Drake. In the mid-1700s, African slaves were brought to Puerto Rico by the Spanish in great numbers. Slaves and native Puerto Ricans mounted rebellions against Spain throughout the early and mid-1800s. The Spanish were successful, however, in resisting these rebellions.
In 1873 Spain abolished slavery on the island of Puerto Rico, freeing black African slaves once and for all. By that time, West African cultural traditions had been deeply intertwined with those of the native Puerto Ricans and the Spanish conquerors. Intermarriage had become a common practice among the three ethnic groups.
MODERN ERA
As a result of the Spanish-American War of 1898, Puerto Rico was ceded by Spain to the United States in the Treaty of Paris on December 19, 1898. In 1900 the U.S. Congress established a civil government on the island. Seventeen years later, in response to the pressure of Puerto Rican activists, President Woodrow Wilson signed the Jones Act, which granted American citizenship to all Puerto Ricans. Following this action, the U.S. government instituted measures to resolve the various economic and social problems of the island, which even then was suffering from overpopulation. Those measures included the introduction of American currency, health programs, hydroelectric power and irrigation programs, and economic policies designed to attract U.S. industry and provide more employment opportunities for native Puerto Ricans.
In the years following World War II, Puerto Rico became a critical strategic location for the U.S. military. Naval bases were built in San Juan Harbor and on the nearby island of Culebra. In 1948 Puerto Ricans elected Luis Muñoz Marín governor of the island, the first native puertorriqueño to hold such a post. Marín favored Commonwealth status for Puerto Rico. The question of whether to continue the Commonwealth relationship with the United States, to push for U.S. statehood, or to rally for total independence has dominated Puerto Rican politics throughout the twentieth century.
Following the 1948 election of Governor Muñoz, there was an uprising of the Nationalist Party, or independetistas, whose official party platform included agitation for independence. On November 1, 1950, as part of the uprising, two Puerto Rican nationalists carried out an armed attack on Blair House, which was being used as a temporary residence by U.S. President Harry Truman. Although the president was unharmed in the melee, one of the assailants and one Secret Service presidential guard were killed by gunfire.
After the 1959 Communist revolution in Cuba, Puerto Rican nationalism lost much of its steam; the main political question facing Puerto Ricans in the mid-1990s was whether to seek full statehood or remain a Commonwealth.
EARLY MAINLANDER PUERTO RICANS
Since Puerto Ricans are American citizens, they are considered U.S. migrants as opposed to foreign immigrants. Early Puerto Rican residents on the mainland included Eugenio María de Hostos (b. 1839), a journalist, philosopher, and freedom fighter who arrived in New York in 1874 after being exiled from Spain (where he had studied law) because of his outspoken views on Puerto Rican independence. Among other pro-Puerto Rican activities, María de Hostos founded the League of Patriots to help set up the Puerto Rican civil government in 1900. He was aided by Julio J. Henna, a Puerto Rican physician and expatriate. Nineteenth-century Puerto Rican statesman Luis Muñoz Rivera—the father of Governor Luis Muñoz Marín—lived in Washington D.C., and served as Puerto Rico's ambassador to the States.
SIGNIFICANT IMMIGRATION WAVES
Although Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States almost immediately after the island became a U.S. protectorate, the scope of early migration was limited because of the severe poverty of average Puerto Ricans. As conditions on the island improved and the relationship between Puerto Rico and the United States grew closer, the number of Puerto Ricans who moved to the U.S. mainland increased. Still, by 1920, less than 5,000 Puerto Ricans were living in New York City. During World War I, as many as 1,000 Puerto Ricans—all newly naturalized American citizens—served in the U.S. Army. By World War II that number soared to over 100,000 soldiers. The hundred-fold increase reflected the deepening cooperation between Puerto Rico and the mainland States. World War II set the stage for the first major migration wave of Puerto Ricans to the mainland.
That wave, which spanned the decade between 1947 and 1957, was brought on largely by economic factors: Puerto Rico's population had risen to nearly two million people by mid-century, but the standard of living had not followed suit. Unemployment was high on the island while opportunity was dwindling. On the mainland, however, jobs were widely available. According to Ronald Larsen, author of The Puerto Ricans in America, many of those jobs were in New York City's garment district. Hard-working Puerto Rican women were especially welcomed in the garment district shops. The city also provided the sort of low-skilled service industry jobs that non-English speakers needed to make a living on the mainland.
New York City became a major focal point for Puerto Rican migration. Between 1951 and 1957 the average annual migration from Puerto Rico to New York was over 48,000. Many settled in East Harlem, located in upper Manhattan between 116th and 145th streets, east of Central Park. Because of its high Latino population, the district soon came to be known as Spanish Harlem. Among New York City puertorriqueños, the Latino-populated area was referred to as el barrio, or "the neighborhood." Most first-generation migrants to the area were young men who later sent for their wives and children when finances allowed.
By the early 1960s the Puerto Rican migration rate slowed down, and a "revolving door" migratory pattern—a back-and-forth flow of people between the island and the mainland—developed. Since then, there have been occasional bursts of increased migration from the island, especially during the recessions of the late 1970s. In the late 1980s Puerto Rico became increasingly plagued by a number of social problems, including rising violent crime (especially drug-associated crime), increased overcrowding, and worsening unemployment. These conditions kept the flow of migration into the United States steady, even among professional classes, and caused many Puerto Ricans to remain on the mainland permanently. According to U.S. Census Bureau statistics, more than 2.7 million Puerto Ricans were living in the mainland Unites States by 1990, making Puerto Ricans the second-largest Latino group in the nation, behind Mexican Americans, who number nearly 13.5 million.
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS
Most early Puerto Rican migrants settled in New York City and, to a lesser degree, in other urban areas in the northeastern United States. This migration pattern was influenced by the wide availability of industrial and service-industry jobs in the eastern cities. New York remains the chief residence of Puerto Ricans living outside of the island: of the 2.7 million Puerto Ricans living on the mainland, over 900,000 reside in New York City, while another 200,000 live elsewhere in the state of New York.
That pattern has been changing since the 1990s, however. A new group of Puerto Ricans— most of them younger, wealthier, and more highly educated than the urban settlers—have increasingly begun migrating to other states, especially in the South and Midwest. In 1990 the Puerto Rican population of Chicago, for instance, was over 125,000. Cities in Texas, Florida, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Massachusetts also have a significant number of Puerto Rican residents.
Acculturation and Assimilation
The history of Puerto Rican American assimilation has been one of great success mixed with serious problems. Many Puerto Rican mainlanders hold high-paying white collar jobs. Outside of New York City, Puerto Ricans often boast higher college graduation rates and higher per capita incomes than their counterparts in other Latino groups, even when those groups represent a much higher proportion of the local population.
However, U.S. Census Bureau reports indicate that for at least 25 percent of all Puerto Ricans living on the mainland (and 55 percent living on the island) poverty is a serious problem. Despite the presumed advantages of American citizenship, Puerto Ricans are—overall—the most economically disadvantaged Latino group in the United States. Puerto Rican communities in urban areas are plagued by problems such as crime, drug-use, poor educational opportunity, unemployment, and the breakdown of the traditionally strong Puerto Rican family structure. Since a great many Puerto Ricans are of mixed Spanish and African descent, they have had to endure the same sort of racial discrimination often experienced by African Americans. And some Puerto Ricans are further handicapped by the Spanish-to-English language barrier in American cities.
Despite these problems, Puerto Ricans, like other Latino groups, are beginning to exert more political power and cultural influence on the mainstream population. This is especially true in cities like New York, where the significant Puerto Rican population can represent a major political force when properly organized. In many recent elections Puerto Ricans have found themselves in the position of holding an all-important "swingvote"—often occupying the sociopolitical ground between African Americans and other minorities on the one hand and white Americans on the other. The pan-Latin sounds of Puerto Rican singers Ricky Martin, Jennifer Lopez, and Marc Anthony, and jazz musicians such as saxophonist David Sanchez, have not only brought a cultural rivival, they have increased interest in Latin music in the late 1990s. Their popularity has also had a legitimizing effect on Nuyorican, a term coined by Miguel Algarin, founder of the Nuyorican Poet's Café in New York, for the unique blend of Spanish and English used among young Puerto Ricans living in New York City.
TRADITIONS, CUSTOMS, AND BELIEFS
The traditions and beliefs of Puerto Rican islanders are heavily influenced by Puerto Rico's Afro-Spanish history. Many Puerto Rican customs and superstitions blend the Catholic religious traditions of Spaniards and the pagan religious beliefs of the West African slaves who were brought to the island beginning in the sixteenth century. Though most Puerto Ricans are strict Roman Catholics, local customs have given a Caribbean flavor to some standard Catholic ceremonies. Among these are weddings, baptisms and funerals. And like other Caribbean islanders and Latin Americans, Puerto Ricans traditionally believe in espiritismo, the notion that the world is populated by spirits who can communicate with the living through dreams.
In addition to the holy days observed by the Catholic church, Puerto Ricans celebrate several other days that hold particular significance for them as a people. For instance, El Dia de las Candelarias, or "candlemas," is observed annually on the evening of February 2; people build a massive bonfire around which they drink and dance and
chant "¡Viva las candelarias!" or "Long live the flames!" And each December 27 is El Dia de los Innocentes or the "Day of the Children." On that day Puerto Rican men dress as women and women dress as men; the community then celebrates as one large group.
Many Puerto Rican customs revolve around the ritual significance of food and drink. As in other Latino cultures, it is considered an insult to turn down a drink offered by a friend or stranger. It is also customary for Puerto Ricans to offer food to any guest, whether invited or not, who might enter the household: failure to do so is said to bring hunger upon one's own children. Puerto Ricans traditionally warn against eating in the presence of a pregnant woman without offering her food, for fear she might miscarry. Many Puerto Ricans also believe that marrying or starting a journey on a Tuesday is bad luck, and that dreams of water or tears are a sign of impending heartache or tragedy. Common centuries-old folk remedies include the avoidance of acidic food during menstruation and the consumption of asopao ("ah so POW"), or chicken stew, for minor ailments.
MISCONCEPTIONS AND STEREOTYPES
Although awareness of Puerto Rican culture has increased within mainstream America, many common misconceptions still exist. For instance, many other Americans fail to realize that Puerto Ricans are natural-born American citizens or wrongly view their native island as a primitive tropical land of grass huts and grass skirts. Puerto Rican culture is often confused with other Latino American cultures, especially that of Mexican Americans. And because Puerto Rico is an island, some mainlanders have trouble distinguishing Pacific islanders of Polynesian descent from the Puerto Rican people, who have Euro-African and Caribbean ancestry.
CUISINE
Puerto Rican cuisine is tasty and nutritious and consists mainly of seafood and tropical island vegetables, fruits, and meats. Although herbs and spices are used in great abundance, Puerto Rican cuisine is not spicy in the sense of peppery Mexican cuisine. Native dishes are often inexpensive, though they require some skill in preparation. Puerto Rican
women are traditionally responsible for the cooking and take great pride in their role.
Many Puerto Rican dishes are seasoned with a savory mixture of spices known as sofrito ("so-FREE-toe"). This is made by grinding fresh garlic, seasoned salt, green peppers, and onions in a pilón ("pee-LONE"), a wooden bowl similar to a mortar and pestle, and then sautéing the mixture in hot oil. This serves as the spice base for many soups and dishes. Meat is often marinated in a seasoning mixture known as adobo, which is made from lemon, garlic, pepper, salt, and other spices. Achiote seeds are sautéed as the base for an oily sauce used in many dishes.
Bacalodo ("bah-kah-LAH-doe"), a staple of the Puerto Rican diet, is a flaky, salt-marinated cod fish. It is often eaten boiled with vegetables and rice or on bread with olive oil for breakfast. Arroz con pollo, or rice and chicken, another staple dish, is served with abichuelas guisada ("ah-bee-CHWE-lahs gee-SAH-dah"), marinated beans, or a native Puerto Rican pea known as gandules ("gahn-DOO-lays"). Other popular Puerto Rican foods include asopao ("ah-soe-POW"), a rice and chicken stew; lechón asado ("le-CHONE ah-SAH-doe"), slow-roasted pig; pasteles ("pah-STAY-lehs"), meat and vegetable patties rolled in dough made from crushed plantains (bananas); empanadas dejueyes ("em-pah-NAH-dahs deh WHE-jays"), Puerto Rican crab cakes; rellenos ("reh-JEY-nohs"), meat and potato fritters; griffo ("GREE-foe"), chicken and potato stew; and tostones, battered and deep fried plantains, served with salt and lemon juice. These dishes are often washed down with cerveza rúbia ("ser-VEH-sa ROO-bee-ah"), "blond" or light-colored American lager beer, or ron ("RONE") the world-famous, dark-colored Puerto Rican rum.
TRADITIONAL COSTUMES
Traditional dress in Puerto Rico is similar to other Caribbean islanders. Men wear baggy pantalons (trousers) and a loose cotton shirt known as a guayaberra. For certain celebrations, women wear colorful dresses or trajes that have African influence. Straw hats or Panama hats ( sombreros de jipijipa ) are often worn on Sundays or holidays by men. Spanish-influenced garb is worn by musicians and dancers during performances—often on holidays.
The traditional image of the jíbaro, or peasant, has to some extent remained with Puerto Ricans. Often depicted as a wiry, swarthy man wearing a straw hat and holding a guitar in one hand and a machete (the long-bladed knife used for cutting sugarcane) in the other, the jíbaro to some symbolizes the island's culture and its people. To others, he is an object of derision, akin to the derogatory image of the American hillbilly.
DANCES AND SONGS
Puerto Rican people are famous for throwing big, elaborate parties—with music and dancing—to celebrate special events. Puerto Rican music is polyrhythmic, blending intricate and complex African percussion with melodic Spanish beats. The traditional Puerto Rican group is a trio, made up of a qauttro (an eight-stringed native Puerto Rican instrument similar to a mandolin); a guitarra, or guitar; and a basso, or bass. Larger bands have trumpets and strings as well as extensive percussion sections in which maracas, guiros, and bongos are primary instruments.
Although Puerto Rico has a rich folk music tradition, fast-tempoed salsa music is the most widely known indigenous Puerto Rican music. Also the name given to a two-step dance, salsa has gained popularity among non-Latin audiences. The merengue, another popular native Puerto Rican dance, is a fast step in which the dancers' hips are in close contact. Both salsa and merengue are favorites in American barrios. Bombas are native Puerto Rican songs sung a cappella to African drum rhythms.
HOLIDAYS
Puerto Ricans celebrate most Christian holidays, including La Navidád (Christmas) and Pasquas (Easter), as well as El Año Nuevo (New Year's Day). In addition, Puerto Ricans celebrate El Dia de Los Tres Reyes, or "Three King's Day," each January 6. It is on this day that Puerto Rican children expect gifts, which are said to be delivered by los tres reyes magos ("the three wise men"). On the days leading up to January 6, Puerto Ricans have continuous celebrations. Parrandiendo (stopping by) is a practice similar to American and English caroling, in which neighbors go visiting house to house. Other major celebration days are El Día de Las Raza (The Day of the Race—Columbus Day) and El Fiesta del Apostal Santiago (St. James Day). Every June, Puerto Ricans in New York and other large cities celebrate Puerto Rican Day. The parades held on this day have come to rival St. Patrick's Day parades and celebrations in popularity.
HEALTH ISSUES
There are no documented health problems or mental health problems specific to Puerto Ricans. However, because of the low economic status of many Puerto Ricans, especially in mainland inner-city settings, the incidence of poverty-related health problems is a very real concern. AIDS, alcohol and drug dependency, and a lack of adequate health care coverage are the biggest health-related concerns facing the Puerto Rican community.
Language
There is no such thing as a Puerto Rican language. Rather, Puerto Ricans speak proper Castillian Spanish, which is derived from ancient Latin. While Spanish uses the same Latin alphabet as English, the letters "k" and "w" occur only in foreign words. However, Spanish has three letters not found in English: "ch" ("chay"), "ll" ("EL-yay"), and "ñ" ("AYN-nyay"). Spanish uses word order, rather than noun and pronoun inflection, to encode meaning. In addition, the Spanish language tends to rely on diacritical markings such as the tilda (~) and the accento (') much more than English.
The main difference between the Spanish spoken in Spain and the Spanish spoken in Puerto Rico (and other Latin American locales) is pronunciation. Differences in pronunciation are similar to the regional variations between American English in the southern United States and New England. Many Puerto Ricans have a unique tendency among Latin Americans to drop the "s" sound in casual conversation. The word ustéd (the proper form of the pronoun "you"), for instance, may be pronounced as "oo TED" rather than "oo STED." Likewise, the participial suffix " -ado " is often changed by Puerto Ricans. The word cemado (meaning "burned") is thus pronounced "ke MOW" rather than "ke MA do."
Although English is taught to most elementary school children in Puerto Rican public schools, Spanish remains the primary language on the island of Puerto Rico. On the mainland, many first-generation Puerto Rican migrants are less than fluent in English. Subsequent generations are often fluently bilingual, speaking English outside of the home and Spanish in the home. Bilingualism is especially common among young, urbanized, professional Puerto Ricans.
Long exposure of Puerto Ricans to American society, culture, and language has also spawned a unique slang that has come to be known among many Puerto Ricans as "Spanglish." It is a dialect that does not yet have formal structrure but its use in popular songs has helped spread terms as they are adopted. In New York itself the unique blend of languages is called Nuyorican. In this form of Spanglish, "New York" becomes Nuevayork, and many Puerto Ricans refer to themselves as Nuevarriqueños. Puerto Rican teenagers are as likely to attend un pahry (a party) as to attend a fiesta; children look forward to a visit from Sahnta Close on Christmas; and workers often have un Beeg Mahk y una Coca-Cola on their lunch breaks.
GREETINGS AND OTHER COMMON EXPRESSIONS
For the most part, Puerto Rican greetings are standard Spanish greetings: Hola ("OH lah")—Hello; ¿Como está? ("como eh-STAH")—How are you?; ¿Que tal? ("kay TAHL")—What's up; Adiós ("ah DYOSE")—Good-bye; Por favór ("pore fah-FORE")—Please; Grácias ("GRAH-syahs")— Thank you; Buena suerte ("BWE-na SWAYR-tay")—Good luck; Feliz Año Nuevo ("feh-LEEZ AHN-yoe NWAY-vo")—Happy New Year.
Some expressions, however, appear to be unique to Puerto Ricans. These include: Mas enamorado que el cabro cupido (More in love than a goat shot by Cupid's arrow; or, to be head over heels in love); Sentado an el baúl (Seated in a trunk; or, to be henpecked); and Sacar el ratón (Let the rat out of the bag; or, to get drunk).
Family and Community Dynamics
Puerto Rican family and community dynamics have a strong Spanish influence and still tend to reflect
the intensely patriarchal social organization of European Spanish culture. Traditionally, husbands and fathers are heads of households and serve as community leaders. Older male children are expected to be responsible for younger siblings, especially females. Machismo (the Spanish conception of manhood) is traditionally a highly regarded virtue among Puerto Rican men. Women, in turn, are held responsible for the day-to-day running of the household.
Both Puerto Rican men and women care very much for their children and have strong roles in childrearing; children are expected to show respeto (respect) to parents and other elders, including older siblings. Traditionally, girls are raised to be quiet and diffident, and boys are raised to be more aggressive, though all children are expected to defer to elders and strangers. Young men initiate courtship, though dating rituals have for the most part become Americanized on the mainland. Puerto Ricans place a high value on the education of the young; on the island, Americanized public education is compulsory. And like most Latino groups, Puerto Ricans are traditionally opposed to divorce and birth out of wedlock.
Puerto Rican family structure is extensive; it is based on the Spanish system of compadrazco (literally "co-parenting") in which many members—not just parents and siblings—are considered to be part of the immediate family. Thus los abuelos (grandparents), and los tios y las tias (uncles and aunts) and even los primos y las primas (cousins) are considered extremely close relatives in the Puerto Rican family structure. Likewise, los padrinos (godparents) have a special role in the Puerto Rican conception of the family: godparents are friends of a child's parents and serve as "second parents" to the child. Close friends often refer to each other as compadre y comadre to reinforce the familial bond.
Although the extended family remains standard among many Puerto Rican mainlanders and islanders, the family structure has suffered a serious breakdown in recent decades, especially among urban mainlander Puerto Ricans. This breakdown seems to have been precipitated by economic hardships among Puerto Ricans, as well as by the influence of America's social organization, which deemphasizes the extended family and accords greater autonomy to children and women.
For Puerto Ricans, the home has special significance, serving as the focal point for family life. Puerto Rican homes, even in the mainland United States, thus reflect Puerto Rican cultural heritage to a great extent. They tend to be ornate and colorful, with rugs and gilt-framed paintings that often reflect a religious theme. In addition, rosaries, busts of La Virgin (the Virgin Mary) and other religious icons have a prominent place in the household. For many Puerto Rican mothers and grandmothers, no home is complete without a representation of the suffering of Jesús Christo and the Last Supper. As young people increasingly move into mainstream American culture, these traditions and many others seem to be waning, but only slowly over the last few decades.
INTERACTIONS WITH OTHERS
Because of the long history of intermarriage among Spanish, Indian, and African ancestry groups, Puerto Ricans are among the most ethnically and racially diverse people in Latin America. As a result, the relations between whites, blacks, and ethnic groups on the island—and to a somewhat lesser extent on the mainland—tend to be cordial.
This is not to say that Puerto Ricans fail to recognize racial variance. On the island of Puerto Rico, skin color ranges from black to fair, and there are many ways of describing a person's color. Light-skinned persons are usually referred to as blanco (white) or rúbio (blond). Those with darker skin who have Native American features are referred to as indio, or "Indian." A person with dark-colored skin, hair, and eyes—like the majority of the islanders—are referred to as trigeño (swarthy). Blacks have two designations: African Puerto Ricans are called people de colór or people "of color," while African Americans are referred to as moreno. The word negro, meaning "black," is quite common among Puerto Ricans, and is used today as a term of endearment for persons of any color.
Religion
Most Puerto Ricans are Roman Catholics. Catholicism on the island dates back to the earliest presence of the Spanish conquistadors, who brought Catholic missionaries to convert native Arawaks to Christianity and train them in Spanish customs and culture. For over 400 years, Catholicism was the island's dominant religion, with a negligible presence of Protestant Christians. That has changed over the last century. As recently as 1960, over 80 percent of Puerto Ricans identified themselves as Catholics. By the mid-1990s, according to U.S. Census Bureau statistics, that number had decreased to 70 percent. Nearly 30 percent of Puerto Ricans identify themselves as Protestants of various denominations, including Lutheran, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and Christian Scientist. The Protestant shift is about the same among mainlander Puerto Ricans. Although this trend may be attributable to the overwhelming influence of American culture on the island and among mainland Puerto Ricans, similar changes have been observed throughout the Caribbean and into the rest of Latin America.
Puerto Ricans who practice Catholicism observe traditional church liturgy, rituals, and traditions. These include belief in the Creed of the Apostles and adherence to the doctrine of papal infallibility. Puerto Rican Catholics observe the seven Catholic sacraments: Baptism, Eucharist, Confirmation, Penance, Matrimony, Holy Orders, and Anointing of the Sick. According to the dispensations of Vatican II, Puerto Ricans celebrate mass in vernacular Spanish as opposed to ancient Latin. Catholic churches in Puerto Rico are ornate, rich with candles, paintings, and graphic imagery: like other Latin Americans, Puerto Ricans seem especially moved by the Passion of Christ and place particular emphasis on representations of the Crucifixion.
Among Puerto Rican Catholics, a small minority actively practice some version of santería ("sahnteh-REE-ah"), an African American pagan religion with roots in the Yoruba religion of western Africa. (A santo is a saint of the Catholic church who also corresponds to a Yoruban deity.) Santería is prominent throughout the Caribbean and in many places in the southern United States and has had a strong influence on Catholic practices on the island.
Employment and Economic Traditions
Early Puerto Rican migrants to the mainland, especially those settling in New York City, found jobs in service and industry sectors. Among women, garment industry work was the leading form of employment. Men in urban areas most often worked in the service industry, often at restaurant jobs—bussing tables, bartending, or washing dishes. Men also found work in steel manufacturing, auto assembly, shipping, meat packing, and other related industries. In the early years of mainland migration, a sense of ethnic cohesion, especially in New York City, was created by Puerto Rican men who held jobs of community significance: Puerto Rican barbers, grocers, barmen, and others provided focal points for the Puerto Rican community to gather in the city. Since the 1960s, some Puerto Ricans have been journeying to the mainland as temporary contract laborers—working seasonally to harvest crop vegetables in various states and then returning to Puerto Rico after harvest.
As Puerto Ricans have assimilated into mainstream American culture, many of the younger generations have moved away from New York City and other eastern urban areas, taking high-paying white-collar and professional jobs. Still, less than two percent of Puerto Rican families have a median income above $75,000.
In mainland urban areas, though, unemployment is rising among Puerto Ricans. According to 1990 U.S. Census Bureau statistics, 31 percent of all Puerto Rican men and 59 percent of all Puerto Rican women were not considered part of the American labor force. One reason for these alarming statistics may be the changing face of American employment options. The sort of manufacturing sector jobs that were traditionally held by Puerto Ricans, especially in the garment industry, have become increasingly scarce. Institutionalized racism and the rise in single-parent households in urban areas over the last two decades may also be factors in the employment crisis. Urban Puerto Rican unemployment—whatever its cause—has emerged as one of the greatest economic challenges facing Puerto Rican community leaders at the dawn of the twenty-first century.
Politics and Government
Throughout the twentieth century, Puerto Rican political activity has followed two distinct paths— one focusing on accepting the association with the United States and working within the American political system, the other pushing for full Puerto Rican independence, often through radical means. In the latter part of the nineteenth century, most Puerto Rican leaders living in New York City fought for Caribbean freedom from Spain in general and Puerto Rican freedom in particular. When Spain ceded control of Puerto Rico to the United States following the Spanish-American War, those freedom fighters turned to working for Puerto Rican independence from the States. Eugenio María de Hostos founded the League of Patriots to help smooth the transition from U.S. control to independence. Although full independence was never achieved, groups like the League paved the way for Puerto Rico's special relationship with the United States. Still, Puerto Ricans were for the most part blocked from wide participation in the American political system.
In 1913 New York Puerto Ricans helped establish La Prensa, a Spanish-language daily newspaper, and over the next two decades a number of Puerto Rican and Latino political organizations and groups—some more radical than others—began to form. In 1937 Puerto Ricans elected Oscar García Rivera to a New York City Assembly seat, making him New York's first elected official of Puerto Rican decent. There was some Puerto Rican support in New York City of radical activist Albizu Campos, who staged a riot in the Puerto Rican city of Ponce on the issue of independence that same year; 19 were killed in the riot, and Campos's movement died out.
The 1950s saw wide proliferation of community organizations, called ausentes. Over 75 such hometown societies were organized under the umbrella of El Congresso de Pueblo (the "Council of Hometowns"). These organizations provided services for Puerto Ricans and served as a springboard for activity in city politics. In 1959 the first New York City Puerto Rican Day parade was held. Many commentators viewed this as a major cultural and political "coming out" party for the New York Puerto Rican community.
Low participation of Puerto Ricans in electoral politics—in New York and elsewhere in the country—has been a matter of concern for Puerto Rican leaders. This trend is partly attributable to a nationwide decline in American voter turnout. Still, some studies reveal that there is a substantially higher rate of voter participation among Puerto Ricans on the island than on the U.S. mainland. A number of reasons for this have been offered. Some point to the low turnout of other ethnic minorities in U.S. communities. Others suggest that Puerto Ricans have never really been courted by either party in the American system. And still others suggest that the lack of opportunity and education for the migrant population has resulted in widespread political cynicism among Puerto Ricans. The fact remains, however, that the Puerto Rican population can be a major political force when organized.
Individual and Group Contributions
Although Puerto Ricans have only had a major presence on the mainland since the mid-twentieth century, they have made significant contributions to American society. This is especially true in the areas of the arts, literature, and sports. The following is a selected list of individual Puerto Ricans and some of their achievements.
ACADEMIA
Frank Bonilla is a political scientist and a pioneer of Hispanic and Puerto Rican Studies in the United States. He is the director of the City University of New York's Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños and the author of numerous books and monographs. Author and educator Maria Teresa Babín (1910– ) served as director of the University of Puerto Rico's Hispanic Studies Program. She also edited one of only two English anthologies of Puerto Rican literature.
ART
Olga Albizu (1924– ) came to fame as a painter of Stan Getz's RCA record covers in the 1950s. She later became a leading figure in the New York City arts community. Other well-known contemporary and avant-garde visual artists of Puerto Rican descent include Rafael Ferre (1933– ), Rafael Colón (1941– ), and Ralph Ortíz (1934– ).
MUSIC
Ricky Martin, born Enrique Martin Morales in Puerto Rico, began his career as a member of the teen singing group Menudo. He gained international fame at the 1999 Grammy Awards ceremony with his rousing performance of "La Copa de la Vida." His continued success, most notably with his single "La Vida Loca" was a major influence in the growing interest in new Latin beat styles among mainstream America in the late 1990s.
Marc Anthony (born Marco Antonio Muniz) gained renown both as an actor in films like The Substitute (1996), Big Night (1996), and Bringing out the Dead (1999) and as a top selling Salsa song writer and performer. Anthony has contributed hit songs to albums by other singers and recorded his first album, The Night Is Over, in 1991 in Latin hip hop-style. Some of his other albums reflect more of his Salsa roots and include Otra Nota in 1995 and Contra La Corriente in 1996.
BUSINESS
Deborah Aguiar-Veléz (1955– ) was trained as a chemical engineer but became one of the most famous female entrepreneurs in the United States. After working for Exxon and the New Jersey Department of Commerce, Aguiar-Veléz founded Sistema Corp. In 1990 she was named the Outstanding Woman of the Year in Economic Development. John Rodriguez (1958– ) is the founder of AD-One, a Rochester, New York-based advertising and public relations firm whose clients include Eastman Kodak, Bausch and Lomb, and the Girl Scouts of America.
FILM AND THEATER
San Juan-born actor Raúl Juliá (1940-1994), best known for his work in film, was also a highly regarded figure in the theater. Among his many film credits are Kiss of the Spider Woman, based on South American writer Manuel Puig's novel of the same name, Presumed Innocent, and the Addams Family movies. Singer and dance Rita Moreno (1935– ), born Rosita Dolores Alverco in Puerto Rico, began working on Broadway at the age of 13 and hit Hollywood at age 14. She has earned numerous awards for her work in theater, film, and television. Miriam Colón (1945– ) is New York City's first lady of Hispanic theater. She has also worked widely in film and television. José Ferrer (1912– ), one of cinema's most distinguished leading men, earned a 1950 Academy Award for best actor in the film Cyrano de Bergerac.
Jennifer Lopez, born July 24, 1970 in the Bronx, is a dancer, an actress, and a singer, and has gained fame successively in all three areas. She began her career as a dancer in stage musicals and music videos and in the Fox Network TV show In Living Color. After a string of supporting roles in movies such as Mi Familia (1995) and Money Train (1995), Jennifer Lopez became the highest paid Latina actress in films when she was selected for the title role in Selena in 1997. She went on to act in Anaconda (1997), U-turn (1997), Antz (1998) and Out Of Sight (1998). Her first solo album, On the 6, released in 1999, produced a hit single, "If You Had My Love."
LITERATURE AND JOURNALISM
Jesús Colón (1901-1974) was the first journalist and short story writer to receive wide attention in English-language literary circles. Born in the small Puerto Rican town of Cayey, Colón stowed away on a boat to New York City at the age of 16. After working as an unskilled laborer, he began writing newspaper articles and short fiction. Colón eventually became a columnist for the Daily Worker; some of his works were later collected in A Puerto Rican in New York and Other Sketches. Nicholasa Mohr (1935– ) is the only Hispanic American woman to write for major U.S. publishing houses, including Dell, Bantam, and Harper. Her books include Nilda (1973), In Nueva York (1977) and Gone Home (1986). Victor Hernández Cruz (1949– ) is the most widely acclaimed of the Nuyorican poets, a group of Puerto Rican poets whose work focuses on the Latino world in New York City. His collections include Mainland (1973) and Rhythm, Content, and Flavor (1989). Tato Laviena (1950– ), the best-selling Latino poet in the United States, gave a 1980 reading at the White House for U.S. President Jimmy Carter. Geraldo Rivera (1943– ) has won ten Emmy Awards and a Peabody Award for his investigative journalism. Since 1987 this controversial media figure has hosted his own talk show, Geraldo.
POLITICS AND LAW
José Cabrenas (1949– ) was the first Puerto Rican to be named to a federal court on the U.S. mainland. He graduated from Yale Law School in 1965 and received his LL.M. from England's Cambridge University in 1967. Cabrenas held a position in the Carter administration, and his name has since been raised for a possible U.S. Supreme Court nomination. Antonia Novello (1944– ) was the first Hispanic woman to be named U.S. surgeon general. She served in the Bush administration from 1990 until 1993.
SPORTS
Roberto Walker Clemente (1934-1972) was born in Carolina, Puerto Rico, and played center field for the Pittsburgh Pirates from 1955 until his death in 1972. Clemente appeared in two World Series contests, was a four-time National League batting champion, earned MVP honors for the Pirates in 1966, racked up 12 Gold Glove awards for fielding, and was one of only 16 players in the history of the game to have over 3,000 hits. After his untimely death in a plane crash en route to aid earthquake victims in Central America, the Baseball Hall of Fame waived the usual five-year waiting period and inducted Clemente immediately. Orlando Cepeda (1937– ) was born in Ponce, Puerto Rico, but grew up in New York City, where he played sandlot baseball. He joined the New York Giants in 1958 and was named Rookie of the Year. Nine years later he was voted MVP for the St. Louis Cardinals. Angel Thomas Cordero (1942– ), a famous name in the world of horseracing, is the fourth all-time leader in races won—and Number Three in the amount of money won in purses: $109,958,510 as of 1986. Sixto Escobar (1913– ) was the first Puerto Rican boxer to win a world championship, knocking out Tony Matino in 1936. Chi Chi Rodriguez (1935– ) is one of the best-known American golfers in the world. In a classic rags-to-riches story, he started out as a caddie in his hometown of Rio Piedras and went on to become a millionaire player. The winner of numerous national and world tournaments, Rodriguez is also known for his philanthropy, including his establishment of the Chi Chi Rodriguez Youth Foundation in Florida.
Media
More than 500 U.S. newspapers, periodicals, newsletters, and directories are published in Spanish or have a significant focus on Hispanic Americans. More than 325 radio and television stations air broadcasts in Spanish, providing music, entertainment, and information to the Hispanic community.
PRINT
El Diario/La Prensa.
Published Monday through Friday, since 1913, this publication has focused on general news in Spanish.
Contact: Carlos D. Ramirez, Publisher.
Address: 143-155 Varick Street, New York, New York 10013.
Telephone: (718) 807-4600.
Fax: (212) 807-4617.
Hispanic.
Established in 1988, it covers Hispanic interests and people in a general editorial magazine format on a monthly basis.
Address: 98 San Jacinto Boulevard, Suite 1150, Austin, Texas 78701.
Telephone: (512) 320-1942.
Hispanic Business.
Established in 1979, this is a monthly English-language business magazine that caters to Hispanic professionals.
Contact: Jesus Echevarria, Publisher.
Address: 425 Pine Avenue, Santa Barbara, California 93117-3709.
Telephone: (805) 682-5843.
Fax: (805) 964-5539.
Online: http://www.hispanstar.com/hb/default.asp .
Hispanic Link Weekly Report.
Established in 1983, this is a weekly bilingual community newspaper covering Hispanic interests.
Contact: Felix Perez, Editor.
Address: 1420 N Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.
Telephone: (202) 234-0280.
Noticias del Mundo.
Established in 1980, this is a daily general Spanish-language newspaper.
Contact: Bo Hi Pak, Editor.
Address: Philip Sanchez Inc., 401 Fifth Avenue, New York, New York 10016.
Telephone: (212) 684-5656.
Vista.
Established in September 1985, this monthly magazine supplement appears in major daily English-language newspapers.
Contact: Renato Perez, Editor.
Address: 999 Ponce de Leon Boulevard, Suite 600, Coral Gables, Florida 33134.
Telephone: (305) 442-2462.
RADIO
Caballero Radio Network.
Contact: Eduardo Caballero, President.
Address: 261 Madison Avenue, Suite 1800, New York, New York 10016.
Telephone: (212) 697-4120.
CBS Hispanic Radio Network.
Contact: Gerardo Villacres, General Manager.
Address: 51 West 52nd Street, 18th Floor, New York, New York 10019.
Telephone: (212) 975-3005.
Lotus Hispanic Radio Network.
Contact: Richard B. Kraushaar, President.
Address: 50 East 42nd Street, New York, New York 10017.
Telephone: (212) 697-7601.
WHCR-FM (90.3).
Public radio format, operating 18 hours daily with Hispanic news and contemporary programming.
Contact: Frank Allen, Program Director.
Address: City College of New York, 138th and Covenant Avenue, New York, New York 10031.
Telephone: (212) 650-7481.
WKDM-AM (1380).
Independent Hispanic hit radio format with continuous operation.
Contact: Geno Heinemeyer, General Manager.
Address: 570 Seventh Avenue, Suite 1406, New York, New York 10018.
Telephone: (212) 564-1380.
TELEVISION
Galavision.
Hispanic television network.
Contact: Jamie Davila, Division President.
Address: 2121 Avenue of the Stars, Suite 2300, Los Angeles, California 90067.
Telephone: (310) 286-0122.
Telemundo Spanish Television Network.
Contact: Joaquin F. Blaya, President.
Address: 1740 Broadway, 18th Floor, New York, New York 10019-1740.
Telephone: (212) 492-5500.
Univision.
Spanish-language television network, offering news and entertainment programming.
Contact: Joaquin F. Blaya, President.
Address: 605 Third Avenue, 12th Floor, New York, New York 10158-0180.
Telephone: (212) 455-5200.
WCIU-TV, Channel 26.
Commercial television station affiliated with the Univision network.
Contact: Howard Shapiro, Station Manager.
Address: 141 West Jackson Boulevard, Chicago, Illinois 60604.
Telephone: (312) 663-0260.
WNJU-TV, Channel 47.
Commercial television station affiliated with Telemundo.
Contact: Stephen J. Levin, General Manager.
Address: 47 Industrial Avenue, Teterboro, New Jersey 07608.
Telephone: (201) 288-5550.
Organizations and Associations
Association for Puerto Rican-Hispanic Culture.
Founded in 1965. Seeks to expose people of various ethnic backgrounds and nationalities to cultural values of Puerto Ricans and Hispanics. Focuses on music, poetry recitals, theatrical events, and art exhibits.
Contact: Peter Bloch.
Address: 83 Park Terrace West, New York, New York 10034.
