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I am studying this piece to play for my college auditions coming up soon and it's coming along nicely, but there is one part I am really having trouble with.
Toward the end there is a part where you're playing triplets in your right hand and dotted eighth sixteenths with your left at a very rapid speed. I cannot seem to get this rhythm played right at anywhere close to performance speed. I've practiced it incessantly, but my left hand is having a bear of a timme trying to grab the 16ths at the right time. (for the part I am speaking of, it is on the 14th page of this edition beginning in the sixth measure: http://126.96.36.199/files/imglnks/usimg/7/70/IMSLP00171-Prokofiev_-_Sonate_no_3_op_28.pdf
Has anyone had any experience with this piece and trouble with that same spot? Can you give me any pointers on how to get this down?
And farther than that, if you've studied this piece before and have any advice on the interpretation of it, that would really nice.
- Jay Hoerr | <urn:uuid:052ad63c-26bc-459f-90f3-7221fff1ec24> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://pianosociety.com/new/phpBB2/viewtopic.php?p=44238 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968614 | 248 | 1.820313 | 2 |
Conducting an effective job search
As you launch your job search, keep in mind that finding a full-time job is a full-time job. Imagine that you are working full-time on commission, and you will not get paid until you close the deal.
An effective job search requires a multi-faceted approach. You cannot sit at home on your computer, fire off resumes, and hope your phone rings. Remember that image of working on commission. You need to hustle. Chase down leads. Make cold calls. Pound the pavement!
Networking is a critical aspect of an effective job search. You do not want to keep your job search a secret. Bill Stone, owner of career planning firm Promising Futures, has a great answer to the question, "with whom should I network?" Stone points out, "if they have a pulse, network with them."
Develop a winning resume: needs to focus on accomplishments more than job duties. Prospective employers are less interested in reading about what you did; they want to know what you achieved.
Be professional at all times: That includes online. Clean up Facebook, set up profiles on professional networking sites. LinkedIn is a must do, and consider profiles on sites such as Spoke, Plaxo, ZoomInfo.
Build your network: Making personal connections is essential.
Keep up-to-date in your industry: read trade publications, seek out industry groups, attend professional events, call leaders in your field to set up informational interviews.
Keep informed about trends in resumes, interviews, and the job search in general. Read informational content on respected sites like Career Builder, Monster/Hotjobs, Wall Street Journal, and various links on the Thomas Career Services website. Be aware of what is important - best practices in resumes, networking, and interviews.
Get business cards professionally printed: through Staples or online at vistaprint.com, you can get a reasonably priced card that beats jotting down your email address on a napkin.
Volunteer in your community: gain practical experience on non-profit boards or offer to do special projects.
Look for project work on a contact/freelance basis: gain practical experience one project at a time.
Be flexible: Do not limit yourself!
Use job sites with good reputations: Indeed.com is a very good resource. Also, set up profiles on JobsinME.com, MyJobWave.com, and MaineCareerCenter.com
Read Creating an Effective Resume on the Career Services site, and visit resume-resource.com for excellent tips and samples of winning resumes.
In summary, use strong action verbs, begin resume with a strong opening statement, clean format
Be professional - online and off:
Prospective employers will Google you - take some control over what they see
LinkedIn is a key component to your job search. It complements, not replaces, traditional face-to-face networking. Connect with people you know including faculty and staff at Thomas.
Establish your own website. Even without technical skills, you can use sites such as Google Sites to convey your professional qualifications.
Professionalism at all times. Do not use cute, bizarre, or inappropriate email addresses, make sure outgoing phone messages are clear and professional sounding, and written correspondence should look more like business letters than text messages.
Build your network/personal connections:
Do not keep your job search a secret - tell all friends, relatives, former co-workers, and pretty much everyone you encounter about your search for a career role.
Attend job fairs - making a personal connection with people representing hiring organizations will go a long way
Make follow-up phone calls after applying for jobs. It is important to establish personal contact with a prospective employer.
Networking is a two-way street - you have your needs (a job) but consider what the other person needs and be a helpful resource for them.
Willing to relocate or look for work beyond a short commute.
Be open to something that falls short of your ideal job, as long as there is potential for the future. | <urn:uuid:256e44a1-4e24-4da0-a798-c2fbf865251f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.thomas.edu/content/5043/conducting-an-effective-job-search | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699881956/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102441-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.934857 | 848 | 1.515625 | 2 |
Health and Safety Regs to be cut down to help business
People who believe that modern health and safety regulations are bloated and excessive may get their wish soon when safety and health regulations in the workplace are cut in half within the coming months.
