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On 26 September, the CEDA announced it would no longer support the RRP's minority government; it was replaced by a RRP cabinet, led by Lerroux once more, that included three members of the CEDA.
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Between November 1934 and March 1935, the CEDA minister for agriculture, Manuel Gimenez Fernandez, introduced into parliament a series of agrarian reform measures designed to better conditions in the Spanish countryside.
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These moderate proposals met with a hostile response from reactionary elements within the Cortes, including the conservative wing of the CEDA and the proposed reform was defeated.
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A change of personnel in the ministry also followed.
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The agrarian reform bill proved to be a catalyst for a series of increasingly bitter divisions within the Catholic right, rifts that indicated that the broad based CEDA alliance was disintegrating.
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Partly as a result of the impetus of the JAP, the Catholic party had been moving further to the right, forcing the resignation of moderate government figures, including Filiberto Villalobos.
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Gil Robles was not prepared to return the agriculture portfolio to Gimenez Fernandez.
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"For all the social Catholic rhetoric, the extreme right had won the day."
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Lerroux's Radical government collapsed after two large scandals, including the Straperlo affair.
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However, Zamora did not allow the CEDA to form a government, and called elections.
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The elections of February 16, 1936 were narrowly won by the Popular front, with vastly smaller resources than the political right, who followed Nazi propaganda techniques.
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CEDA turned its campaign chest over to army plotter Emilio Mola.
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Monarchist José Calvo Sotelo replaced Gil Robles as the right's leading spokesman in parliament.
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The Falange expanded massively, and thousands of the JAP joined the organisation (though the majority of the JAP seem to have abandoned politics).
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They successfully created a sense of militancy on the streets, in order to make an authoritarian regime justifiable.
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CEDA came under direct attack from the Falange.
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This rapid radicalization of the CEDA youth movement effectively meant that all attempts to save parliamentary Catholicism were doomed to failure.
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Many of the party's supporters welcomed the military rebellion in the summer of 1936 which led to the Spanish Civil War.
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In April 1937, the rebel leader Francisco Franco issued the Unification Decree which laid out the creation of the FET y de las JONS upon the merging of the Fascist FE de las JONS and the traditionalist carlists, outlawing the rest of political parties in the rebel-controlled territory.
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As result, CEDA ceased to exist.
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Many party cadres, including Franco's co-brother-in-law Ramon Serrano Suñer (who ended up becoming chief of the political junta of the FET y de las JONS) joined the new organization.
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Mandinka people
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The Mandinka or Malinke are a West African ethnic group primarily found in southern Mali, eastern Guinea and northern Ivory Coast.
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Numbering about 11 million, they are the largest subgroup of the Mandé peoples and one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa.
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They speak the Mandinka language, which is one of the Western Manding languages in the Mande language family and the "lingua franca" in much of West Africa.
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Over 99% of Mandinka adhere to Islam.
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They are predominantly subsistence farmers and live in rural villages.
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Their largest urban center is Bamako, the capital of Mali, which is also inhabited by the closely related Bambara.
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The Mandinka are the descendants of the Mali Empire, which rose to power in the 13th century under the rule of king Sundiata Keita who founded an empire which would go on to span the large part of West Africa.
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They migrated west from the Niger River in search of better agricultural lands and more opportunities for conquest.
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Nowadays, the Mandinka inhabit the Sahelian region extending from The Gambia and the Casamance region in Senegal to Ivory Coast.
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Although widespread, the Mandinka constitute the largest ethnic group only in the countries of Mali, Guinea and The Gambia.
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Most Mandinka live in family-related compounds in traditional rural villages.
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Their traditional society has featured socially stratified castes.
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Mandinka communities have been fairly autonomous and self-ruled, being led by a chief and group of elders.
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Mandinka has been an oral society where mythologies, history and knowledge are verbally transmitted from one generation to the next.
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Their music and literary traditions are preserved by a caste of griots, known locally as "jelis", as well as guilds and brotherhoods like the "donso" (hunters).