Telephone: (212) 942-2338.
Council for Puerto Rico-U.S. Affairs.
Founded in 1987, the council was formed to help create a positive awareness of Puerto Rico in the United States and to forge new links between the mainland and the island.
Contact: Roberto Soto.
Address: 14 East 60th Street, Suite 605, New York, New York 10022.
Telephone: (212) 832-0935.
National Association for Puerto Rican Civil Rights (NAPRCR).
Addresses civil rights issues concerning Puerto Ricans in legislative, labor, police, and legal and housing matters, especially in New York City.
Contact: Damaso Emeric, President.
Address: 2134 Third Avenue, New York, New York 10035.
Telephone: (212) 996-9661.
National Conference of Puerto Rican Women (NACOPRW).
Founded in 1972, the conference promotes the participation of Puerto Rican and other Hispanic women in social, political, and economic affairs in the United States and in Puerto Rico. Publishes the quarterly Ecos Nationales.
Contact: Ana Fontana.
Address: 5 Thomas Circle, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20005.
Telephone: (202) 387-4716.
National Council of La Raza.
Founded in 1968, this Pan-Hispanic organization provides assistance to local Hispanic groups, serves as an advocate for all Hispanic Americans, and is a national umbrella organization for 80 formal affiliates throughout the United States.
Address: 810 First Street, N.E., Suite 300, Washington, D.C. 20002.
Telephone: (202) 289-1380.
National Puerto Rican Coalition (NPRC).
Founded in 1977, the NPRC advances the social, economic, and political well-being of Puerto Ricans. It evaluates the potential impact of legislative and government proposals and policies affecting the Puerto Rican community and provides technical assistance and training to start-up Puerto Rican organizations. Publishes National Directory of Puerto Rican Organizations; Bulletin; Annual Report.
Contact: Louis Nuñez, President.
Address: 1700 K Street, N.W., Suite 500, Washington, D.C. 20006.
Telephone: (202) 223-3915.
Fax: (202) 429-2223.
National Puerto Rican Forum (NPRF).
Concerned with the overall improvement of Puerto Rican and Hispanic communities throughout the United States
Contact: Kofi A. Boateng, Executive Director.
Address: 31 East 32nd Street, Fourth Floor, New York, New York 10016-5536.
Telephone: (212) 685-2311.
Fax: (212) 685-2349.
Online: http://www.nprf.org/ .
Puerto Rican Family Institute (PRFI).
Established for the preservation of the health, wellbeing, and integrity of Puerto Rican and Hispanic families in the United States.
Contact: Maria Elena Girone, Executive Director.
Address: 145 West 15th Street, New York, New York 10011.
Telephone: (212) 924-6320.
Fax: (212) 691-5635.
Museums and Research Centers
Brooklyn College of the City University of New York Center for Latino Studies.
Research institute centered on the study of Puerto Ricans in New York and Puerto Rico. Focuses on history, politics, sociology, and anthropology.
Contact: Maria Sanchez.
Address: 1205 Boylen Hall, Bedford Avenue at Avenue H, Brooklyn, New York 11210.
Telephone: (718) 780-5561.
Hunter College of the City University of New York Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños.
Founded in 1973, it is the first university-based research center in New York City designed specifically to develop Puerto Rican perspectives on Puerto Rican problems and issues.
Contact: Juan Flores, Director.
Address: 695 Park Avenue, New York, New York 10021.
Telephone: (212) 772-5689.
Fax: (212) 650-3673.
E-mail: hcordero@shiva.hunter.cuny.edu.
Institute of Puerto Rican Culture, Archivo General de Puerto Rico.
Maintains extensive archival holdings relating to the history of Puerto Rico.
Contact: Carmen Davila.
Address: 500 Ponce de León, Suite 4184, San Juan, Puerto Rico 00905.
Telephone: (787) 725-5137.
Fax: (787) 724-8393.
PRLDEF Institute for Puerto Rican Policy.
The Institute for Puerto Rican Policy merged with the Puerto Rican Legal Defense and Education Fund in 1999. In September of 1999 a website was in progress but unfinished.
Contact: Angelo Falcón, Director.
Address: 99 Hudson Street, 14th Floor, New York, New York 10013-2815.
Telephone: (212) 219-3360 ext. 246.
Fax: (212) 431-4276.
E-mail: ipr@iprnet.org.
Puerto Rican Culture Institute, Luis Muñoz Rivera Library and Museum.
Founded in 1960, it houses collections that emphasize literature and art; institute supports research into the cultural heritage of Puerto Rico.
Address: 10 Muñoz Rivera Street, Barranquitas, Puerto Rico 00618.
Telephone: (787) 857-0230.
Sources for Additional Study
Alvarez, Maria D. Puerto Rican Children on the Mainland: Interdisciplinary Perspectives. New York: Garland Pub., 1992.
Dietz, James L. Economic History of Puerto Rico: Institutional Change and Capitalist Development. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1986.
Falcón, Angelo. Puerto Rican Political Participation: New York City and Puerto Rico. Institute for Puerto Rican Policy, 1980.
Fitzpatrick, Joseph P. Puerto Rican Americans: The Meaning of Migration to the Mainland. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1987.
——. The Stranger Is Our Own: Reflections on the Journey of Puerto Rican Migrants. Kansas City, Missouri: Sheed & Ward, 1996.
Growing up Puerto Rican: An Anthology, edited by Joy L. DeJesus. New York: Morrow, 1997.
Hauberg, Clifford A. Puerto Rico and the Puerto Ricans. New York: Twayne, 1975.
Perez y Mena, Andres Isidoro. Speaking with the Dead: Development of Afro-Latin Religion Among Puerto Ricans in the United States: A Study into Inter-penetration of Civilizations in the New World. New York: AMS Press, 1991.
Puerto Rico: A Political and Cultural History, edited by Arturo Morales Carrion. New York: Norton, 1984.
Urciuoli, Bonnie. Exposing Prejudice: Puerto Rican Experiences of Language, Race, and Class. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996.
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Absinthism: a fictitious 19th century syndrome with present impact
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Lachenmeier Dirk W
2006-05-01
Full Text Available Abstract Absinthe, a bitter spirit containing wormwood (Artemisia absinthium L., was banned at the beginning of the 20th century as consequence of its supposed unique adverse effects. After nearly century-long prohibition, absinthe has seen a resurgence after recent de-restriction in many European countries. This review provides information on the history of absinthe and one of its constituent, thujone. Medical and toxicological aspects experienced and discovered before the prohibition of absinthe are discussed in detail, along with their impact on the current situation. The only consistent conclusion that can be drawn from those 19th century studies about absinthism is that wormwood oil but not absinthe is a potent agent to cause seizures. Neither can it be concluded that the beverage itself was epileptogenic nor that the so-called absinthism can exactly be distinguished as a distinct syndrome from chronic alcoholism. The theory of a previous gross overestimation of the thujone content of absinthe may have been verified by a number of independent studies. Based on the current available evidence, thujone concentrations of both pre-ban and modern absinthes may not have been able to cause detrimental health effects other than those encountered in common alcoholism. Today, a questionable tendency of absinthe manufacturers can be ascertained that use the ancient theories of absinthism as a targeted marketing strategy to bring absinthe into the spheres of a legal drug-of-abuse. Misleading advertisements of aphrodisiac or psychotropic effects of absinthe try to re-establish absinthe's former reputation. In distinction from commercially manufactured absinthes with limited thujone content, a health risk to consumers is the uncontrolled trade of potentially unsafe herbal products such as absinthe essences that are readily available over the internet.
Statures of 19th century Chinese males in America.
Science.gov (United States)
Carson, Scott Alan
2007-01-01
This study considers statures of 19th century male Chinese immigrant to the American West and assesses how their personal characteristics were related with stature variation. The subjects were 1423 male Chinese prisoners received between 1850 and 1920 in the Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, New Mexico, Oregon, Utah and Washington state prisons. The study compares 19th century Chinese inmate statures with other studies and employs stature regression models on time, socio-economic status and residence within the USA to account for biological variation. Between 1830 and 1870, Chinese youth male stature declined by over 2 cm. Between 1820 and 1860, Chinese adult male stature also declined by over 2 cm. Chinese stature did not vary with socio-economic status or residence. Nineteenth century Chinese emigrant statures were influenced more by political and economic events than socio-economic status, and male emigrants' biological conditions may have deteriorated throughout the 19th century.
Nostalgia in the Army (17th-19th Centuries).
Science.gov (United States)
Battesti, Michèle
2016-01-01
People died from nostalgia in the army in the 17th-19th centuries. The term 'nostalgia', created by the doctor Johannes Hofer (1669-1752), from Mulhouse, came from the Germanic Heimweh, or 'homesickness'. It affected the young people enrolled in the army, such as Swiss mercenaries. Longing for their native land, they were consumed by an ongoing desire to return home. If it was impossible to do so, they sank into 'a sadness accompanied with insomnia, anorexia and other unpleasant symptoms' that could lead to death. Nostalgia became classified as a disease during the last quarter of the 18th century and ravaged the French army during the Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. However, as soon as the wars ended, it ceased to exist in the army (except the colonial army). It was removed from the nosology in the first half of the 19th century. Rapidly explained as an example of a misdiagnosis or a confusion between 'connection and cause', nostalgia needs to be assessed in regard to the medical debate between 'alienists' and 'organicists'. Creating much concern, nostalgia needs to be considered in the historical context of a society destabilized by modernity, with some individuals uprooted by the sudden transition from civil society to military life. It raises questions about the role that the army played in the creation of the French national union. Nostalgia may have also covered psychic traumatisms later designated as combat fatigue, war neurosis, or post-traumatic stress disorder. © 2016 S. Karger AG, Basel.
Ottoman Greek Education System and Greek Girls' Schools in Istanbul (19th and 20th Centuries)
Science.gov (United States)
Daglar Macar, Oya
2010-01-01
Modernization efforts in education, which were initiated in the 19th century, can be seen as forerunners of the modernization attempts in the Republic period. In this article, Greek education system in the Ottoman Empire will be discussed and the effects and importance of the changes observed in Greek girls' education in 19th and 20th centuries onâ¦
The Ilorin economy in the 19th century | Banwo | Nigerian Journal of ...
African Journals Online (AJOL)
The Ilorin economy in the 19th century. ... DOWNLOAD FULL TEXT Open Access DOWNLOAD FULL TEXT Subscription or Fee Access. The Ilorin economy in the 19th century. Adeyinko O Banwo. Abstract. No Abstract. The Nigerian Journal of Economic History Vol. 1, 1998: 129-146Â ...
Historiography of mathematics in the 19th and 20th centuries
CERN Document Server
Schneider, Martina; Sørensen, Henrik
2016-01-01
This book addresses the historiography of mathematics as it was practiced during the 19th and 20th centuries by paying special attention to the cultural contexts in which the history of mathematics was written. In the 19th century, the history of mathematics was recorded by a diverse range of people trained in various fields and driven by different motivations and aims. These backgrounds often shaped not only their writing on the history of mathematics, but, in some instances, were also influential in their subsequent reception. During the period from roughly 1880-1940, mathematics modernized in important ways, with regard to its content, its conditions for cultivation, and its identity; and the writing of the history of mathematics played into the last part in particular. Parallel to the modernization of mathematics, the history of mathematics gradually evolved into a field of research with its own journals, societies and academic positions. Reflecting both a new professional identity and changes in its prim...
19th Century Ankara Through Historical Poems
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Ãzge Ãztekin
2015-12-01
Full Text Available A city is a place whose meaning is found in the poetry created there. In Kevin Lynchâs words, a city presents the imagination with an unlimited potential for âreadabilityâ. If we consider this unlimited readability through poetry, it can be said that attempts to find the zeitgeist of a city at a certain time through literary texts must evaluate the poetry, the city and the time. This is because poetry (or literature in general, just like a city, has an important memory which oscillates through ideas of its past and future. In this sense, divan poetry and one particular example of itâhistorical âmanzumeâ poemsâare memories which richly illustrate the âcontinuityâ and âchangeâ within a period. This work, on 19th century Ankara, aims to evaluate the traces reflected in historical manzume poems of the time they were written. Five historical manzume poems in three texts out of seventy 19th century divan collections scanned for this work were found to be about Ankara. Two of these manzumes are by Cazib, one by Ziver Pasha, and one by Mahmud Celaleddin Pasha. The first of these is on Ankaraâs dervish lodge; the second on a barracks being built in Ankara; the third on Vecihi Pashaâs governorship of Ankara; the fourth on the the Mayoral Residence. In addition to these, a manzume on the construction of Hamidiye Caddesi by Mahmud Celaleddin Pasha is discovered with in scope of the work. The aim of this work is to provide a contribution to city history through a commentary on elements of 19th century poetry concerning Ankara.
Fiction as a Medium of Social Communication in 19th Century France
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Sabina Pstrocki-Sehovic
2014-10-01
Full Text Available This article will present the extent to which literature could be viewed as means of social communication â i.e. informing and influencing society â in 19thcentury France, by analysing the appearance of three authors at different points:  the beginning, the middle and the end of the century. The first is the case of Balzac at the beginning of the 19th Century who becomes the most successful novelist of the century in France and who, in his prolific expression and rich vocabulary, portrays society from various angles in a huge opus of almost 100 works, 93 of them making his Comédie humaine. The second is the case of Gustave Flaubert whose famous novel Madame Bovary, which depicts a female character in a realist but also in a psychologically conscious manner, around the mid-19th century reaches French courts together with Les Fleurs du Mal by Charles Baudelaire and is exposed as being socially judged for its alleged immorality. The last is the political affair of Dreyfus and its defender Emile Zola, the father of naturalism. This case confirms the establishment of more intense relations between writer and politics and builds a solid way for a more conscious and everyday political engagement in the literary world from the end of the 19th century onwards. These three are the most important cases which illustrate how fiction functioned in relation to society, state and readership in 19th century France.
Provisions on illegitimate children in 19th century Montenegrin legislature
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Kulauzov Maša
2012-01-01
Full Text Available Legal position of illegitimate children according to 19th century Montenegrin legislature is examined in this paper. Provisions on personal rights, property rights and rights of succession of illegitimate children are presented and critically analyzed. Children born out of wedlock were not equal to children born in lawful marriage. Therefore, significance of legalization of illegitimate children regarding improvement of their legal status is accentuated. As non-marital relationships were condemned in patriarchal Montenegrin 19th century society, illegitimate children were considered a product of sin and family disgrace. Hence, legislative attempts to protect their interests and improve their legal position are emphasized in this paper.
Two hegemonies â two technological regimes : American and Norwegian whaling in the 19th and 20th Century
OpenAIRE
Basberg, Bjørn L.
2006-01-01
The 19th century whaling industry was dominated by the United States while the 20th century industry had its origins in Norway and was dominated for years by that nation. The focus of the paper, is to explore the relationship between the two so-called hegemonic whaling nations. Specifically, we are looking for encounters between the two industries that in one way or another may explain why the Norwegians did not enter into traditional pelagic whaling in the mid 19th century, an...
Family and marital affairs in 19th century Serbia
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Divac Zorica
2006-01-01
Full Text Available Ethnology, as a science, continues to dedicate very much attention to the traditional culture of Serbian 19th century villages. In the past, material culture with all of the disappearing, relic artifacts no longer in use was in the focus of the science. A large amount of data was gathered, on the population origins, migrations, beliefs, rituals, social institutions such as cooperative associations and so on. In spite of these data, ethnology today has no detailed knowledge on life of Serbian 19th century villages especially there is a gap in our knowledge on family life in the first half of the 19th century. Family researches, such as ethnologists, sociologists and particularly those that deal with transformations, in their analyses use as a variable the so-called patriarchal-traditional model of the family. The model assumes: extended or cooperative family, stable and directed toward maintaining family ties and property; divorce is rare since the marriage itself is founded on duties toward family group and deference for a husband or father; the family is tied down to its land and family ties with male lineage are encouraged, and so on. In the first half of the 19th century however, Serbia was the battle-field of political turmoil, rebellion fights and huge social changes and general attitude of instability, migrations arguments, Turkish aggression, and frequent governmental changes, which brought about disturbance in patriarchal system, customs and regulations. Archival sources from the period reveal that courts were very busy dealing with cases of family and marital issues. It is evident that the regulations were put forward to enhance family solidity through marriage and family stability. Several available examples show "a dark side" of the Serbian family life of the period; today, it is not possible to establish the degree to which the family transformed itself from a patriarchal to a more liberated one.
19th Century Roots to the American Vocational Movement.
Science.gov (United States)
Law, Gordon F.
Historical developments in the 18th and 19th centuries influenced the course of European and American education and the separate path of vocational education. The first of these developments was the emergence of schools as primary instruments for the transmission of knowledge and culture, as a result of the phenomenal growth of the American statesâ¦
Negative Numbers in the 18th and 19th Centuries: Phenomenology and Representations
Science.gov (United States)
Maz-Machado, Alexander; Rico-Romero, Luis
2009-01-01
This article presents a categorization of the phenomena and representations used to introduce negative numbers in mathematics books published in Spain during the 18th and 19th centuries. Through a content analysis of fourteen texts which were selected for the study, we distinguished four phenomena typologies: physical, accounting, temporal andâ¦
[Criminology and superstition at the turn of the 19th century].
Science.gov (United States)
Bachhiesl, Christian
2012-01-01
Criminology, which institutionalised at university level at the turn of the 19th century, was intensively engaged in the exploration of superstition. Criminologists investigated the various phenomena of superstition and the criminal behaviour resulting from it. They discovered bizarre (real or imagined) worlds of thought and mentalities, which they subjected to a rationalistic regime of interpretation in order to arrive at a better understanding of offences and crimes related to superstition. However, they sometimes also considered the use of occultist practices such as telepathy and clairvoyance to solve criminal cases. As a motive for committing homicide superstition gradually became less relevant in the course of the 19th century. Around 1900, superstition was accepted as a plausible explanation in this context only if a psychopathic form of superstition was involved. In the 20th century, superstition was no longer regarded as an explanans but an explanandum.
Barter Trade in North Western Siberia in the Late of 19th - Early 20th Centuries
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Valery V. Tsys
2015-09-01
Full Text Available The article is devoted to the issue of barter trade in the North Western Siberia by the local peoples who used different fishing and hunting products such as fish and animal fur by way of cash equivalent up to the end of 19th century. Particularly, squirrel fur was a most popular hunting product used as money equivalent in trade in the 19th century. The author notes that due to the spread of the Russian population and development of railways in the second half of the 19th century the situation gradually changed. As a result, by the beginning of the 20th century natural barter was completely replaced by monetized trade with the use of bills and coins. The article describes a system of notes used by the local indigenous population to record the sums of money in trade, such as solar signs (hundreds, squares (tens, x-shaped crosses (units, vertical lines (hundredth parts of the main value. The article also indicates that during the Civil War and the transition to the NEP (New Economic Policy an abrupt rise in prices for fishing products occurred, with the following revival of barter, when squirrel fur and fish regained their roles as cost units and universal money equivalents.
THE DANCING SCULPTURES OF THE 19TH CENTURY EUROPEAN ART
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Sibel ALMELEK ISMAN
2015-04-01
Full Text Available Dance has been an indispensable element of human life for centuries. Painters and sculptors have created the dynamism of dance steps either on the canvas or stone with the same excitement. Charits, Nymphs, Bacchantes and Satyrs, the Greek and Roman mythological figures who attract attention with their dances have been a source of inspiration for artists. In this research, the dancing sculptures of the 19th century which is an interesting period in European art because of its witnessing of long term styles like Neoclassicism and Romanticism and short term movements such as Realism and Impressionism are examined. Examples of sculptures which brings dance to life before and after the 19th century have also been mentioned. The likenesses as well as dissimilarities in the way the arts of painting and sculpture approach to the theme of dance has been briefly evaluated.
Stature in 19th and early 20th century Copenhagen. A comparative study based on skeletal remains
DEFF Research Database (Denmark)
Jørkov, Marie Louise S
2015-01-01
Individual stature depends on multifactorial causes and is often used as a proxy for investigating the biological standard of living. While the majority of European studies on 19th and 20th century populations are based on conscript heights, stature derived from skeletal remains are scarce. For t....... Female stature had no significant wealth gradient (p=0.516). This study provides new evidence of stature among males and females during the 19th century and suggests that males may have been more sensitive to changes in environmental living and nutrition than females....
Teratology in Mexico. 19th Century.
Science.gov (United States)
Gorbach, Frida
2014-01-01
It was not until the last third of the 19th century, the period in which, according to historiography, the country definitely inserted itself into modernity, that anomalies and monstrosities had a presence in Mexico. Therefore, what I present here are four moments of teratology in Mexico, four dates in which I try to recount how teratology, which still occupied a marginal place within the main themes of national science, not only reached to cover the realm of medical discussions at the time, but also laid the foundations for new disciplines like biology and anthropology.
Dancetime! 500 Years of Social Dance. Volume I: 15th-19th Centuries. [Videotape].
Science.gov (United States)
Teten, Carol
This VHS videotape recording is the first in a two-volume series that presents 500 years of social dance, music, and fashion. It focuses on the 15th-19th centuries, including Renaissance nobility, Baroque extravagance, Regency refinement, and Victorian romanticism. Each era reflects the changing relationships between men and women through theâ¦
Epidemic Cholera and American Reform Movements in the 19th Century
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Seohyung KIM
2015-12-01
Full Text Available The 19th century was the age of great reform in American history. After constructing of the canal and railroads, the industrialization began and American society changed so rapidly. In this period, there were so many social crisis and American people tried to solve these problems within the several reform movements. These reform movements were the driving forces to control cholera during the 19th century. Cholera was the endemic disease in Bengal, India, but after the 19th century it had spread globally by the development of trade networks. The 1832 cholera in the United States was the first epidemic cholera in American history. The mortality of cholera was so high, but it was very hard to find out the cause of this fatal infectious disease. So, different social discourses happened to control epidemic cholera in the 19th century, these can be understood within the similar context of American reform movements during this period. Board of Health in New York States made a new public health act to control cholera in 1832, it was ineffective. Some people insisted that the cause of this infectious disease was the corruption of the United States. They emphasized unjust and immoral system in American society. Moral reform expanded to Nativism, because lots of Irish immigrants were the victims of cholera. So, epidemic cholera was the opportunity to spread the desire for moral reform. To control cholera in 1849, the sanitary reform in Britain had affected. The fact that it was so important to improve and maintain the water quality for the control and prevention of disease spread, the sanitary reform happened. There were two different sphere of the sanitary reform. The former was the private reform to improve sewer or privy, the latter was the public reform to build sewage facilities. The 1849 cholera had an important meaning, because the social discourse, which had emphasized the sanitation of people or home expanded to the public sphere. When cholera
[Epidemic Cholera and American Reform Movements in the 19th Century].
Science.gov (United States)
Kim, Seohyung
2015-12-01
The 19th century was the age of great reform in American history. After constructing of the canal and railroads, the industrialization began and American society changed so rapidly. In this period, there were so many social crisis and American people tried to solve these problems within the several reform movements. These reform movements were the driving forces to control cholera during the 19th century. Cholera was the endemic disease in Bengal, India, but after the 19th century it had spread globally by the development of trade networks. The 1832 cholera in the United States was the first epidemic cholera in American history. The mortality of cholera was so high, but it was very hard to find out the cause of this fatal infectious disease. So, different social discourses happened to control epidemic cholera in the 19th century, these can be understood within the similar context of American reform movements during this period. Board of Health in New York States made a new public health act to control cholera in 1832, it was ineffective. Some people insisted that the cause of this infectious disease was the corruption of the United States. They emphasized unjust and immoral system in American society. Moral reform expanded to Nativism, because lots of Irish immigrants were the victims of cholera. So, epidemic cholera was the opportunity to spread the desire for moral reform. To control cholera in 1849, the sanitary reform in Britain had affected. The fact that it was so important to improve and maintain the water quality for the control and prevention of disease spread, the sanitary reform happened. There were two different sphere of the sanitary reform. The former was the private reform to improve sewer or privy, the latter was the public reform to build sewage facilities. The 1849 cholera had an important meaning, because the social discourse, which had emphasized the sanitation of people or home expanded to the public sphere. When cholera broke out in 1866 again
Legislation and judicial practice on illegitimate children in 19th century Serbia
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Kulauzov Maša
2014-01-01
Full Text Available Legal position of non-marital children according to 19th century Serbian legislature and judicial practice is examined in this paper. Provisions and court decisions on personal rights, property rights and rights of succession of illegitimate children are presented and critically analyzed. Children born out of wedlock were not equal to children born in lawful marriage. Therefore, significance of legalization of illegitimate children regarding improvement of their legal status is accentuated. As non-marital relationships were condemned in patriarchal Serbian 19th century society, illegitimate children were considered a product of sin and family disgrace. Hence, legislative and judicial attempts to protect their interests and improve their legal position are emphasized in this paper. Beside legalization, adoption was also the way to better position of illegitimate children in great extent, as adopted child was granted the status of a child born in lawful marriage. That is a reason why judicial practice concerning adoption, widespread in 19th century Serbia, is scrutinized and critically analyzed in the article.
Visual Showcase: An Illustrative Data Graphic in an 18th-19th Century Style
OpenAIRE
Dragicevic, Pierre; Bach, Benjamin; Dufournaud, Nicole; Huron, Samuel; Isenberg, Petra; Jansen, Yvonne; Perin, Charles; Spritzer, André; Vuillemot, Romain; Willett, Wesley; Isenberg, Tobias
2013-01-01
Extended abstract and exhibition piece; International audience; We exhibit an data graphic poster that emulates the style of historic hand-made visualizations of the 18th -19th century. Our visualization uses real data and employs style elements such as an emulation of ink lines, hatching and cross-hatching, appropriate typesetting, and unique style of computer-assisted facial drawings.
State Reforms in the Field of Education in Russia (Late 18th-Early 19th Centuries
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Nataliya M. Rumyantseva
2018-03-01
Full Text Available The article examines the state policy of Russia in the field of education during the late 18th - early 19th centuries. This period is characterized by a great democratization of education and the definition of new goals, objectives and content of education: the professional training of a young person becomes inseparable from the education of a citizen - a patriot of a state and a broadly enlightened personality in different sciences. The paper analyzed historical documents (orders of Russian emperors concerning public education, school and university statutes, historical references. In the chronological order, state reforms in the field of education in Russia were constructed and characterized at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries, the statistical data on the number of pupils, teachers and schools within the period under review were presented.
Funeral dress and textiles in 17th and 19th century burials in Ostrobothnia, Finland
NARCIS (Netherlands)
Lipkin, S.; Vajanto, K.; Kallio-Seppä, T.; Kuokkanen, T.; Niinimäki, S.; Väre, T.; van Bommel, M.; Grömer, K.; Pritchard, F.
2015-01-01
The 17th-19th-century burial materials from northern Ostrobothnia are studied in order to consider the value, origin and meaning of textiles especially in child burials. The focus is on the preservation, quality and dyes of burial textiles unearthed at the yard of Oulu Cathedral as well as the
Hay fever, a post industrial revolution epidemic: a history of its growth during the 19th century.
Science.gov (United States)
Emanuel, M B
1988-05-01
Although other forms of allergic disease were described in antiquity, hay fever is surprisingly modern. Very rare descriptions can be traced back to Islamic texts of the 9th century and European texts of the 16th century. It was only in the early 19th century that the disease was carefully described and at that time was regarded as most unusual. By the end of the 19th century it had become commonplace in both Europe and North America. This paper attempts to chart the growth of hay fever through the medical literature of the 19th century. It is hoped that an understanding of the increase in prevalence between 1820 and 1900 may provide an insight for modern researchers and give some clues into possible reasons for the epidemic nature of the disease today.
Hospital admissions for peptic ulcer and indigestion in London and New York in the 19th and early 20th centuries
Science.gov (United States)
Baron, J H; Sonnenberg, A
2002-01-01
The occurrence of peptic ulcer increased rapidly in all Western countries from the 19th to the 20th century, attributed to a possible epidemic of Helicobacter pylori, a new pathogenic strain, or a change in host susceptibility. The early trends in hospital admissions for peptic ulcer and dyspepsia in London and New York during the 19th century are reviewed to test these hypotheses. PMID:11889081
[Considerations concerning medical knowledge inherited in Mexico from 19th century: the diabetes mellitus case].
Science.gov (United States)
GarcÃa de Alba-GarcÃa, Javier Eduardo; Salcedo-Rocha, Ana Leticia; Milke-Najar, MarÃa Eugenia; Alonso-Reynoso, Carlos; GarcÃa de Alba-Verduzco, Javier Eugenio
2017-01-01
In Mexico, as in the entire Western world, during the 19th century and the beginnings of the 20th century, medical knowledge developed in a remarkable way and the case of diabetes mellitus was not the exception. This situation, which arose on the basis of the antique paradigm, and which in turn was overthrown by the positivism as the emergent paradigm (with its clinical and anatomical, as well as physiopathological and etiopathological viewpoints), was reflected during the 19th the century through its actors and the communications that opened the access of Mexican medicine to the modernity.
Heat and Kinetic Theory in 19th-Century Physics Textbooks: The Case of Spain
OpenAIRE
Vaquero, J. M.; Santos, A.
2000-01-01
Spain was a scientifically backward country in the early 19th-century. The causes were various political events, the War of Independence, and the reign of Fernando VII. The introduction of contemporary physics into textbooks was therefore a slow process. An analysis of the contents of 19th-century Spanish textbooks is here presented, centred on imponderable fluids, the concept of energy, the mechanical theory of heat, and the kinetic theory of gases.
Rising trends of gastric cancer and peptic ulcer in the 19th century.
Science.gov (United States)
Sonnenberg, A; Baron, J H
2010-10-01
The risk of dying from gastric cancer appears to have increased among consecutive generations born during the 19th century. To follow the time trends of hospitalization for gastric cancer and test whether they confirm such increase. Inpatient records of the last two centuries from four hospitals in Scotland and three US hospitals were analysed. Proportional rates of hospitalization for gastric cancer, gastric ulcer and duodenal ulcer were calculated during consecutive 5-year periods. The data from all seven cities revealed strikingly similar patterns. No hospital admissions for gastric cancer or peptic ulcer were recorded prior to 1800. Hospital admissions for gastric cancer increased in an exponential fashion throughout the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. In a majority of cities, the rise in hospitalization for gastric cancer preceded a similar rise in hospitalization for gastric ulcer. Hospitalization for these two latter diagnoses clearly preceded hospitalization for duodenal ulcer by 20-40 years. The occurrence of gastric cancer, gastric ulcer and duodenal ulcer markedly increased during the 19th century. Improvements in hygiene may have resulted in the decline of infections by other gastrointestinal organisms that had previously kept concomitant infection by Helicobacter pylori suppressed. Published 2010. This article is a US Government work and is in the public domain in the USA.
Norm of Exploitation of Miners in Siberia in the Late 19th â Early 20th Centuries
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Vasiliy P. Zinov'ev
2015-06-01
Full Text Available The article focuses on the question of the distribution of added value in the mining industry in Siberia in the late 19th â early 20th centuries. Relying on the analysis of financial reports from Siberian goldmines and coalmines, the author reveals the correlation between the means spent on workforce and the means spent on income and the companiesâ non-production expenses. The calculated norm of added value â the most precise reflection of the measure of wage labour exploitation â turned out to be higher for Siberian mine workers in the late 19th â early 20th centuries than for workers in the European Russia and demonstrated the tendency to further growth. The author believes it to be a consequence of the modernization of production and the exploitation of the richest and most easily accessible Siberian deposits.
Position of woman according to 19th century Montenegrin marital law
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Kulauzov Maša
2013-01-01
Full Text Available Legal position of woman in 19th century Montenegrin marital law is examined in this paper. Provisions on entering into marriage, woman's marital infidelity, legal separation, dissolution of marriage and its legal effects as well as widow's property rights are scrutinized and critically analyzed. The author also indicates to rules of customary law regarding legal status of a married woman. Married woman had restricted legal capacity, as well as restricted property rights and no rights of succession. However, gender inequality common in patriarchal society such as Montenegrin in 19th century is particularly accentuated in case of marital infidelity. Only woman's adultery is punishable and regarded as a serious crime. Beside marital infidelity, lower position of woman is noticeable in all aspects of married life. Hence, legislative attempts to improve woman's legal status are emphasized in the article.
Tuberculosis epidemiology and selection in an autochthonous Siberian population from the 16th-19th century.
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Henri Dabernat
Full Text Available Tuberculosis is one of most ancient diseases affecting human populations. Although numerous studies have tried to detect pathogenic DNA in ancient skeletons, the successful identification of ancient tuberculosis strains remains rare. Here, we describe a study of 140 ancient subjects inhumed in Yakutia (Eastern Siberia during a tuberculosis outbreak, dating from the 16(th-19(th century. For a long time, Yakut populations had remained isolated from European populations, and it was not until the beginning of the 17(th century that first contacts were made with European settlers. Subsequently, tuberculosis spread throughout Yakutia, and the evolution of tuberculosis frequencies can be tracked until the 19(th century. This study took a multidisciplinary approach, examining historical and paleo-epidemiological data to understand the impact of tuberculosis on ancient Yakut population. In addition, molecular identification of the ancient tuberculosis strain was realized to elucidate the natural history and host-pathogen co-evolution of human tuberculosis that was present in this population. This was achieved by the molecular detection of the IS6110 sequence and SNP genotyping by the SNaPshot technique. Results demonstrated that the strain belongs to cluster PGG2-SCG-5, evocating a European origin. Our study suggests that the Yakut population may have been shaped by selection pressures, exerted by several illnesses, including tuberculosis, over several centuries. This confirms the validity and necessity of using a multidisciplinary approach to understand the natural history of Mycobacterium tuberculosis infection and disease.
Book advertisements in Osijekâs 19th century newspapers
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Maja KrtaliÄ
2009-04-01
Full Text Available The paper investigates the promotion of books through advertising in the newspapers published in Osijek in the second half of the 19th century. From late 18th century and in the course of the 19th centuryâs intense developments in the publishing of newspapers and journals, advertising in this medium was one of the ways to promote books. Booksellers and publishers advertised books in newspaper ads, relying on the fact that newspapers had become a common and omnipresent medium for disseminating information. Book advertisements were evidence of the position of books in relation to other aspects of culture and society, of the approach to their promotion and, finally, of the importance of book promotion. In order to investigate how and how much book ads were present, and how Croatian books were promoted and reached the readership, the paper analyses daily and monthly publications, such as Esseker allgemeine illustrierte Zeitung from 1869, Die Drau from 1968 to 1877, and Branislav from 1878. Among the eleven different papers published in the second half of the 19th century in Osijek, these were selected for their content, as they were the first illustrated newspapers (Esseker allgemeine illustrierte Zeitung. The investigation focused on the influence of the newly emerged illustrated press and on the influence of the newspapers published in Croatian language (Branislav, as a possible tool for spreading and promotion of Croatian books. Another focus was on the influence of continued publication and on the growth of a steady readership (Die Drau. The papers were analysed with the aim to locate book advertisements which were then subjected to content analysis. Also provided is a brief overview of the book production and publication in Croatia and in Osijek at the time, and an overview of the emergence of newspapers in Osijek with a brief account of the titles selected for study in order to gain an insight into the context in which book ads appeared. It
Mapping Utopia: Cartography and Social Reform in 19th Century Australia
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Matthew Graves
2012-11-01
Full Text Available From the 16th century on, the great Southern continent figured in the European literary and political imagination as a field for utopian thought. While we might expect such Arcadian essays to tail off as the colonisation of Australia proceeded apace in the late 18th, early 19th centuries, such was not the case: there are many examples of utopian literature set in Australia in the 19th and 20th centuries, and several examples from the 1830s , the period examined in this article. This article explores the utopian elements in the work of three near contemporaries: Edward G. Wakefield (1796-1862, Thomas J. Maslen (1787-1857 and James Vetch (1789-1869 who mapped onto Australia political and social projects that had their origin and rationale in objectives for reform in the mother country. They brought to their self-appointed task underlying assumptions and biases that reveal a range of influences, not least those of colonial expansionism, and an imperial disregard for the realities of the terrain and inhabitants of a country they had never visited. The article undertakes a close reading of the maps, systems of nomenclature and division of territory proposed by two of the three: Maslen and Vetch, and their underlying rationale and function. Both writers sought to redraw the map of Australia in order to advance projects for reform, imposing on an âempty landâ principles of division and sub-division claimed to be rational and scientific and yet essentially utopian.
`A novel, spicy delicacy': tamales, advertising, and late 19th-century imaginative geographies of Mexico
OpenAIRE
Monrreal , Sahar
2008-01-01
Abstract This article explores how the tamale entered the national market as a mass-produced foodstuff at the end of 19th century. Closely reading advertising images, the article examines how the Armour Packing Company placed their chicken tamale in relation to imaginative geographies of Mexico from this era. Through tracing the symbolic transformations of the tamale from its existence in the street life of the late 19th century US to the nation-wide advertising campaign initiated ...
Evolution of Electromagnetics in the 19th Century
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I. V. Lindell
2005-01-01
Full Text Available Steps leading to the present-day electromagnetic theory made in the 19th Century are briefly reviewed. The progress can be roughly divided in two branches which are called Continental and British Electromagnetics. The former was based on Newton's action-at-a-distance principle and French mathematics while the latter grew from Faraday's contact-action principle, the concept of field lines and physical analogies. Maxwell's field theory and its experimental verification marked the last stage in the process.
Secondary-school chemistry textbooks in the 19th century
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MilanoviÄ Vesna D.
2015-01-01
Full Text Available The teaching of chemistry in Serbia as a separate subject dates from 1874. The first secondary-school chemistry textbooks appeared in the second half of the 19th century. The aim of this paper is to gain insight, by analysing two secondary-school chemistry textbooks, written by Sima LozaniÄ (1895 and Mita PetroviÄ (1892, into what amount of scientific knowledge from the sphere of chemistry was presented to secondary school students in Serbia in the second half of the 19th century, and what principles textbooks written at the time were based on. Within the framework of the research conducted, we defined the criteria for assessing the quality of secondary-school chemistry textbooks in the context of the time they were written in. The most important difference between the two textbooks under analysis that we found pertained to the way in which their contents were organized. Sima LozaniÄâs textbook is characterized by a greater degree of systematicness when it comes to the manner of presenting its contents and consistency of approach throughout the book. In both textbooks one can perceive the authorsâ attempts to link chemistry-related subjects to everyday life, and to point out the practical significance of various substances, as well as their toxicness.