The director of the King's Centre for Risk Management, Professor Ragnar Löfsedt at King's College London, has been asked to simplify the current health regulations in place in order to help create a more efficient approach to safety and health in the work place.
On the table are talks to totally exempt self employed people in low risk careers and to place a higher emphasis on personal responsibility.
The plan aims to create a more liberal industry and workplace where less money is spent on safety and health regulation required equipment and procedures and there is more money in the budget to create jobs and recruitment opportunities for employers.
While the concept makes sense from the standpoint of creating careers, many critics point out that the new ideas on the table do not address the needs of the many that have lost their health and even their lives in the line of duty when working at dangerous or unhealthy jobs. In any event, this may be a compromise that creates jobs at the expense of certain regulations.
RecruitmentRevolution.com are an online recruitment agency in the UK | <urn:uuid:d2ff0dda-22ae-4024-8164-e7c471a91cf1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.recruitmentrevolution.com/news/2011/12/health-and-safety-regs-to-be-cut-down-to-help-business | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711005985/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133005-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.957575 | 259 | 1.71875 | 2 |
SIR – A speed camera does not stop you – it simply issues you with a ticket (Letters, August 10). A courteous police officer can stop you for speeding and give you a talking to – and possibly a ticket.
We need more visible police cars driving on our roads, not hiding up side roads with cameras. You only have to see the effect of a police car on the motorway, cruising at 70mph, with a long queue of law-abiding drivers following.
SIR – Speed limits are part of the problem, not the solution. They belong to the theory that if nothing moves, there will be no accidents. While that is indisputably true, it is not practical.
SIR – I find it hard to believe that Julie Spence, of Cambridgeshire police, really believes that speeding is predominantly a middle-class offence.
Does she seriously mean that working- class people and aristocrats don’t speed, or offend less than middle-class people? And when exactly did she remove herself from the politically correct ethos of the police force, which does not allow prejudice to prevail in public statements?
SIR – If only the police took as much notice of shoplifting (which is rampant), the whole population would be better off.
Why do officers pick the easy targets? I am afraid it is because it is what police chiefs choose for them to do.
SIR – In 48 years of driving, I have witnessed only one car crash, when a police car drove at terrific speed through a red light, hitting a car that crossed in its path.
Last Monday, a friend of mine was driving across Barnes Common and was hit by a police car at crossroads. Her car was written off and she is suffering shock.
Before railing on at the rest of us perhaps the police should look at their own behaviour.
SIR – Harry Barker (Letters, August 10) clearly has the expectation of driving at the speed limit and assumes that any variation in the speed of the car in front of him must be unnecessary.
He cannot possibly know why the car in front of him suddenly slows down. It might well be because the driver ahead has seen or sensed something he cannot.
Good driving is not managing to get from A to B without having to brake, but in recognising the behaviour of others and reacting accordingly.
Protecting county names
SIR – I share the public’s concern (Letters, August 9) at the recommendation of the Postcode Address File Advisory Board to delete counties from the Royal Mail’s address database by 2016. It speaks volumes that unelected officials regard our counties – and over 1,000 years of English history – as a “vanity attachment”.
But the new Government is taking steps to defend our counties. We have scrapped Labour’s gerrymandering which sought to break up the counties of Devon, Norfolk and Suffolk for electoral advantage and we are dismantling the tiers of regional assemblies and development agencies.
Eric Pickles MP (Con)
Secretary of State for Local Government
Innocent, guilty or both?
SIR – The Ministry of Justice says it will not pay compensation to Sion Jenkins for wrongful imprisonment (report, August 10) because it will only pay compensation where a person is shown to be “clearly innocent”. In English law, a person is innocent until proven guilty and for a guilty verdict to be obtained, the Crown must prove guilt beyond reasonable doubt.
As Sion Jenkins’s conviction was overturned and two subsequent re-trials failed to establish his guilt, Mr Jenkins is therefore clearly innocent. Except, that is, in the eyes of the Ministry of Justice.