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Between the 16th and 19th centuries, many Muslim and non-Muslim Mandinka people, along with numerous other African ethnic groups, were captured, enslaved and shipped to the Americas.
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They intermixed with slaves and workers of other ethnicities, creating a Creole culture.
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The Mandinka people significantly influenced the African heritage of descended peoples now found in Brazil, the Southern United States and, to a lesser extent, the Caribbean.
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The Mandés were initially a part of many fragmented kingdoms that formed after the collapse of Ghana empire in the 11th century.
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During the rule of Sundiata Keita, these kingdoms were consolidated, and the Mandinka expanded west from the Niger River basin under Sundiata's general Tiramakhan Traore.
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This expansion was a part of creating a region of conquest, according to the oral tradition of the Mandinka people.
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This migration began in the later part of the 13th century.
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Another group of Mandinka people, under Faran Kamara – the son of the king of Tabou – expanded southeast of Mali, while a third group expanded with Fakoli Kourouma.
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With the migration, many gold artisans and metal working Mandinka smiths settled along the coast and in the hilly Fouta Djallon and plateau areas of West Africa.
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Their presence and products attracted Mandika merchants and brought trading caravans from north Africa and the eastern Sahel, states Toby Green – a professor of African History and Culture.
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It also brought conflicts with other ethnic groups, such as the Wolof people, particularly the Jolof Empire.
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The caravan trade to North Africa and Middle East brought Islamic people into Mandinka people's original and expanded home region.
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The Muslim traders sought presence in the host Mandinka community, and this likely initiated proselytizing efforts to convert the Mandinka from their traditional religious beliefs into Islam.
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In Ghana, for example, the Almoravids had divided its capital into two parts by 1077, one part was Muslim and the other non-Muslim.
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The Muslim influence from North Africa had arrived in the Mandinka region before this, via Islamic trading diasporas.
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In 1324, Sultan Mansa Musa who ruled Mali, went on Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca with a caravan carrying gold.
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Shihab al-Umari, the Arabic historian, described his visit and stated that Musa built mosques in his kingdom, established Islamic prayers and took back Maliki school of Sunni jurists with him.
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According to Richard Turner – a professor of African American Religious History, Musa was highly influential in attracting North African and Middle Eastern Muslims to West Africa.
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The Mandinka people of Mali converted early, but those who migrated to the west did not convert and retained their traditional religious rites.
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One of the legends among the Mandingo of western Africa is that the general Tiramakhan Traore led the migration, because people in Mali had converted to Islam and he did not want to.
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Another legend gives a contrasting account, and states that Traore himself had converted and married Muhammad's grand daughter.
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The Traore's marriage with a Muhammad's granddaughter, states Toby Green, is fanciful, but these conflicting oral histories suggest that Islam had arrived well before the 13th century and had a complex interaction with the Mandinka people.
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Through a series of conflicts, primarily with the Fula-led jihads under Imamate of Futa Jallon, many Mandinka converted to Islam.
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In contemporary West Africa, the Mandinka are predominantly Muslim, with a few regions where significant portions of the population are not Muslim, such as Guinea Bissau, where 35 percent of the Mandinka practice Islam, more than 20 percent are Christian, and 15 percent follow traditional beliefs.
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Slave raiding, capture and trading in the Mandinka regions may have existed in significant numbers before the European colonial era, as is evidenced in the memoirs of the 14th century Moroccan traveller and Islamic historian Ibn Battuta.
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Slaves were part of the socially stratified Mandinka people, and several Mandinka language words, such as "Jong" or "Jongo" refer to slaves.
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There were fourteen Mandinke kingdoms along the Gambia River in the Senegambia region during the early 19th century, for example, where slaves were a part of the social strata in all these kingdoms.
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According to Toby Green, selling slaves along with gold was already a significant part of the trans-Saharan caravan trade across the Sahel between West Africa and the Middle East after the 13th century.
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With the arrival of Portuguese explorers in Africa as they looked for a sea route to India, the European purchase of slaves had begun.
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The shipment of slaves by the Portuguese, primarily from the Jolof people, along with some Mandinka, started in the 15th century, states Green, but the earliest evidence of a trade involving Mandinka slaves is from and after 1497 CE.