Critical analysis of documentary sources for Historical Climatology of Northern Portugal (17th-19th centuries)
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Amorim, Inês; Sousa Silva, LuÃs; Garcia, João Carlos
2017-04-01
Critical analysis of documentary sources for Historical Climatology of Northern Portugal (17th-19th centuries) Inês Amorim CITCEM, Department of History, Political and International Studies, U. of Porto, Portugal. LuÃs Sousa Silva CITCEM, PhD Fellowship - FCT. João Carlos Garcia CIUHCT, Geography Department, U. of Porto, Portugal. The first major national project on Historical Climatology in Portugal, called "KLIMHIST: Reconstruction and model simulations of past climate in Portugal using documentary and early instrumental sources (17th-19th centuries)", ended in September 2015, coordinated by Maria João Alcoforado. This project began in March 2012 and counted on an interdisciplinary team of researchers from four Portuguese institutions (Centre of Geographical Studies, University of Trás-os-Montes and Alto Douro, University of Porto, and University of Ãvora), from different fields of knowledge (Geography, History, Biology, Climatology and Meteorology). The team networked and collaborated with other international research groups on Climate Change and Historical Climatology, resulting in several publications. This project aimed to reconstruct thermal and rainfall patterns in Portugal between the 17th and 19th centuries, as well as identify the main hydrometeorological extremes that occurred over that period. The basic methodology consisted in combining information from different types of anthropogenic sources (descriptive and instrumental) and natural sources (tree rings and geothermal holes), so as to develop climate change models of the past. The data collected were stored in a digital database, which can be searched by source, date, location and type of event. This database, which will be made publically available soon, contains about 3500 weather/climate-related records, which have begun to be studied, processed and published. Following this seminal project, other initiatives have taken place in Portugal in the area of Historical Climatology, namely a Ph
An Epistemological Approach to French Syllabi on Human Origins during the 19th and 20th Centuries
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Quessada, Marie-Pierre; Clement, Pierre
2007-01-01
This study focuses on how human origins were taught in the French Natural Sciences syllabuses of the 19th and 20th centuries. We evaluate the interval between the publication of scientific concepts and their emergence in syllabuses, i.e., didactic transposition delay (DTD), to determine how long it took for scientific findings pertaining to ourâ¦
Tuberculosis in the Ottoman harem in the 19th century.
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Baris, Y Izzetin; Hillerdal, Gunnar
2009-08-01
At least four of the sultans who ruled during the 19th century suffered from tuberculosis (TB), and probably many of the women and children in the harem too. Life there was crowded with low standards of hygiene, resulting in high mortality, especially among children. Infectious diseases were the main killers and TB was one of the many factors behind the decline and fall of the empire.
Maks Fabiani and urbanism in Vienna at the turn of the 19th century
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Breda MiheliÄ
2008-01-01
Full Text Available This article deals with new concepts in urban planning at the turn of the 19th century. It represents three key persons, all architects and urban planners: Camillo Sitte, Otto Wagner and Maks Fabiani. All three left an indelible mark on urban planning in the Hapsburg Monarchy. In particular, it focuses on Maks Fabiani, whose work is closely related with the reconstruction of Ljubljana after the earthquake at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Even though Fabiani was one of the most distinguished and respected urban planners in Vienna, his contribution to the history and theory of urban planning was until now relatively overlooked and not stressed enough upon in the context of the urban history within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
[Asylum: the Huge Psychiatric Hospital in the 19th century U.S].
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Kazano, Haruki
2012-01-01
The large-scale state psychiatric hospitals, referred to as "asylums," were built in the USA in the 19th century and generally have a bad reputation in Japan as institutions with an unpleasant environment for the patients. Asylums were not built for institutionalizing mental patients. The original meaning of the word asylum is a "retreat" or "sanctuary," and these institutions were originally built to act as sanctuaries for the protection of mental patients. The field of psychiatric medicine in western countries in the 19th century began to embrace the concept of "moral treatment" for mental patients, including no restraint of the patients and treating them in a more open environment. With this background, asylums were built according to the efforts of social activist Dorothea Dix with financial assistance from the Quakers. The psychiatrist Dr. Thomas Kirkbride had a large influence on asylum architecture, and believed that the hospital building and environment as well as location have healing effects on the patients, which he called the "therapeutic landscape". Kirkbridelater proposed an architectural plan that became the basis for subsequent mental hospital architecture, and many asylums were built according to this plan. As the architecture was considered part of the treatment, many leading architects and landscape architects at the time became involved in building asylums. In the later half of the 19th century, over 150 asylums were built across the USA. However, moral treatment fell out of favor toward the end of the 19th century, and the concept of therapeutic landscape was also neglected. The hospitals had many uncured patients, and caregivers became pessimistic about the efficacy of the treatments. Abuse and neglect of the patients were also common. The environment at the asylums deteriorated, which created the image of asylums that, we hold today. Many asylums have been demolished or abandoned. These early attempts at asylum failed due to insufficient
The emergence of the confessional theology in Russia (18th â first half of the 19th centuries
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Eugene Lyutko
2017-12-01
Full Text Available This article looks at a text dealing with theology as a text dealing with the reality that stands behind this text. Based on examples of three Russian church hierarchs who tried to systematise theology in the 18th and 19th centuries â Archbishop Feofan (Prokopovich, St. Philaret (Drozdov, St. Innocent (Borisov â the paper reveals and interprets the following issues: gradual penetration of categories of history, administration and church service into the structure of theology; rejection of the socalled natural theology (theologia naturalis, which takes place at the beginning of the 19th century. Proceeding from Foucauldâs methodology, we come to a conclusion about the emergence of confession in the Russian Empire of the fi rst half of the 19th century. This was an integrated and distinct social body, the key category of which was theology. Theology unites the social space of the confession by means of three key narratives: the identity (a complex of historical disciplines, administration (the canon law, or âtheologia rectrixâ, and pastoral theology, participation practices (liturgics. At the end of the period in question, the category of âChurchâ emerges within the theological system. On the one hand, this fact refl ects the completion of the process of constructing the confession; on the other hand, it is a sign of the emergence of ecclesiology, the new practice of theological discourse that came to be dominant in the following period.
The psychologist as a poet: Kierkegaard and psychology in 19th-century Copenhagen.
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Pind, Jörgen L
2016-11-01
Psychology had an early start at the University of Copenhagen in the first half of the 19th century, where it was taught as the major part of a compulsory course required of all first-year students. Particularly important in the establishment of psychology at the university was Frederik Christian Sibbern, who was professor of philosophy from 1813 to 1870. Sibbern wrote numerous works on psychology throughout his career. In his first book on psychology, Sibbern expressed the view that the ideal psychologist should also be a poet. Søren Kierkegaard, Sibbern's student, was precisely such a poet-psychologist. Kierkegaard discussed psychology in many of his works, reflecting the gathering momentum of psychology in 19th-century Copenhagen, Denmark. The article brings out some aspects of Kierkegaard's poetic and literary-imaginative approach to psychology. In his opinion, psychology was primarily a playful subject and limited in the questions about human nature it could answer, especially when it came up against the "eternal" in man's nature. Kierkegaard had a positive view of psychology, which contrasts sharply with his negative views on the rise of statistics and the natural sciences. In the latter half of the 19th century, psychology turned positivistic at the University of Copenhagen. This left little room for Kierkegaard's kind of poetic psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).
Folk Beliefs, Religion and Spiritualism in Serbian Society in the 19th and first half of the 20th Century
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Ana BaniÄ-GrubiÅ¡iÄ
2016-02-01
Full Text Available Review of the book by Radmila RadiÄ. Narodna verovanja, religija i spiritizam u srpskom druÅ¡tvu 19. i u prvoj polovini 20. veka. [Folk Beliefs, Religion and Spiritualism in Serbian Society in the 19th and first half of the 20th Century]. 2009. Beograd: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, pp. 295
Professional veterinarians in Jerez de los Caballeros (Badajoz, Spain during the 19th century
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Francisco Javier Suárez-Guzmán
2015-12-01
Full Text Available Veterinarians had different names throughout the 19th century in Spain: veterinary surgeons, farriers, castrators, marshals, etc., and they were not professionally and socially recognized until the 20th century. In 1850 they were given sanitary and zootechnical responsibilities, although many of them continued practicing horse shodding. With the creation of veterinary schools, the foundations of modern veterinary medicine were established in Spain; this has a special importance for public health issues, especially regarding figures like deputy veterinary and meat inspector, as they tried to understand the impact of animal diseases on the population who consumed animal meat. Studies in the Historical Archives of Jerez de los Caballeros (Badajoz, Spain made it possible to analyze how veterinary professionals lived and worked there during the 19th century, how they settled in or left the city, how they treated epidemics in animals for human consumption, and how they suffered the economic difficulties of the period and the City. The destruction and loss of part of the Archives makes it difficult to obtain more data.
[Origin of animal experimentation legislation in the 19th century].
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Pocard, M
1999-01-01
The first legislation in the world, designed to protect animals used in research, was passed in England in 1876, and is still in force today. It is one of the strictest in Europe. At the same period, France had no such law, and was the country conducting the greatest amount of animal experimentation. Comparing, these two countries, in the middle of the 19th century, can account for this difference. The most important difference seems to be related to the theological question: are animals endowed with a soul? Saint Augustine, claimed, in the 4th century, perhaps because of an experiment with the centipede, that animals do not have a soul. In the 17th century, René Descartes, using a different philosophical system, reached a similar conclusion, in France. On the other hand, under the influence of Charles Darwin, England rejected the Roman Catholic conclusion, about the soul of animals. The industrial revolution, occurring earlier in England than in France, also changed the society, developing urban areas, where people were cut off from rural life and changing human relationships with animals. The industrial revolution enabled the development of the press, giving impetus to public opinion. These facts, combined with a caution of science, which was more developed in England than in France, brought about the first important "anti-doctor" campaign.
Childcare in Reggio Emilia: Origins and Changes between the 19th and 20th Centuries
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Rossella Raimondo
2018-01-01
Full Text Available The aim of this article is to reconstruct the evolution in the type of interventions and childcare models adopted by the institutions charged with caring for orphans in 18th- and 19th-century Reggio Emilia, Italy. Through analysis of the documents â some previously unseen â preserved at the archives of ASP Reggio Emilia Città delle Persone and Polo Archivistico Comunale, it is possible to understand how the city of Reggio Emilia adapted itself to the developing needs of its wards, and social, legislative and especially educational changes, seeking to go beyond the isolatory and custodial spirit that characterised life within orphanages until the end of the 19th century. The history of the local institutions intertwines with that of the national processes and changes which revolutionised the traditional concept of «institute». The monolithic, centuries-old and obsolete «orphanage» gave way to care within the community (1962, founded on the principles of protection, promotion and education of individuals. The stories of these individuals that emerge from the personal records and material analysed enable us to broaden our gaze on the reconstruction of institutional history, starting from a more internal perspective and focusing on the «subjectivity» of those in need of basic care. Such personal histories enable us to not only to understand the peculiarities of the various «cases», but also their living conditions, and the ways in which care, and at the same time education, was provided.
Cast Iron in The 19th Century Building Equipment
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Kwasek, MichaÅ; Piwek, Aleksander
2017-10-01
Cast iron is a material, characteristics of which enable to receive extremely artistic elements. It maintains good strength properties at the same time. That combination of these seemingly contrary traits makes it a commodity that was widely used in the 19th century industry and architecture. These usages were not only as decorative elements, technical and structural ones. The production of new household utilities started, which made peopleâs lives more comfortable. Cast iron allowed for fast and cheap production while maintaining high aesthetic qualities. Useful elements, which often were ornamental parts of buildings were created. The aim of the article is to characterise elements of interior equipment of the 19th century building that are made of cast iron. As it appears from performed bibliography, archival and field studies, the ways of exploitation are very broad. Some were mounted into the building; the others were a mobile equipment. As it occurred they were most commonly used as functional items. Cast iron was used to produce the minor elements, which were only parts of the bigger wooden or stone items. Notwithstanding, there were also bigger ones casted as a whole, and frequently ones that were assembled from many elements. Nowadays, elements of an interior feature are one of the subjects of study during the restoration work of the buildings. They can provide important information about the building and the way people lived and are considered as the essential part of historical objects.
Economic Development of Sarepta District of the Tsaritsyn County at the Turn of the 19th-20th Centuries
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Parfenov Aleksandr E.
2016-10-01
Full Text Available The article shows the process of the industrial development of Sarepta district (now the southern part of Volgograd at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. By the end of the 19th century the Sarepta district comprised 17 production entities. The majority of them were small workshops that manufactured various household goods and had from 5 to 10 workers. Besides, Sarepta had a larger industrial enterprise â the Mustard Factory of the Glitsch â which was known throughout Russia for the high quality of its produce. Agriculture played a minor role in Sarepta district. The population of Sarepta district amounted to about 1800 people in 1894. It comprised landowners, small industrialists, and their hired workers. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw a rapid industrial development of the area. The first stage of the process was the building of the Tsaritsyn- Tikhoretskaya railway line. It connected the Kuban wheat-growing region with central areas of Russia. A 13-kilometres long section of the railway line passed through Sarepta district. Near Sarepta a station, a locomotive depot, and repair workshops were built in 1895-98. In 1901 the railway line and station were supplemented with a large cargo port on the Volga near Sarepta. The creation of the large transport hub sharply raised the economic significance of Sarepta district. Social and demographic characteristics of the area also changed dramatically. Due to the inflow of workers to the station and port, the district population nearly doubled and the ratio of proletariat raised sharply.
Reading Societies and their Social Exclusivity: Dalmatia in the First Half of the 19th century
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Jelena Lakuš
2009-04-01
Full Text Available Reading societies, known as the gabinetto di lettura, or the casino, appeared in Dalmatia in the middle of the 18th century modelled on their Western European, North Italian and Austrian counterparts. They became centres of social and cultural life in the region. However, their number was very small in comparison with other Central and Western European countries. In spite of that, their statutes can serve a historian as very fertile and useful historical sources. First of all, they can reveal the importance given to books and reading as well as changing attitude towards reading in the course of time. They can also indicate social structure of the reading circles as well as the interaction and communication among the members. In addition, they can reveal the participation of women in social and cultural life, internal functioning of the society, etc. Based on the statutes of several reading societies of the 19th century, this work suggests several important issues. First, it shows that in the first half of the 19th century the membership of these societies was still select and prestigious, acquired by position on the social scale. In other words, reading societies were still confined to very narrow social circles of the educated. Although in Western parts of Europe the reading public became more heterogeneous and open, in Dalmatia reading still preserved its exclusive features. Second, the work also suggests that what some historians of book and reading called the âreading revolutionâ or ârevolution in readingâ occurred in Dalmatia much later, and even then mostly in urban areas. Some changes in reading habits occurred in the region, albeit to a limited extent and with less influence on society as a whole. Third, the work also demonstrates that from the 1840s reading acquired a new dimension, becoming open to the more social strata and gradually losing its exclusive character. The reading societies, lending libraries and other cultural
French school of neurology in the 19 th and first half of the 20th century, and its influence in Brazil
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Marleide da Mota Gomes
2013-10-01
Full Text Available French medicine was of the utmost importance for the birth of modern medicine and neurology in the 19 th century. Innovative approaches, such as examination at the bedside, the use of the stethoscope, techniques of auscultation, palpation, and close patient examination, besides emphasis on anatomical-clinical correlation and observation of the outcome of the disease, were put into practice. French medicine offered professional training and incentives for the beginnings of Brazilian neurology and psychiatry. Returning from France, many Brazilian physicians implemented what they had learned, mainly in Paris. The most important pupils of the French neurology schools in Brazil during the 19 th century and first half of the 20 th century include names like Antonio Austregesilo, Aloysio de Castro, Enjolras Vampré, and Deolindo Couto, founders of the leading Brazilian neurological schools, directly influenced by Dejerine, Pierre Marie, Guillain and Babinski.
The Absolutist Reformism: Projects of Political Reforms in Russia (2nd half of 18th century â 1st quarter of 19th century
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Konstantin D. Bugrov
2016-09-01
Full Text Available The article deals with the phenomenon of absolutist reformism â a form of political culture that chronologically spans from the mid-18th century to 19th century, and is determined by both communicative context (genre, pragmatic purpose, and the social and political status of its participants, the members of court-administrative elite. The author argues that the principal reformers, who belonged to the court and administrative elite of Russian Empire, were competing with each other, and the reform proposals allowed the competitors to simultaneously improve their own positions within the structure of state governance and enact the absolute power of the monarch to bring the reform forth. However, that meant that the monarch was appearing in the reform proposals as an omnipotent arbiter capable of creating the social and political institutions by his will. Consequently, these reform proposals â starting from the early projects of the 1750es â 1760es, and finishing with the intense production of reform plans under Alexander I â were aimed at increasing the power of monarch, assuring its benevolent character, and protecting it from the potential usurpation from the inside of the bureaucratic apparatus. This logic of argumentation, which places the monarch against the bureaucracy, was to flourish later on in Russian 19th century.
The Investigation in Terms of Design Component of Ottoman Women Entari in 19th Century and Early 20th Century
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Saliha AÄAÃ
2015-03-01
Full Text Available The aim of this research is to study various entaries belonging to the 19th century and early 20th century in terms of design elements and principles. As result of the studies, it was seen that the X silhouette, the straight line type, vertical line direction, velvet, and silky textures, purple color tones in the base, and golden yellow in the embroidery were mostly used. Symmetric balance and symmetric decoration are observed most and it was determined that there were no principle of motion in entari in general, the point of emphasis was in the embroidery, there was no contrast in line and color elements and all design details were in compliance with each other. This study is deemed significant in terms of attracting attention to and introduction of historical clothing important in protecting cultural heritage, and for exhibiting the refined superior aesthetics of period Ottoman Turks.
The Struggle To Survive: Work for Racial Ethnic Women in the 18th- and 19th-Century United States.
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Higginbotham, Elizabeth
The work situations of Black, Mexican American, and Chinese immigrant women in 18th- and 19th-century United States are explored. Generally, when engaged in agricultural work, all ethnic people were considered units of labor. However, because the slave owner needed to perpetuate his property, Black women were allowed lower rates of production whenâ¦
Educational laws of music in primary schools in Spain in 19th century
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MarÃa del Valle MOYA MARTÃNEZ
2018-01-01
Full Text Available The revolutions in the Spain of the 19th century affected, as it could not be otherwise, to the educational world. 19th legislative and normative regulations show us that, although the musical education was a thoughtful and matter with legal references about its inclusion in primary or elementary school, failed to materialize, in practice, until a century later. Educational past offered to music an important role in its organization of subjects to impart but as we advance in history, it retracts the presence of musical education, until the nonexistence. This way, all the educational analyses were ignored, from Greek philosophy, they had been granted to music an important power in the formative process of the person. The analysis of the whole documentation and legal educational normative of the XIX century, referring to the elementary school, it does not support any discussion in this respect: Seldom, music was included in the official study plans and, even less, it became a reality, so its practice in the classroom was left to the discretion of the musical knowledge of the teachers and their willing to bring it closer to the scholars. Being faithful to the duality of the romantic spirit, this situation took place during the century that granted more value to the music.
Climate and history in the late 18th and early 19th centuries
Science.gov (United States)
Feldman, Theodore S.
As in many areas of human knowledge, the notion of climate acquired a deeper historical content around the turn of the 19th century. Natural philosophers, geographers, and others became increasingly aware of climate's own history and its relation to human, plant and animal, and Earth history. This article examines several aspects of this âhistoricizationâ of climate.The lively 18th century discussion of the influence of climate on society is well known. Montesquieu is its most famous representative, but Voltaire, Hume, Kant, and others also participated. Their debate was literary more than scientific, their goal the understanding of man, not climate. Partly for this reason and partly because of the lack of good information on climates, they made no attempt to gather substantial climatic data. In fact, the importance of systematically collecting reliable data was scarcely understood in any area of natural philosophy before the last decades of the century [Cf. Frängsmyr et al., 1990; Feldman, 1990]. Instead, participants in the debate repeated commonplaces dating from Aristotle and Hippocrates and based their conclusions on unreliable reports from travelers. As Glacken wrote of Montesquieu, âhis dishes are from old and well-tested recipesâ [Glacken, 1967, chapter 12]. This is not to say that the debate over climatic influence was not significantâonly that its significance lay more in the history of man than in the atmospheric sciences.
19th-century and early 20th-century jaundice outbreaks, the USA.
Science.gov (United States)
Teo, C G
2018-01-01
Historical enquiry into diseases with morbidity or mortality predilections for particular demographic groups can permit clarification of their emergence, endemicity, and epidemicity. During community-wide outbreaks of hepatitis A in the pre-vaccine era, clinical attack rates were higher among juveniles rather than adults. In community-wide hepatitis E outbreaks, past and present, mortality rates have been most pronounced among pregnant women. Examination for these characteristic predilections in reports of jaundice outbreaks in the USA traces the emergence of hepatitis A and also of hepatitis E to the closing three decades of the 19th century. Thereafter, outbreaks of hepatitis A burgeoned, whereas those of hepatitis E abated. There were, in addition, community-wide outbreaks that bore features of neither hepatitis A nor E; they occurred before the 1870s. The American Civil War antedated that period. If hepatitis A had yet to establish endemicity, then it would not underlie the jaundice epidemic that was widespread during the war. Such an assessment may be revised, however, with the discovery of more extant outbreak reports.
Heat and Kinetic Theory in 19th-Century Physics Textbooks: The Case of Spain.
Science.gov (United States)
Vaquero, Jose M.; Santos, Andres
2001-01-01
Presents an analysis of the contents of 19th century Spanish textbooks. These textbooks are centered on imponderable fluids, the concept of energy, the mechanical theory of heat, and the kinetic theory of gases. (SAH)
Astronomical dating in the 19th century
Science.gov (United States)
Hilgen, Frederik J.
2010-01-01
Today astronomical tuning is widely accepted as numerical dating method after having revolutionised the age calibration of the geological archive and time scale over the last decades. However, its origin is not well known and tracing its roots is important especially from a science historic perspective. Astronomical tuning developed in consequence of the astronomical theory of the ice ages and was repeatedly used in the second half of the 19th century before the invention of radio-isotopic dating. Building upon earlier ideas of Joseph Adhémar, James Croll started to formulate his astronomical theory of the ice ages in 1864 according to which precession controlled ice ages occur alternatingly on both hemispheres at times of maximum eccentricity of the Earth's orbit. The publication of these ideas compelled Charles Lyell to revise his Principles of Geology and add Croll's theory, thus providing an alternative to his own geographical cause of the ice ages. Both Croll and Lyell initially tuned the last glacial epoch to the prominent eccentricity maximum 850,000 yr ago. This age was used as starting point by Lyell to calculate an age of 240 million years for the beginning of the Cambrium. But Croll soon revised the tuning to a much younger less prominent eccentricity maximum between 240,000 and 80,000 yr ago. In addition he tuned older glacial deposits of late Miocene and Eocene ages to eccentricity maxima around 800,000 and 2,800,000 yr ago. Archibald and James Geikie were the first to recognize interglacials during the last glacial epoch, as predicted by Croll's theory, and attempted to tune them to precession. Soon after Frank Taylor linked a series of 15 end-moraines left behind by the retreating ice sheet to precession to arrive at a possible age of 300,000 yr for the maximum glaciation. In a classic paper, Axel Blytt (1876) explained the scattered distribution of plant groups in Norway to precession induced alternating rainy and dry periods as recorded by the
Gypsies in 19th-Century French Literature: The Paradox in Centering the Periphery
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
Udasmoro W.
2015-06-01
Full Text Available The issues of liberty and views of the âOtherâ were common in 19th-century French literary discourse. In many aspects, the âOtherâ appeared to hold a position of strength. In literature, Prosper Mérimée and Victor Hugo attempted to centralize gypsy women through their narratives, even though gypsies (as with Jews had been marginalized (though present throughout French history. Mériméeâs Carmen and Hugoâs Notre Dame de Paris presented new central perspectives on the peripheral, which in this context should be understood to mean gypsies. This research paper attempts to answer the following questions: What ideology lies behind both storiesâ centralization of the peripheral gypsy women? How do the authors portray gypsy women? The goal of this article is to explore the operations of power in a gender-relations context, focusing on the construction of gypsy women in two 19th-century French novels.
Austrian pharmacy in the 18 and 19th century.
Science.gov (United States)
Kletter, Christa
2010-01-01
This overview reflects the extensive changes in the health care system which had significant effects on the apothecaryâs profession and education. In the 18(th) century Maria Theresia assigned Gerard van Swieten to modernize the medical curriculum and to work out reforms for health care. The resulting sanitary bill released in 1770 and amended in 1773 became effective for the whole empire and influenced greatly the apothecaryâs profession. The Viennese Medical Faculty continued to be the supervisory body for the apothecaries, a situation which prolonged the conflicts between the faculty and the apothecaries. The financial and social distress prevalent in the 19(th) century also affected the apothecary business and led to a crisis of the profession. Furthermore, the apothecariesâ missing influence over the sanitary authorities delayed the release of a badly needed new apothecary bill until 1906. The introduction of a specific pharmaceutical curriculum at the university in 1853 was a great step forward to improve the pharmaceutical education. Nevertheless, the secondary school exam was not compulsory for the studies until 1920 and, therefore, the graduates were not on a par with other university graduates before that date. Women, except nuns, were not allowed to work as pharmacists until 1900.
Tropical mathematics and the financial catastrophe of the 17th century. Thermoeconomics of Russia in the early 20th century
Science.gov (United States)
Maslov, V. P.
2010-03-01
In the paper, an example is presented concerning relationships (which cannot be neglected) between mathematics and other sciences. In particular, the relationship between the tropical mathematics and the humanitarian-economic catastrophe of 17th century (related to slavery of Africans) is considered. The notion of critical state of economy of the 19th century is introduced by using the refined Fisher equation. A correspondence principle for thermodynamics of fluids and economics of the 19th century is presented.
[History of pediatric anesthesia: from the beginnings to the end of the 19th century].
Science.gov (United States)
Sabourdin, N
2013-12-01
The first intuitions and descriptions of anesthesia can be found in the antique civilizations. In the 19th century, the invention of anesthesia took place in Boston, and quickly spread to Europe. In France, regulations and structures were created before the beginning of the 20th century to organize this new profession, for children as well as for adults. Copyright © 2013 Société française dâanesthésie et de réanimation (Sfar). Published by Elsevier SAS. All rights reserved.
Historic lime-binders: An example of 19th Century Dutch Military plain concrete
NARCIS (Netherlands)
Nijland, T.G.; Copuroglu, O.; Heinemann, H.A.
2012-01-01
Before the general acceptance of Portland cement as the main binder for concrete in the late 19th century, other, locally available binders were occasionally used. In the case of the Netherlands, which did not produce Portland cement, traditional lime-based binders were not uncommon. With a strong
The Making and Development of Economic Forms of the Industry of Turkestan Krai in the late 19th â Early 20th Centuries
OpenAIRE
Tulebaev Turganzhan; Gulzhaukhar K. Kokebayeva
2015-01-01
The period of the late 20th and the early 21st centuries is characterized for many post-socialist countries by profound social/economic transformations. They are going through a tough transition from the implementation of market reform to the formation of a market economy oriented towards innovation development. The historical past of these countries attests that, in a sense, they have already been going through a similar process â back in the late 19th-early 20th centuries. The history of th...
Family businesses and their anchorages in Central European society in the 19th century
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
HlavaÄka, Milan
2016-01-01
RoÄ. 24, Ä. 2 (2016), s. 1-22 ISSN 1210-6860 R&D Projects: GA ÄR(CZ) GA14-19640S Institutional support: RVO:67985963 Keywords : Family Business * Central Europe * 19th century Subject RIV: AB - History
A survey of the past earthquakesin the Eastern Adriatic (14th to early 19th century
Directory of Open Access Journals (Sweden)
P. Albini
2004-06-01
Full Text Available Focusing on the Eastern Adriatic region, from Zadar in the north to Corfu in the south, the background information supporting our knowledge of the seismicity in the time-span 14th to early 19th century is discussed from the point of view of the historical earthquake records. The late 19th century seismological compilations turn out to be those responsible for the uneven spatial and temporal distribution of seismicity suggested by current parametric earthquake catalogues. This awareness asked for a comprehensive reappraisal of the reliability and completeness of the available historical earthquake records. This task was addressed by retrieving in the original version the information already known, by putting the records in the historical context in which they were produced, and finally by sampling historical sources so far not considered. Selected case histories have been presented in some detail also. This material altogether has shown that i current parameterisation of past earthquakes in the Eastern Adriatic should be reconsidered in the light of a critically revised interpretation of the available records; ii collecting new evidence in sources and repositories, not fully exploited so far, is needed. This should aim mostly at overcoming another limitation affecting the evaluation of full sets of earthquake parameters, that is the few observations available for each earthquake. In this perspective, an optimistic assessment of the potential documentation on this area is proposed.
Malaria, Tarai Adivasi and the Landlord State in the 19th century Nepal: A Historical-Ethnographic Analysis
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Janak Rai
2014-05-01
Full Text Available This paper examines the interplay between malaria, the Tarai Adivasi and the extractive landlord state in the 19th century Nepal by focusing on Dhimal, one indigenous community from the easternmost lowlands. Throughout the 19th century, the Nepali state and its rulers treated the Tarai as a state geography of extraction for land, labor, revenue and political control. The malarial environment of the Tarai, which led to the shortage people (labor force, posed a major challenge to the 19th  century extractive landlord state and the landowning elites to materialize the colonizing project in the Tarai. The shortage of labor added pressure on the malaria resistant Tarai Adivasi to reclaim and cultivate land for the state. The paper highlights the need for ethnographically informed social history of malaria in studying the changing relations between the state and the ?div?si communities in the Tarai DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v7i0.10438 Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol. 7, 2013; 87-112
Following rules in the intermontane west: 19th-century mormon settlement
OpenAIRE
Norton, William
2001-01-01
The academic discipline of human geography is concerned with human activities, especially as these relate to physical landscapes and contribute to the modification of those landscapes. Although little attention has been paid to objectivist philosophies to inform human geography, behavior analysis might offer a useful explanatory model. As an example, a behavior analysis of selected aspects of 19th-century Mormon movement and settlement in the intermontane West is conducted. Mormons are a soci...
[Rape and transgression. Forensic medicine and sexual morality in Spain in the 19th century].
Science.gov (United States)
Carpena, Amalio Lorente
2010-01-01
The purpose of this paper is to analyse the importance of the contribution of the Spanish forensic medical discourse in the 19th century, and its application in cases of sexual harassment, to legitimize the sexual moral value of the time. For that reason we will analyse the main forensic medicine treaties edited in Spain during this century.
Accounts from 19th-century Canadian Arctic explorers' logs reflect present climate conditions
Science.gov (United States)
Overland, James E.; Wood, Kevin
The widely perceived failure of 19th-century expeditions to find and transit the Northwest Passage in the Canadian Arctic is often attributed to extraordinary cold climatic conditions associated with the âLittle Ice Ageâ evident in proxy records. However, examination of 44 explorers' logs for the western Arctic from 1818 to 1910 reveals that climate indicators such as navigability, the distribution and thickness of annual sea ice, monthly surface air temperature, and the onset of melt and freeze were within the present range of variability.The quest for the Northwest Passage through the Canadian archipelago during the 19th century is frequently seen as a vain and tragic failure. Polar exploration during the Victorian era seems to us today to have been a costly exercise in heroic futility, which in many respects it was. This perspective has been reinforced since the 1970s, when paleoclimate reconstructions based on Arctic ice core stratigraphy appeared to confirm the existence of exceptionally cold conditions consistent with the period glaciologists had termed the âLittle Ice Ageâ (Figure 1a), with temperatures more than one standard deviation colder relative to an early 20th-century mean [Koerner, 1977; Koerner and Fisher, 1990; Overpeck et al., 1998]. In recent years, the view of the Little Ice Age as a synchronous worldwide and prolonged cold epoch that ended with modern warming has been questioned [Bradley and Jones, 1993; Jones and Briffa, 2001 ;Ogilvie, 2001].
Contribution of anthropogenic pollutants to the increase of tropospheric ozone levels in the Oporto Metropolitan Area, Portugal since the 19th century
International Nuclear Information System (INIS)
Alvim-Ferraz, M.C.M.; Sousa, S.I.V.; Pereira, M.C.; Martins, F.G.
2006-01-01
The main purpose of this study was to evaluate the contribution of anthropogenic pollutants to the increase of tropospheric ozone levels in the Oporto Metropolitan Area (Portugal) since the 19th century. The study was based on pre-industrial and recent data series, the results being analyzed according to the atmospheric chemistry. The treatment of ozone and meteorological data was performed by classical statistics and by time-series analysis. It was concluded that in the 19th century the ozone present in the troposphere was not of photochemical origin, being possible to consider the respective concentrations as reference values. For recent data a cycle of 8 h for ozone concentrations could be related to traffic. Compared to the 19th century, the current concentrations were 147% higher (252% higher in May) due to the increased photochemical production associated with the increased anthropogenic emissions. - Compared to the 19th century, the current ozone concentrations are 147% higher at Oporto, Portugal
Infant Mortality in Germany in the 19th Century
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Rolf Gehrmann
2012-11-01
Full Text Available Developments in infant mortality in Germany have previously only been documented in a fragmentary fashion for the 19th century as a whole, and only on a small scale for the period prior to 1871. For the first time, this paper lays a solid statistical foundation by reprocessing the figures assembled by the German states of that time. The reconstructed national statistical series (from 1826 onwards reveals a comparatively high infant mortality, with minor deviations until the turn of the 20th century. The impact of urbanisation and industrialisation is not denied, but an evaluation of the different regional patterns and trends leads to a new weighting. The living and working conditions in the countryside were thus highly determining. The relationship between fertility and infant mortality is assessed differently for the era of the sustained reduction in fertility than for the preceding period. All in all, the prevalent customs and attitudes are regarded as being vital to infantsâ survival chances. We therefore need to look at attitudes among the educated public and the authorities. Efforts on the part of these groups to bring about change were particularly observed in the South West, where an awareness of the dramatic problem arose comparatively early. Further historic research at the regional level will be needed in order to achieve a final evaluation of these processes.
The tale of the landscape in the Czech lands in the 19th century
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
VyskoÄil, AleÅ¡
2012-01-01
RoÄ. 38, Ä. 1 (2012), s. 119-142 ISSN 0323-0988 R&D Projects: GA ÄR(CZ) GBP410/12/G113 Institutional support: RVO:67985963 Keywords : 19th century * landscape transformation * Czechia * industrial ization * urbanization * nature * railroad * environment Subject RIV: AB - History
Confessional Ethical Base of Muslim Entrepreneurship in Russian Empire in Late 19th - Early 20th Centuries
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ÐÐ°Ð´Ð¸Ð»Ñ ÐизаÑÑллаевна ÐоÑноÑÑ Ð¾Ð²Ð°
2012-06-01
Full Text Available The article considers the confessional and ethical base of the Muslim entrepreneurship in the Russian Empire in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. The author analyzes the differentiation of the value-institutional system of the broad public on the one hand, and that of entrepreneurs - on the other hand. Whereas the former adhered to the national and ethical values of the traditional culture, the latter - to religious and moral values based on Islam and developed by the Russian Empire reformers of that period.
A flame of sacred love: Mission involvement of women in the 19th century
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Johan Kommers
2013-09-01
Full Text Available In the 19th century, women missionaries found acceptance in the public domain and opportunities for achievement that they were denied at home. Whilst they spearheaded movements for Christianising and modernising Asian (the focus of this article and African societies through the evangelisation, education and physical care of women, many questions were raised about their motives and the way they executed their work. We need to rediscover the sacrificial dedication women had that made the 19th century the greatest century of Christian expansion. These were remarkable women who left everything behind â many of them leaving a permanent impression upon the people in whose cities they eventually resided â and who stand as examples to the present generation. Having lost most of the things the world prizes, they gained one thing they esteemed so highly. For them, the relative value of things temporal might go, provided that they could forever settle the eternal values. They lived out the words of Paul: âI press on toward the goal for the prize of the upward call of God in Christ Jesusâ (Phlp 3:14.
Phonological and morphological means compensating for non-metricality in 19th-Century Czech Verse
Czech Academy of Sciences Publication Activity Database
PlecháÄ, Petr; Ibrahim, Robert; Brůhová, G.
3 /6/, Ä. 1 (2013), s. 31-50 ISSN 2084-6045 R&D Projects: GA ÄR GAP406/11/1825 Institutional support: RVO:68378068 Keywords : generative metrics * vowel length * Czech 19-th Century verse * automatic analysis of verse Subject RIV: AJ - Letters, Mass-media, Audiovision
Human Genetic Variation and Yellow Fever Mortality during 19th Century U.S. Epidemics
Science.gov (United States)
2014-01-01
ABSTRACT We calculated the incidence, mortality, and case fatality rates for Caucasians and non-Caucasians during 19th century yellow fever (YF) epidemics in the United States and determined statistical significance for differences in the rates in different populations. We evaluated nongenetic host factors, including socioeconomic, environmental, cultural, demographic, and acquired immunity status that could have influenced these differences. While differences in incidence rates were not significant between Caucasians and non-Caucasians, differences in mortality and case fatality rates were statistically significant for all epidemics tested (P < 0.01). Caucasians diagnosed with YF were 6.8 times more likely to succumb than non-Caucasians with the disease. No other major causes of death during the 19th century demonstrated a similar mortality skew toward Caucasians. Nongenetic host factors were examined and could not explain these large differences. We propose that the remarkably lower case mortality rates for individuals of non-Caucasian ancestry is the result of human genetic variation in loci encoding innate immune mediators. PMID:24895309
Stillness and Motion: Depicting the Urban Landscape of Palestine in the 19th Century
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Guy Galazka
2013-12-01
Full Text Available This paper aims at offering valuable insights into the complex encounter between 19th-century Western travelers and the urban landscape of Palestine. The first part shows that, despite their efforts to distance themselves from the religious overtones of their predecessors, visitors tended to shove aside what they considered as âinauthenticâ or the product of acculturation in favor of a more conventional portrayal drawing on biblical imagery. This idealized vision was bound to struggle with disappointment, and the second part of this paper looks at how the representations of the city moved in the course of the 19th century from a purely pictorial transposition to a more practical and informed understanding of otherness. Travel writers began to devote considerable portions of their narratives to various aspects of life in the oriental town, while still predominately focusing on what they viewed as exotic and remote in comparison to European, and to a larger extent, Western culture.
Historic lime-binders : An example of the 19th century Dutch military plain concrete
NARCIS (Netherlands)
Heinemann, H.A.; Copuroglu, O.; Nijland, T.G.