New Ferry, Wirral
G&S and Ukip suits me
SIR – I read today that Jonathan Miller disparages Gilbert and Sullivan as “Ukip set to music” (report, August 10). How right he is. As the libretto of HMS Pinafore says: “I, humble, poor, and lowly born,
The meanest in the port division
The butt of epauletted scorn
The mark of quarter-deck derision
Have dared to raise my wormy eyes
Above the dust to which you’d mould me,
In manhood’s glorious pride to rise,
I am an Englishman, behold me!”
Good natured, humorous, pomposity-pricking, but with serious intent, and, above all, proud to be English. Suits me.
Godfrey Bloom MEP (Ukip)
SIR – The demise of “everyday biscuits” is indeed upsetting (report, August 7). My supermarket says that it no longer stocks Garibaldis due to lack of demand.
These “dead fly” biscuits were a family favourite, but now go the way of other former favourites, including the age-old Barmouth.
SIR – I received my renewed British passport yesterday. Can anyone explain to me why the captions and dates are still printed in French as well as English?
SIR – As the price of Marmite has now overtaken that of rump steak (report, August 6) perhaps now is the time to identify the most effective way of retrieving the residue of spread from the inside of an “empty” jar.
By-laws for fish
SIR – Small bodies of constables (Letters, August 10) contribute greatly to the peace, security and well-being of markets, open spaces and cathedrals while dealing with a host of daily matters that the police more generally would not consider worthy of their attention.
The Corporation of London is proposing the abolition of by-laws at Billingsgate Market. If successful this will no doubt be followed by a proposal to replace its Market Constabulary.
Why should there not be properly trained local constabularies paid for from the rates, rather than add to the fiasco of Community Support Officers? These constables would provide valuable back-up to regular officers, if they were trained and sworn-in as police officers, whereas Community Support Officers cannot be treated in this way because they would expect police pay and conditions.
The Government should establish a national police force to deal with serious matters, supported by municipal constabularies and smaller specialist forces such as the excellent British Transport Police.
Retired Clerk and Superintendent Billingsgate Market
Groombridge, East Sussex
SIR – Having perused property prices in Salisbury Cathedral Close, I suggest that the residents join David Cameron’s Big Society and put their own hands in their pockets to pay for the constables.
Decline of Radio 3
SIR – While BBC Radio 4 continues to improve (report, August 5), Radio 3 is in decline. The early-morning slot has a philosophy that, if the music can be arranged for kazoo and bongo drums, that is the version we will hear, while Bach’s harpsichord music is played on the piano.
When I was a boy, there was a Sunday morning organ recital and a weekday concert every morning on a cinema organ. It is a decade since I have heard a major organ piece by Julius Reubke, Max Reger, César Franck or Franz Liszt on Radio 3, apart from during the Proms.
An increasingly high proportion of music on Radio 3 is jazz, better suited to other stations. At 10pm there is world music from countries many of us have never heard of. It sounds beastly.
The state should know the benefits of school milk
SIR – In 1980, colleagues and I reported the results of a two-year trial of school milk in which a third of a pint was given to seven-year-old children attending schools in the South Wales valleys.
There was a significant increase in height of the children given milk, most notably among those children with poorer backgrounds.
A senior medical officer in the Ministry of Health, as it was then called, arranged for the Ministry to pay for both the scientific work of the trial, and for the milk provided. Memories in the Department of Health are evidently very short (report, August 9).
Professor Peter Elwood
Cardiff University, Cardiff | <urn:uuid:475b5bee-5735-4e3e-8236-a96d4828f572> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/letters/7937430/Better-a-lecture-from-a-policeman-than-a-silent-speed-camera.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.955059 | 1,717 | 1.6875 | 2 |
People of Northwest Public Radio
Mon April 16, 2012
Lawmaker Uses KKK Mailing To Discuss Bigotry In Idaho
The African-American lawmaker in Idaho who received a flier from the KKK says she’s using the incident as an opportunity to talk about bigotry in the state. State representative Cherie Buckner-Webb and four other Idaho lawmakers have reported getting the mailings at home.
Cherie Buckner-Webb grew up in Boise and remembers when someone set fire to a cross on her family’s lawn in the 1960s.
She says, a lot has changed since then, but the KKK pamphlet she received is a reminder that racism hasn’t been extinguished.
“It’s still out there alive and well," Buckner-Webb says. "Prejudice, bigotry, it’s here. I think we started patting ourselves on the back and saying ‘See, we’ve overcome, we’ve got it together.’ Well, obviously, we’re selective.”