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In parallel with the start of the trans-Atlantic slave trade, the institution of slavery and slave-trading of West Africans into the Mediterranean region and inside Africa continued as a historic normal practice.
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Slavery grew significantly between the 16th and 19th century.
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The Portuguese considered slave sources in Guinea and Senegambia parts of Mandinka territory as belonging to them, with their 16th to 18th century slave trade-related documents referring to "our Guinea" and complaining about French and British slave trading ships overrunning them.
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Their slave exports from this region nearly doubled in the second half of the 18th century compared to the first, but most of these slaves disembarked in Brazil.
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Scholars have offered several theories on the source of the transatlantic slave trade of Mandinka people.
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According to Boubacar Barry, a professor of History and African Studies, chronic violence between ethnic groups such as Mandinka people and their neighbours, combined with weapons sold by slave traders and lucrative income from slave ships to the slave sellers, fed the practice of captives, raiding, manhunts, and slave...
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The victimised ethnic group felt justified in retaliating.
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Slavery was already an accepted practice before the 15th century.
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As the demand grew, states Barry, Futa Jallon led by an Islamic military theocracy became one of the centers of this slavery-perpetuating violence, while Farim of Kaabu – or the commander of Mandinka people in Kaabu – energetically hunted slaves on a large scale.
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Kaabu was, states Martin Klein – a professor of African Studies, one of early suppliers of African slaves to European merchants.
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The historian Walter Rodney states that Mandinka and other ethnic groups already had slaves who inherited slavery by birth, and who could be sold.
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The Islamic armies from Sudan had long established the practice of slave raids and trade.
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Fula jihad from Futa Jallon plateau perpetuated and expanded this practice.
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These jihads were the largest producer of slaves for the Portuguese traders at the ports controlled by Mandinka people.
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The insecure ethnic groups, states Rodney, stopped working productively and became withdrawn, which made social and economic conditions desperate, and they also joined the retaliatory cycle of slave raids and violence.
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Walter Hawthorne – a professor of African History, states that the Barry and Rodney explanation was not universally true for all of Senegambia and Guinea where high concentrations of Mandinka people have traditionally lived.
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Hawthorne states that large numbers of Mandinka people started arriving as slaves in Portuguese, French and British colonies in the Caribbean and South America, only between mid 18th through to the 19th century.
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During these years, slave trade records show that nearly 33% of the slaves from Senegambia and Guinea-Bissau coasts were Mandinka people.
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Hawthorne suggests three causes of Mandinka people appearing as slaves during this era: small scale jihads by Muslims against non-Muslim Mandinka, non-religious reasons such as economic greed of Islamic elites who wanted imports from the coast, and attacks by the Fula people on Mandinka's Kaabu with consequent cycle of...
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Mandinka are rural subsistence farmers in the Sahel who rely on peanuts, rice, millet, maize, and small-scale husbandry for their livelihood.
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During the wet season, men plant peanuts as their main cash crop.
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Men also grow millet and women work in the rice fields (traditionally, African rice), tending the plants by hand.
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This is extremely labour-intensive and physically demanding work.
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Only about 50% of the rice consumption needs are met by local planting; the rest is imported from Asia and the United States.
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The oldest male is the head of the family and marriages are commonly arranged.
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Small mud houses with conical thatch or tin roofs make up their villages, which are organised on the basis of the clan groups.
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While farming is the predominant profession among the Mandinka, men also work as tailors, butchers, taxi drivers, woodworkers, metalworkers, soldiers, nurses, and extension workers for aid agencies.
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However, most women, probably 95%, tend to the home, children, and animals as well as work alongside the men in the fields.
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Today, over 99% of Mandinka are Muslim.
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Mandinkas recite chapters of the Qur'an in Arabic.
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Some Mandinka syncretize Islam and traditional African religions.
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Among these syncretists spirits can be controlled mainly through the power of a marabout, who knows the protective formulas.
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In most cases, no important decision is made without first consulting a marabout.