2012-01-01
Before the general acceptance of Portland cement as the main binder for concrete in the late 19th century, other, locally available binders were occasionally used. In the case of the Netherlands, which did not produce Portland cement, traditional lime-based binders were not uncommon. With a strong
Enlightenment and School History in 19th Century Greece: the Case of Gerostathis by Leon Melas (1862-1901
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Harris Athanasiades
2017-01-01
Full Text Available Students in present-day Greek schools are taught History as a biography of the Greek nation from the Mycenaean times to the present. Over the course of three millennia, the Greek nation has experienced three periods of cultural flourishing and political autonomy: (i the period of Antiquity (from the times of legendary King Agamemnon to those of Alexander the Great, (ii the Byzantine period (from Justinianâs ascension in the 6th century to the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, and (iii the modern era (from the War of Independence in 1821 to the present day. However, in this article we argue that in the 19th century the history taught in Greek schools differed substantially from the tripartite schema described above. In support of our thesis, we examine the most popular school textbook of the 19th century, O Gerostathis, by Leon Melas. In the Gerostathis, the history of the Greek nation is identified with that of Classical Greece (i.e. from the 6th century BC to the 4th century BC, which is held up as an exemplary era worthy of emulation. In contrast, the rise of Macedon under Philip II signals the cultural decline of the Greeks and the loss of their political autonomy, which was not regained for two millennia, until the 1821 national revolution. In that period, the Greek nation ceased not to exist, but survived as a subjugate of the Macedonians, the Romans, and finally the Ottomans. The Byzantine, on the other hand, is described as an unremarkable period of decadence that is only worth mentioning in relation to its final period, that of the Palaeologus dynasty, which bestowed upon the Greeks a legacy of resistance against the Ottomans. We argue that the above reading of the Greek past owed much to the Enlightenment, which as an intellectual movement still exerted a powerful influence (albeit to a gradually diminishing degree on Greek intellectuals up to the latter third of the 19th century.
Center or periphery? The system of public administration in Tuva in the end of the 19th and early 20th centuries
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Салимаа СеÑгеевна ХовалÑг
2010-09-01
Full Text Available The article deals with formation and development of the government power system and the management in Tuva in the 19-20th centuries. The state apparatus, the hierarchy of ranks and degrees of distinction of the state posts of Tuva are examined. The creation problems of the organization of the power of Russia in the region are analyzed in this article. In connection with it, in the beginning of the 20th century Tuva was accepted as a protectorate of Russia.
The development of the dementia concept in 19th century
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Leonardo Caixeta
2014-07-01
Full Text Available The dementia concept has been reformulated through its history and the 19th century was remarkable in the construction of this concept as we understand it today. Like other syndromes, much of the history of the dementia concept comes from the attempt to separate it from other nosological conditions, giving it a unique identity. The fundamental elements for the arising of the dementia modern concept were: a correlation of the observed syndrome with organic-cerebral lesions; b understanding of the irreversibility of the dementia evolution; c its relation with human ageing; and d the choice of the cognitive dysfunction as a clinical marker of the dementia concept.
Science Policy at the Wrong Scale and Without Adequate Political Institutions: Parallels between the U.S. 19th Century and the 21st Century Global Contexts
Science.gov (United States)
McCurdy, K. M.
2012-12-01
The Constitution of the United States is a document for economic development written by people wary of government failure at the extremes, whether too heavy handed a central government or too loose a confederation. The strong central government favored by Hamilton, Industrialists and later by forward thinking men of the 19th century created a discontinuity wherein government institutions designed to facilitate agriculture were incapable of regulating corporations operating on a national scale, which made mineral and other natural resource exploitation needed to support industrialization enormously profitable. At the same time, Agriculturalists and other conservative citizens sought to control the economy by protecting their rural interests and power. The political institutional power remained with states as agriculturalists and industrialists struggled for economic superiority in the 19th century. As Agriculture moved west, Science warned of the dangers of extending Homesteading regulations into arid regions to no avail. The west was settled in townships without concern for watersheds, carrying capacity, or climatic variability. Gold seekers ignored the consequences of massive hydraulic mining techniques. The tension resident in the Constitution between strong local control of government (states' rights) and a strong central government (nationalism) provided no institutional context to resolve mining problems or other 19th century policy problems linked to rapid population expansion and industrialization. Environmental protection in the late 20th century has been the last wave of nationalized policy solutions following the institution-building blueprint provided by electoral successes in the Progressive, New Deal, and Great Society eras. Suddenly in the 21st century, scientific warnings of dangers again go unheeded, this time as evidence of global warming mounts. Again, tension in policy making exists in all political arenas (executive, legislative and judicial at
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SN-1541-1524Profiles from the International Hispanic CommunityVolume 4 Ashyia N. Henderson, Ralph G. Zerbonia, Proj...
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SN-1541-1524
Profiles from the International Hispanic Community
Volume 4 Ashyia N. Henderson, Ralph G. Zerbonia, Project Editors
Contemporary Hispanic Biography, Volume 4
Project Editors Ashyia N. Henderson, Ralph G. Zerbonia Editorial Jennifer M. York
Permissions Ken Breen, Margaret Chamberlain Manufacturing Dorothy Maki, Stacy Melson
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姝 2004 by Gale. Gale is an imprint of The Gale Group Inc., a division of Thomson Learning, Inc. Gale and Design姞 and Thomson Learning姟 are trademarks used herein under license. For more information, contact The Gale Group, Inc. 27500 Drake Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535 Or you can visit our Internet site at http://www.gale.com ALL RIGHTS RESERVED No part of this work covered by the copyright hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means—graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, Web distribution, or information storage retrieval systems—without the written permission of the publisher.
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Since this page cannot legibly accommodate all copyright notices, the acknowledgements constitute an extension of the copyright notice. While every effort has been made to secure permission to reprint material and to ensure the reliability of the information presented in this publication, The Gale Group neither guarantees the accuracy of the data contained herein nor assumes responsibility for errors, omissions or discrepancies. The Gale Group accepts no payment for listing; and inclusion in the publication of any organization, agency, institution, publication, service, or individual does not imply endorsement of the editors or publisher. Errors brought to the attention of the publisher and verified to the satisfaction of the publisher will be corrected in future editions.
Contemporary Hispanic Biography Advisory Board
Lemuel Berry, Jr. President National Association of Hispanic and Latino Studies Alan Nichter Selection Services Hillsborough County Public Library System, Tampa, Florida Shirlene Soto Author, professor, Department of Chicano(a) Studies California State University, Northridge David Unger U.S. Representative Guadalajara International Book Fair
Contents Introduction ix Photo Credits xi Cumulative Nationality Index 227 Cumulative Occupation Index 229 Cumulative Subject Index 235 Cumulative Name Index 243 Acosta, Carlos ..........................................................1 Vibrant ballet dancer
Chávez, Nick ..........................................................53 Successful hair stylist
Alvariño, Angeles ......................................................4 Respected marine biologist
Cisneros, Marc........................................................56 Multi-faceted army general
Arenas, Reinaldo.......................................................8 Revolutionary Cuban writer
De Varona, Donna ..................................................58 Dedicated sports activist
Arrarás, María Celeste .............................................12 Popular television journalist
Díaz-Oliver, Remedios..............................................62 Unwavering entrepreneur
Baca-Barragán, Polly ...............................................15 Colorado’s first Hispanic woman state senator
Dunbar, Huey .........................................................65 Ground-breaking salsa singer Estés, Clarissa Pinkola .............................................68 Self-discovering author
Baird, Lourdes G.....................................................18 High-profile Circuit Court judge
Estrada, Erik ...........................................................73 Notable television actor
Benitez, Elsa ...........................................................21 Stunning super model
Favaloro, Rene........................................................77 Devoted heart surgeon
Big Punisher ...........................................................23 First Latin-American Hip-Hop star
Fernández, Emilio “El Indio” ....................................80 Father of Mexican cinema
Brito, Maria ............................................................26 Acclaimed painter and sculptor
Francisco, Don........................................................83 Beloved television host
Bustamante, Cruz M................................................29 Hard-working Californian politician
García, Héctor Pérez ...............................................86 Legendary veteran’s rights advocate
Cantinflas ...............................................................33 Comedic Mexican actor
Gaviño, Juan Bosch ................................................90 Prominent politician and author
Carter, Lynda..........................................................36 Talented television actress
González Márquez, Felipe ........................................95 Progressive Spanish Prime Minister
Cavazos, Richard E. ................................................40 First Hispanic four star general
Gurulé, Jimmy ........................................................98 First Hispanic assistant attorney general
Cepeda, Orlando.....................................................43 Hall of Fame baseball player
Gutierrez, Carlos M. ..............................................102 Driven Kellogg executive
Chavez, Linda.........................................................48 Passionate civil rights advocate
Guzmán, Alejandra................................................106 Bad girl of Latin pop vii
Hidalgo, Edward ...................................................109 First Hispanic U.S. Secretary of the Navy
Ortega, Katherine D..............................................166 Trailblazing U.S. Secretary of the Treasury
Infante, Pedro .......................................................112 Mexican silver screen idol
Pérez Esquivel, Adolfo ...........................................170 Nobel Prize winning activist and artist
Juan Carlos de Borbón y Borbón ...........................115 King of Spain Lagos, Ricardo......................................................118 Outspoken Chilean president Lamarque, Libertad ...............................................122 Prolific Argentinean actor and singer Leal, Luis .............................................................125 Founder of Chicano/Chicana literary studies Lucero-Schayes, Wendy.........................................129 Impressive Olympic diver Mares, Michael A. .................................................132 World’s foremost desert life expert Marin, Cheech ......................................................135 Versatile actor Mármol, Miguel.....................................................139 Persevering union activist Martinez, Arthur C. ...............................................143 Innovative business executive Moneo, Rafael ......................................................147 Exceptional Spanish architect Montoya, José ......................................................150 Chicano cultural movement leader Ocampo, Adriana C. .............................................154 Distinguished planetary geologist
Quiñones, John ....................................................173 Award winning television journalist Ramirez, Tina .......................................................177 Ballet Hispanico founder Richardson, Bill.....................................................180 Diplomatic politician Rodriguez, Carlos Manuel ......................................184 Beatified religious educator Roman, Phil .........................................................187 Brilliant animator and director Ros-Lehtinen, Ileana..............................................191 First Hispanic congresswoman Rubio, Paulina ......................................................194 “Golden Girl” of pop rock Sabatini, Gabriela ..................................................198 Victorious tennis player Santaella, Irma Vidal .............................................201 First Puerto Rican New York Supreme Court judge Eligio Sardiñas ......................................................203 World champion Cuban boxer Serrano, Lupe.......................................................205 Inspirational ballerina Sheen, Charlie ......................................................209 Prodigal son of Hollywood Soto, Gary............................................................213 Exceptional children’s author and poet Tápies, Antoni ......................................................216 Spain’s greatest living artist
Orlando, Tony ......................................................158 Entertaining singer and actor
Valenzuela, Alfred A. .............................................219 Prominent military officer
Ortega, Daniel ......................................................162 Controversial Nicaraguan president
Wilcox, Mary Rose Garrido ....................................222 Tireless Arizona county official
viii
Introduction Contemporary Hispanic Biography provides informative biographical profiles of the important and influential persons of Latino heritage who form the international Hispanic community: men and women who have changed today’s world and are shaping tomorrow’s. Contemporary Hispanic Biography covers persons of various nationalities in a wide variety of fields, including architecture, art, business, dance, education, fashion, film, industry, journalism, law, literature, medicine, music, politics and government, publishing, religion, science and technology, social issues, sports, television, theater, and others. In addition to in-depth coverage of names found in today’s headlines, Contemporary Hispanic Biography provides coverage of selected individuals from earlier in this century whose influence continues to impact on contemporary life. Contemporary Hispanic Biography also provides coverage of important and influential persons who are not yet household names and are therefore likely to be ignored by other biographical reference series. Designed for Quick Research and Interesting Reading •
Attractive page design incorporates textual subheads, making it easy to find the information you’re looking for.
•
Easy-to-locate data sections provide quick access to vital personal statistics, career information, major awards, and mailing addresses, when available.
•
Informative biographical essays trace the subject’s personal and professional life with the kind of in-depth analysis you need.
•
To further enhance your appreciation of the subject, most entries include photographic portraits.
•
Sources for additional information direct the user to selected books, magazines, and newspapers where more information on the individuals can be obtained.
Helpful Indexes Make It Easy to Find the Information You Need Contemporary Hispanic Biography includes cumulative Nationality, Occupation, Subject, and Name indexes that make it easy to locate entries in a variety of useful ways. Available in Electronic Formats On-line. Contemporary Hispanic Biography is available on-line through Gale Group’s Biography Resource Center. For more information, call (800) 877-GALE. Disclaimer Contemporary Hispanic Biography uses and lists websites as sources and these websites may become obsolete. ix
We Welcome Your Suggestions The editors welcome your comments and suggestions for enhancing and improving Contemporary Hispanic Biography. If you would like to suggest persons for inclusion in the series, please submit these names to the editors. Mail comments or suggestions to: The Editor Contemporary Hispanic Biography Gale Group 27500 Drake Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 48331-3535 Phone: (800) 347-4253
x
Photo Credits PHOTOGRAPHS AND ILLUSTRATIONS APPEARING IN CONTEMPORARY HISPANIC BIOGRAPHY, VOLUME 4, WERE RECEIVED FROM THE FOLLOWING SOURCES:
All Reproduced by Permission: Acosta, Carlos, photograph by Drew Donovan. Houston Ballet. Alvariño, Angeles, photograph. Arte Publico Press Archives, University of Houston. Arenas, Reinaldo, photograph. Liaison Agency. Arrara ´ s María Celeste, photograph. Courtesy of María Celeste Arrara´s, Baca-Barraga ´ n, Polly, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Baird, Lourdes G., photograph. AP/Wide World. Benitez, Elsa, photograph by Jennifer Greylock. AP/Wide World Photos. Brito, Maria, photograph. Courtesy of Maria Brito. Bustamante, Cruz M., photograph. Courtesy of Lt. Governor Cruz M. Bustamente. Cantinflas, photograph. Getty Images. Carlos, Juan I, photograph. The Library of Congress. Carter, Lynda, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Cavazos, Richard E, photograph. Courtesy of the U.S. Department of Defense. Cepeda, Orlando, photograph. Corbis-Bettmann. Chavez, Linda, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Chávez, Nick, photograph by Carrie Pike. Courtesy of Nick Chávez. de Varona, Donna, photograph. Bettmann/Corbis. Dunbar, Huey, photograph by J. Pat Carter. AP/Wide World Photos. Estrada Erik, photograph. Arte Publico Press Archives, University of Houston. Favaloro, Rene, photograph by Tony Gomez. AP/Wide World Photos. Fernández, Emilio, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. García, Héctor Pérez, photograph by Larry Rubenstein. Corbis. González Ma ´ rquez, Felipe, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Gurulé, Jimmy, photograph. Courtesy of Jimmy Gurulé, Gutierrez, Carlos M., photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Guzmán, Alejandra, photograph by Reed Saxon. AP/Wide World Photos. Hidalgo, Edward, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Kreutzberger, Mario, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Lagos, Ricardo, photograph by Roberto Candia. AP/Wide World Photos. Lamarque, Libertad, photograph. Reuters New Media Inc./Corbis. Leal, Luis, photograph. Courtesy of Luis Leal. Lucero-Schayes, Wendy, photograph. Courtesy of Wendy Lucero-Schayes. Mares, Michael, A., photograph. Courtesy of Michael A. Mares. Marin, Richard “Cheech”, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Mármol, Miguel, photograph. AP/ Wide World Photos. Martinez, Arthur C., photograph by John Zich. AP/Wide World Photos. Moneo, Rafael, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Montoya, José, photograph by Szabo Photography. Courtesy of José Montoya. Ocampo, Adriana C., photograph. Courtesy of Adriana C. Ocampo. Orlando, Tony, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Ortega, Daniel, photograph. Getty Images. Ortega, Katherine D., photograph. The Library of Congress. Pérez Esquivel, Adolfo, photograph. Corbis-Bettmann/UPI. Quiñones, John, photograph by Rose Prouser. Reuters New Media Inc/Corbis. Ramirez, Tina, photograph by David Bazemore Photo. Courtesy of Tina Ramirez. Rios, Christopher “Big Punisher”, photograph by Tibor Bozi. Bozi/Corbis. Rodriguez, Carlos Manuel, photograph by Gabriel Bouys. AFP/Corbis. Roman, Phil, photograph by Robert Mora. Getty Images. Ros-Lehtinen, Ileana, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Rubio, Paulina, photograph by Chris Pizzello. AP/Wide World Photos. Sabatini, Gabriela, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Sardinas, Eligio “Kid Chocolate,” photograph. Arte Publico Press Archives, University of Houston. Serrano, Lupe, photograph. AP/Wide World Photos. Sheen, Charlie, photograph. Getty Images. Soto, Gary, photograph by M. L. Marinelli. Courtesy of Chronicle Books. Tápies, Antoni, photograph. Artists Rights Society, New York/ADAGP, Paris. Wilcox, Mary Rose Garrido, photograph. Courtesy of Mary Rose Garrido Wilcox.
xi
Acosta • 1
Carlos Acosta 1973— Dancer
In one of the last, largely unintegrated bastions of high culture, Carlos Acosta has been hailed as ballet’s next major star. The Cuban-born dancer, of mixed Spanish and African heritage, came to prominence in the early 1990s while still in his teens, and esteemed dance companies in both North America and Europe began offering him lead romantic roles over the next decade. After a stint in Houston, Acosta joined England’s Royal Ballet in 1998. With his fabled grace and athleticism, he has earned comparisons to Mikhail Baryshnikov or Rudolf Nureyev. A writer for London’s Independent newspaper described Acosta as “a dancer who slashes across space faster than anyone else, who lacerates the air with shapes so clear and sharp they seem to throw off sparks.” Born in 1973, Acosta was the eleventh and last child in an impoverished Havana family whose home was in one of the rougher quarters of that city. His father was a truck driver, and his mother often suffered from health problems. The island nation of Cuba had become a socialist state after the 1959 victory by Marxist guerrilla leader Fidel Castro, but remained overwhelmingly poor. Acosta grew up with no toys, sometimes went shoeless, and did not even have a birthday cake
until he turned 23. The streets of his neighborhood provided plenty of entertainment, however, and he spent his time playing soccer, break-dancing, and raiding nearby mango groves with his friends. He was an overly energetic child, and Pedros Acosta, his father, felt that his youngest son would soon land in serious trouble. Dance training at one of the state-funded schools, his father decided, would teach the boy discipline and provide him with a free lunch every day.
Had Early Troubles With Ballet Image At the age of nine Acosta entered a school that served as a feeder for Cuba’s National Ballet School. He had to wake at five a.m., then take three buses to get to after-school ballet class; sometimes he fell asleep on the bus, however, and missed his stop. Moreover, he found the ballet training very dull compared to Havana’s lively streets, and worried what his friends would think. He began to skip classes outright, recalling that “I started to have problems because I thought ballet was sissy,” Acosta told a writer for London’s Independent newspaper. When his father learned of this, he punished him harshly. “He beat me with a belt, one time with a
2 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
At a Glance . . .
B
orn in 1973, in Havana, Cuba; son of Pedro
Acosta (a truck driver) and Maria Quesada. Edu-
cation: Attended ballet school at Pinar del Río, Cuba, and the National Ballet School of Cuba, Havana. Career: English National Ballet, principal dancer,
level, an excellent training ground, for many of its teachers had benefited from rigorous Russian schooling—a legacy of the cultural ties between the former Soviet Union and Cuba. Acosta was able to travel outside of Cuba for the first time, taking part in an exchange program in Italy at the age of 16, and winning the 1990 Prix de Lausanne in Switzerland, one of ballet’s most coveted honors.
Rose to Fame in Ballet World
1991-92; National Ballet of Cuba, principal dancer, 1992-93; Houston Ballet, principal dancer, 1993-98; Royal Ballet of England, principal dancer, 1998–; American Ballet Theater, New York City, guest dancer, 2002; guest dancer with companies in Munich, Stuttgart, St. Petersburg, and Athens, 2000s. Awards: Prix de Lausanne, 1990. Address: Office—Royal Ballet, The Royal Opera House, Covent Garden, London WC2E 9DD, England.
machete, another time with a cable,” Acosta recalled in an interview with Dance writer Margaret Putnam. “Man, I was scared. I wanted to quit, but my father wouldn’t listen. One time I told him, ‘I want to be a normal person.’ He took me to the balcony of our apartment and pointed to the people on the street below. ‘You want to be like them, with no future?’” Acosta was finally ejected from the school at age 13, but his teachers suggested another place that might take him; when he and his father arrived in the city of Villa Clara, there had been a mistake, and there was no chance of enrollment in its school. He and his father were forced to sleep in the bus station for two nights while waiting for the next bus home. Still determined, Acosta’s father found a ballet school in Pinar del Río that would take his son, and it was a boarding school as well—which would make it harder for him to miss class. Moreover, some of his siblings lived in the city, so he could stay with them on the weekends. Teachers at the Pinar del Río school gave him a one-month tryout, and in those first weeks alongside other students, Acosta suddenly realized that he had a natural affinity for ballet. He began working much harder than he had before, and teachers were pleased with his steady progress. The school also took a field trip to see a performance of the National Ballet of Cuba, and Acosta was surprised at how athletic the dancers were. “I realized I could touch people with ballet,” he told New York Times journalist Anna Kisselgoff. “That’s when I started to like it.” He gained entrance into the prestigious National School of Ballet when he was 14, and quickly emerged as one of its most promising students. The school was considered, even on an international
In 1991 Acosta was offered a slot with the English National Ballet, but a bone spur injury in his ankle hampered his performance time in London. After surgery in Cuba, he joined the National Ballet of Cuba for its 1992-93 season. While on a tour of Spain, Acosta was approached by Ben Stevenson, director and choreographer of the Houston Ballet, and Stevenson offered Acosta—just twenty years old—to join what was one of leading companies in the United States. Acosta made his debut in Houston in November of 1993. Stevenson became an important mentor to Acosta, working with him to develop his repertoire in several lead roles, and the novice dancer thrived under the tutelage and came into his prime. He appeared in Don Quixote, Dracula, and The Nutcracker, and traveled to Europe for special guest performances. Invited for a stint as principal dancer in fall of 1997 season with London’s Royal Ballet, Acosta was slightly disappointed that he did not dance as much as he had hoped. After appearing in just eleven performances in one three-month span, he reflected in an interview with Houston Chronicle writer Molly Glentzer that the London scene was a far different one from the nurturing corps de ballet environment in Houston under Stevenson. “Who said ballet is easy?” Acosta reflected. “And sometimes it’s not fair. You find there’s a lot of politics. They don’t give you the right part sometimes. But you keep pushing. You just have to show the right attitude.” Still, Acosta did make enough of an impression on international balletomanes that some began deeming him the next Baryshnikov or Nureyev, perhaps the best known male ballet dancers of the twentieth century. In a 1997 article, Dance writer Putnam asserted that Acosta “has polish, power, and ease when launching himself into the air with apparently no preparation, tossing off yet-to-be-named steps that leave audiences dazzled. His turns are marvels, both for their number of revolutions and their control: After speeding up at will, he often slows the ending in an insolent display of cool.” As his repertoire widened, Acosta also won praise for his acting abilities. A fellow dancer, Paloma Herrera, told WWD’s Robert Haskell that Acosta’s “presence is unbelievable when he goes onstage. He has a very powerful personality, but at the same time his dancing is clean and pure, so there’s a wonderful contrast. As a ballerina, you feel very secure with him.” Acosta has said that his biggest fear is dropping a ballerina during
Acosta • 3 one of their lifts, and reportedly does a thousand push-ups daily in order to maintain the necessary upper-body strength.
Surprised by Success
now, you’ll be doing this or that,’ I would have said, ‘Nah.’ Everything happened so fast.” Modestly, he dismissed comparisons to the other great male dancers before him, but did concede in the Houston Chronicle article that with “Baryshnikov and all the biggest stars ѧ it’s not about one thing,” Glentzer quoted him as saying. “It’s about everythingѧ. When I think of Baryshnikov, I don’t think how many pirouettes he can do or how high he jumps. It’s the charisma: how he does it. You really have to enjoy dancing. Every time I perform, I have fun.”
In 1998 Acosta joined the Royal Ballet permanently, after an emotional farewell performance in Houston. He toured Japan and China with the Royal Ballet, appeared in Brazil, and still danced with the National Ballet of Cuba on occasion. The source of financial support for his family back in Cuba, Acosta once bought himself a new German luxury automobile—but realized that it cost more than his parents’ Havana home and traded it in for a used one. He remains grateful that his father pushed him so hard, as he told Putnam in the Dance interview, “He means everything to me.” Acosta declared, “He never gave up on me.”
Sources
In June of 2002 Acosta delighted New York City audiences with an appearance with the American Ballet Theater in a run of Le Corsaire. He has started to write his autobiography, and will premiere a new dance project, Tocororo (A Cuban Tale) in London in the summer of 2003. “It’s about a woman who separates two gangs, and tells them that we don’t learn from the past if we make war,” Acosta explained to the New York Times’s Kisselgoff. “Tocororo is the national Cuban bird, and the music has drums and salsa: Cuban rhythms.” He remains an ardent salsa dancer himself, and still owns the first trophy he ever won—at age nine, for break-dancing. “I never thought I was going to get this far,” Acosta told the Houston Chronicle’s Glentzer. “If somebody had told me, ‘Five years from
Back Stage, June 14, 2002, p. 11. Dance, March 1998, p. 92; June 1999, p. 78; September 2001, p. 14. Houston Chronicle, September 6, 1998, p. 15; September 5, 1999, p. 11. Independent (London, England), December 26, 1998, p. 8. New York Times, June 13, 2002, p. E1; June 19, 2002, p. E5. People, March 31, 1997, p. 85. Time International, August 13, 2001, p. 59. WWD, May 31, 2002, p. 4.
Books Newsmakers 1997, Issue 4, Gale, 1997. Periodicals
—Carol Brennan
4 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
Angeles Alvariño 1916— Marine biologist, oceanographer
Dreamed of Becoming a Doctor
Dr. Angeles Alvariño, also known by her married name of Angeles Alvariño de Leira, is an expert on marine zooplankton. These are nonphotosynthetic, primarily microscopic organisms that drift in the upper layers of salt water and form the base of the marine food chain. Much of Alvariño’s research has focused on the zooplankton of fish spawning grounds. Over a career spanning more than 50 years, Alvariño has discovered 22 new marine species. Since her retirement from the Southwest Fisheries Science Center (SWFSC) in La Jolla, California, as an emeritus scientist, Alvariño has been researching the biological collections made by early marine expeditions.
As an undergraduate Alvariño attended the Lycee Concepcion Arenal in El Ferrol. There she studied the natural sciences, physics, chemistry, and mathematics, as well as languages, world literature, history, geography, philosophy, psychology, logic, and art history. In 1933 Alvariño received her baccalaureate degree, summa cum laude, from the University of Santiago de Compostela in Spain, after passing her final examinations and submitting dissertations in both sciences and letters—on social insects, bees, and ants, and on the women in Don Quixote.
Angeles Alvariño was born on October 3, 1916, in El Ferrol, Spain. Her parents, Antonio Alvariño Grimaldos and Maria del Carmen Gonzáles Díaz-Saavedra de Alvariño, encouraged her early interest in natural history. From a very young age, she read the volumes on zoology in her father’s library. Alvariño studied piano throughout her childhood until she entered the university; but from the age of four, she was determined to become a physician like her father. However, her father vehemently opposed this choice because he did not want her to experience the pain and suffering associated with patients whose conditions were untreatable.
Although her ambition to study medicine remained strong, Alvariño’s father continued to object. Therefore she entered the University of Madrid (now University Complutense) in 1934 to study the natural sciences, a curriculum that shared several subjects with the medical course. However, the university closed in 1936 and remained closed for the duration of the Spanish Civil War. During this period Alvariño improved her French and began studying English. When the university reopened in 1939, she resumed her studies, earning a master’s degree with honors in natural sciences in 1941. During her years at the University of Madrid,
Alvariño • 5
At a Glance . . .
B
orn Angeles Alvariño on October 3, 1916, in El
Ferrol, Spain; daughter of Antonio Alvariño
Grimaldos and Maria del Carmen Gonzáles DíazSaavedra de Alvariño; married Sir Eugenio Leira Manso, 1940; children: Angeles Leira Alvariño. Education: University of Santiago de Compostela (Spain), baccalaureate degree, 1933; University of Madrid (now University Complutense), MS, 1941, doctoral certificate, 1951, DSc, 1967. Career: El Ferrol (Spain), instructor, biology, zoology, botany, geology, 1941-48; Department of Sea Fisheries (Spain), fishery research biologist, 1948-52; Superior Council of Scientific Research, histologist, 1948-52; Spanish
Institute
of
Oceanography,
biologist-
oceanographer, 1952-57; Marine Biological Laboratory, Plymouth, England, British Council fellow, 195354; Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute, Fulbright fellow, 1956-57; Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California, La Jolla, biologist, 1958-69; SWFSC, National Marine Fisheries Service, NOAA, fishery research biologist, 1970-87, emeritus scientist, 1987–; National Autonomous University of Mexico, associate professor, 1976; San Diego State University, associate professor, 1979-82; Federal University of Paraná (Brazil), visiting professor, 1982; University of
around the world who had come to study Spanish art and literature. In 1940 Alvariño married Sir Eugenio Leira Manso, an officer in the Royal Navy of Spain and a Knight of the Royal and Military Order of Saint Hermenegild. After earning her degree Alvariño taught biology, zoology, botany, and geology at various colleges in El Ferrol until 1948, when she moved to Madrid with her husband and daughter. There she joined the Department of Sea Fisheries, as a fishery research biologist. Between 1948 and 1952 she also worked as a histologist at the Superior Council of Scientific Research. Alvariño wanted to continue her studies at the Spanish Institute of Oceanography in Madrid. However, women were officially barred from the institute because research in marine biology was conducted on vessels belonging to the Spanish Royal Navy and a law, dating back to Charles III, prohibited women from staying on navy ships. Nevertheless, based on her academic qualifications, Alvariño was admitted to the institute’s courses in biological, physical, and chemical oceanography and she was allowed to begin conducting research there. Simultaneously pursuing her studies at the University of Madrid, Alvariño earned her doctoral certificate in chemistry in 1951 with three separate dissertations: a study of personality for a thesis in experimental psychology, a study of phosphates in the ocean for a chemistry thesis, and a study of the distribution, uses, and commerce of seaweeds for a plant ecology dissertation. In 1952, as a result of a competitive examination, Alvariño won an appointment as a biologist and oceanographer at the Spanish Institute of Oceanography. Since the institute was a part of the Spanish navy, Alvariño was given an honorary military rank of captain.
San Diego, associate professor, 1982-84; National Polytechnic Institute of Mexico, visiting professor, 1982-86. Memberships: Emeritus fellow, American Institute of Fishery Research Biologists; fellow, San Diego Society of Natural History; Association of Natural History Societies; Biological Society of Washington; HispanoAmerican Association of Researchers on Marine Sciences. Awards: Great Silver Medal of Galicia, 1993. Address: Home—7535 Cabrillo Ave., La Jolla, CA 92037-5206.
Alvariño lived in the Women’s Residence of University Students, under the directorship of Dr. Maria de Maeztu. There she immersed herself in an international intellectual environment that included students from
Became Zooplankton Expert The following year Alvariño was awarded a British Council Fellowship to study zooplankton at the Marine Biological Laboratory in Plymouth, England. There she worked with the prominent English marine biologist, Dr. Sir Frederick Stratten Russell, an expert on zooplankton, particularly the medusae or jellyfish. Thus Alvariño began her lifelong study of the Chaetognatha, Siphonophora, medusae, and fish larvae. Very little was known about these animals in the 1950s. Chaetognaths, a phylum of about 50 species of marine plankton, also called arrowworms, are abundant, tiny carnivores that feed on other zooplankton. Their responses to small chemical and physical characteristics of sea water make them important biological indicators of water type. Siphonophores and other hydrozoans are colonial, swimming or floating animals of the phylum Cnidaria (coelenterates), including Physalia, the Portuguese man-of-war. These organisms are made up of zooids, colonial cells that are specialized for floating, sensing, feeding, or reproduction. The gastrovascular canals of all of the zooids in a colony are contiguous. New colonies bud from the stem of the siphonophore.
6 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4 Siphonophores, like the chaetognaths, are predators that feed on other plankton, including fish larvae and krill (small shrimp-like crustaceans). Medusae are the free-swimming forms of the hydrozoan cnidarians. Alvariño studied all of the zooplankton groups that were found in collections from the Bay of Viscay and the English Channel. She discovered Sagitta friderici in plankton samples of the chaetognatha. This is a species normally found in the shallow, warm or temperate waters of the eastern Atlantic coast. She also found abundant eggs and larvae of Sardina pilchardus in samples from herring fishery areas. Her discovery of these organisms off the British coast indicated the abnormal northward movement of warm water that was displacing the herring fisheries. Returning to Spain in 1954, Alvariño began designing and manufacturing plankton nets, which she gave to Spanish fishing boats and research ships for collecting samples. This enabled her to study zooplankton collected from the Iberian Atlantic, the Mediterranean Sea, and the Grand Banks of Newfoundland. In 1956 Alvariño was awarded a Fulbright Fellowship to work with Dr. Mary Sears at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute in Massachusetts. Sears, a well-known expert on zooplankton, especially the Siphonophora, and chair of the First International Congress on Oceanography, was so impressed with Alvariño’s research and the breadth of her knowledge, that she recommended her to Dr. Roger Revelle, director of the Scripps Institution of Oceanography at the University of California in La Jolla. From 1958 until the end of 1969, Alvariño worked as a biologist at Scripps, examining the chaetognaths, siphonophores, and medusae in plankton collected off the coast of California and from the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans. During those years she was a grantee of the U. S. Office of the Navy and the California Cooperative Oceanic Fisheries Investigations. Between 1961 and 1969 she also held grants from the U. S. National Science Foundation. Alvariño also became a United States citizen in 1966. An expert on taxonomy and zoogeography, Alvariño’s discoveries included 12 new species of Chaetognatha, nine new species of Siphonophora, and a new medusa. She also established the worldwide three-dimensional distribution of various species of chaetognaths and siphonophores. Alvariño’s research at Scripps earned her a doctor of sciences degree summa cum laude in 1967 from the University of Madrid.
Joined the SWFSC In 1970 Alvariño accepted a position as a fishery research biologist at the Southwest Fisheries Science Center (SWFSC), a division of the newly formed National Marine Fisheries Service, a branch of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Agency (NOAA). Alvariño’s research focused on the geographic distribution and ecology of zooplankton, especially the
distribution of chaeognath and siphonophore species in the Pacific and Antarctic Oceans and on the relationships between zooplankton and the ocean environment. She examined the effects of plankton predation on fish larvae survival and the impact on fisheries and the biotic environment of fish spawning grounds. She identified zooplankton that are indicator species, based on their associations with specific ocean currents and other forms of ocean dynamics or with other types of organisms, such as spawning fish, eggs, and larvae. She also studied the artificial transport of plankton into new areas of the ocean, via pollution and ship bilge tanks, and the effects of these exotic organisms on the biotic environment. Between 1977 and 1979 Alvariño coordinated oceanic research for Hispano-American countries. She held Antarctic research grants between 1979 and 1982 and grants from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Alvariño directed doctoral theses candidates at various universities in the western hemisphere and served on thesis committees in the United States and abroad. Her concurrent university appointments included associate professorships at the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1976, San Diego State University between 1979 and 1982, and at the University of San Diego between 1982 and 1984. She held visiting professorships at the Federal University of Paraná in Brazil in 1982 and at the National Polytechnic Institute of Mexico between 1982 and 1986. Alvariño has published more than 100 original scientific books, book chapters, and journal articles. On July 23, 1993, King Juan Carlos I and Queen Sophia of Spain awarded her the Great Silver Medal of Galicia. She is an emeritus fellow of the American Institute of Fishery Research Biologists and a fellow of the San Diego Society of Natural History. She is a member of the Biological Society of Washington and the HispanoAmerican Association of Researchers on Marine Sciences. In addition to Spanish and English, Alvariño is fluent in French and Portuguese and speaks some German. A lover of art, classical music, and literature, Alvariño and her husband, a retired naval captain, have one daughter, Angeles Leira Alvariño, who is an architect and city planner. Angeles Alvariño has continued her scientific work on plankton and other subjects since her official retirement from the SWFSC as an emeritus scientist in 1987. The first woman scientist to work on a British research vessel, she has continued to participate in expeditions on the research vessels of various countries. In recent years Alvariño has conducted historical research focusing on early oceanography, including the explorations of Spanish navigators who discovered the oceans of the world and the main oceanic currents and the First Scientific Oceanic Expedition that sailed the western Atlantic Ocean and all of the Pacific Ocean between 1789 and 1794. In 2000 she published an account of
Alvariño • 7
Selected writings
“Fertilization, Development and Parental Care in Chaetognatha,” in Reproductive Biology of Invertebrates, Vol. 4, Oxford & IBH Publishing, 1990. “Sexual Differentiation and Behavior in Chaetognatha. Hermaphroditism,” in Reproductive Biology of Invertebrates, Vol. 5, Oxford & IBH Publishing, 1990. “Asexual Propagation and Reproductive Strategies in Chaetognatha,” in Reproductive Biology of Invertebrates, Vol. 6, Oxford & IBH Publishing, 1991.
Books and reports
Periodicals
Distributional Atlas of Chaetognatha in the California Current Region During the CALCOFI Monthly Cruises of 1954 and 1958, California Cooperative Oceanic Fisheries Investigations, 1965. The Chaetognatha of the NAGA Expedition (19591961) in the South China Sea and the Gulf of Thailand, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, 1967. Atlantic Chaetognatha. Distribution and Essential Notes of Systematics, Travaux Spanish Institute of Oceanography, 1969. Siphonophores of the Pacific with a Revision of the World Distribution, University of California Press, 1971. The Relation Between the Distribution of Zooplankton Predators and Engraulis Mordax Larvae (Anchovy), California Cooperative Oceanic Fisheries Investigations Reports, 1980. (With S. C. Hosmer and R. F. Ford) Antarctic Chaetognatha: United States Antarctic Research Program, ELTANIN Cruises 8-28, American Geophysical Union, 1983. (With D. F. Verfaillie and R. F. Ford) Antarctic Chaetognatha: United States Antarctic Research Program, ELTANIN Cruises 10-23, 25 and 27, American Geophysical Union, 1983. (With Joan M. Wojtan and M. Rachel Martinez) Antarctic Siphonophores from the Plankton Samples of the United States Antarctic Research Program, ELTANIN Cruises from Spring, Summer, Fall and Winter (Cruises 3-4, 6-23, 25-28, 30, 35 and 38), American Geophysical Union, 1990. Spain and the First Scientific Oceanic Expedition (1789-1794). Malaspina and Bustamante with the Corvettes DESCUBIERTA and ATREVIDA, (in Spanish) 2000.