Buckner-Webb -- who’s now running for state Senate -- is Idaho’s only African-American legislator. She says she wants the mailing to be a jumping off point to talk about attitudes toward gays and lesbians, refugees, and Latinos in Idaho.
Five Idaho lawmakers have reported receiving the mailing, postmarked Great Falls, Montana. Human rights activists says they think a white supremacist in the area has sent literature to Montana and Wyoming lawmakers as well.
The Southern Poverty Law Center identifies 18 active hate groups in Idaho.
On the Web:
Southern Poverty Law Center’s “Hate Map”
Copyright 2012 Northwest News Network | <urn:uuid:5d5b1032-6588-40b3-b2e1-f0f954df326c> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://nwpr.org/post/lawmaker-uses-kkk-mailing-discuss-bigotry-idaho | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.936435 | 361 | 1.601563 | 2 |
The long and short story of Jack Detroit
Jack Detroit magazine launched last year, but couldn't last long in the financially struggling city.
Kai Ryssdal: You don't have to listen too long or too hard to the political discourse in this country before you hear the phrase "job creation." Whether its helping existing businesses to expand, or encouraging would-be entrepreneurs to start new ones.
But how do you do that in a city that's come to symbolize the worst of what the Great Recession brought? Marketplace's Gregory Warner has our story from Detroit.
Gregory Warner: When I met Leah Moss this summer in Detroit, she was about to publish the second issue of her luxury men's lifestyle magazine, called Jack Detroit. She explained it to me as:
Leah Moss: Esquire, zoomed in on metro Detroit.
Leah Moss is 23. She'd never published a magazine before, much less a men's magazine. A men's magazine featuring a scantily clad beauty she calls the Jill of the Month. For help with that she turned to the men in her life -- her boyfriend, her brother and her dad.
Moss: I can call and say to them, 'hey, would you want to see a picture of something of this?' So things I would never have thought of. Like for the next issue, one of our Jills is going to be wearing a men's dress shirt.
And little else. But this isn't a story about how young Leah Moss discovered male fantasies. This a story about how she got swept up into Detroit's fantasy about itself. A story about what happens when you start your career in a city desperate for its own new start.
Rewind the clock to May of 2010. Leah Moss graduates Michigan State, Honors College, with a double major in English and literature -- and every intention of getting out of Dodge to work at a national magazine somewhere. She even writes a senior thesis about how wonderfully the magazine industry is doing.
Moss: The viability of the print publication industry, in the age of new media.
Warner: Does that mean, like, how do I get a job?
Moss: It should of!
But it did not. 2010 was a terrible year for magazines. She sent out 152 resumes. Got back:
Moss: Nothing. Nothing.
Her friends all gave her the same advice: Get out of this dying town!
Moss: Pretty much everybody that I knew from college is gone. So everybody said, come stay with me!
But she didn't want to move to Chicago to bus tables and crash on someone's couch. Instead, she decided to start her own magazine in Detroit to prove those deserters wrong. But how do you launch a glossy mag if you're 23 with no experience and no money?
You post a video on Kickstarter.com touting a product that doesn't exist yet.
Moss on Kickstarter video: Its bold, innovative presentation caters to young professional males!
That video raised $10,000 from online donations.
Francine Wunder: I am in awe.
This is the appropriately named Francine Wunder. She works at TechTown, a business incubator out of at Wayne State University. TechTown began like every other incubator in the Midwest, trying to attract 21st century jobs to a 20th century city. But TechTown ran into a problem much like Leah Moss had faced: No one wanted to live in Detroit.
Wunder: So the high-skilled, high-paid talent that will work in those biotech and alternative energy companies, they want coffee shops, they want restaurants, they want dry cleaners, they want men's lifestyle magazines -- and Detroit needs to create them.
Techtown had to build those urban comforts. So it helped a hair salon launch an organic product line; helped a pedi-cab company grow its fleet; even started a coupon website like Groupon for Detroit. And Techtown helped Leah Moss write a business plan and secure a grant from the Hebrew Free Loan Association, which had its own motive: To keep smart Jewish girls from leaving southeast Michigan.
Moss: There's a really vibrant Jewish community here. But all the young Jews have left.
Suddenly Leah Moss had nearly $50,000 to spend and what felt like an entire community cheering her on. She started publishing Jack Detroit and put free copies in bars and shops. Inside were profiles with local record labels and restauranteurs and a Redwings goalie and a fashion designer who competed on "Project Runway," and other people trying to build a new Detroit. Moss sold advertisements too, but not enough of them. By the end of November, right after the holiday issue...