“Two New Pacific Chaetognaths: Their Distribution and Relationship to Allied Species,” Bulletin of the Scripps Institution of Oceanography, 1962. “Egg Pouches and Other Reproductive Structures in Pelagic Chaetognatha,” Pacific Science, 1968. “Distribution of Siphonophores in the Regions Adjacent to the Suez and Panama Canals,” U.S. Fishery Bulletin, 1974. “The Importance of the Indian Ocean as Origin of Species and Biological Link Uniting the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans,” Journal of the Marine Biological Association of India, 1974. “The Depth Distribution, Relative Abundance and Structure of the Population of the Chaetognatha Sagitta scrippsae Alvariño 1962, in the California Current off California and Baja California,” Anales Indtituto Ciencias del Mar y Limnologia, 1983. “Pandea cybeles a New Medusa from the Sargasso Sea,” Proceedings of the Biological Society of Washington, 1987. “Abundance of Zooplankton Species, Females and Males, Eggs and Larvae of Holoplanktonic Species. Zooplankton Assemblages and Changes in the Zooplankton Communities Related to Engraulis mordax Spawning and Survival of the Larvae,” Memoirs III Encontro Brasileiro de Plancton, 1989. “Hydromedusae: Daylight and Night and Seasonal Bathymetric Abundance off California and Baja California, and Study of the Species in the Eastern Pacific and Other Regions,” Revista de Biología Marina y Oceanografía, 1999.
this expedition. A second edition of this work, with additional illustrations in full color, is forthcoming. She also has prepared English and Spanish manuscripts on the scientific study of 100 species of animals, including plankton, mollusks, turtles, fish, and birds, that were collected from the western South Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and illustrated in color, during the expedition.
Book chapters “Chaetognatha,” in Oceanography and Marine Biology: Annual Review, George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1965. “Chaetognatha. Oogenesis, Ovoposition, and Oosorption,” in Reproductive Biology of Invertebrates, Vol. 1, John Wiley & Sons Ltd., 1983. “Chaetognatha. Spermatogenesis and Sperm Function,” in Reproductive Biology of Invertebrates, Vol. 2, John Wiley & Sons Ltd., 1983.
Sources On-line “From Johah To NOAA: Women in the Fisheries Profession,” Women in Natural Resources Magazine, www.womentechworld.org/bios/fisheries/arti cles/women.htm (May 13, 2003). Other Information for this profile was obtained through personal communications between Dr. Alvariño and Contemporary Hispanic Biography in February, 2003. —Margaret Alic
8 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
Reinaldo Arenas 1943-1990 Cuban writer
Viciously oppressed in his native Cuba for both his literary attacks on Fidel Castro’s revolution and his open homosexuality, Reinaldo Arenas became a literary star by smuggling his books overseas. His extraordinary novels, flush with magical realism and sensual detail, won several prestigious awards abroad. Interview magazine wrote, “[Arenas’s] writing is so exquisitely evocative and truthful and free it’s as though his words have wings that could take him—artistically, sexually, and even politically—anywhere on a physical or emotional level.” Yet, under the totalitarian regime of Communist Cuba, Arenas couldn’t travel anywhere. For twenty years he endured harassment, surveillance, and imprisonment. Arenas finally escaped to New York in 1980.
compelling. He died in relative obscurity; barely a dozen people attended his funeral. Yet, a writer often finds immortality through his words, and Arenas, whose work resonated with viscerally wrenching imagery, was no exception. Following his death Before Night Falls was published to critical acclaim and turned into a 2000 film of the same name. The film brought Arenas’s work to a wider audience and helped prompt his posthumous rise to take his place as “one of the truly great writers to come out of Latin America” according to the Chicago Tribune. His work is currently widely available and is required reading in several university programs. However, in Cuba it remains banned.
By the time of his death in 1990, Arenas had completed nine novels, an autobiography, scores of poems, plays, and short stories, as well as dozens of political and literary essays. However, he had long-since gone out of literary favor. As he noted in his autobiography, Before Night Falls, “Ironically, while I was in jail and could not leave Cuba, my chances of being published were better because I was not allowed to speak out.” As an exile in the United States, he was much less
Escaped Poverty Through Stories Reinaldo Arenas was born in rural Cuba on July 16, 1943. Abandoned by his father, Arenas was raised by his mother on her parents’ farm. At the time Cuba was ruled by the dictator Fulgencio Batista and Arenas recalled to the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, “The situation under Batista in the countryside was terrible.” Poverty was ever-present and hunger a constant companion.
Arenas • 9
At a Glance . . .
B
orn on July 16, 1943, in the Oriente province of
Cuba; died on December 7, 1990, in New York,
NY; son of Oneida Fuentes. Education: La Pantoja, Cuba, studied agricultural accounting, 1959; University of Havana, Cuba, studied economic planning, 1966-68; attended Columbia University, 1980s. Career: Accountant, early 1960s; National Library of Cuba, assistant, 1963-68; writer, 1967-90; Cuban Book Institute, editor, 1967-68; La Gaceta de Cuba, journalist and editor, 1968-74; International University of Florida, visiting professor of Cuban literature, 1981; Center for Inter-American Relations, visiting prof, 1982; Cornell University, visiting prof, 1985; guest lecturer at Princeton University, Georgetown University, Washington University of St. Louis, University of Stockholm, Sweden, University of Kansas, University of Miami, and University of Puerto Rico. Awards: First place for best novel, Singing From the Well, Cuban Writers Union, 1965; Prix Medici for best foreign novel, Singing From the Well, France, 1969; Best Foreign Novel, Hallucinations, Le Monde, France, 1969; Cintas Foundation, fellow, 1980; Guggenheim Foundation, fellow, 1982; Wilson Center Foundation, fellow, 1987; The New York Time’s top ten books of the year, Before Night Falls, 1993.
Arenas often ate dirt just to have something in his stomach. His only solace was nature. “I think the splendor of my childhood was unique because it was absolute poverty but also absolute freedom; out in the open, surrounded by trees, animals ѧ,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. It was there that he began his literary career, composing songs and stories to keep himself company. “I would perform them in those lonely fields as if they were theater pieces,” he wrote. By the time Arenas reached his teens, his family had sold their farm and moved to the dreary town of Holguín. About this time Arenas took a job at a guava paste factory, working 12 hour shifts for one peso a day. The work was mind-numbingly boring and Arenas began channeling that boredom into stories he churned out on a small typewriter. Eventually the boredom of Holguín, as well as the continued hardships under Batista, convinced the 14 year-old Arenas to join Fidel Castro’s rebel forces. However, his youth—and more importantly his lack of a rifle—kept him from fighting. Nevertheless, when Castro took control of the island in
1959 Arenas was swept up in the revolutionary fervor. “I believed, or wanted to believe, that the Revolution was something noble and beautiful,” he wrote. However, he soon began to notice that the new government was wrought with hypocrisy. It would not be long before he would come to believe that he had helped overthrow one dictator only to replace him with another. Arenas received a scholarship to study agricultural accounting and was assigned to work on a government chicken farm after graduation. It was a tedious job and Arenas leapt at the chance to move to Havana when he was offered a scholarship to study economic planning at the University of Havana in 1961. Not long after arriving in Havana Arenas began to immerse himself in the then-thriving gay subculture of the city. He had realized he was homosexual when he was still a child, but during his years in school he hid his feelings because of the persecution that gays were subjected to by the government. Many were fired from their jobs, kicked out of school, or sent to concentration camps to be rehabilitated. One of Arenas’s earliest boyfriends was taken to such a camp. “I never saw him again, nor have I heard of him since my exile,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. In Havana Arenas entered a storytelling contest sponsored by the National Library and won. However, the judges were less interested in his storytelling ability than in the story he had told. Rather than read a well-known tale, he had written his own. The library directors, impressed with his literary skill, immediately offered Arenas a job at the library. “My transfer there was decisive for my literary education. My job consisted in looking for the books people requested, but there was always time to read,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. There was also time to write, and his first book, Singing from the Well, was written in the library. The story of a mentally-impaired child growing up in rural Cuba won an award from the Cuban Writers and Artists Union (UNEAC) in 1965 and became the only one of Arenas’s books to be published in Cuba. According to an article in the Village Voice Mexican novelist Carlos Fuentes called the book, “One of the most beautiful novels ever written about childhood, adolescence, and life in Cuba.” Arenas’s next book was Hallucinations: Being an Account of the Life and Adventures of Friar Servando Teresa de Meir. It was a fantastical rewriting of the autobiography of a revolutionary Mexican friar who defied the Spanish conquest of his country and was mercilessly persecuted for it. It was also an almost eerie foreshadowing of the fate that was to befall Arenas.
Imprisoned For His Books Though Hallucinations also won an award from UNEAC, it was banned by the government for its antirevolutionary tone. The following year, with the help of French friends, Arenas smuggled Hallucinations out
10 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4 of the country. It was published to acclaim in Mexico and Spain; in France it was named the best foreign novel of 1969. “If I had been living in the free world, this would have served me well,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. Instead, “in Cuba, the official impact ѧ was for me absolutely negative.” For publishing abroad, without the consent of the government, Arenas was labeled a counterrevolutionary. “By the year 1969 I was already being subjected to persistent harassment by State Security, and feared for the manuscripts I was continually producing.” In 1970 Arenas—along with many other young intellectuals—was sent to work on a sugarcane plantation. “Unless you have lived through it, you could not possibly understand what it means to be in a Cuban sugar plantation under the noon sun, and to live in barracks like slaves,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. It inspired his long poem El central, which was smuggled out and published in Spain. Meanwhile Arenas was working on Farewell to the Sea, one of five novels to make up his Pentagon series detailing the history of Cuba. Set at a beach resort, the novel reveals the inner thoughts of a Cuban couple and the way Castro’s revolutionary government damaged their lives. That the book was written is a testament to Arena’s determination. The original manuscript was lost when he placed it in hiding with friends. He rewrote the book, only to have it confiscated by the police. Finally, he was able to smuggle his third rewrite of the book to France in 1980. Other books in the Pentagon included Singing From the Well; The Palace of the White Skunks, which was also smuggled to France; The Color of Summer; and The Assault. The latter two were written in the United States. In 1973, after an altercation on a beach, Arenas was arrested and charged with “ideological deviation.” While out on bail he made a daring escape and eluded police for several months. During that time he attempted to leave the country several times. When that failed, he tried to commit suicide by slicing his wrists with a broken bottle. When that also failed, he resorted to his oldest companion—writing. He wrote an open letter to international agencies and free governments. “I wanted to report all the persecution I was being subjected to,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. The letter was smuggled out by a French friend and was published in France and Mexico. When Arenas was finally captured he was sent to El Morro prison— coincidentally the same prison where Friar Servando had been incarcerated. The prison was loud, hot, and overcrowded. Excrement piled in corners, urine flowed like rancid rivers, bugs were everywhere. Murder was common and vicious. Food was scarce and barely edible. In addition, Arenas was subjected to intense interrogation. The government wanted him to confess to being a counterrevolutionary and a homosexual and to vow to change. Arenas eventually gave in. It was a bitter, demoralizing defeat for him. “Before my confession I had a great companion, my pride,” he wrote in
Before Night Falls. “After the confession I had nothing; I had lost my dignity and my rebellious spirit.” Though Arenas was released from prison in 1976, he continued to live in fear. He was regularly visited by the police and his room was occasionally ransacked. He had to write in secret and could trust no one. “That was my life in early 1980; surrounded by spies and seeing my youth vanish without ever having been a free person,” he wrote in Before Night Falls. In 1980 Arenas decided he had had enough and, after doctoring his identity card, joined the over 130,000 Cubans who were allowed to leave the island during the Castro-sanctioned Mariel Boat Lift. On May 4, at one in the morning, Arenas boarded a boat for Key West. “When officials in the government realized I was gone, I discovered later, they sent a boat after me, but it was too late,” he told the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. By the end of the year Arenas was living in New York City, 37 years old, and free for the first time in his life.
Wrote Furiously in Freedom In New York Arenas entered a creative frenzy. He completed the Pentagon series and wrote Journey to Havana, Mona and Other Tales, and The Doorman. He also completed Before Night Falls which he had begun during his days as a fugitive hiding from the police. When it was published three years after his death it made The New York Time’s top ten list. Along with other exiled Cuban writers he founded the shortlived literary magazine Mariel. When not writing, he taught Cuban poetry and lectured at universities including Cornell, Princeton, and Georgetown. In 1982 Arenas won a Guggenheim Fellowship and in 1987 a Woodrow Wilson Center Fellowship. In addition he relished his new freedom, traveling throughout Europe and road tripping across the United States. He wrote of his travels in Before Night Falls: “for the first time we were able to enjoy the sense of freedom and the thrill of adventure without feeling persecuted; in short, the pleasure of being alive.” Despite his hard-won freedom, Arenas continued to suffer. His foreign publishers either refused to pay him for his books or paid him a pittance after much hassle. “None of this surprised me: I already knew that the capitalist system was also sordid and money-hungry,” Arenas wrote in Before Night Falls. He continued, “In one of my first statements after leaving Cuba I had declared that ‘the difference between the communist and capitalist systems is that, although both give you a kick in the ass, in the communist system you have to applaud, while in the capitalist system you can scream. And I came here to scream.’” His screaming did not win him a lot of friends. The intellectual left tended to side with Castro without really knowing what the Cuban people suffered. Other exiled Cubans were busy building wealthy new lives. It was suggested that Arenas forget his past and go on. “But after twenty years of repression, how could I keep silent about those
Arenas • 11 crimes?” he asked in Before Night Falls. At the same time he longed for Cuba and loathed his exiled state. He wrote, “I ceased to exist when I went into exile.”
Otra vez el mar, 1982, translated as Farewell to the Sea, Viking, NY, 1986. El portero, 1988, translated as The Doorman, Grove Press, NY, 1991. El asalto, 1990, translated as The Assault, Viking, NY, 1994. El color del verano, 1991, translated as The Color of Summer, Viking NY, 2000. Antes que anochezca, 1992, translated as Before Night Falls: A Memoir, Viking, NY, 1993. Mona and Other Tales, Vintage, 2001.
In 1987 Arenas was diagnosed with AIDS. He rapidly deteriorated and was hospitalized several times. Each time he recovered, crediting his works for his returns to health. “Writing those books kept me alive,” he told the author of A Sadness as Deep as the Sea. “Especially the autobiography. I didn’t want to die until I had put the final touches. It’s my revenge.” On December 7, 1990, not long after completing the manuscript, wholly debilitated from the disease, Arenas took an overdose of pills. In his suicide note, reprinted in Before Night Falls, he wrote, “Due to my delicate state of health and to the terrible emotional depression it causes me not to be able to continue writing and struggling for the freedom of Cuba, I am ending my life.” He went on to blame Castro for his life’s sufferings and concluded with the type of defiant hope that had allowed him to create brilliant art despite the darkest oppression: “Cuba will be free. I already am.”
Sources
Selected writings
Interview, January-April 2001, p. 46. St. Louis Post-Dispatch, February 23, 2001, p. E1.
Celestino antes del alba, Cuba, 1967, translated as Singing from the Well, Viking, NY, 1987. El mundo alucinante, France, 1969, translated as Hallucinations: Being an Account of the Life and Adventures of Friar Servando Teresa de Mier, Harper, NY, 1971. El palacio de las blanquisimas mofetas, France, 1975, translated as The Palace of the White Skunks, Viking, NY, 1990. El Central, Spain, 1981, translated as El Central: A Cuban Sugar Mill, Avon, NY, 1984.
Books Arenas, Reinaldo, Before Night Falls: A Memoir, Viking, NY, 1993. Periodicals
On-line “A Sadness as Deep as the Sea,” Eminent Maricones, www.actupny.org/diva/CBmanrique.html (May 20, 2003). “The Revival of Reinaldo Arenas: After Night Falls,” Village Voice, www.villagevoice.com/issues/0049/ manrique.php (May 22, 2003). —Candace LaBalle
12 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
María Celeste Arrarás 1960— Journalist
The defection of María Celeste Arrarás from Univision, North America’s largest Spanish-language network, to the rival Telemundo broadcasting group in 2002 roused industry attention and was heralded as the start of a new era for Hispanic media. Arrarás was given a plum spot at Telemundo, and her arrival coincided with news that the National Broadcasting Company (NBC)’s $2.7 billion acquisition of the Spanishlanguage news and entertainment provider had just won U.S. government approval. Arrarás, an attractive and admired media celebrity in the Latino world, was to host her own Telemundo show, but would also file English-language reports for Dateline, NBC’s toprated prime-time newsmagazine. Arrarás’s hire—and the Telemundo/NBC venture—was seen as a sign of an increased Hispanic presence in mainstream media news organizations, and New York Times journalist Mirta Ojito called the new, lucrative contract for this popular journalist “NBC’s first coup in the Latino media.” Arrarás was born in 1960 in the city of Mayaguez, Puerto Rico, but spent most of her youth in the country’s capital, San Juan. Her father was a university chancellor who became a politician, serving as Puerto Rico’s housing secretary and minority leader in the
House of Representatives. Arrarás recalled in an interview with Knight Ridder/Tribune News Service reporter Judy Hevrdejs that she and her family were well-known in Puerto Rico because of her father’s career. “I hated it. ѧ whatever we would do, we would get interruptions constantly.” She told Hevrdejs that as a child she vowed to lead a quieter life, one out of the public eye.
Found Career in Television Journalism Arrarás grew up in an achievement-oriented family, and earned good grades. She was also a talented swimmer, and at the age of eleven took a gold medal at the 1971 Central American Games in Cuba. After qualifying for a spot on Puerto Rico’s Olympic team for the 1976 Summer Games in Montreal, the teenaged Arrarás was forced to quit when she was diagnosed with mononucleosis. Sensing a need for a new challenge for his daughter, Arrarás’s father suggested that she begin writing a column for a newspaper he owned. She was pleasantly surprised to realize she liked journalism. “It was like ‘click,’” she told Ojito in the New York Times. “A light went on.” Fluent in English, Arrarás attended Loyola University in New Orleans, where she earned her 1982 honors
Arrarás • 13
At a Glance . . .
B
orn on September 27, 1960, in Mayaguez, Puerto
Rico; daughter of Jose Enrique (a university chan-
cellor, politician, and newspaper publisher); married Guillermo (divorced); married Manny Arevesu; three children. Education: Loyola University of New Orleans, BA, 1982. Career: Univision television network, news anchor, 1986, Los Angeles bureau chief, 1987-1990s, Miami weekend newscaster, 1987-1990s, co-anchor of Noticias y Mas, 1990s, host of Primer Impacto, 1993-2001; writer, 1997–; actress, 1997–; Telemundo television network, host and managing editor of Al Rojo Vivo con María Celeste, 2002–. Memberships: People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), spokesperson. Awards: Genesis Award, National Ark Trust Fund. Address: Office—Telemundo Communications Group, Inc., 2290 West 8th Ave., Hialeah, FL 33010.
degree in communications, and began her career in broadcast journalism with an all-news station in San Juan as an anchor and reporter in 1986. Soon, Univision’s New York City affiliate hired her as its news anchor, and the WXTV job in Manhattan was considered a career-making post. Yet Arrarás was forced to give up the job when station executives deemed her not glamorous enough. It was a tough lesson, she remembered during a New York Times interview. “He said, ‘I’ve handed you a bag of lemons. You can either get sour or make lemonade.’ I chose to stay and make lemonade.” Arrarás went on to other slots at the network, serving as Univision’s bureau chief in Los Angeles and anchor of the weekend newscast in Miami. In time she was given a co-anchor spot with a wellknown Univision personality, Myrka Dellanos, on the show Noticias y Mas. That news and feature-story show eventually became the hugely successful Primer Impacto, which would launch Arrarás’s career in earnest. Airing in several U.S. markets and in 15 Latin American countries, with a total viewership of 100 million, Primer Impacto offered news and entertainment stories and even an astrology report. Arrarás was the host and reported on special events, such as the U.S. presidential conventions and the Olympics; she also interviewed top political leaders of the Latin world. The
show’s impressive ratings brought in lucrative advertising dollars for Univision, and one prime-time special edition of the show earned the second-highest rating— ever—in the Nielsen Hispanic Index. For many, though, Arrarás was the draw, and she seemed to hit her stride on the show. She loosened up her wardrobe and her hairstyles, and began making jokes. “For the first time, I could smile on the air,” she recalled in an interview with Ojito. “It was refreshing and different, and it suited my personality better.” She was also becoming a well-known figure in the South Florida Hispanic community, and found that she was a news story herself: every detail of her personal life was avidly chronicled by the local press. By this time she had wed a Miami attorney and had three children. The larger national Hispanic media in the United States also liked to run stories about her, and she became a popular cover personality. Deemed a role model for working mothers, Arrarás returned after one maternity leave to Primer Impacto and the show pulled in a record number of viewers. During her tenure at Primer Impacto, Arrarás attained an important coup when she landed an exclusive interview with Yolanda Saldivar, the woman convicted of slaying Tejano singing star Selena in 1995. Saldivar had been a business associate of the star’s family, and founder of the Selena fan club. Arrarás interviewed her from prison, and Saldivar hinted that there was a “secret” behind the tragic slaying. Arrarás pursued the story further and wrote a book, Selena’s Secret: The Revealing Story Behind Her Tragic Death, that was published in 1997 in Spanish and English editions. The resulting press helped land Arrarás on People magazine’s annual “Most Intriguing People of 1997” list.
Left Univision for Telemundo and NBC In 2001, when Arrarás’s contract with Univision expired, she chose not to renegotiate. Instead, she jumped ship to rival network Telemundo, and her decampment was made public the same week that the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) announced its approval of NBC’s bid to acquire Telemundo. Arrarás’s bold move was considered such a coup for Telemundo that her hire was announced at a press conference in April of 2002 by NBC president Andrew Lack and Telemundo president Jim McNamara. NBC announced its intention to give her a show as well as reporting assignments for NBC news shows like Dateline and the Today Show. Arrarás, Lack told Ojito in the New York Times, “is a star, along the lines of talent like Diane Sawyer and Jane Pauley. I have confidence that she will bring her enormous talent to some of our programs in NBC.” Arrarás’s new show was slated to debut that spring as well. The name Al Rojo Vivo con María Celeste was concocted by her best friend, she explained to Hevrdejs in the Knight Ridder/Tribune News Service report, and
14 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4 meant loosely “red hot”; it was also a pun on her middle name, Celeste, or “sky blue” in Spanish. “You can say, ‘Oh my God! That interview was al rojo vivo.’” she told Hevrdejs. “Why? Because that person spoke out. They said everything. A confession.” As both host and managing editor, Arrarás wanted Al Rojo Vivo to serve as a kind of “‘paella noticias,’ like a news paella,” as she told Hevrdejs. “You have chicken, you have fish, you have sausage, you have rice and vegetables. And what happens is, in one hour, you have news from everything that is going on in the afternoon.” Al Rojo Vivo was a ratings success for Telemundo right from the start, but Arrarás’s debut on Dateline was, again, a news story in itself. In August of 2002 she filed a report on ten-month-old conjoined twins from Guatemala who came to the United States for surgery that would separate them. “Wearing a blue sanitary paper hat and a matching UCLA Medical Center gown,” noted Los Angeles Times writer Dana Calvo, “the glamorous María Celeste Arrarás made her NBC debut on Dateline and in the process made herself into the most prominent player in a blossoming media experiment.” The Los Angeles Times article noted that Arrarás and other journalists who file stories for both networks would need to be extremely fluent in both languages. NBC president Lack, it was reported, had been a bit nervous about Arrarás’s Dateline debut and her bilingual skills, but Lack told Calvo that Arrarás “was credible, so I didn’t think viewers were sitting around thinking, ‘Why is this Spanish-accented person doing this story?’ I think they thought, ‘This person knows the place, knows the story, and it’s important and authoritative.’ She’s a serious, smart journalist.”
News Star for Twenty-First Century A Los Angeles Times article discussed the inherent differences in the Telemundo and NBC networks, from how a breaking news story is written to the amount and style of accessories its female journalists are allowed to wear on the air. But after just a few months on the job, Arrarás herself was surprised at how little a difference there was between the Spanish-language broadcasting stalwarts and a well-established, deep-pocketed news source like NBC. She said that as a Univision reporter, she and her colleagues had often dreamed of working in the “majors,” as she called them. “We had this big myth that it would be a different ballgame—that it would be awesome, bigger and better,” Arrarás told Calvo. “But, to my surprise, it was very similar. The only difference is there were more resources. You can pre-plan and take things at a more normal pace. In Spanish TV, we have less resources, so we are more aggressive. We are hungrier.”
Despite the tremendous attention given to her debut Arrarás was frank about her talents. “I’m not the greatest anchor in the world,” she told Ojito in the New York Times, “but what I lack in talent I make up with honesty.” Arrarás is the first Latina celebrity spokesperson for PETA, People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals, and is working to ban circuses in Puerto Rico that use animals. Her high-profile job landed her on People en Espanol’s “10 Most Intriguing People of the Year” in 2002. With her own agent at entertainmentindustry powerhouse William Morris, Arrarás was, in the end, still surprised by her choice of career—given the fact that she often disliked being in the public eye as a youngster. “I said I’ll never do that,” she said in the Knight Ridder/Tribune News Service interview, “and little did I know—I ended up doing the same thing.”
Selected works Books Selena’s Secret: The Revealing Story Behind Her Tragic Death, Simon & Schuster, 1997. Films Contact, 1997.
Sources Books Notable Hispanic American Women, Book 2, Gale, 1998. Periodicals Broadcasting & Cable, April 15, 2002, p. 51. Cincinnati Post April 12, 2002, p. 16C. Electronic Media, April 15, 2002, p. 22. Houston Chronicle, April 26, 2002, p. 10; July 26, 2002, p. 1. Knight Ridder/Tribune Business News, April 10, 2002. Knight Ridder/Tribune News Service, February 26, 2002; April 11, 2002; April 19, 2002. Library Journal, July 1997, p. 67. Los Angeles Business Journal, April 15, 2002, p. 16. Los Angeles Times, November 24, 2002, p. E35. Multichannel News, April 15, 2002, p. 14. New York Times, May 5, 2002, p. 1. Publishers Weekly, January 27, 1997, p. 90. Star-Ledger (Newark, NJ), April 12, 2002, p. 64. —Carol Brennan
Baca-Barragán • 15
Polly Baca-Barragán 1941— Politician, media relations specialist
Polly Baca-Barragán (known also as Polly Baca) was the first Hispanic woman to win a state senate election in Colorado. She was elected to the state house of representatives in 1974 and the state senate in 1984. Baca’s life has been marked by a passion for public service. As a young woman she worked as an editor for trade journals; she combined this experience with her passion for politics and activism throughout her career. Although much of her focus has been Hispanic issues, her strong belief in the value of multiculturalism has been a key element of her life inside and outside politics. The oldest of four children, Polly Baca was born in 1941 (some sources say 1943) in Greeley, Colorado. Her parents, Jose Manuel and Leda Sierra Baca, were migrant farmers who worked hard to support their family. Baca remembered in particular that her mother instilled a deep sense of pride in her—pride in her heritage and in her ability to succeed.
Showed Early Interest in Politics As a teen-ager, Baca became an orphan; her father was killed in an accident and her mother died not long afterward. She was suddenly faced with the responsibility of caring for her three younger brothers—but she
was determined to stay in high school and finish her studies. A bright student, she won a scholarship to Colorado State University and planned to major in physics, even though she was more interested in political science and had aspirations of becoming a politician. Part of her decision to major in physics came from a science teacher who told her that a science career would be better for her because as a Hispanic and a woman her chances of success in public life were twice as slim. This was something that Baca would remember throughout her career. Knowing that as a Hispanic and a woman she would have a harder time achieving success was hardly a detriment; actually it gave her the impetus to try harder. It was perhaps not surprising that although she did enter college as a physics major, before long she had switched to political science. While in college Baca became active in campus politics, serving as freshman class secretary. She also became active in her campus chapter of Young Democrats (a group she had been involved with in high school), becoming vice-president and then president. She did volunteer work for the Democratic Party and helped with the campaigns of local candidates; she was also active in the Viva Kennedy clubs that promoted John F. Kennedy to the Hispanic electorate.
16 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
Began Political Career At a Glance . . .
B
orn in 1941 (some sources say 1943), in Greeley,
CO; married Miguel Barragán, 1968 (divorced);
children: Monica, Michael. Education: Colorado State University, BA, political science, 1962; American University, graduate courses, 1966-67. Career: International Brotherhood of Pulp, Sulfite, and Paper Mill Workers, AFL-CIO, editorial assistant, 196265; Brotherhood of Railway and Airline Clerks, AFLCIO, editor and assistant director of research and education, 1966-67; White House Cabinet Committee on Opportunities for the Spanish Speaking, public information officer, 1964-68; Robert F. Kennedy presidential campaign, Hispanic division, deputy director, 1968; National Council of La Raza, director of research services, 1969-70; Democratic National Committee, Spanish speaking affairs, director, 1971-72; Colorado Committee on Mass Media and the Spanish Surnamed, director, 1972-73; Colorado state House of Representatives, 1975-78; Colorado state senator, 1979-86; Sierra Baca Systems, president, 1985-89, CEO, 1999–; Colorado Hispanic Institute, executive director, 1989-94; General Services Administration, Rocky Mountain Division, regional administrator, 1994-99. Memberships: InSites; Latin American Research and Service Agency (LARASA). Awards: National Hispanic Hall of Fame, 1988; Colorado Women’s Hall of Fame; honorary doctor of laws, Wartburg College, Waverly, IA; honorary doctor of humane letters, University of Northern Colorado, Greeley, CO. Address: Home—1777 Larimer, Unit 510, Denver, CO 80202.
Upon graduation in 1962, Baca moved to Washington, D.C., where she worked on the editorial staff of two trade unions (both branches of the AFL-CIO) that represented paper mill workers and rail and air employees. In addition to giving her valuable experience in writing and editing, these jobs also gave her the chance to see how public policy was made both within the union and the federal government.
In 1967 Baca landed a job in the White House, working as a public information officer in the Cabinet Committee on Opportunities for the Spanish Speaking. This job involved research and speechwriting, but it also required her to help coordinate events and speeches that were brought to Hispanic communities. A year later, she became national deputy director of the Hispanic division of Robert F. Kennedy’s presidential campaign. Kennedy’s assassination that summer left Baca and so many of his supporters feeling shocked and lost. Baca took a two-month tour through Latin America, and when she returned she resumed her career, this time as research and information director for the National Council of La Raza in its Phoenix office. She was married briefly to Miguel Barragán, a Chicano activist and former priest. The couple had a son and a daughter. In 1970 she moved back to Colorado and opened up a small public relations business in Denver, Bronze Publications, which she operated for the next 14 years in addition to her many other commitments. Bronze specialized in publicity materials—everything from brochures to press materials to annual reports. Among the organizations she worked with were the National Institute of Mental Health, the Chicano Mobile Institute, the Colorado State University Chicano Studies Program, the National Institute of Education, and VISTA. Those commitments were drawing her closer to a run for public office. From 1971 to 1972 she served as director of Spanish speaking affairs for the Democratic National Committee. In 1974, the state representative seat in her district (Adams County, Colorado) became vacant, and Baca decided to take a chance and seek the nomination. She won the nomination and was elected that November. Baca’s experience with both politics and communication served her well during her tenure as a state representative. In her first year there, she introduced nine house bills and brought six senate bills into the house. This was a surprise to the legislators; usually laws were introduced by members with more seniority. Baca felt that as a public servant she had a greater obligation to her constituents than to political tradition. Of the nine house and six senate bills she brought before the legislators, five were passed by both houses and signed into law. During her term in the house, Baca served as chair of the house Democratic Caucus (the first woman to hold the position), and she sat on a special joint study committee on school finance. In 1978 Baca made a bid for a seat in the state senate and won, making her the state’s first Hispanic senator. As senator, she was responsible for numerous pieces of legislation, including a 1985 bill to allow the state district courts to enforce subpoenas, a 1985 bill regulating the operation of non-state post-secondary schools, and a 1986 bill to protect deposits of public
Baca-Barragán • 17 money held by state and national banks. In 1985 Baca was elected chair of the senate Democratic Caucus. She was the first Hispanic woman to hold that position in the state. In fact, she was the first Hispanic woman in the United States to hold a leadership position in a state senate. During her state senate tenure, Baca also interacted with the international community. She was one of eight state legislators chosen by the American Council of Young Political Leaders to visit the Soviet Union for a study tour. In 1981 the German Marshall Fund selected Baca and 14 other Americans to participate in a “Successor Generation” seminar in Brussels.
Created Strong Ties as Politician Part of Baca’s success as a politician was her visibility among her constituents and throughout her state. Another element was her good relationship with the Democratic party leadership in Washington, D.C. Her years in Washington, coupled with her hard work and her expertise in public relations and communication, made her one of the best connected Democratic politicians in Colorado. From 1981 to 1989 she served as vice chair of the Democratic National Committee, and she was co-chair of the 1980 and 1984 Democratic National Conventions. The Denver Post went so far as to suggest that Baca had more influence in Washington than then-governor Richard Lamm. In 1986 Baca decided it was time to try for the U.S. Congress. She fought a hard battle and was defeated despite her popularity and track record. She decided to retire from politics and devote her time to Sierra Baca, a management consulting firm she had begun in 1985. Sierra Baca focused on many of the same issues that Baca had tackled while in politics: education reform, the role of women and minorities in society, understanding public policy. She ran the company until 1989 when she accepted a position as executive director of the Colorado Hispanic American Institute. The Institute’s mission was to develop multicultural leadership and develop programs that would benefit Hispanics and other minorities. One of the projects she worked on during her five years at the Institute was the
direction of Visiones, a leadership development program that brought community leaders from different racial and ethnic groups together and helped them to understand one another’s cultures more completely. In February of 1994 Baca was back in Washington briefly. This time she was a special assistant to President Bill Clinton and director of the Office of Consumer Affairs. As part of her duties, she chaired the U.S. delegation to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) Committee on Consumer Policy conference. From November of 1994 to May of 1999, Baca was regional administrator for the Rocky Mountain Region of the U.S. General Services Administration (GSA). In that capacity she oversaw GSA activities for an area covering six states and 48,000 government employees working in 43 government agencies. In 1999 she went back to her consulting business, Sierra Baca. Her civic activities include serving as executive director of the Latin American Research and Service Agency (LARASA), an advocacy group for the Hispanic community; and InSites, a nonprofit organization that conducts research and evaluation programs for educational organizations.
Sources Books Meier, Matt S., Mexican American Biographies: A Historical Dictionary, 1836-1987, Greenwood Press, 1988. Periodicals Denver Post, October 21, 1979. Vista, February 4, 1992. On-line “Polly B. Baca” 9 News, www.9news.com/latino/baca _resume_long.htm (June 4, 2003). —George A. Milite
18 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
Lourdes G. Baird 1935— Judge
Lourdes G. Baird became one of the highest-ranking Hispanic women in the U.S. Justice Department when she was appointed U.S. attorney for the Central District of California in 1990. The post involved supervising cases in a jurisdiction that was the largest in the United States at the time, comprised of seven counties with more than 12 million citizens. During her time in office, Baird played a role in the Justice Department’s civil trial against the Los Angeles police officers who assaulted Rodney King. In 1992 she left the job for a federal judgeship with the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court, where she has continued her involvement in high-profile legal challenges in the Los Angeles area. Baird was born on May 12, 1935, in Quito, Ecuador. Her father moved the family of seven children to Los Angeles a year later, where she attended Roman Catholic parochial schools in the city not far from the family home on Van Ness Avenue. She remembered her female-only high school, Immaculate Heart, as a particularly encouraging environment. “There’s something in retrospect that was great about going to an all-girls high school,” she told Henry Weinstein in a Los Angeles Times interview years later. Weinstein noted
that the school “was run by a highly independent order of nuns, who later clashed with the Los Angeles Archdiocese,” and Baird affirmed this. “Those nuns were so independent, even in the 1950s,” she told the newspaper.
Appointed U.S. Attorney by Republicans Baird attended secretarial school for a time before marrying William T. Baird, a businessman, at age 21. They couple had three children, and Baird was a homemaker living in the Hancock Park neighborhood of Los Angeles when she decided to return to school. She began taking classes at Los Angeles City College on a parttime basis, and it took her five years to earn an associate of arts degree. From there she transferred to the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA), and earned her sociology degree in 1973. She applied to and was accepted at UCLA’s law school, and did well despite the hardship of a 1975 divorce. After graduating a year later, she took the state bar exam and passed it. Baird began her career as an attorney at the age of 41. Her first job was as a prosecutor in the United States
Baird • 19
At a Glance . . .
B
orn on May 12, 1935, in Quito, Ecuador; daugh-
ter of James C. Gillespie and Josefina Delgado;
married William T. Baird (a businessman), 1956 (divorced, 1975); children: William Jr., Maria, and John. Education: Attended secretarial school in Los Angeles, c. 1954; Los Angeles City College, associate of arts degree; University of California at Los Angeles, BA, 1973, JD, 1976. Politics: Democrat.
Times at the time. “She also is the first grandmother ever selected for the post.” Baird’s role as U.S. attorney in Los Angeles was an important one. As Weinstein noted, the former judge “assumes her post at a time when the area is considered one of the major national centers of drug crime, money laundering, savings and loan scams and defense contracting fraud, four principal areas of concern to federal prosecutors,” the Los Angeles Times article noted. When she took over, there was even a federal grand jury investigation at her office of Los Angeles mayor Tom Bradley for his possible links to a banking scandal.