Moss: I made the announcement that the magazine would be closing at the end of the calendar year. And essentially it was a financially driven decision.
She was now thousands of dollars in debt, and unemployed. No worse off, she jokes, than her friends that didn't go to state school. But still, she was faced with this irony: that a magazine everyone hoped would change the narrative about Detroit, fell victim to that same bad news story.
Moss: At first, I was like exactly that, like, oh of course, I published something that now matches everything else that's been published about the city.
It's tempting to look back say that Leah Moss was a bit taken in by Detroit and its boosters. A city with nothing, trafficking in enthusiasm.
But what happened next to Moss says even more this city teetering on the edge of bankruptcy. The day after she folded the magazine, she got hundreds of emails. Supporters reached out asking: What was her next move? How could they keep her talent in Detroit? Six days later, Moss had a new job. With Detroit Venture Partners, an VC firm even bigger than Techtown, trying to rebuild Detroit.
Her new job? She's a community catalyst. Charged with mobilizing other young people to believe in Detroit's future, make a life here and start a business.
In Detroit, Mich., I'm Gregory Warner for Marketplace. | <urn:uuid:1f7205ef-a986-484e-9574-545636184a6d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.marketplace.org/topics/life/long-and-short-story-jack-detroit | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968879 | 1,264 | 1.617188 | 2 |
By Jim Schutze
By Rachel Watts
By Lauren Drewes Daniels
By Anna Merlan
By Lee Escobedo
By Eric Nicholson
Nine innings of baseball can go three hours easy, so it's remarkable that Most Valuable Player, a play about Jackie Robinson's first three seasons in the majors, manages to work in spring training, a couple of World Series and an All-Star game in 70 minutes flat. The production at Dallas Children's Theater's studio space is an efficient, smartly acted and pointedly political look at the problems Robinson faced as the player who integrated Major League Baseball in the 1940s.
Most Valuable Player continues through May 23 at Dallas Children’s Theater. Call 214-740-0051.
[title of show] continues through May 23 at Theatre Three. Call 214-871-3300.
Well-Traveled, But Not Well-Known continues through May 22 (matinees only) at Bath House Cultural Center. Call 214-532-1709.
The first image projected on the upstage screen on Randel Wright's set is the face of Barack Obama. Accompanied by the strains of an heroic trumpet fanfare, photos of Condoleezza Rice, Malcolm X (yeah, that's some interesting juxtaposition), Martin Luther King Jr., and Rosa Parks fade in and out. The chronological rollback of African-Americans of historic importance ends in 1948, in Jackie Robinson's second season with the Brooklyn Dodgers. Though still in his 20s, Robinson (played by Ricky Spivey) seems burned out, overweight and off his swing. Team general manager Branch Rickey (Charles Ryan Roach), under the guise of giving an interview about his star hitter to a BBC reporter (Billie Bryant), then cues the flashback that tells the rest of Robinson's story.
After a quick look at his progression from sandlot ball in Pasadena, California, to a UCLA scholarship (he lettered in four sports), the play hits its stride outlining the highlights of Robinson's career as he jumps from the Kansas City Monarchs of the Negro League to the Dodgers in 1947. As part of Rickey's "noble experiment" to integrate pro ball, Robinson was the first black player in what had been "the white man's game." The play depicts the tension created by Robinson's presence. Told by Rickey to keep his quick temper in check, Robinson isn't allowed to react to racial taunts by opposing players. Under death threats when the Dodgers play in the Deep South, Robinson still takes the field. From the play (a script that originated at the California Theatre Center), we also learn that teams canceled games to keep Robinson out of their stadiums. On the road, he was barred from whites-only hotels and restaurants.
Directed by Andy Long, this DCT production has toured the country since last fall, appearing in 50 cities and at venues of all sizes. One of the most compact is the studio at DCT's Rosewood Center for Family Arts. Here it's up to the actors and the audience's imaginations to make Ebbets Field out of a few square yards of stage floor and some hanging panels of chain-link fencing. Somehow it works, with the sounds of ball hitting bat punctuating an imitation Mel Allen play-by-play as the actors mime the motions of the game. Opposite Spivey, who gives a tightly controlled performance as the title character, actors Cody Hinson and Joe Aholt portray all the other players on both sides of the plate, managing some impressive changes of posture and accent (along with a few costume switch-ups).