Career: United States Attorney’s Office, Los Angeles, CA, prosecutor, 1977-83; Baird, Munger and Myers, partner, 1983-86; East Los Angeles Municipal Court, judge, 1986-87; Los Angeles Municipal Court, judge, 1987; Los Angeles Superior Court, Juvenile Court division, judge, 1988; California’s Central District, U.S. attorney, 1990-92, district court judge, 1992–. Member: UCLA School of Law Alumni Association, president, 1981-84; Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals, advisory committee, 1983-86; California Women Lawyers Association; Mexican American Bar Association; Latino Judges Association; National Association of Women Judges. Address: Office—Edward R. Roybal Federal Building and Courthouse, 255 E. Temple St., Los Angeles, CA 90012.
attorney’s office in Los Angeles. Six years later, in 1983, she went into private practice as partner in Baird, Munger and Myers. In 1986 she accepted an appointment as a municipal court judge in Los Angeles, and two years later became a juvenile-court judge in Los Angeles County Superior Court. Baird’s legal acumen attracted the attention of U.S. Senator Pete Wilson, a Republican, and he proposed her name for a soon-to-be vacant U.S. attorney post in the Los Angeles area; the nomination was somewhat unusual because of Baird’s Democratic political affiliation. Her name was seconded by U.S. President George H. W. Bush, and her appointment was confirmed a few months later by Senate vote. When she was sworn into office in July of 1990, Baird became one of a few U.S. attorneys in history to be appointed during a political administration not of his or her own political affiliation. “Baird will become one of only five female U.S. attorneys in the country and one of the few who speaks Spanish fluently,” wrote Weinstein of the Los Angeles
Confronted With Variety of High Profile Cases In 1991 Baird’s office became involved in the Rodney King case. In March of that year, King, an AfricanAmerican motorist, was stopped by Los Angeles police officers; a subsequent beating was filmed surreptitiously from a nearby apartment building, and released to the media. The tape ignited a firestorm of controversy, and a criminal case against the officers ended in their acquittal. The announcement of that verdict caused Los Angeles’s black community to erupt in anger, and several days of rioting ensued in April of 1992. The federal courthouse that housed Baird’s office was even targeted. Noting her importance as “the top Justice Department official in town,” Los Angeles Times writer Jim Newton went on to describe the scene. “The federal courthouse had come under attack during the early hours of the rioting, and when Baird and other lawyers showed up for work on Thursday morning, the smell of smoke from torched palm trees hung in the elegant entryway, and broken glass carpeted much of the building’s first floor.” By then Baird was part of another investigation into the King incident, after Justice Department officials in Washington launched a probe into whether or not King’s civil rights were violated. “Amid the uproar, Baird moved calmly to choose the attorneys who would represent her office in the case,” Newton wrote. The trial ended with guilty verdicts for the officers, with a jury agreeing that they violated King’s constitutional right to be free from the intentional use of unreasonable force. By that time, however, Baird had moved on to a seat on the bench of the Central District of California’s District Court in September of 1992. There she went on to play a role in several other important cases, including a 1996 lawsuit filed by U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) agent Jorge Guzman, who claimed that he had been unduly harassed at his job because of his Hispanic heritage. Some two dozen internal investigations of him had taken place, but he was never reprimanded, nor did they hinder his subsequent promotions. Guzman “alleged the existence of pervasive anti-Latino sentiments in the inspector general’s office
20 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4 and the INS, especially among old-line officers in high positions,” explained Los Angeles Times writer Patrick J. McDonnell. “As a senior supervisory agent, Guzman is one of the highest-ranking Latinos in the INS’ Los Angeles district.” The final straw was a raid on his home by plainclothes officers with weapons, who frightened the nanny for Guzman’s daughter and his sister, and allegedly made sexual advances toward one of the women; they became co-plaintiffs in his suit. After a trial presided over by Baird, the Justice Department agreed to pay Guzman $400,000 in damages. Baird also put an end to a legal challenge to block California’s controversial Proposition 227, approved by voters in June of 1998. It ended three decades of bilingual-education programs in the California public school system, specifying that all classes be taught “overwhelmingly” in English. Supporters of bilingual education asked Baird’s court to block it just before it was set to go into effect, but she refused. The following year, she heard sides in a case against three banks in Mexico suspected of money-laundering by the U.S. Customs Service. She also agreed with plaintiffs in 1999 that the use of a special restraining chair by sheriffs’ authorities in Ventura County violated the constitutional rights of detainees. In 2000 she reversed a record $143 million award given to a British computer-chip maker for lost pets called Trovan. The suit was brought against pharmaceutical giant Pfizer, who made and marketed an antibiotic also called “Trovan” that was linked to liver failure in animals. Pfizer lost the first round, and was ordered to pay the $143 million—the largest trademark infringement verdict in U.S. history at the time—but then allegations surfaced that the lawyers for Trovan had falsified evidence, including spurious letters by pet-owners confused about the news about the antibiotic and its dangers. In 2003 Baird decided in favor of a group of farm laborers from Mexico, who had come to Ventura County at the invitation of a labor contractor under the
provisions of a federal guest-worker program known as H-2A. The workers helped harvest the county’s lemon crop during a farm-labor shortage, but alleged that they were not paid in full, nor allowed proper breaks and lunch periods as specified by law. The defendant moved to have the case transferred to federal court, since the guest-worker program was a federal one, but Baird disagreed and returned the case to the Ventura County Superior Court. In her written ruling, she pointed out that the workers from Mexico were still protected under California statutes. “In creating a new system for the admission of H-2A workers ѧ there is no evidence that Congress intended to eliminate these workers’ state law remedies,” she was quoted as saying in her decision by Los Angeles Times journalist Fred Alvarez. Baird has numerous professional ties to the legal community in Southern California and beyond. She belongs to the California Women Lawyers Association, the Mexican American Bar Association, the Latino Judges Association, and the National Association of Women Judges.
Sources Books Dictionary of Hispanic Biography, Gale, 1996. Periodicals Buffalo News, August 1, 1998, p. A2. Los Angeles Times, July 19, 1990; June 27, 1993; September 24, 1996; January 21, 1999; March 31, 1999, p. 2; November 23, 1999, p. B1; December 22, 1999, p. B3; July 21, 2001, p. B5; January 24, 2003. Wall Street Journal, May 24, 2000, p. B2. —Carol Brennan
Benitez • 21
Elsa Benitez 1977— Model
Mexican-born model Elsa Benitez graced the cover of Sports Illustrated’s famous swimsuit issue in 2001. Her career seemed off to a promising start, but she took a break from the fast-paced fashion world to study acting and become a mother. She and her husband, former Miami Heat player Rony Seikaly, became parents to daughter Mila in 2003. Born in 1977, Benitez is a native of Hermosillo, capital city of the northwest Mexican state of Sonora, about an hour’s drive from the Gulf of California. Hermosillo, which lies on the Sonora River, is home to a Ford Motor Company manufacturing plant where the Escort model was once made, and is a thriving agricultural center as well. Growing up, Benitez idolized one of the top models of the 1980s, Linda Evangelista. As a young woman, she reached five feet, ten inches in height, and won a model-search contest in Costa Rica in 1995. She soon began finding work in Latin America, and then signed with Elite Model Management, the agency founded by John Casablancas and later run by Evangelista’s husband, Gerald Marie. Benitez first came to international attention modeling in Europe, and her nascent career was boosted im-
mensely when influential photographer Steven Meisel began working with her. In 1996 she appeared on three covers of Italian Vogue. She also became a favorite of Italian designers Dolce e Gabbana, and appeared in their spring/ summer collections shown in Milan in October of 1996. Stefano Gabbana told a writer for London’s Observer newspaper, Roger Tredre, that he and Domenico Dolce felt that Benitez “embodies the Mediterranean woman,” Gabbana enthused. “Her beauty reminds us of the actresses of the neo-realist Italian cinema, like Anna Magnani.” At the time of the interview, Benitez still spoke just rudimentary English. Benitez went on to work for designers Oscar de la Renta, Valentino, and Rena Lange; she has appeared in ad campaigns for Episode, J. Crew, and Nine West. Her biggest career coup, however, came early in 2001 when she appeared on the cover of Sports Illustrated’s annual swimsuit issue. Under the heading “Goddesses of the Mediterranean,” the model’s sultry photo was captioned, “Elsa Benitez Heats Up Tunisia.” The issue—a February tradition—is centered around an immense promotional blitz, and sales ordinarily hit the $50-million mark. Some of the world’s top models had
22 • Contemporary Hispanic Biography • Volume 4
At a Glance . . .
B
orn in 1977, in Hermosillo, Sonora, Mexico;
married Rony Seikaly (a professional athlete),
1999; children: Mila Seikaly. Career: Won modeling contest in Costa Rica, 1995; signed with Elite Model Management; appeared in runway shows and ad campaigns for Dolce e Gabbana, Oscar de la Renta, Valentino, and Rena Lange; appeared in ad campaigns for Episode, J. Crew, Victoria’s Secret, and Nine West; appeared on the February 2001 cover of Sports Illustrated ’s annual swimsuit issue. Address: Home—Miami, FL. Office—c/o Elite Model Management, 111 E. 22nd St., Fl. 2, New York, NY 10010-5400.
graced the SI cover before Benitez, among them Heidi Klum, Tyra Banks, Elle MacPherson, Christie Brinkley, and Cheryl Tiegs. Launched in 1964 as a way to lure readers during a slow sports-story month, the swimsuit issue grew racier over the years, and the exotic locales of its shoots are usually kept top-secret. “No matter where the magazine drapes its models, though, the issue manages to do one thing no other feature can: it gathers sports fans of every stripe beneath a single umbrella,” noted a Financial Times report. “With the swimsuit issue in hand, no one complains that baseball lacks action, that hockey is too violent, that football is for those too fat or too dumb to play hockey.” Benitez’s career for the rest of the year seemed promising: she became the spokesperson for Budweiser and Bud Light, and also appeared in ads for the Taco Bell fast-food chain and its new stuffed burrito menu item. One television commercial for the product featured a dream sequence of her walking past two men, who are enamored of the burrito she is carrying, not her. “Agency creatives said the Mexican-born Benitez will help the product earn quick recognition with fickle fast-food customers,” wrote Justin M. Norton in ADWEEK Western Edition. A representative of the San Francisco-based advertising agency involved, Tom O’Keefe, told the trade journal that Benitez “is the ideal spokesperson, because she perfectly embodies the essence of the product.”
Benitez appeared again in the 2002 SI swimsuit issue. The N
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The Architect of Liberation: Eugenio María de Hostos
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“Ideals that take days to conceive, mature over centuries of struggles.” wrote Eugenio Maria de Hostos in the late 1800s. Educator, humanist, abolitionist, feminist, philosopher, writer, politician…
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Boricua Social Philosopher, Educator — Writer — Patriot
“Ideals that take days to conceive, mature over centuries of struggles.” wrote Eugenio Maria de Hostos in the late 1800s.
Educator, humanist, abolitionist, feminist, philosopher, writer, politician, and above all, an early advocate of self-government for Puerto Rico, Hostos is globally recognized as one of the most distinguished and illustrious men in Puerto Rico’s history. The creation of a Spanish West Indies Confederation was his lifelong mission.
Called the “Citizen of America,” he educated an entire continent with a straightforward, liberal, pragmatic, and international mindset. He advocated and devoted his life to seeking the political independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico, designing a united Federation of the Great Antilles to encompass Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Dominican Republic with sovereignty for each Island.
American investors sponsored his travels to New York, as they did many writers who advocated independence from Spain. Once there, Hostos established the Puerto Rican section of the Cuban Revolutionary Party organized by Cuban poet and patriot José Marti. The first to sign on: Arturo Schomburg.
He was editor of a La Revolución, the journal of the Cuban revolutionary movement. He was…
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Old San Juan Squares (Self Guided), San Juan, Puerto Rico
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Self-guided walking tour: Old San Juan Squares in San Juan, Puerto Rico. The detailed walk route map can be downloaded to your mobile device for turn-by-turn travel directions.
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1) Plaza Colon (Columbus Square)
Columbus Square, originally known as Santiago Square, is one of the most important squares in San Juan, symbolizing progress and, at the same time, a testament to the old times. In the 17th century, the area marked the doorstep to the city, which was encircled by stone walls, from 1635-1641. The only way into the capital, back then, was through the five gates, the centermost of which was the Puerta de Santiago (or Land Gate), straddling the only highway linking the walled San Juan islet to the rest of Puerto Rico by land.
By 1772, the open space adjacent to Puerta de Santiago, while still unpaved, had taken the shape of Santiago Square. From 1862 to 1870, it was refurbished and the square finally started to take its current form. In 1893, the statue of Christopher Columbus was installed to commemorate the 400th anniversary of the discovery of Puerto Rico, following which the square itself was renamed Colón or Columbus Square.
To the south of it, today is the Tapia Theater, a true gem of Puerto Rican entertainment culture. Inaugurated in 1824, this lovely neoclassical structure was initially known as the San Juan Municipal Theater. Throughout the years, many notable performers have graced its stage. Outside the theater, along Fortaleza Street, there are a number of quaint restaurants and cute little cafes where one can sip some iced coffee outside whilst enjoying the sight of Columbus Square.
3) Plaza de Armas (Arms Square) (must see)
Arms Square is the de-facto central square of San Juan. Over the years, it has changed several names relative to the functions it served. Initially, in 1521, it was called Vegetables Square. Then, during the 17th-19th centuries, it was known as Arms Square, for being the grounds for military drills. After that, in the early 20th century, it turned back to being called Vegetables Square once again, serving as a marketplace, before it finally re-assumed the Arms Square title.
The plaza is modeled on the classic squares of Madrid and Mexico City. Although it factually existed for centuries, it was not until 1840 that the city council approved its proper development, which started in 1851. It was at that time that the four bronze statues, oil-coated to simulate marble, representing Commerce, Industry, Science, and the Arts, arrived here (there were a total of eight statues to be installed, but the other four were lost). In 1872, the original statues were replaced with the new marble ones, representing the Four Seasons, put in the four corners of the square.
In 1955, two circular fountains and two lampposts in the center were added. The four statues were then configured in a circular fountain outside the Palacio de la Real Intendencia, which is the seat of the Department of State of Puerto Rico, on the western side of the square.
A highlight of the northern side is the Casa Alcaldía – home of the San Juan City Hall. Built in 1789, this Spanish colonial-style edifice with twin turrets resembles its sister building in Madrid. The tinkling of the fountain, the comfortable seating in the shade of the trees, and the presence of several old-style coffee booths selling snacks have long attracted tourists as a good spot for a sightseeing break when you can stretch out your feet and soak up some of the everyday comings and goings.
The laid-back atmosphere of the place also made it a popular gathering venue with locals, offering a chance to buy kids some traditional treats (like sesame-seed lollipops or coconut candies), watch shows, play dominoes, or chit-chat with friends.
4) Plaza de la Rogativa (Procession Square)
Plaza La Rogativa is the most scenic square in San Juan, offering a 180-degree views of the San Juan Bay. From here, you can also get a clear view of the San Juan Gate and La Fortaleza, much as of the El Yunque national forest in a distance.
The name "Rogativa" means "Procession". According to a legend, during the 1797 attack by the British army, the governor of San Juan ordered a "rogativa" by a group of women, led by the bishop, to march through the city streets at night. Started from the San Juan Cathedral, the procession carried torches and crosses, while singing hymns along the way. The British mistook these sights and sounds for the arrival of Spanish Army reinforcement and gave up the attack. Commemorating that event are the four bronze statues in the center of the square.
Due to its historic significance and scenic beauty, Plaza La Rogativa is also popular a spot for wedding ceremonies. If nothing else, come here in late afternoon to watch the sunset over the San Juan Bay.
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Mapping Transnational Dominican and Puerto Rican Diasporic Inter-cultural Histories & Solidarities
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Plaza de Hostos (Hostos Square), San Juan
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Plaza de Hostos (Hostos Square) in San Juan, Puerto Rico - sight map, attraction information, photo and list of walking tours containing this attraction. Get offline map and directions using our GPSmyCity self-guided walking tours app for your mobile device.
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Plaza de Hostos is a small landscaped square located near Casa Blanca, just in front of Plaza Dársena. Dedicated in 1998, the square commemorates the famous Puerto Rican educator, philosopher, intellectual, lawyer, sociologist and independence advocate Eugenio María de Hostos, aka “The Citizen of the Americas”, whose beautiful statue, featuring de Hostos in the company of joyful kids, created by José Buscaglia, stands in the center of the square, watching over the cruise ships entering and leaving the San Juan Bay.
Other than this, guests will find here lots of arts and crafts, as well as traditional piña coladas (a must try!) and other locally-made deserts sold from kiosks dotting the area. A nice place to stop after exploring the southern district of San Juan!
Want to visit this sight? Check out these Self-Guided Walking Tours in San Juan . Alternatively, you can download the mobile app "GPSmyCity: Walks in 1K+ Cities" from Apple App Store or Google Play Store. The app turns your mobile device to a personal tour guide and it works offline, so no data plan is needed when traveling abroad.
Create Your Own Walk in San Juan
Creating your own self-guided walk in San Juan is easy and fun. Choose the city attractions that you want to see and a walk route map will be created just for you. You can even set your hotel as the start point of the walk.
Souvenir Shopping
The arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1493 and the ensuing Spanish colonization brought into Puerto Rico a number of new crafts. Over the next few centuries, having mixed up with local traditions, they have flourished on the new turf, producing an array of colorful products that today are sought after by tourists visiting the island. While in San Juan, it would be a pity to leave town without... view more
Tour Duration: 1 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 0.6 Km or 0.4 Miles
Old San Juan Squares
A distinctive feature of Old San Juan is the multitude of quaint picturesque squares, many of them adorned with beautiful fountains and spectacular monuments. Each square has a unique character and historical significance, making them integral to the city's identity.
Plaza Colon, also known as Columbus Square, pays homage to Christopher Columbus and his exploration of the New World. It... view more
Tour Duration: 1 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 1.8 Km or 1.1 Miles
Old San Juan Walking Tour
Founded by Spanish colonists in 1509, at a site then known as "Puerto Rico" (which means Rich Port in Spanish), San Juan is the third oldest capital in the Americas established by Europeans. In 1521, the words "San Juan" were added to its official name, thus making it "San Juan Bautista de Puerto Rico". This was in keeping with the custom of christening the town with... view more
Tour Duration: 2 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 3.1 Km or 1.9 Miles
San Juan Historical Buildings
One of the oldest capital cities on the American continent, San Juan, Puerto Rico, boasts an old town that is filled to the brim with heritage colonial architecture.
Chief among its historical buildings, La Fortaleza, or The Fortress, is the official residence of the Governor of Puerto Rico and the longest-standing executive mansion in continuous use in America. At the same time, the Cathedral... view more
Tour Duration: 2 Hour(s)
Travel Distance: 2.4 Km or 1.5 Miles
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Eugenio Maria de Hostos y Bonilla
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(1839–1903). An educator, writer, and political leader, Eugenio Maria de Hostos y Bonilla was an early advocate of self-government for the island of Puerto Rico. The author…
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(1839–1903). An educator, writer, and political leader, Eugenio Maria de Hostos y Bonilla was an early advocate of self-government for the island of Puerto Rico. The author of many essays and treatises on social-science topics, Hostos was one of the first systematic sociologists in Latin America. He was an important advocate for the rights of Chinese laborers in Peru and women in Chile; his work for the latter group played an important role in helping them gain admission to professional schools.
Hostos was born near Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, on Jan. 11, 1839. After receiving his elementary education in San Juan, he traveled to Spain for his secondary and university studies, becoming active in the republican politics of that country. He left Spain in 1869 when its new constitution refused to grant autonomy to Puerto Rico, and went to New York City, where he became editor of the Cuban independence journal La Revolución.
In 1870, Hostos began to travel widely throughout South America, advocating for the abolishment of slavery and the formation of a federation of nations among the islands of the Antilles. He also championed the development of a trans-Andean railway. Turning his energies to education, Hostos spent the years from 1875 through 1888 teaching and helping to reform the educational systems of Chile and the Dominican Republic.
After returning to the United States in 1898, Hostos became active in the Cuban independence movement. However, his hopes that Puerto Rico would be allowed to govern itself after the Spanish-American War (1898) were disappointed when the U.S. government rejected his proposal for autonomy and instead established its rule over the island as a territory. Hostos returned to the Dominican Republic in 1900, where he remained for the rest of his life. He died on Aug. 11, 1903, in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic.
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List of Railway Electrification Systems
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This is a list of the power supply systems that are, or have been, used for tramway and railway electrification systems. Note that the voltages are nominal and vary depending on load and distance from the substation. Many modern trams and trains use on-board solid-state electronics to convert these supplies to run three-phase AC induction motors. Tram electrification systems are listed here.
1. Key to the Tables below
Volts: voltage or volt
Current:
DC = direct current
# Hz = frequency in hertz (alternating current (AC))
AC supplies are usually single-phase (1Ø) except where marked three-phase (3Ø).
Conductors:
overhead line or
conductor rail, usually a third rail to one side of the running rails. Conductor rail can be:
top contact: oldest, least safe, most affected by ice, snow, rain and leaves. Protection boards are being installed on most top contact systems, which increases safety and reduces these affections.
side contact: newer, safer, less affected by ice, snow, rain and leaves
bottom contact: newest, safest, least affected by ice, snow, rain and leaves
2. Systems Using Standard Voltages
Voltages are defined by two standards: BS EN 50163[1] and IEC 60850.[2]
2.1. Overhead Systems
600 V DC
Country Location Name of system Notes
Worldwide
Many tram systems This voltage is mostly used by older tram systems worldwide but by a few modern ones as well. See List of tram systems by gauge and electrification. Germany Trossingen Trossingen Railway Hungary Budapest Budapest Metro Line M1 Japan Chōshi, Chiba Chōshi Electric Railway Kyoto, Kyoto Eizan Electric Railway Kanagawa Enoshima Electric Railway Matsuyama, Ehime Iyotetsu Takahama Line Shizuoka, Shizuoka Shizuoka Railway Romania Sibiu county Sibiu-Răşinari Narrow Gauge Railway Part of the former Sibiu tram line Spain Madrid Madrid Metro lines 1, 4, 5, 6 and 9. In process to be converted to 1500 V United Kingdom Crich, England National Tramway Museum United States Boston Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority Green and Mattapan Lines, the at-grade section of Blue Line northeast of Airport station Cleveland RTA Rapid Transit Red line heavy rail
750 V DC
Country Location Name of system Notes
Worldwide
Many tram systems This voltage is used for most modern tram and light rail systems. See List of tram systems by gauge and electrification Austria Upper Austria Local lines of Stern & Hafferl Also listed as having 1500 and 600 V lines Austria
Switzerland Rhine / Lake Constance Internationale Rheinregulierungsbahn Construction railway for the regulation works of the river Rhine near its outfall into Lake Constance, now preserved. The river forms the border between Austria and Switzerland, and the railway operated in both countries. Germany Karlsruhe to Bad Herrenalb with a branch to Ittersbach Albtalbahn Railway of the Upper Rhine Italy Genoa Genoa Metro Japan Hamamatsu, Shizuoka Enshū Railway Hakone, Kanagawa Hakone Tozan Railway Line Between Hakone-Yumoto and Gōra Ehime Iyotetsu Yokogawara Line and Gunchū Line Yokkaichi, Mie Yokkaichi Asunarou Railway Utsube Line, Hachiōji Line Mie Sangi Railway Hokusei Line Mexico Mexico City STC Line A Netherlands The Hague, Zoetermeer, Rotterdam and adjacent cities Randstadrail Rotterdam Rotterdam Metro North of Capelsebrug station overhead wires Philippines Metro Manila Manila LRT Line 1 (Manila Light Rail Transit System) Between Baclaran and Roosevelt Manila MRT Line 3 (Manila Metro Rail Transit System) Between North Avenue and Taft Avenue Switzerland Canton of Aargau Menziken–Aarau–Schöftland railway line Republic of China (Taiwan) New Taipei New Taipei Metro: all Light Rail lines Turkey Adana Adana Metro Istanbul Istanbul Metro Line M1
1200 V DC
Country Location Name of system Notes Cuba Havana – Matanzas and branches Ferrocarriles Nacionales de Cuba Originally (and still known as) the Hershey Electric Railway Germany Lusatia 900 mm (2 ft 117⁄16 in) gauge mining railways in the lignite district Spain Barcelona, Catalonia Barcelona Metro Uses an overhead conductor rail/beam system Palma – Sóller, Majorca Sóller Railway [3] Switzerland Canton of Bern / canton of Solothurn Aare Seeland mobil (ASm) [4][5] Dietikon, canton of Zürich – Wohlen, canton of Aargau Bremgarten-Dietikon-Bahn Zürich – Esslingen, canton of Zürich Forchbahn Forchbahn proper only; Forchbahn trains access their Zürich terminus via the Zürich tram network, which is electrified at 600 V DC. The rolling stock is equipped to run off both voltages. Frauenfeld, canton of Thurgau – Wil, canton of St. Gallen Frauenfeld-Wil-Bahn Meiringen – Innertkirchen, canton of Bern Meiringen–Innertkirchen Bahn Zürich – Uetliberg, canton of Zürich Sihltal Zürich Uetliberg Bahn Uetliberg line only – uses an offset overhead line and pantograph to allow running on track shared with the AC-electrified Sihltal line[6] United States Los Angeles – Inland Empire, California Pacific Electric Upland–San Bernardino 600 V in city limits
1500 V DC
Country Location Name of system Notes Argentina Buenos Aires Buenos Aires Metro Lines A, C, D, E and H Tren de la Costa Suburban line Australia Melbourne Melbourne Suburban Railways Sydney Sydney Trains Sydney Metro Except Western Sydney Airport line, which will use 25 kV 50 Hz AC[7] Brazil São Paulo São Paulo Metro Lines 4 and 5 Bulgaria Sofia Sofia Metro Line 3 Gorna Banya – Hadzhi Dimitar Canada Montreal Réseau express métropolitain Incl. Deux-Montagnes line that was built by CNoR in 1918 as 2400 V DC, converted to 3000 V DC in the 1980s, converted to 25 kV 60 Hz in 1995 by ARTM, being converted to light-metro standard and 1500 V DC Ottawa O-Train Confederation Line only; the Trillium Line is diesel LRT. China Beijing Beijing Subway Lines 6, 14 and 16 Changchun Changchun Rail Transit Lines 1 and 2 Changsha Changsha Metro Changzhou Changzhou Metro Chengdu Chengdu Metro Except lines 17, 18 and 19 Chongqing Chongqing Rail Transit Lines 1, 4, 5, 6, 10 and Loop Line Dalian Dalian Metro Dongguan Dongguan Rail Transit Fushun Fushun Electric Railway Fuzhou Fuzhou Metro Guangzhou Guangzhou Metro Except Lines 4, 5, 6, 14 and 21, but overhead wires installed in depots. Guiyang Guiyang Metro Hangzhou Hangzhou Metro Harbin Harbin Metro Hefei Hefei Metro Hohhot Hohhot Metro Jinan Jinan Metro Lanzhou Lanzhou Metro Nanchang Nanchang Metro Nanjing Nanjing Metro Nanning Nanning Metro Ningbo Ningbo Rail Transit Line 4 uses third rail for returning current Shanghai Shanghai Metro Except Lines 16 and 17, but overhead wires installed in the depot for line 16. Shenyang Shenyang Metro Shenzhen Shenzhen Metro Except Lines 3 and 6, but overhead wires installed in the depot for line 6. Shijiazhuang Shijiazhuang Metro Suzhou Suzhou Metro Tianjin Tianjin Metro Lines 5, 6 and 9 only Ürümqi Ürümqi Metro Wuhan Wuhan Metro Line 6 only Xi’an Xi'an Metro Xiamen Xiamen Metro Xuzhou Xuzhou Metro Zhengzhou Zhengzhou Metro Colombia Medellín Medellín Metro Lines A and B Czech Republic Tábor – Bechyně Czech Railway Infrastructure Administration (SŽDC) Tábor – Bechyně line only (24 km, built in 1903) Dominican Republic Santo Domingo Santo Domingo Metro Egypt Cairo Cairo Metro Line 1[8][9] France Société Nationale des Chemins de fer (SNCF) 25 kV AC used on new high speed lines (TGV) and in the north (see below) Hong Kong Hong Kong Mass Transit Railway Except East Rail line and Tuen Ma line which use 25 kV 50 Hz AC (see below) and the light rail which uses 750 V DC Hungary Budapest Budapest Cog-wheel Railway Converted from 550 V DC (city trams nominal voltage at that time) during the 1973 reconstruction. Indonesia Jakarta KRL Jabodetabek
Jakarta MRT
Yogyakarta-Solo KRL Commuterline Yogyakarta–Solo Ireland Dublin Dublin Area Rapid Transit Italy Rome Rome Metro Line A, Line B, Line Roma-Ostia Lido Japan Japan Railways (JR) lines Most electrified lines in Kantō, Chūbu, Kansai, Chūgoku, and Shikoku (except Shinkansen and Hokuriku region) Most private railway lines See Railway electrification in Japan for more details including excpetions Most subway lines South Korea Seoul National Capital Area Seoul Subway Except Korail Subway Line (except Line 3)
(see below) Busan Busan Subway Daegu Daegu Subway Daejeon Daejeon Subway Gwangju Gwangju Subway Incheon Incheon Subway Line 1 Mexico Mexico City STC Line 12 Monterrey Sistema de Transporte Colectivo Metrorrey Netherlands Nederlandse Spoorwegen – Dutch Railways (NS) 25 kV AC used on high speed lines and freight line Betuweroute (see below); The existing 1500V DC lines will be converted to 3kV DC. New Zealand Wellington Wellington suburban Except Wairarapa Line beyond Upper Hutt. Since 2011, the nominal voltage was 1600 V but with the same tolerances as 1500 V (i.e. 1300–1800 V), making it backwards-compatible with 1500 V rolling stock. Since May 2016 the operating voltage was increased to 1700 V DC following the full introduction of the Matangi EMUs. Philippines Metro Manila Manila MRT Makati Intra-city Subway (Line 5) and Metro Manila Subway (Line 9) only. Line 7 uses 750 V DC third rail. Metro Manila
Rizal Manila LRT Line 2 only. Line 1 uses 750 V DC. Metro Manila
Central Luzon
Laguna Philippine National Railways North–South Commuter Railway Portugal Lisbon, Oeiras and Cascais Linha de Cascais To be converted to 25kV AC.[10] Singapore Singapore Mass Rapid Transit North East Line, operated by SBS Transit Slovakia Tatra Mountains in the area of Poprad Tatra Electric Railway Spain Catalonia Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat de Catalunya Madrid ADIF Only Cercedilla-Cotos line Mallorca Serveis Ferroviaris de Mallorca North coast (Asturias-Leon-Cantabria-Basque Country) FEVE Basque Country Euskotren Trena Valencian Community Ferrocarrils de la Generalitat Valenciana Sweden Stockholm Roslagsbanan Switzerland Aigle – Leysin, canton of Vaud Chemin de fer Aigle–Leysin (AL) Aigle, Vaud – Champéry, canton of Valais Chemin de fer Aigle–Ollon–Monthey–Champéry (AOMC) Aigle – Les Diablerets, canton of Vaud Chemin de fer Aigle–Sépey–Diablerets (ASD) Interlaken – Lauterbrunnen / Grindelwald, canton of Bern Berner Oberland Bahn (BOB) Canton of Jura Chemins de fer du Jura (CJ) Metre gauge lines only Lausanne – Bercher, canton of Vaud Chemin de fer Lausanne–Échallens–Bercher (LEB) Nyon – La Cure, canton of Vaud Chemin de fer Nyon-St-Cergue-Morez (NStCNM) Converted in the 1980s from 2200 V DC Vitznau / Goldau – Rigi Rigi Bahnen (VRB/ARB) Wilderswil – Schynige Platte, canton of Bern Schynige Platte Bahn (SPB) Liestal – Waldenburg, canton of Basel-Country Waldenburgerbahn (WB) Lauterbrunnen – Grindelwald, canton of Bern Wengernalpbahn (WAB) Turkey Bursa Bursaray Istanbul Istanbul Metro Except lines M1, M2 and M6 United Kingdom Newcastle, Sunderland, Gateshead and Tyneside Tyne & Wear Metro Light rail United States Chicago Metra Electric District Maryland Purple Line Light rail under construction Northern Indiana & Chicago South Shore Line Seattle Central Link Light rail
3 kV DC
Country Location Name of system Note Belgium Belgium National Railways (SNCB) National standard. 25 kV AC used on high speed lines and some lines in the south (see below). Brazil Rio de Janeiro SuperVia Trens Urbanos Brazil São Paulo Companhia Paulista de Trens Metropolitanos Chile Empresa de los Ferrocarriles del Estado Czech Republic Czech Railway Infrastructure Administration (SŽDC) Northern part of network only (approx. the Děčín – Praha – Ostrava route). The system change stations are Kadaň-Prunéřov, Beroun, Benešov u Prahy, Kutná Hora hl.n., Svitavy, Nezamyslice, Nedakonice. The southern part uses 25 kV 50 Hz (see below).
The 3 kV system is to be phased out in favour of 25 kV AC.[11] Estonia Tallinn Elron Commuter rail only Georgia Georgian Railways In fact 3,300 V Italy Rete Ferroviaria Italiana 25 kV AC used on new high speed lines (see below) North Korea Korean State Railway National standard Latvia Latvian Railways Commuter rail only, to be converted to 25 kV AC, in order to connecting to Russia, Belarus and Lithuania Morocco ONCF National standard Netherlands ProRail Planned Poland Polish State Railways National standard. Broad-gauge lines will use 25 kV AC[12] Warsaw and suburbs Warszawska Kolej Dojazdowa 600 V DC until 27 May 2016 Russia Russian Railways New electrification use only 25 kV AC (see below), except Moscow Central Circle and other interconnection lines in Moscow, and 2 interconnection lines (Veymarn line and Kamennogorsk line) in St. Petersburg. Sverdlovsk railway and West Siberian railway to be converted to 25 kV AC. Slovakia Slovak Republic Railways (ŽSR) Northern main line (connected to Czech Republic and Poland ) and eastern lines (around Košice and Prešov), conversion to 25 kV AC planned,[11] and the broad gauge line between Košice and the Ukraine border (it will remain 3 kV until new broad gauge line construction, then convert to 25 kV AC), planned new broad gauge line is supposed to use 25 kV AC. Currently, the part north and east of the station Púchov uses 3 kV DC, the rest uses 25 kV 50 Hz (see below). Slovenia Slovenian Railways National standard South Africa Transnet Freight Rail; Metrorail National standard; also 25 kV AC (see below) and 50 kV AC used Spain Administrador de Infraestructuras Ferroviarias 25 kV AC used on high speed lines (AVE) (see below) Ukraine Ukrainian Railways In east (Donetsk industrial zone), in west (west from L'viv – connecting to Slovakia and Poland), to be converted to 25 kV AC[13] (see below)
15 kV AC, 162⁄3 Hz / 16.7 Hz
Country Location Name of system Notes Austria ÖBB National standard. Planned new high speed lines will near the border use 25 kV AC: Innsbruck-Italy and broad gauge to Ukraine Germany Deutsche Bahn - German National Railways (DB) National standard Norway Norwegian National Rail Administration Sweden Swedish Transport Administration Switzerland Canton of Bern BLS Central Switzerland and Bernese Highlands Zentralbahn Canton of Vaud Chemin de fer Bière-Apples-Morges (BAM) Canton of Zürich Sihltal Zürich Uetliberg Bahn Sihltal line only; shares track with the 1200 V DC electrified Uetliberg line that uses an offset overhead line and pantograph to allow such sharing Swiss Federal Railways
25 kV AC, 50 Hz
Country Location Name of system Notes Argentina Buenos Aires Roca Line Constitución – Ezeiza
Constitución – Alejandro Korn
Constitución – Bosques
Constitución – La Plata Australia Brisbane, North Coast line, Blackwater and Goonyella coal railways Queensland Rail Perth Transperth Adelaide Adelaide Metro Seaford/Flinders and Gawler lines electrified Sydney Sydney Metro Western Sydney Airport line only[7] Belarus National standard Belgium Belgium National Railways (NMBS/SNCB) High-speed lines and some other lines. The rest of the network is 3 kV DC (see above) Bosnia and Herzegovina Botswana Proposed line to Namibia Bulgaria Bulgarian State Railways China China Railway Corporation National standard Beijing Beijing Subway Daxing Airport Line only Chengdu Chengdu Metro Lines 17, 18 and 19 only Wenzhou Wenzhou Rail Transit Croatia Croatian Railways Lines Zagreb-Rijeka and Rijeka-Šapjane formerly used 3kv DC traction Czech Republic Czech Railway Infrastructure Administration (SŽDC) Southern lines only (linking Karlovy Vary – Cheb – Plzeň – České Budějovice – Tábor – Jihlava – Brno – Břeclav – Slovakia), northern lines use 3 kV DC (see above) Denmark Banedanmark National standard, excluding Copenhagen S-train Djibouti Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway Ethiopian Railway Corporation Ethiopia Addis Ababa–Djibouti Railway Ethiopian Railway Corporation Finland National standard France North and new lines SNCF A number of lines also electrified with 1.5 kV (see above) Germany Harz Rübelandbahn Greece Hellenic Railways Organisation National standard Hong Kong Kowloon, New Territories Mass Transit Railway East Rail and Tuen Ma lines All other lines except the light rail use Template:1,500 V DC (see above) Hungary Hungarian State Railways and Raaberbahn India Indian Railways Entire IR network uses the current system since 2016. Mumbai Mumbai Suburban Railway Conversion from 1.5 kV DC to the current system was completed in 2012 (for Western line[14]) and 2016 (for Central line[15][16][17]) respectively Mumbai Mumbai Metro (Line 1) Chennai (Madras) Chennai Metro Delhi Delhi Metro Hyderabad Hyderabad Metro Pune Pune Metro Nagpur Nagpur Metro Jaipur Jaipur Metro Lucknow Lucknow Metro Iran Planned Israel Israel Railways Construction contract awarded in December 2015.[18] Initial test runs began December 2017. Italy Rete Ferroviaria Italiana (Italian Railways Network) New high-speed lines only, other lines use 3 kV DC (see above) Japan Kantō (northeast of Tokyo), Tōhoku, and Hokkaido regions JR East Tohoku Shinkansen, Joetsu Shinkansen, and Hokuriku Shinkansen (sections between Tokyo – Karuizawa, and between Jōetsumyōkō – Itoigawa)
JR Hokkaido Hokkaido Shinkansen 25 kV AC 60 Hz in some areas (see below). Kazakhstan Laos Boten–Vientiane railway Latvia Latvian Railways Eastern lines only (planned) Lithuania Kena — Kaunas and Lentvaris — Trakai Lithuanian Railways (LG) Electrification of Naujoji Vilnia – Kena —
Gudogai (BCh) route for Vilnius – Minsk (Belarus) services is established on 2017. Further Kaunas – Klaipeda and Kaunas – Kybartai corridors electrification will follow projects.
Luxembourg Chemins de fer luxembourgeois (CFL) National standard Malaysia Padang Besar – KL Sentral – Gemas KTM ETS (run through West Coast railway line), Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad Under construction: Hat Yai (in Thailand) – Padang Besar (to be opened by 2020) and Gemas – Johor Bahru (to be opened by 2022) Bukit Mertajam – Padang Regas and Butterworth – Padang Besar KTM Komuter Northern Sector, Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad Batu Caves – Pulau Sebang/Tampin, Tanjung Malim – Port Klang and KL Sentral – Terminal Skypark KTM Komuter Central Sector (Seremban Line, Port Klang Line and Skypark Link), Keretapi Tanah Melayu Berhad KL Sentral – KLIA2 Express Rail Link (KLIA Ekspres and KLIA Transit) Montenegro Belgrade–Bar railway and Nikšić–Podgorica railway Railways of Montenegro Morocco Kenitra–Tangier high-speed rail line ONCF Casablanca–Kenitra section of high-speed rail remains at 3 kV DC[19] Namibia Proposed line to Botswana Netherlands HSL-Zuid high speed line and Betuweroute freight line Nederlandse Spoorwegen 1.5 kV DC used on the rest of the network (see above) New Zealand Auckland Auckland suburban 77 km between Swanson and Papakura; first service 28 April 2014 Central North Island North Island Main Trunk 411 km between Palmerston North and Hamilton North Macedonia Makedonski Železnici Poland Hrubieszów Broad Gauge Metallurgy Line (LHS) A section from the border to Hrubieszów will be electrified in conjunction with the electrification of the connecting border – Izov – Kovel line in Ukraine.[20] The reminder sections will follow. Portugal Portuguese Railways (CP) Except the Linha de Cascais (1500 V DC) Romania Caile Ferate Romane Russia Russian Railways National standard used for new electrification; some areas still use 3 kV DC (see above) Serbia Serbian Railways Slovakia Slovak Republic Railways (ŽSR) South-western lines only (around Bratislava, Kuty, Trencin, Trnava, Nove Zamky, Zvolen) and the rest of the network (except narrow gauge lines), currently 3 kV DC, to follow (see above) South Africa Transnet Freight Rail, Gautrain Also 3 kV DC (see above) and 50 kV 50 Hz used. Spain ADIF Alta Velocidad High-speed lines only, other lines use 3 kV DC (see above) Thailand Bangkok Suvarnabhumi Airport Link Tunisia [21] Turkey Turkish State Railways (TCDD) National standard United Kingdom Network Rail Except Southern region and Merseyrail and Northern Ireland Ukraine Ukrainian Railways National standard, in most of the west; also 3 kV DC in the east (see above) Uzbekistan Zimbabwe Gweru – Harare National Railways of Zimbabwe (NRZ) De-energised in 2008. May be renewed in the future.[22]
25 kV AC, 60 Hz
Country Location Name of system Notes Japan Kantō (west of Tokyo), Chūbu, Kansai, Chūgoku, and Kyushu regions Tōkaidō-Sanyō Shinkansen
Hokuriku Shinkansen (sections between Karuizawa – Jōetsumyōkō, and between Itoigawa – Kanazawa)
Kyushu Shinkansen 25 kV AC 50 Hz in eastern Japan (see above) Saudi Arabia Haramain high-speed railway Saudi Railways Organization Renfe and Adif will operate the trains and manage the line until 2030 South Korea Korail All Korail freight/passenger lines except Seoul subway Line 3 which is 1.5 kV DC (see above) Seoul Shinbundang line Incheon, Seoul A'REX Mexico Greater Mexico City Ferrocarril Suburbano de la Zona Metropolitana del Valle de México [23] State of Mexico Toluca–Mexico City commuter rail Under construction. Expected end of 2022 Yucatán Peninsula Tren Maya Under construction. About 40% of the route to be electrified [24] Republic of China (Taiwan) Taiwan Railways Administration National standard Western Taiwan Taiwan High Speed Rail United States New Jersey Morris & Essex Lines, New Jersey Transit Former 3,000 V DC system Aberdeen-Matawan to Long Branch, New Jersey North Jersey Coast Line, New Jersey Transit Converted in 1978 from Pennsylvania Railroad 11 kV 25 Hz system to the 12.5 kV 25 Hz on the Rahway-Matawan ROW and 12.5 kV 60 Hz electrification extended to Long Branch in 1988. The Matawan-Long Branch voltage converted from 12.5 kV 60 Hz system to the 25 kV 60 Hz in 2002. New York to Boston Northeast Corridor (NEC), Amtrak Electrified in 2000; see Amtrak's 60 Hz traction power system Denver Denver RTD Opened in 2016; separate 750 V DC system for light rail San Francisco Peninsula Caltrain Under construction, expected by 2024; see Electrification of Caltrain New Mexico Navajo Mine Railroad Texas Texas Utilities, Monticello & Martin Lake see E25B and Internet reference[25]
2.2. Conductor Rail Systems
600 V DC conductor
All systems are third rail unless stated otherwise. Used by some older metros.
Country Location Name of system Notes Argentina Buenos Aires Urquiza Line Federico Lacroze-General Lemos Canada Toronto Toronto subway Only on subway lines Greece Athens EIS/ISAP used between 1904 and 1985 Italy Turin Superga Rack Railway Japan Tokyo Tokyo Metro Ginza Line and Marunouchi Line Nagoya, Aichi Nagoya Municipal Subway Higashiyama Line and Meijō Line Sweden Stockholm Stockholm Metro 650 V, Green and Red Lines United Kingdom Glasgow Glasgow Subway United States Boston Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority Red and Orange Lines, the subway part of the Blue Line southwest of Airport station Chicago Chicago "L" elevated and subway lines Staten Island Staten Island Railway New York City metro area PATH Philadelphia Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority Broad Street Line Bay Lake, Florida Walt Disney World Monorail System
750 V DC conductor
Conductor rail systems have been separated into tables based on whether they are top, side or bottom contact. Used by most metros outside Asia and the former Eastern bloc.
Country Location Name of system Notes Algeria Algiers Algiers Metro Austria Vienna Vienna U-Bahn Brazil São Paulo São Paulo Metro Except Lines 4 and 5 China Beijing Beijing Subway Capital Airport Line only Kunming Kunming Metro Except Line 4 Tianjin Tianjin Metro Lines 2 and 3 only Wuhan Wuhan Metro Lines 1, 2, 3 and 4 only Czech Republic Prague Prague Metro Denmark Copenhagen Copenhagen Metro Egypt Cairo Cairo Metro Line 2 and Line 3 Finland Helsinki Helsinki Metro Germany Berlin Berlin U-Bahn Lines from U5 to U9 (large profile). Negative polarity. Hamburg Hamburg U-Bahn Munich Munich U-Bahn Nuremberg Nuremberg U-Bahn India Bangalore Namma Metro Kochi Kochi Metro Ahmedabad Ahmedabad Metro Kanpur Kanpur Metro Gurgaon Rapid Metro Gurgaon South Korea Busan Busan-Gimhae Light Rail Transit Malaysia Klang Valley Klang Valley Integrated Transit System LRT & MRT (Ampang, Sri Petaling, Kelana Jaya and Sungai Buloh–Kajang lines), and KL Monorail to be used on Bandar Utama–Klang and Sungai Buloh–Serdang–Putrajaya lines Netherlands Amsterdam Amsterdam Metro including line 51 north of Station Zuid Rotterdam Rotterdam Metro North of Capelsebrug station overhead wires Norway Oslo Oslo T-bane Poland Warsaw Warsaw Metro Romania Bucharest Bucharest Metro Singapore Singapore Mass Rapid Transit North South line, East West line, Circle line and Thomson-East Coast line operated by SMRT Trains
Downtown line operated by SBS Transit
Republic of China (Taiwan) Kaohsiung Kaohsiung Mass Rapid Transit Taipei Taipei Metro Taoyuan–Taipei Taoyuan Metro Turkey Ankara Ankara Metro Istanbul Istanbul Metro Lines M2 and M6 only Izmir Izmir Metro United Kingdom London Docklands Light Railway United States New York City Metro-North Railroad
Country Location Name of system Notes Canada Montreal Montreal Metro (guide bars, see DC, four-rail below) China Shanghai Shanghai Metro – Pujiang line Central guide rail for rubber-tyred Bombardier Innovia APM 300 Chile Santiago Santiago Metro France Paris Paris Métro (Rubber tired) Positive (and sometimes negative) polarity on guide bars.
See DC, four-rail below. Lyon Lyon Métro Marseille Marseille Métro Lille Lille Métro Rennes Rennes Métro Toulouse Toulouse Métro Hong Kong Hong Kong Hong Kong International Airport
Automated People Mover (APM) Mitsubishi "Crystal Mover" system using two power rails (positive and negative) with side collection. Indonesia Palembang Palembang Light Rail Transit Palembang Light Rail Transit and Greater Jakarta Light Rail Transit are operated by Kereta Api Indonesia. Jakarta Light Rail Transit is operated by Jakarta Propertindo (Jakpro). Jakarta Jakarta Light Rail Transit Greater Jakarta Light Rail Transit Japan Sapporo, Hokkaido Sapporo Municipal Subway Namboku Line Singapore Singapore Light Rail Transit Sengkang LRT Line and Punggol LRT Line operated by SBS Transit Singapore Sentosa Express Sentosa Express operated by SDC United States Las Vegas Las Vegas Monorail
Country Location Name of system Notes China Beijing Beijing Subway Capital Airport Line use bottom contact Tianjin Tianjin Metro Line 1 only France Paris Paris Métro (Conventional metro) Germany Berlin Berlin U-Bahn Lines from U1 to U4 (small profile) Greece Athens Athens Metro Line 1 was 600 V before 1985. Hungary Budapest Budapest Metro Except line M1, which is 600 V DC with overhead lines. India Kolkata Kolkata Metro Japan Osaka, Osaka Osaka Metro Except the Sakaisuji Line, Nagahori Tsurumi-ryokuchi Line, and the Imazatosuji Line, which are 1,500 V DC with overhead lines. Suita, Osaka
Toyonaka, Osaka Kita-Osaka Kyuko Railway Higashiosaka, Osaka
Ikoma, Nara
Nara, Nara Kintetsu Keihanna Line Yokohama, Kanagawa Yokohama Municipal Subway Blue Line (Line 1 and Line 3) only North Korea Pyongyang Pyongyang Metro based on fleet of cars from Beijing and Germany South Korea Yongin Everline Portugal Lisbon Lisbon Metro Puerto Rico San Juan Tren Urbano Sweden Stockholm Stockholm Metro Nominal voltage 650 V, subway 3 (blue line) 750 V. Subway 1 and 2 will change in the long term to 750 V. United Kingdom Liverpool Merseyrail London Northern City Line access to City (Moorgate) London Suburban electrification of the LNWR Suburban Network formerly four-rail out of Euston and Broad Street, curtailed, upgraded and standardised Southern England Southern Region of British Railways and successors 660 V system upgraded and expanded London, England Waterloo and City line Upgraded by Railtrack to 750V prior to sale to London Underground United States Atlanta, Georgia MARTA Los Angeles, California Los Angeles Metro Rail B and D Lines Miami, Florida Metrorail New York City and Long Island
East River Tunnels shared with Amtrak Long Island Rail Road Central, Greenport, and Oyster Bay branches not electrified; Montauk Branch not electrified east of Babylon; Port Jefferson Branch not electrified east of Huntington Philadelphia, PA PATCO Speedline Puerto Rico Tren Urbano Washington, D.C. Washington Metro within the Hudson and East River Tunnels as well as under Manhattan
Northeast Corridor Amtrak within the Hudson Tunnel into Manhattan New Jersey Transit
Mixed
Type Country Location Name of system Notes See note China Tianjin Tianjin Metro Top contact in Line 1, bottom contact in Lines 2 and 3
1200 V DC conductor
All systems are third rail and side contact unless stated otherwise.
Country Location Name of system Notes Germany Hamburg Hamburg S-Bahn Template:15 kV AC with overhead line in part of network. United Kingdom Manchester Bury Line Dismantled 1991, converted to Manchester Metrolink tramway (750 V DC overhead)
1500 V DC conductor
All systems are third rail unless stated otherwise.
Type Country Location Name of system Notes Bottom contact France Paris Paris Métro Line 18 Currently under construction Toulouse Toulouse Aerospace Express Currently under construction Side contact Chambéry – Modane Culoz–Modane railway used between 1925 and 1976, today overhead wire Bottom contact China Beijing Beijing Subway Line 7 only Guangzhou Guangzhou Metro Lines 4, 5, 6, 14 and 21 only. Overhead wires in depots; all trains are equipped with pantographs Kunming Kunming Metro Line 4 only Qingdao Qingdao Metro Shanghai Shanghai Metro Lines 16 and 17 only. Overhead wires in depot of Line 16, all trains on Line 16 have pantographs for depot use. Shenzhen Shenzhen Metro Lines 3 and 6 only. Overhead wires in depot of Line 6, all trains on Line 6 have pantographs for depot use. Wuhan Wuhan Metro Lines 7, 8, 11 and Yangluo Line only Wuxi Wuxi Metro
3. Systems Using Non-standard Voltages
3.1. Overhead Systems
DC voltage
Voltage Country Location Name of system Notes 120 United Kingdom Seaton, Devon Seaton Tramway Half scale trams. Operated 1969-now. Substations have battery banks for back up. 250 United States Chicago Chicago Tunnel Company operated 1906–1959 525 Switzerland Lauterbrunnen Bergbahn Lauterbrunnen-Mürren 550 Hong Kong Hong Kong Island Hong Kong Tramways Isle of Man Isle of Man Manx Electric Railway including Snaefell Mountain Railway India Kolkata Trams in Kolkata United States Bakersfield, California Bakersfield and Kern Electric Railway operated 1888–1942 Fresno, California Fresno Traction Company operated 1903–1939 Phoenix, Arizona Phoenix Street Railway operated 1888–1948[26] 650 United States Buffalo, New York Buffalo Metro Rail El Paso, Texas El Paso Streetcar Pittsburgh Pittsburgh Light Rail Switzerland Basel Basel Trams (BVB/BLT) 700 Switzerland Bex – Col de Bretaye, Vaud Chemin de fer Bex-Villars-Bretaye 730 United States Pennsylvania Philadelphia Suburban Transportation Company purchased by Philadelphia and Western Railroad in 1953 and converted to 600 VDC[27] 800 Poland Tricity Szybka Kolej Miejska (Tricity) Operated 1951–1976. Converted to 3,000 V DC in 1976. 825 United States Portland, Oregon MAX, TriMet Light rail sections west of NE 9th Avenue & Holladay Street utilize a 750 V system 850 Switzerland Capolago – Monte Generoso, Ticino Ferrovia Monte Generoso (MG) 900 Fribourg Gruyere – Fribourg – Morat Montreux Montreux-Oberland Bernois 1,000 Italy
Switzerland St Moritz, canton of Graubünden – Tirano, Lombardy Rhätische Bahn (RhB) Bernina line only; remainder of system electrified at 11 kV AC, 16 2⁄3 Hz. The Bernina line is an international line linking Switzerland (St. Moritz) with Italy (Tirano) Hungary Budapest Budapest Commuter Rail and Rapid Transit (BHÉV) [28] 1,100 Argentina Buenos Aires Buenos Aires Metro (Subterráneos de Buenos Aires) Only Line A (converted to 1,500 V DC with La Brugeoise trains replaced by new rolling stock in 2013) 1,250 Switzerland Canton of Bern Regionalverkehr Bern-Solothurn (RBS) All lines except tram line 6 between Bern and Worb, which is electrified at 600 V DC[29] 1,350 Italy
Switzerland Domodossola, Piedmont – Locarno, canton of Ticino Domodossola–Locarno railway line (FART / Società Subalpina Imprese Ferroviarie (de)) International railway between Italy (Domodossola) and Switzerland (Locarno) Switzerland Lugano – Ponte Tresa, canton of Ticino Ferrovia Lugano–Ponte Tresa (FLP) 1,650 Denmark Copenhagen Copenhagen S-train Suburban rail network in Copenhagen Italy Rome Rome–Giardinetti railway Isolated Italian metre gauge line. 2,400 Germany Lausitzer work line of the Lausitzer Braunkohle coal company Poland Konin Konin Coal Mine[30] Turek PAK KWB ADAMÓW[30] mine closed in February 2021, the railway will be dismantled[31] France Grenoble Chemin de fer de La Mure −1,200 V, +1,200 V two wire system from 1903 to 1950. 2,400 V since 1950.[32] United States Montana Butte, Anaconda and Pacific Railway electrified 1913–1967, dismantled in favor of diesel power 3,500 United Kingdom Manchester Bury – Holcombe Brook operated 1913–1918
AC voltage
Voltage Frequency Country Location Name of system Notes 3,300 15 Hz United States Tulare County, California Visalia Electric Railroad 1904–1992 25 Hz United States Napa and Solano Counties, California San Francisco, Napa and Calistoga Railway 1905–1937 5,500 162⁄3 Hz Germany Murnau Ammergau Railway 1905–1955, after 1955 15 kV, 16.7 Hz 6,250 50 Hz United Kingdom London, Essex, Herts Great Eastern suburban lines Great Eastern suburban lines from Liverpool Street London, 1950s–c1980 (converted to 25 kV) 6,500 25 Hz Austria Sankt Pölten Mariazellerbahn 6,600 Norway Orkdal Thamshavnbanen 6,700 25 Hz United Kingdom Morecambe branch line Lancaster to Heysham 1908–1951
Converted to 25 kV 50 Hz as a test bed for the future main line electrification system South London line London Victoria to London Bridge 1909–1928
Converted to 660 V (later 750 V) DC third-rail supply 8 kV 25 Hz Germany Karlsruhe Alb Valley Railway 1911–1966, today using 750 V DC 10 kV Netherlands The Hague – Rotterdam Hofpleinlijn from 1908, in 1926 converted to 1,500 DC, In 2006 replaced by 750 V DC light rail 10 kV 50 Hz Russia industrial railways at quarries Russian Railways operated from 1950s at coal and ore quarries Ukraine Ukrainian Railways Kazakhstan some private industrial railways in Kazakhstan 11 kV 162⁄3 Hz Switzerland Graubünden Rhätische Bahn (RhB) Except the Bernina line, which is electrified at 1,000 V DC Matterhorn-Gotthard-Bahn (MGB) formerly Furka Oberalp Bahn (FO) and BVZ Zermatt-Bahn 50 Hz France Saint-Gervais-les-Bains Mont Blanc Tramway 11 kV 25 Hz United States Pennsylvania Railroad
Etc., All lines now 12 kV 25 Hz or 12.5 kV 60 Hz
See Railroad electrification in the United States United States Washington (state) Cascade Tunnel Converted from three-phase 6600 V 25 Hz in 1927, dismantled 1956 United States Colorado Denver and Intermountain Railroad dismantled c. 1953[33] 12 kV 162⁄3 Hz France lines in Pyrenees Chemin de fer du Midi most converted to 1,500 V 1922–23; Villefranche-Perpignan diesel 1971, then 1,500 V 1984 12 kV 25 Hz United States Washington, DC – New York City Northeast Corridor (NEC), Amtrak 11 kV until 1978 Harrisburg, PA to Philadelphia, PA Keystone Corridor, Amtrak 11 kV until 1978 Philadelphia SEPTA Regional Rail system only; 11 kV until 1978 12 kV 25 Hz United States Rahway to Aberdeen-Matawan, New Jersey North Jersey Coast Line, New Jersey Transit 1978–2002 (11 kV until 1978). Converted to 25 kV 60 Hz 12.5 kV 60 Hz United States Pelham, NY-New Haven, CT New Haven Line, Metro-North Railroad, Amtrak 11 kV until 1985 16 kV 50 Hz Hungary Budapest–Hegyeshalom railway Budapest to Hegyeshalom Kandó system 1931–1972, converted to 25 kV 50 Hz 20 kV Germany Freiburg Höllentalbahn Operated 1933–1960. Converted to 15 kV 162⁄3 Hz. France Aix-les-Bains – La Roche-sur-Foron Société Nationale des Chemins de fer (SNCF) Operated 1950–1953. Converted to 25 kV 50 Hz. 20 kV 50 Hz Japan most electrified JR/the third sector lines in Hokkaidō and Tōhoku JR East, JR Hokkaidō, and others 60 Hz most electrified JR/the third sector lines in Kyūshū and Hokuriku region JR Kyūshū and others 50 kV 50 Hz South Africa Northern Cape, Western Cape Sishen–Saldanha railway line opened in 1976 and hauls iron ore 60 Hz Canada British Columbia Tumbler Ridge Subdivision of BC Rail (Now Canadian National Railway) Opened in 1983 to serve a coal mine in the northern Rocky Mountains. No longer in use. United States Arizona Black Mesa and Lake Powell Railroad First line to use 50 kV electrification when it opened in 1973. This was an isolated coal-hauling short line; no longer in use. 60 Hz United States Utah Deseret Power Railroad Formerly Deseret Western Railway. This is an isolated coal-hauling short line.
Three-phase AC voltage
Two wires
Voltage Current Country Location Name of system Notes 725 50 Hz, 3Ø Switzerland Zermatt – Gornergrat, canton of Valais Gornergratbahn 750 40 Hz, 3Ø Burgdorf – Thun Burgdorf-Thun Bahn Operated 1899–1933
converted to 15 kV 162⁄3 Hz in 1933 900 60 Hz, 3Ø Brazil Rio de Janeiro Corcovado Rack Railway 1125 50 Hz, 3Ø Switzerland Interlaken Jungfraubahn 3600 15 Hz, 3Ø Italy Northern Italy Valtellina Electrification 1902–1917 50 Hz, 3Ø France Saint-Jean-de-Luz to Larrun Chemin de Fer de la Rhune 3600 16 Hz, 3Ø Italy
Switzerland Simplon Tunnel 1906–1930 3600 162⁄3 Hz, 3Ø Italy operated 1912–1976 in Upper Italy (more info needed) Porrettana railway FS 1927–1935 3600 162⁄3 Hz, 3Ø Italy Trento/Trient to Brenner Brenner Railway 1929–1965 5200 25 Hz, 3Ø Spain Almeria – Gergal 1911–1966? 6600 25 Hz, 3Ø United States Cascade Tunnel Great Northern Railway (U.S.) 1909–1929 10 kV 45 Hz, 3Ø Italy Roma – Sulmona FS 1929–1944[34]
Three wires
Voltage Current Country Location Name of system Notes 3000 V 50 Hz Germany Kierberg Zahnradbahn Tagebau Gruhlwerk rack railway (0.7 km)
operated 1927–1949 10000 V Berlin-Lichterfelde (de) test track (1.8 km);
variable voltage and frequency;
trial runs 1898–1901 14 kV
(See notes) 38 Hz – 48 Hz
(See notes) Zossen – Marienfelde test track (23.4 km);
trial runs 1901–1904
variable voltage between 10 kV and 14 kV and frequency between 38 Hz and 48 Hz.
50 Hz Russia Ship elevator of Krasnoyarsk Reservoir length: 1.5 km, 9000 mm gauge
3.2. Conductor Rail Systems (DC Voltage)
Conductor rail systems have been separated into tables based on whether they are top, side or bottom contact.
Voltage Type Country Location Name of system Notes 50 See notes United Kingdom Brighton Volk's Electric Railway Volk's Railway prior to 1884
(current fed through running rails) 110 third rail Claims to be the world's oldest operational electric railway 160 Volk's Railway between 1884 and 1980s 100 fourth rail Beaulieu Beaulieu Monorail (National Motor Museum – Beaulieu Palace House) current fed by 2 contact wires 180 See notes Germany Berlin-Lichterfelde Siemens streetcar Current fed through the running rails
Operated 1881–1891 200 third rail United Kingdom Southend Southend Pier Railway Until 1902[35] 250 Hythe, Hampshire Hythe Pier Railway United States Chicago, Illinois Chicago Tunnel Company Morgan Rack
1904, revenue service 1906–1908
300 Georgia New Athos Cave Railway 400 Germany Berchtesgaden Berchtesgaden Salt Mine Railway 440 London Post Office Railway Disused by post office since 2003[36] Now small section near Mount Pleasant operated as tourist attraction with battery powered stock[37]
150 V was used in station areas to limit train speed
550 Argentina Buenos Aires Buenos Aires Metro (Subterráneos de Buenos Aires) Only Line B 625 United States New York City New York City Subway 630 Philadelphia SEPTA – Norristown High Speed Line fourth rail London London Underground Supplied at +420 V and −210 V (630 V total). 650 See notes Euston to Watford DC Line Third rail with fourth rail bonded to running rail
To enable London Underground trains to operate between Queens Park and Harrow & Wealdstone. Similar bonding arrangements are used on the North London Line between Richmond and Gunnersbury and one the District Line between Putney Bridge and Wimbledon.
660 third rail Southern Railway & London & South Western Railway some areas up to 1939, original standard, mostly upgraded to 750 V (except for sections that operate with LUL stock). 700 United States Baltimore, Maryland Baltimore Metro SubwayLink 800 Germany Berlin Berlin S-Bahn discontinued, today 750 V 825 North Korea Pyongyang Pyongyang Metro uses old 750 V Berlin U-Bahn rolling stock 1000 United States San Francisco Bay Area Rapid Transit [38]
All third rail unless otherwise stated.
Voltage Country Location Name of system Notes 850 France Martigny Ligne de Saint Gervais - Vallorcine 1200 Germany Hamburg Hamburg S-Bahn Since 1940. Used both third rail DC (1200 V) and overhead line AC (6.3 kV 25 Hz) until 1955. Also uses German standard 15 kV AC 16 2/3 Hz overhead electrification on the section between Neugraben and Stade on line S3, opened in December 2007.
All third rail unless otherwise stated.
Voltage Country Location Name of system Notes 650 Canada Vancouver SkyTrain Expo Line (1985) and Millennium Line (2006). Linear induction. 700 United States New York Metro-North Railroad Hudson and Harlem Lines, southern part of New Haven Line. Original New York Central Railroad electrification scheme to Grand Central Terminal. Philadelphia SEPTA – Market-Frankford Line Originally 600 V, raised to 700 V 825 Bulgaria Sofia Sofia Metro Lines 1 and 2 Moscow Moscow Metro Nominal voltage: 825 V; allowed range: 550 V – 975 V[39] Saint Petersburg Saint Petersburg Metro Kazan Kazan Metro Nizhny Novgorod Nizhny Novgorod Metro Novosibirsk Novosibirsk Metro Samara Samara Metro Yekaterinburg Yekaterinburg Metro Ukraine Kyiv Kyiv Metro FSU underground systems share the same standard[40] Dnipro Dnipro Metro Kharkiv Kharkiv Metro 830 Argentina Buenos Aires Mitre Line Retiro – José León Suárez
Retiro – Bartolomé Mitre
Retiro – Tigre Once – Moreno Sarmiento Line 850 France Villefranche Ligne de Cerdagne Often referred to as the "Yellow Train" Austria Vienna Wiener Lokalbahn 900 Belgium Brussels Brussels Metro
3.3. Conductor Rail Systems (AC Voltage)
Voltage Current Contact Country Location Name of system Notes 500 50 Hz, 1Ø bottom Australia Gold Coast, Queensland Sea World Monorail Operated 1986–2021 Oasis Shopping Centre Operated 1989–2017 Sydney, New South Wales Sydney Monorail Operated 1988–2013 600 50 Hz, 3Ø side China Guangzhou Guangzhou Metro – APM Line Singapore LRT – Bukit Panjang line [41] Japan Saitama New Shuttle Tokyo Nippori-Toneri Liner Yurikamome 60 Hz, 3Ø Kobe, Hyōgo Kobe New Transit Osaka Osaka Metro – Nankō Port Town Line Kansai International Airport – Wing Shuttle Taiwan Taoyuan Taoyuan International Airport – Skytrain
4. Special or Unusual Types
4.1. DC, Plough Collection from Conductors in Conduit Below Track
London County Council Tramways, later operated by London Transport
streetcars in New York City (Manhattan), New York
Washington, D.C. streetcars
Panama Canal locks' ship handlers (called mules)
4.2. DC, One Ground-Level Conductor
Wolverhampton Corporation Tramways, England (stud contact) (1902–1921)
Bordeaux Tramway, France (conductor rail)
Sydney Light Rail (tramway)
4.3. DC, Two-Wire
Greenwich, England. Previously used by trams when in the vicinity of Greenwich Observatory; separate from trolleybus supply.
Cincinnati, Ohio, US. Tram (streetcar) system used this arrangement throughout, probably due to legal constraints on ground return currents.
Havana and Guanabacoa, Cuba. Tram (streetcar) systems in both cities used this arrangement.
Lisbon, Portugal. Elevador da Bica, Elevador da Glória and Elevador da Lavra.
4.4. DC, Power from Running Rails
Gross-Lichterfelde Tramway (1881–1893), 180 V
Ungerer Tramway (1886–1895)
transportable railways as a ride for children
4.5. DC, Four-Rail
Voltage Type Contact system Name of system Location Country Notes 750 guide bars lateral to both guide bars (one guide connected to running rail) Paris Metro Paris France rubber-tyred lines only Lateral (positive) and top of running rails (negative) contact Montreal Metro Montreal Canada rubber-tyred lines Mexico City Metro Mexico City Mexico rubber-tyred lines Third and fourth rail lateral (positive) and top (negative) contact Milan Transportation System Milan Italy metro (only line 1) Top contact London Underground London United Kingdom Transport for London[42] 630
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https://www.videoscene.co.uk/finnish-trams-helsinki
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en
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Finnish Trams
|
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Helsinki is the capital city of Finland, situated on a peninsula in the Gulf of Finland. The tramway, raitiotie’ in Finnish, began in 1891 and covers the city centre and the inner suburbs to the north of it. Starting with horse-drawn trams, the system wa
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//cdn.ecommercedns.uk/files/1/226471/8/3753688/favicon.ico
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https://www.videoscene.co.uk/finnish-trams-helsinki
|
Helsinki is the capital city of Finland, situated on a peninsula in the Gulf of Finland. The tramway (‘raitiotie’ in Finnish) began in 1891 and covers the city centre and the inner suburbs to the north of it. Starting with horse-drawn trams, the system was electrified in 1900 and by 1930 it had reached its maximum expansion and was privately operated. In 1945 a new municipal transport operator was formed, HKL (Helsingin kaupungin liikennelaitos), that still runs the trams in 2017.
At the time of our filming in May 2017, the fleet was made up of some 40 high-floor trams manufactured by the Finnish company Valmet, (Nr I type) and 42 similar vehicles of the Valmet Nr II type. These trams have a low-floor section added. In the late 1990s, 40 low-floor Variotram vehicles arrived made by Adtranz, later to become Bombardier. The newer trams are Transtech Artics and are made by the Finnish company Transtech, the successor of the Valmet company. Further newer trams are manufactured by Skoda but to the same design as the Transtech cars.
This film is made in the course of a day, starting in the morning and ending late at night in this land of the midnight sun! Our morning filming begins onboard tram 99 a Valmet NrII tram that takes us to Ooppera on the long Mannerheimintie thoroughfare. A good deal of filming is done on Mannerheimintie as this road makes its way through the city with plenty of good vantage points to see the trams (and buses) in action. We see the latest fully electric bus built by Linkker on route 23 at the railway station. There are four in service, which are operated by Helsinki City Transport (HKL), having entered traffic in January 2017. We also see the trams running past the delightful architecture of the railway station. In order to view the tramway system to its best advantage we take a number of tram rides on different types of tram on various routes. From the city centre we board tram 120 on route 10 to Pikku Huopalahti and return on tram 108 to Töölön halli in order to visit the small Tramway Museum that is situated behind the Töölön tram depot. We then take a ride on tram 99 on route 4 from Ooppera to Katajanokka. From here we return to Töölön halli to connect with tram 410 to ride to Kamppi on route 2. From here we ride on tram 229 on route 2/3 to Viiskulma for more filming in this pleasant suburb. Tram 55, a Valmet Nr I, on route 1A takes us to Olympialaituri where we see the trams in the company of large ocean-going liners at this busy sea terminal. We then film at Kauppatori, Aleksanterinkatu and Mannerheimintie. Further tram rides on routes 6T and 8 show us the suburbs of Arabianranta and Rouholati.
Evening filming begins at Kanavakatu Tove and continues to the city centre to capture the action as the sun sets during the long twilight hours. We hope that you have enjoyed your journeys around Finland’s capital city as much as we did filming it for you!
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https://onmilwaukee.com/articles/streetcar-helsinki-comparison
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What can Milwaukee's new streetcar learn from Finland's tram system?
|
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[
"Abby Ng",
"Milwaukee Neighborhood News Service",
"Press Release",
"Bobby Tanzilo"
] |
2018-06-21T09:46:00-05:00
|
The SparaKoff is the only streetcar like it in the world. Built in 1959 and converted to its present use in 1995,
|
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|
OnMilwaukee
|
https://onmilwaukee.com/articles/streetcar-helsinki-comparison
|
HELSINKI, FINLAND – On a warm spring Saturday afternoon in this lively Nordic capital city, a fire-red tramcar pulled alongside the railway station tracks to let two-dozen revelers aboard.
The SparaKoff is the only streetcar like it in the world. Built in 1959 and converted to its present use in 1995, the Koff, as it is known to locals, is a rolling bar. Seating 24 with standing room for six more, it serves the local Koff beer and Jägermeister shots while rolling along Helsinki’s favorite tourist spots.
There is a flat-screen television up front to give riders a view of what the driver is experiencing. Along with its vintage gold-and-red trim and mahogany tables, it has a restroom should small bladders not be able to abide the 40-minute loop through the picturesque city by the Baltic Sea.
If there were ever a candidate for the globe’s second such streetcar bar, it would be Milwaukee.
And while Milwaukee’s soon-to-open streetcar system continues to draw heated political and social debate, it might be instructive to look 4,000 miles to the east for a comparative glimpse of future possibilities.
The Finnish capital of Helsinki has a city population of a little more than 600,000, roughly the same as Milwaukee’s. Wisconsin and Finland are also about the same size. Both towns have long, snowy winters.
Helsinki’s tram network, though, punches far above its weight class. One of the world’s oldest electrified streetcar systems, Helsinki’s distinctive green-and-yellow cars have been in operation since 1900, with the Koff tram as a tourist add-on. With 10 lines that cover 60 miles, the Helsinki tram carries about 200,000 passengers a day and almost 60 million a year. It operates in foul Milwaukee-like winter conditions with few problems.
While Milwaukee’s original streetcar line was razed like many in the United States during the post-World War II automobile boom, Helsinki’s tram system also faced extinction when the Finns began to enjoy personal-transportation freedom after the end of two wars with the Soviet Union brought prosperity.
But that’s where the comparisons end. While the U.S. expanded westward with the interstate-highway system, dense European cities such as Helsinki in smaller countries were compelled to embrace public transportation as a way to move the masses. With tighter environmental laws and current gasoline prices of more than $7 a gallon, small-ish Helsinki added a subway system in 1982 that also carries 200,000 passengers daily to complement its trams, buses, interurban rail and ferries in an effort to keep cars out of its 468-year-old city center. As a result, only 30 percent of Helsinki residents own cars in a city where it is prohibitively expensive to park in a downtown that hugs the Baltic Sea.
While opponents criticize the initial 2.5-mile reach of Milwaukee’s coming system, there are things Milwaukee could learn from Helsinki regarding its streetcar anxiety.
For example, bad weather is not a major obstacle.
"The worst time of the year is in autumn as the leaves fall and make the tracks slippery, and the trams need to take it slower because of extended stopping distances," said Sakari Metsälampi, planner for the Helsinki Regional Transport Authority (HSL). "Heavy-snow winters are sometimes also a problem. Mostly though, weather is not an issue, no more than it is for the buses."
(PHOTO: Flickr/LHOON)
Accidents? Bicyclists must be careful to ride straight over the rails as to not get their tires stuck in the grooves, but that is a matter of personal responsibility. The same goes for cars and buses, although accidents are rare in the narrow streets of Helsinki. According to HSL’s latest figures, 18 injuries occur in a typical year.
"Also, in the winter, the tracks get slippery," Metsälampi said. "Accidents with other road users happen from time to time, even though I wouldn’t say they are that common. Buses and more likely private cars sometimes disregard their surroundings and jump in front of trams. This can be avoided by clear separation of the tracks and surrounding traffic and well-planned infrastructure solutions."
The Helsinki trams are fully handicap-accessible, with entry ramps for wheelchairs.
Of course, there are problems. Metsälampi said the Helsinki system is relatively old, which limits average speed to 14.5 kilometers per hour. There are plans to modernize the routes, but for now, there isn’t much separation with traffic as "the tracks in many parts of the network are built in maze-like small streets," he said. "Also the signal priorities leave much room for improvement. All this leads to slow and non-punctual runs, thus more expensive tram traffic."
Although Finns can be notoriously grumpy, they abide the system to a daily ridership of one-third the city’s population because it is a matter of civic pride.
"Helsinkians are mostly very proud of their city and, of course, the city’s symbol: the yellow and green trams," Metsälampi said.
(PHOTO: Flickr)
Beyond Milwaukee giving its initial limited system a chance to grow, Metsälampi said the key to streetcar success is directly linked to city planning.
"Trams attract and are able to carry a larger portion of people than buses, but they cannot create ridership," he said. "Ridership won’t rise without people or jobs near the stops or stations. There needs to be a certain number of people, either already existing or planned, or some other reason to reside along the line, to make a tram line a success."
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https://www.theguardian.com/edinburgh/2010/nov/15/edinburgh-trams-helsinki-finland-willie-miller
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en
|
Spotlight on trams: Helsinki
|
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[
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[
"Guardian staff",
"Willie Miller"
] |
2010-11-15T00:00:00
|
<p>In the latest of an occasional series looking at trams across the world's cities, guest blogger <strong>Willie Miller</strong> discovers Finland's capital mirrors Edinburgh in many ways, yet trams are just a fraction of its transport aspirations</p>
|
en
|
the Guardian
|
https://www.theguardian.com/edinburgh/2010/nov/15/edinburgh-trams-helsinki-finland-willie-miller
|
Imagine a country with around the same population as Scotland that builds Metro lines and high speed rail links, that has the ambition to build a 50 mile undersea tunnel link to another country and is built around an extensive welfare state.
Imagine the same country regularly topping international comparisons of national performance in health, education and quality of life, as well as being the seventh most competitive country in the world.
Imagine its capital city, with a similar population to Edinburgh, with an extensive district heating system, the foresight to introduce a vacuum powered district waste disposal scheme that eliminates bin collections and which is extending its tram based public transport system with six major new lines over the next few years.
Helsinki is a city of 480,000 people with a surrounding metropolitan area of around 1.3 million people. It is very similar in size to Edinburgh (478,000) and it also the capital of its country with a population slightly less than that of Scotland at 5.3 million.
It is a remarkable and beautiful city with big plans for the future which include a fast rail link to St Petersburg, promoting and developing its airport as a European hub to China and investigating a 50 mile tunnel link to Tallinn in Estonia. This is a city in which seventy percent of the land area and almost all development land is owned by the City Council. This is a city with big plans and the ability to implement them.
The city also has ambitious plans for its own expansion, particularly on to waterfront areas previously occupied by docklands and inner harbours which have moved out to a new complex at Vuosaaric on the eastern edge of the conurbation. It is expected that an additional 100,000 people will be accommodated in these new developments. A key factor in planning these new development areas is integrated public transport by Metro in part but mainly by tram.
Helsinki's tram network is one of the oldest electrified tram networks in the world. It forms part of the city public transport system organised by Helsinki Regional Transport Authority and operated by Helsinki City Transport. The trams are the main means of transport within the city centre and 56.6 million trips were made back in 2004, which is more than those made with the Helsinki Metro.
The first tram network was established in 1890 and electrification took place in 1900. In common with many other European cities, the tram system was under threat from buses in the mid 20th century and the city decided to close the system in the early 1960s. However this decision was reversed during the early 1970s and by 1976 the network was being expanded again. Today the tram is a key part of the city's infrastructure.
The city has a current total of twelve lines with a further six lines planned over the next few years. As well as owning almost 70% of the land area of the city, the Helsinki authorities also own the public transport system and critically, the energy company that supplies power for the tram network. This degree of ownership of the core elements of the system means that it is relatively easy to extend the network and guarantee connections to new housing areas without having to haggle with different land owners, developers, public utility owners and contractors.
Another aspect of infrastructure provision in Helsinki is the way in which it seems to happen efficiently and painlessly. Not for them the contractual disputes, delays in implementation or flaws in construction which are leapt upon by a triumphant public and trumpeted in the media elsewhere.
Perhaps it is in the dour uncomplaining Finnish character to just let other people get on with things in the knowledge that they will eventually be successful. Or perhaps they are just used to doing infrastructure provision really well.
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https://raidejokeri.info/en/light-rail-glossary/
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Light rail glossary
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] |
[] |
[] |
[
""
] | null |
[
"helsinginkaupunki"
] |
2021-09-16T10:34:54+00:00
|
Mitä eroa on kiskolla ja raiteella? Entä mikä ihme on ajojohdin tai kammiokumi? Tässä artikkelissa selitämme pikaraitiotiehen liittyvien sanojen merkityksiä.
|
en
|
Raide-Jokeri
|
https://raidejokeri.info/en/light-rail-glossary/
|
What is the difference between a rail and a railway? And what on Earth is a contact line or a chamber filling block? In this article, we explain the meanings of various light rail related terms.
Light rail: A tram system that is faster than a conventional tram and usually has its own designated lane.
Rail: A railway has two adjacent steel rails, while a double railway has four.
Railway: The structure along which the tram travels. A railway consists of two rails and sleepers that keep them at the right distance from each other, attachment and lengthening pieces, switches and rail crossings, as well as other special railway structures (e.g. movement devices, line wells). There are two types of railways: sleeperless railways and crushed stone railways.
Double railway: Two adjacent railways, i.e. four adjacent rails.
Track: A route whose structures include the railways and switches with their support layers, substructures and base structures, bridges, culvers, drying structures, safety equipment, and the devices required for electrification and their earthing.
Switch: A section of the track in which the tram is guided from one railway to another with moving switch rails. There will be 32 switches along the Jokeri Light Rail route and 24 at the depot.
Track metre and railway metre: Track metre means a one-metre section of the tram track. One track metre includes one or more railways. Railway metre, on the other hand, means a one-metre section of one railway.
Track width: The distance between the inner edges of the rails. The width of the Jokeri Light Rail track is 1,000 mm.
Railway geometry: Railway geometry indicates the horizontal and vertical position of the railways. The geometry is optimised in terms of travel speed, passenger comfort, traffic fluency, safety and maintenance.
Track structures
Superstructure: The support layer (track slab or crushed stone support layer) and the railways form the superstructure.
Grooved rail: Grooved rails are commonly used on closed railways and tramways. A grooved rail has the railhead, meaning the part on which the wheel is placed, on one side and a continuous guard on the other, forming a flange groove in the middle. The tramways of Helsinki feature grooved rails in all of the line traffic network.
Vignole: The Vignole rail is a rail type commonly used in railways. The Vignole rail is used all over the world on open tracks built with sleepers. The Vignole rail is used on tramways on crushed stone tracks, as well as both closed and open green tracks.
Sleeperless railway: A railway type in which the rails are cast into a concrete slab. A total of 17.2 kilometres of the Jokeri Light Rail track consists of sleeperless railways.
Crushed stone track: A common railway type in which the rail is held in place by sleepers, which in turn are kept in place with the support of a crushed stone layer. There will be a total of nearly 8 kilometres of crushed stone track along the Jokeri Light Rail route.
Rail trough: When a normal track structure cannot be used, on bridges or in tunnels, for example, the rail can be attached to a trough by casting. The rail trough can be, for example, a groove in a concrete rail slab or a steel trough.
Grass railway: The surface structure around the railways has grass growing on it. There is a total of 8.7 kilometres of grass track along the Jokeri Light Rail route.
Chamber filling block: An insulation element installed around the rail to prevent stray current from being carried into the ground, protect the rail fastenings and make it possible to build surface structures next to the rail neatly.
Track electricity
Track electricity: Trams run on electricity, which is supplied to them via contact lines in the track electricity system.
Contact line: Contact line means a cable installed above the tramway, from which the tram receives its electrical power. The contact lines consist of overhead cables, hangers and supports.
Electricity supply station: The electricity supply station supplies the contact line system with electricity for the trams to use. The station converts a 20 kV alternating current into a 750 V direct current. Read more about electricity supply stations.
Shared-use pylon: A shared-use pylon serves several utilities, such as traffic lights, the contact line system and street lights. For example, you can see shared-use pylons along the Jokeri Light Rail route that have beams supporting contact lines on one side and a street light on the other side.
Track electricity pylon: A pylon next to or between railways used to support the cables that supply the track with electricity.
|
|||||
5064
|
dbpedia
|
0
| 80
|
https://pedestrianobservations.com/2018/12/09/in-motion-charging/
|
en
|
In-Motion Charging
|
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[
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[
"Alon Levy"
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2018-12-09T00:00:00
|
While electric cars remain a niche technology, electric buses are surging. Some are battery-electric (this is popular in China, and some North American agencies are also buying into this technology), but in Europe what's growing is in-motion charging, or IMC. This is a hybrid of a trolleybus and a battery-electric bus (BEB): the bus runs…
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en
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https://s1.wp.com/i/favicon.ico
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Pedestrian Observations
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https://pedestrianobservations.com/2018/12/09/in-motion-charging/
|
While electric cars remain a niche technology, electric buses are surging. Some are battery-electric (this is popular in China, and some North American agencies are also buying into this technology), but in Europe what’s growing is in-motion charging, or IMC. This is a hybrid of a trolleybus and a battery-electric bus (BEB): the bus runs under wire, but has enough battery to operate off-wire for a little while, and in addition has some mechanism to let the bus recharge during the portion of its trip that is electrified.
One vendor, Kiepe, lists recent orders. Esslingen is listed as having 10 km of off-wire capability and Geneva (from 2012) as having 7. Luzern recently bought double-articulated Kiepe buses with 5 km of off-wire range, and Linz bought buses with no range specified but of the same size and battery capacity as Luzern’s. Iveco does not specify what its range is, but says its buses can run on a route that’s 25-40% unwired.
Transit planning should be sensitive to new technology in order to best integrate equipment, infrastructure, and schedule. Usually this triangle is used for rail planning, but there’s every reason to also apply it to buses as appropriate. This has a particular implication to cities that already have large trolleybus networks, like Vancouver, but also to cities that do not. IMC works better in some geographies than others; where it works, it is beneficial for cities to add wire as appropriate for the deployment of IMC buses.
Vancouver: what to do when you’re already wired
Alert reader and blog supporter Alexander Rapp made a map of all trolleybus routes in North America. They run in eight cities: Boston, Philadelphia, Dayton, San Francisco, Seattle, Vancouver, Mexico City, Guadalajara.
Vancouver’s case is the most instructive, because, like other cities in North America, it runs both local and rapid buses on its trunk routes. The locals stop every about 200 meters, the rapids every kilometer. Because conventional trolleybuses cannot overtake other trolleybuses, the rapids run on diesel even on wired routes, including Broadway (99), 4th Avenue (44, 84), and Hastings (95, 160), which are in order the three strongest bus corridors in the area. Broadway has so much ridership that TransLink is beginning to dig a subway under its eastern half; however, the opening of the Broadway subway will not obviate the need for rapid buses, as it will create extreme demand for nonstop buses from the western end of the subway at Arbutus to the western end of the corridor at UBC.
IMC is a promising technology for Vancouver, then, because TransLink can buy such buses and then use their off-wire capability to overtake locals. Moreover, on 4th Avenue the locals and rapids take slightly different routes from the western margin of the city proper to campus center, so IMC can be used to let the 44 and 84 reach UBC on their current route off-wire. UBC has two separate bus loops, one for trolleys and one for diesel buses, and depending on capacity IMC buses could use either.
On Hastings the situation is more delicate. The 95 is not 25-40% unwired, but about 60% unwired – and, moreover, the unwired segment includes a steep mountain climb toward SFU campus. The climb is an attractive target for electrification because of the heavy energy consumption involved in going uphill: at 4 km, not electrifying it would brush up against the limit of Kiepe’s off-wire range, and may well exceed it given the terrain. In contrast, the 5 km in between the existing wire and the hill are mostly flat, affording the bus a good opportunity to use its battery.
Where to add wire
In a city without wires, IMC is the most useful when relatively small electrification projects can impact a large swath of bus routes. This, in turn, is most useful when one trunk splits into many branches. Iveco’s requirement that 60-75% of the route run under wire throws a snag, since it’s much more common to find trunks consisting of a short proportion of each bus route than ones consisting of a majority of route-length. Nonetheless, several instructive examples exist.
In Boston, the buses serving Dorchester, Mattapan, and Roxbury have the opportunity to converge to a single trunk on Washington Street, currently hosting the Silver Line. Some of these buses furthermore run on Warren Street farther south, including the 14, 19, 23, and 28, the latter two ranking among the MBTA’s top bus routes. The area has poor air quality and high rates of asthma, making electrification especially attractive.
Setting up wire on Washington and Warren Streets and running the Silver Live as open BRT, branching to the south, would create a perfect opportunity for IMC. On the 28 the off-wire length would be about 4.5 km each way, at the limit of Kiepe’s capability, and on the 19 and 23 it would be shorter; the 14 would be too long, but is a weaker, less frequent route. If the present-day service pattern is desired, the MBTA could still electrify to the northern terminus of these routes at Ruggles, but it would miss an opportunity to run smoother bus service.
In New York, there are examples of trunk-and-branch bus routes in Brooklyn and Queens. The present-day Brooklyn bus network has a long interlined segment on lower Fulton, carrying not just the B25 on Fulton but also the B26 on Halsey and B52 on Gates, and while Eric Goldwyn’s and my plan eliminates the B25, it keeps the other two. The snag is that the proportion of the system under wire is too short, and the B26 has too long of a tail (but the B52 and B25 don’t). The B26 could get wire near its outer terminal, purposely extended to the bus depot; as bus depots tend to be polluted, wire there is especially useful.
More New York examples are in Queens. Main Street and the Kissena-Parsons corridor, both connecting Flushing with Jamaica, are extremely strong, interlining multiple buses. Electrifying these two routes and letting buses run off-wire on tails to the north, reaching College Point and perhaps the Bronx on the Q44 with additional wiring, would improve service connecting two of Queens’ job centers. Moreover, beyond Jamaica, we see another strong trunk on Brewer Boulevard, and perhaps another on Merrick (interlining with Long Island’s NICE bus).
Finally, Providence has an example of extensive interlining to the north, on North Main and Charles, including various 5x routes (the map is hard to read, but there are several routes just west of the Rapid to the north).
IMC and grids
The examples in New York, Providence, and Boston are, not coincidentally, ungridded. This is because IMC interacts poorly with grids, and it is perhaps not a coincidence that the part of the world where it’s being adopted the most has ungridded street networks. A bus grid involves little to no interlining: there are north-south and east-west arterials, each carrying a bus. The bus networks of Toronto, Chicago, and Los Angeles have too little interlining for IMC to be as cost-effective as in New York or Boston.
In gridded cities, IMC is a solution mainly if there are problematic segments, in either direction. If there’s a historic core where wires would have adverse visual impact, it can be left unwired. If there’s a steep segment with high electricity consumption, it should be wired preferentially, since the cost of electrification does not depend on the street’s gradient.
Overall, this technology can be incorporated into cities’ bus design. Grids are still solid when appropriate, but in ungridded cities, trunks with branches are especially attractive, since a small amount of wire can convert an entire swath of the city into pollution-free bus operation.
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dbpedia
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2
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https://civitas.eu/projects/eliptic
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en
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ELIPTIC
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[] |
[
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[] |
2018-09-14T00:00:00+02:00
|
en
|
/sites/default/files/favicons/apple-touch-icon.png
| null |
About the project
Electrification of transport is a major way to reduce the carbon footprint of the transport sector. However, it requires more than simply switching from fossil fuel-powered cars to e-cars to transition to sustainable mobility and reduce congestion. Public transport is crucial and forms a major part of Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans.
ELIPTIC (electrification of public transport in cities) developed a series of new concepts and business cases related to the optimisation of existing electric public transport (PT) infrastructure and rolling stock.
With these, it set out to show that current electric PT infrastructure – such as metros, trams, light rail, and trolleybuses - could support the next wave of transport electrification for both public and private users.
ELIPTIC had 20 use cases in 11 European cities, which delivered insights about technical, legal and fiscal frameworks to achieve the uptake of electric vehicles in a cost-efficient way.
The use cases covered three main thematic areas:
Safe integration of e-buses into existing electric public transport infrastructure;
Utilising energy storage systems to use recuperated energy, for example from trolley or trams braking; and
The multi-purpose use of electric PT infrastructure, such as for (re)charging of commercial vehicles, private vehicles and taxis.
ELIPTIC also foresaw that reaching full electrification requires the integration of public electricity grids and those used by public transport operators. Various guidelines and tools are available that advise on upgrading and regenerating electric public transport systems.
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5064
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dbpedia
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1
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trams_in_Helsinki
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en
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Trams in Helsinki
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2005-08-16T11:58:15+00:00
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en
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/static/apple-touch/wikipedia.png
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trams_in_Helsinki
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Trams in HelsinkiOverviewOwnerCity of HelsinkiArea servedHelsinki, EspooLocaleUusimaaTransit typeTramNumber of lines14Line number1-10, 15Number of stops344[1]Annual ridership56.8 millionOperationBegan operation1891Operator(s)Metropolitan Area Transport LtdCharacterAt-grade street running with some segregated right-of-waysNumber of vehicles137TechnicalSystem lengthLine length: 110.5 km (68.7 mi) (October 2023)[1]No. of tracks2Track gauge1,000 mm (3 ft 3+3⁄8 in)Minimum radius of curvature15 m (49.2 ft)Electrification 600 V DC overhead line, 750 V DC (line 15)[2]Top speed70km/h
Trams in Helsinki form part of the public transport system organised by Helsinki Regional Transport Authority and operated by Metropolitan Area Transport Ltd (Finnish: Pääkaupunkiseudun Kaupunkiliikenne Oy, Swedish: Huvudstadsregionens Stadstrafik Ab) in Finland's capital city of Helsinki. The trams are the main means of transport in the city center, and 56.8 million trips were made on the system in 2019.[1][3] In addition to the older tram network, there is a single light rail line that was opened in October 2023. Although technically compatible with the tram network, the light rail line is separate from the city center tram network.[4]
History
[edit]
Current system
[edit]
Lines
[edit]
As of 21 October 2023 , the network consists of ten individually numbered city center tram lines and one numbered light rail line. Lines 1 and 8 operate on a slightly different route during weekends when they go to the West Harbour terminal, indicated with a "T" suffix on the line number and line 9N is operated on a slightly modified line 9 route during Friday and Saturday nights.[5][6]
Helsinki tram lines as of 23 October 2023 Line Type From Via To Maps 1[a] City center Eira Hietalahti, Lasipalatsi, Töölö, Sörnäinen Käpylä 1T[b] West Harbour Lasipalatsi, Töölö, Sörnäinen 2[c] City center Olympia Terminal Market Square, Central Railway Station, Kamppi, Töölö, Eläintarha Messukeskus
Line 2
3[c] City center Olympia Terminal Eira, Central Railway Station, Hakaniemi Meilahti
Line 3
4 City center Katajanokka Töölö Munkkiniemi
Line 4
Saunalahdentie Tiilimäki Laajalahden aukio Munkkiniemen puistotie Paciuksenkaari Meilahdentie Meilahden sairaala Töölöntulli Kansaneläkelaitos Töölön halli
Route via Mannerheimintiebeing upgraded
Töölöntori Apollonkatu Hesperian puisto Sammonkatu Hanken Kansallismuseo Luonnont. museo Lasipalatsi Ylioppilastalo Aleksanterinkatu Senaatintori Ritarihuone Tove Jannsonin puisto Kauppiaankatu Vyökatu Ulkoministeriö Katajanokan terminaali
5[d] City center Katajanokka ferry terminal Central Railway Station
Line 5
Rautatieasema Ylioppilastalo Mikonkatu Aleksanterinkatu Senaatintori Ritarihuone Tove Jannsonin puisto Kauppiaankatu Katajanokan terminaali
6 City center Eiranranta Central Station, Sörnäinen Arabia
Line 6
Arabianranta Arabiankatu Kumtähdenkenttä Kumpulan kampus Paavalinkirkko Vallilan varikko Hauhon puisto Lautatarhankatu Sörnäinen Lintulahti Haapaniemi Hakaniemi Kaisaniemenpuisto Kaisaniemenkatu Rautatieasema Ylioppilastalo Erottaja Fredrikinkatu Aleksanterinteatteri Hietalahdentori Telakanpuistikko Munkkisaari Eiranranta
7[e] City center West Harbour Kallio, Central Railway Station, Kruununhaka, Sörnäinen, Mäkelänkatu, Pasila Meilahti Hospital
Line 7
8[a] City center Jätkäsaari Ruoholahti, Töölö, Sörnäinen Arabia 8T[b] West Harbour 9[e] City center West Harbour Jätkäsaari, Kamppi, Central Railway Station, Kallio, Pasila Ilmala 9N[f] 10 City center Kirurgi Töölö Pikku Huopalahti
Line 10
Korppaanmäki Haapalahdenkatu Kytösuontie Ruskeasuo Tilkka Kuusitie Jalavatie Töölöntulli Kansaneläkelaitos Töölön halli
Route via Mannerheimintiebeing upgraded
Töölöntori Apollonkatu Hesperian puisto Sammonkatu Hanken Kansallismuseo Luonnont. museo Lasipalatsi Ylioppilastalo Kolmikulma Johanneksenkirkko Kirurgi
15 Light rail Keilaniemi Otaniemi, Laajalahti, Leppävaara, Huopalahti, Oulunkylä, Viikki Itäkeskus
Line 15
Keilaniemi Otaranta Aalto-yliopisto Maari Lahdenpohja Laajalahti Linnoitustie Alberganesplanadi Leppävaara station Perkkaa Vermo Ravitie Talin siirt.puutarha Takomotie Kutomotie Vihdintie Huopalahti station Ilkantie Hämeenlinnanväylä Pirkkola Pirjontie Maunula Kustaankartano Teininpuisto Oulunkylän keskusta Oulunkylä station Veräjämäki Viikinmäki Viikin tiedepuisto Latokartano Karhukallio Kauppamyllyntie Roihupelto Itäkeskus
In addition, the SpåraKoff pub tram has operated during the summer months since 1995.[7]
Network
[edit]
The tram network is built almost exclusively on the streets of Helsinki, making it a traditional tram system rather than light rail. The track gauge is one metre. The network consists almost entirely of double track rail. In some parts the tracks are separated from other road traffic; elsewhere they share road space with cars and buses.
The trams are powered with electricity conveyed by 600 V DC overhead wires, although the voltage is planned to be raised to 750 V in 2025.[2] Trams have their own traffic lights, distinguished from normal lights in that they are based on symbols of single colour: an upward-pointing arrow signifies "go", a horizontal line "prepare to go/stop" and the letter S "stop". The traffic lights are synchronised to allow tram and bus traffic to flow relatively smoothly. This system is called HeLMi (Helsinki Public Transport Signal Priority and Passenger Information).[8] Line 15 uses a different system based on inductive loops and requests from the trams themselves. Line 15's traffic lights also have a fourth aspect: a circle above the letter S, which signifies that the traffic light has acknowledged receipt of a request for the tram. On the inner-city network, a small flashing LED is provided with the S aspect.
Rolling stock
[edit]
As of November 2022 , HKL has 122 tram units in scheduled passenger service. Additionally, there are trams in reserve and in charter use. The MLNRV I and II series (rebuilt Valmet Nr I and Valmet Nr II units) and Škoda Artic series comprise the city center fleet, and the light rail line 15 uses bidirectional Škoda Artic X54 units.
In 2006–2011, all Valmet Nr II (at that point known as NRV II) vehicles underwent a major modification process in which a 6.5 m (21 ft 4 in) low-floor midsection was added to the tram. The type designation was changed to MLNRV II to reflect the modifications made, and the longer trams were re-introduced in traffic gradually as the modification works were completed. During the process, HKL also rebuilt ten of the older Nr I trams (at that point known as NRV II) in the same way, which brought the total number of MLNRV trams to 52 upon completion in mid-2014.
The fully low-floor Variotram units, acquired in 1998–2003 from Adtranz (later Bombardier) and built by Transtech Oy in Otanmäki, proved to be unreliable, causing a shortage of operable trams. Starting in 2004, HKL purchased ten Duewag series second-hand trams from Mannheim in Germany to cover for the shortage.[9] Eventually arrangements were made with Bombardier to keep a sufficient number of the units in operation. All of the Duewag units were either withdrawn or relegated to charter service by the end of 2014. All Variotrams were taken out of use in 2018 because of the problems.[10][11]
Beginning in 2013, HKL acquired 72 new Artic trams. They have a double-articulated, eight-axle design, are 27.3 m (89 ft 7 in) long and have 74 fixed seats, 14 foldable seats and space for 75 standing passengers.[12] The design has a 100% low floor and conventional, turning bogies designed to run without problems on Helsinki's challenging old-fashioned track network.[13] Two prototype units were delivered in 2013, and each entered passenger service approximately two months after delivery. The first unit of the production series (out of 70), no. 403, arrived in Helsinki in January 2016. In 2018 both prototype units were sold to Schöneiche bei Berlin tramway.[14]
Helsinki City Transport, the predecesor of Metropolitan Area Transport, has ordered 29 Artic X54 units for line 15, of which 15 are in service,[as of?] and 23 for the Crown Bridges light rail lines. The first prototype unit arrived in Helsinki in April 2021.[15][16]
Metropolitan Area Transport announced a tender in October 2023 to acquire new rolling stock to replace the aging MLNRV fleet and to support new services such as the Vantaa light rail. The procurement includes 30 unidirectional and 33 bi-directional units and is estimated to be valued at €1.6 billion.[17]
Rolling stock as of November 2022[18] Model Type No. of units Car # Built Acquired Modified Seats Standees L W H MLNRV I (Valmet Nr I) City center 10 113–122 1973–75 1973–75 1993–2003, 2005, 2012–14 49 120 26.5 2.3 3.7 MLNRV II (Valmet Nr II) City center 42 71–112 1983–87 1983–87 1996–2006, 2008–12 49 120 26.5 2.3 3.7 Škoda Transtech Artic City center 70 403–472 2012–2019 2013–2019 88 125 27.6 2.4 3.8 Škoda Transtech Artic X54 Light rail 20 (32 more total on order) 601-652 2019– 2021– 78+4 136 34.0 2.4 3.8 Totals 122 8,708 14,990
Former rolling stock Tram type No. of units Car # Built Acquired Modified Seats Standees L W H HRO A9 1 1[A] 1917 2007 2007 28 0 11.5 2.2 HRO A7 1 135 1928 1928 1988 21 26 10.2 2.1 3.7 HRO A4 1 157 1930 1930 1987 21 26 10.2 2.1 3.7 Karia HM IV 1 320 1955 1955 1985 29 69 13.5 2.3 3.6 Valmet RM 1 2 332, 339[B] 1955 1955 1987, 2003–04 29 69 13.5 2.3 3.6 Karia HM V 6 9–14, 175[C] 1959 1959 2004–07 31 57 13.5 2.3 3.6 Duewag GT8N 1 166 1962, 1964 2007–08 1991–92 55 120 25.7 2.2 3.8 Duewag GT8 1 150 1967 2004 1970, 2004 64 140 25.7 2.2 3.8 NRV (Valmet Nr I) 30 31–70 1973–75 1973–75 1993–2003, 2005 39 106 20.1 2.3 3.7 MLRV Bombardier Variotram 40 201–240 1998–2003 1998–2003 55 80 24.4 2.3 3.7 Škoda Transtech Artic (Prototype) 2 401-402 2013 2013 88 125 27.6 2.4 3.8
Depots
[edit]
As of April 2023 , there are several tram depots and workshops in Helsinki. The city center tram services currently use Töölö and Koskela and a maintenance facility in Vallila. A new depot for 100 trams and 200 buses is being built in Ruskeasuo and the new depot, combined with a rebuild of the aging Koskela depot, is planned to eventually fully replace the Töölö and Vallila facilities.[19][20][21][22]
Line 15 (Jokeri light rail) has a separate depot in Roihupelto.[23] The Crown Bridges light rail lines will have as separate depot constructed in Yliskylä, originally due to be completed in 2026.[24][25]
Planned extension of the network
[edit]
See also
[edit]
Helsinki Metro
Trams in Finland
Tampere light rail
References
[edit]
Bibliography
[edit]
Miscellaneous
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https://ratatek.fi/en/ratatek-12-years-of-railway-electrification/
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en
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Ratatek Oy
|
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[] |
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[
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2020-06-04T13:23:20+03:00
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Ratatek tarjoaa asiakkailleen kattavat ratasähköistyksen palvelut aina suunnittelusta toteutukseen.
|
en
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Ratatek Oy
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https://ratatek.fi/en/ratatek-12-years-of-railway-electrification/
|
Ratatek turned 12 in early May (2020). During these years, we have built a credible organization in two countries and equipped them with appropriate equipment. We also underwent a kind of generational change seven years ago, when some of our founders began to enjoy earned retirement days. Right now, we are on a stronger base than ever before and feel that we are an important player in our industry.
Involved in major railway projects
We are currently involved in major rail projects.
The most important are below:
Ramlösa – Lund, Feeder line (Sweden)
Roslagsbanan’s expansion (Sweden)
LUIMA project (Luumäki – Imatra)
KoKoHa project (Kouvola – Kotka – Hamina)
HELRA Project (Helsinki Railway Yard)
Ylivieska – Iisalmi projects
We are convinced that, with our experience together with our partners, we can bring a certain culture of creating and agreeing within projects.
In Sweden, we have established good relationships with our long-term partners. Today we work as an overhead contact line contractor at six different projects completed by the Swedish Transport Administration and the City of Stockholm SL.
Competent personal
The size of our organization has been growing steadily over the last 12 years and now we are already employing 50 people.
Our experts carry out tram assignments for HKL (Helsinki tramways) and many major design agencies. We are also a contract partner considering railway design for the Finnish Transport Infrastructure Agency.
In Sweden, we have mainly been active as subcontractor together with our partners, and performed, for example, the following projects: Stockholm Norvik Hamn, Execution contract Double track function on the freight route through Hallsberg, Vallentuna-Lindholmen BEST, Cross-line extension towards Sickla, Renovation Saltsjöbanan, Entreprenad SB7: Overhead contact line, part 1 + 2 Henriksdal – Saltsjöbaden / Solsidan (Main contractor).
In Finland, we have carried out, for example, following turnkey projects; Seinäjoki-Vaasa, Kokkola – Ykspihlaja, Lapua – Ruha, Kemijärvi – Patokangas, Jyväskylä – Äänekoski and Pori – Mäntyluoto.
All this is made possible by our highly experienced and knowledgeable staff. Most of our employees have been on our journey to this day.
|
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https://pradeepstechpoints.wordpress.com/2024/01/23/intelligent-rail-transit-system-in-china-runs-on-roads-using-electricity/
|
en
|
Intelligent rail transit system in China runs on roads, using electricity!
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2024-01-23T00:00:00
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I recently came across the Intelligent Rail Transit or the IRT system in China. On delving deeper, I found that this IRT is actually a train that is running on the road without any rail tracks! A train, that reportedly carries about 100 passengers in each section, running on the roads? That's really a first!!…
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en
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PRADEEP's TECHPOINTS
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https://pradeepstechpoints.wordpress.com/2024/01/23/intelligent-rail-transit-system-in-china-runs-on-roads-using-electricity/
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I recently came across the Intelligent Rail Transit or the IRT system in China. On delving deeper, I found that this IRT is actually a train that is running on the road without any rail tracks!
A train, that reportedly carries about 100 passengers in each section, running on the roads? That’s really a first!! This transport system does not even require any track construction and overhead wires. IRT apparently runs at speeds of 60 miles (96km) per hour!
This is actually a new type of transport that operates on electricity, with zero pollution and emissions!! Well, this is a transport based on electricity, and therefore, is an EV, and is, perhaps, going to be quite expensive.
You also need a robust ground communication system to run the IRT. As the IRT approaches a red light in the traffic, it can signal the communication center, and the light turns to green, apparently, only for the IRT.
The automated driving system and virtual track following control technology are part of the IRT. It also uses machine vision to control and identify surface traffic lines. Assuming that the IRT uses three sections, that means, it can carry upto 300 passengers.
IRT looks like a hybrid between a bus and a tram, featuring articulated sections and rubber tires. It navigates using sensors and cameras that follow virtual lanes painted on the road, avoiding the installation of physical tracks.
Regarding the distances traveled, I don’t have that information. However, I am assuming that each IRT may travel upto 10 miles per station. Even 4km seems like a dream for me! 🙂 Well, IRT can surely go a long way in combating the perils of traffic congestion in various cities across the world!
Back in October 2017, a futuristic train system began test run on busy streets of Zhuzhou in China’s Hunan province. The rail system called Autonomous Rail Rapid Transit (ART) can carry up to 300 passengers in its three carriages, and has a top speed of 70kmph. With just 10 minutes of charge, the train can operate for up to 25km.
Seems, the future has just become a lot more interesting. I would personally like to travel on the IRT, in any city, just for the experience!
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5064
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dbpedia
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https://www.kaupunkiliikenne.net/English_site/history.html
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en
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Helsinki history
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Two generations of tram history in Helsinki. 2-axle trams were taken out of service during 1970's when the first articulated trams arrived. The Variobahns on the left were the first low floor trams in Helsinki delivered from 1999. After only 20 years service they were withdrawn as not suitable for the Helsinki tram network. AA 30.7.2006
Helsinki area public transport history
Early years
Railways started to operate in Finland in 1862 from Helsinki to Hämeenlinna, 100 kms north from Helsinki. Public transport in the city of Helsinki started in 1888 with horse drawn carriages. First horse tram rails were laid in 1981 and electric power was taken into service in 1900.
Motor bus services started to grow in 1920's to the directions were rails were not built. For the first there was plenty of independent companies, but during the World War II Helsinki city bought the united transport company that was then organized to City Transport Authority.
Tramways expanded to the 1950's. New rolling stock was purchased for suburban services. Helsinki's population expanded and suburbs were built outside the old city center. The public transport was planned to take care with high speed tram lines using multiple unit tram trains.
But then the automotive industry learned to make cars cheaper and cheaper, and the labor parties proposed 1955 in Helsinki City Council, that public transport must be put under ground to free the streets for private cars.
Top of the page.
Closure of tramways in plan
During the 1960's plans were made to replace plenty of old buildings in the city center with motorways. Tramways were planned to close and public transport would be taken care with an underground system. This plan in knows as âSmithâPolvinen traffic planâ according engineering agencies Wilbur Smith in USA and Pentti Polvinen in Finland as makers of the plan. The public transport section was anyhow imported as is from the Metro Committee's papers.
Motorways planned to city centre of Helsinki in SmithâPolvinen traffic plan of 1968.
The motorway building was luckily cancelled, but in 1969 Helsinki signed an order to be a pilot customer for a Finnish company Valmet rail industry as new age metro train production. In Valmet the managers thought that the demand for heavy metro trains would explore in the world at the time the high cost of metro building led into cancellation of metro plans in many cities.
The key features of Valmet metro trains was welded aluminum body and semiconductor control. These really were revolutionary technologies, but unfortunately applied to wrong kind of rolling stock. And what was also sad was, that these revolutionary trains were the largest in the world being wider than wide Finnish railway profile, 3200 millimeters. This made the track geometry much similar to railway lines and difficult to implement into a city structure.
Soon after the metro decision the initial closure of the tramway system was cancelled and new articulated trams were ordered. A reason for this was that tram traffic was calculated to be cheaper than bus operation. And extending of the metro would not replace trams fast enough, so old 2-axle trams required replacement. The new plan was to close the system in year 2000 and the ordered trams would be the last ones in Helsinki.
Valmet, same company as the metro train builder, got an order for articulated trams. They were based on Düwag's technology, but body was designed in Finland and power control was similar semiconductor chopper as was designed for the prototype metro train.
Articulated trams built by Finnish Valmet and delivered from 1973 supposed to be the last trams in Helsinki. These thyristor chopper controlled vehicles are partly still in service as extended with a low floor middle section. Rear of the Valmet tram is a former Mannheimer Düwag tram. AA 19.5.2006.
Top of the page.
Heavy rail dominance
Helsinki area has had own local train rolling stock since the first years of 20th century. Tank type steam locomotives were only motive power up to 1950's. Tank locomotives did not need a turntable at the end of the service and they also had high adhesion weight for fast acceleration.
In 1950's Valmet started to build light diesel motor units based on a Swedish licence of Hilding Carlsson. These DMU's were used around Finland but they became also main rolling stock in Helsinki area commuter trains until electrification.
Finnish railways started electric operation from Helsinki's commuter trains. The first section was to Kirkkonummi, west from Helsinki. Semiconductor controlled Valmet built EMU's started to operate in 1968. Railways local traffic was developed to a S-Bahn-like style, and one commuter train line was built during 1970's to new suburb Martinlaakso. Martinlaakso line was originally a part of the metro net plan, but the building could not wait for developing of Valmet's metro techology.
Finnish Valmet built EMU's started the new era in Helsinki region commuter services. They were first electric service in Finnish State Railways. But they were also very modern having semiconductor based propulsion control. The left hand side version still in original livery. AA 22.3.2003.
EMU's were delivered in two classes from 1968 to 1981. Then there was total of 100 two coach units in service a year before the metro started to operate. The available commuter train service shaped strongly the urban structure along the railway lines and the region expanded mostly outside the Helsinki in the neighbour cities Espoo and Vantaa.
Heavy rail connections formed only 3 âfingersâ. The area between these fingers was serviced with motorways. Orbital public transport connections missed and the result was that the road traffic started to dominate Helsinki area transport. When the metro line finally opened in 1982, it replaced the buses on the motorway beside. The bus lines were cut to end to metro stations, and the connecting feeder service system had born. This extended the travelling times. During the operating of the electric commuter trains and the metro the share of public transport has decreased from 70 % to the current 40 %.
Top of the page.
Political metro war
Helsinki has planned to extend the metro line to the western neighbour city Espoo since the first ideas of the metro network. This has caused a long political war since 1980's when Helsinki metro started to operate. With it's low population density, Espoo has not been interested in investing to a heavy metro and cut the straight bus lines to feeder service. Neither has Espoo been interested in increasing the population density, as it prefers to offer a higher living quality alternative on the Helsinki urban area.
Light Rail was taken in discussion as an alternative in Espoo. A pressing group started to promote Light Rail in 1989, and the city of Espoo adopted the idea soon. The Ministry of Transport and the Helsinki area cities called 3 auditors to evaluate the Helsinki urban area transportation system in 1992, and the auditors analysis supported the idea of a Light Rail system to the area. But Helsinki has been strongly against Light Rail to enter the area to compete against it's heavy metro.
Authorities has ordered plans for the metro to Espoo in approximately 10 years intervals. Allways the result has been that metro increases travelling times and public transport cost. The latest study was Environmental impact study released in January 2006. That proved, that also car traffic in Helsinki will increase if the metro extension will be built.
In September 2006 Espoo city council changed it's mind. Espoo agreed the idea of the metro extension, but with many conditions to quarantee the high quality of the metro in Espoo. Rumors say that the real reason was to make Helsinki to agree the extension of the Ring road 2 from Espoo to Helsinki side.
A project plan was made during 2007 resulting to app. double cost of what was the 452 M⬠base for the decision in autumn 2006. For the final building decision a reduction to the price was required. After state decided to support metro with 200 Mâ¬, metro planners published a price tag of 714 M⬠which fitted to the 30 % support requirement in the Espoo city council decision conditions. A 100 M⬠price reduction was explained by shortening the stations, which decreased the system capacity with one third portion.
The building did not proceed within the original timetables. Finally in spring 2016 Länsimetro Oy, the city owned company to organize the building of the systen, announced that operation will start in August. A great campaign started, but everything collapsed in June. Managers had to give up, as there were even plenty of missing components and no chance to start any testing of the system.
It took more than a year until doors were opened for public in November 2017. Still the largest station, Tapiola, was under construction with regard to the bus station.
But troubles were not over. When direct bus services to Helsinki were cut, the new real world proved that the metro did not shorten travel times. It extended travel times for many citizens. And not only some minutes, but doubled the travel time to near one hour in worst cases. Also the final cost of the project started to formulate. The worse calculation was made by the leading newspaper Helsingin Sanomat. Their result was some 2000 million Euros for the project that was decided for a price tag of 452 million Euoros.
Top of the page.
Trams finally to suburbs
New low floor trams were delivered to Helsinki from 1999. Some minor extensions of tram lines has been built for few new areas, but the Helsinki authorities has considered trams as slow street tram system not capable for suburban service.
Despite the metro hegemony, city planners have drawn some plans to extend the tram network outside the city centre. The first big plan was an orbital tram line called âJokerâ released already in 1990. The idea competed with the metro extension to Vuosaari and was not realised. The line was finally opened as a bus service in 2005. The number of passengers has grown on the line continuously over the capacity of buses, but still major traffic planners were against to build the line to tram. The daily number of passengers in September 2007 had grown to 20.000 and in 2009 it was already 30.000. Headway of the 3-axle buses is 5 min., but still some support service is required.
The project became true finally in March 2016 after the governmet decided to support the project with a compensaton of 84 Mâ¬. The condition of the support was that the project must be started immediately. The planning started in 2017 and the construction in 2019. Estimated opening of the service is for 2024.
A new northern suburb Viikki was planned with a tram line in 1990's, but the tram is still missing and the inhabitants claim for bad public transport service. The first real tram extension was the former western harbour Jätkäsaari. It is just near city centre so the extension of two existing tram lines 6 and 8 was quite natural. The first extension for line 8 was ready from the start of 2012. New track to harbour was taken into service in August 2012 for lines 6 and 9.
The first real suburban tram line will be the line to Kruunuvuorenranta across the sea east from Helsinki city centre. This connection was originally planned as heavy metro, but this idea is cancelled because of the high price and low passenger number for an investment of that price. The line will cross seawater offering several kilometers shorter route than with cars. There existed a political understanding that the line must be built at the time the houses are built to have the benefit in the land price and make the tram familiar for the inhabitants instead of travelling with cars. But the tram was delayed by forces against investing into public transport only bridge. First houses need to wait trams for several years, though the process is on the way.
A remarcable movement towards real growth of tram operations was the Helsinki city master plan of 2017. It includes the idea of tram network to cover the suburban area of Helsinki. It is connected to the conversion of motorways to boulevards to make possible to use the protective waste land near current motorways for housing.
Back to home page. Top of the page.
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