This is a good piece of biographical drama aimed at young people, and there were lots of them in the audience, including sons with dads—a rare sight at any play. Grown-ups might wince a little at the show's "educational theater" tone, including an earnest pre-show warning by Spivey that the performance makes liberal use of the N-word. But even with its squeaky-clean script (except for that word), it offers a moving, well-researched look at the struggles and triumphs of one of professional sports' first black superstars. Most Valuable Player may be a small play in a small theater, but it's a big-league tribute to a man who had immense talent with a bat and a glove, plus the courage and character to make a lasting impact on American culture<\hr>
Shows about making shows are on two Dallas stages this month. First, Theatre Three has its version of [title of show], which debuted off-Broadway five summers ago and enjoyed a brief run on Broadway thereafter. A pair of gay composers, Hunter (played by Chad Peterson) and Jeff (Alexander Ross), struggle to come up with ideas for their entry into an important musical theater festival. So they write a show about writing the show that they're writing for the festival. Cute.
With the help of two actress friends, sour-funny Susan (Marianne Galloway) and bouncy ingénue Heidi (Tricia Ponsford), the guys go about their daily biz, then make up songs about the flotsam and jetsam of their lives as nobodies in New York. Stuck for lyrics? They string together titles of other musicals as they flip through a box of old Playbills.The only other human sharing the stage with this foursome is their pianist (Terry Dobson), who whiles away his time during non-singing sections by reading a newspaper and looking thoroughly bored.
[title of show], with zippy singing and some daffy comic folderol by its cast, is the best production of Theatre Three's season (which started last July), so it's good for them to go out on a positive note. But as usual at this theater-in-the-round, even working on a piece about where inspiration for ideas comes from, director-designer Bruce R. Coleman hasn't been inspired to do anything fresh with his staging or design elements. Not content to let the show be what its creators intended—one pianist, four singers on a bare stage, building something from nothing—Coleman has crowded the space with garish colors. The floor's painted in a harlequin pattern and Broadway show posters are tacked up hither and thither. There's a fuzzy lampshade, stuffed animals and who knows what else. Coleman's insistent over-designs have turned lots of productions into visual mosh pits (the worst recently was Uptown Players' Equus, with its Styrofoam Stonehenge sprouting craft-store cattails). With a design aesthetic that says "more is more," [title of show] looks like [insert expletive here].<\hr>
Find everything you're looking for in your city
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Get today's exclusive deals at savings of anywhere from 50-90%
Check out the hottest list of places and things to do around your city | <urn:uuid:a3363f40-aeba-42ef-bfbc-5a89708c42a8> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.dallasobserver.com/2010-05-13/culture/dct-s-most-valuable-player-swings-forthe-fences-t3-tunes-up-title-of-show-one-thirty-productions-presents-its-favorite-austin-playwright/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960467 | 1,463 | 1.703125 | 2 |
Tuesday, February 5, 2013
Gov. Bob McDonnell's task force focusing on school safety in Virginia releases initial recommendations.
Tuesday, February 5
By Blake Belden, Capital News Service Gov. Bob McDonnell is urging state legislators to approve recommendations from his School and Campus Safety Task Force that would increase sentences for illegally buying guns, require mandatory lockdown drills at schools and establish more comprehensive suicide prevention programs, among other suggestions. McDonnell sent the General Assembly a letter outlining initial recommendations from the panel, which the governor established in the wake of December’s school shootings in Newtown, Conn., where a gunman killed 26 people, including 20 children. In the letter, McDonnell highlighted those recommendations he wants legislators to give the "most priority": 10 of them involve public safety (including …
Thursday, January 17, 2013
Educators don't support arming teachers or principals, but would welcome more trained, armed School Resource Officers "if money was no issue."
A group of educators from one of Fairfax County's largest teachers' unions says it doesn't want guns in schools, according to a survey released Thursday morning by the union, which goes on to say security personnel "can help address a portion of the issue (of school security), but they cannot fix the entire problem." The results come after nearly 500 members of the Fairfax County Federation of Teachers responded to a survey on school safety and security — in an effort to make teachers' voices a larger part of state and nationwide conversations about gun control and schools, according to the federation's president, Steve Greenburg "The issue of guns being brought to schools and the issue of making our schools more secure is a complex effort…
Monday, January 14, 2013
Group charged with evaluating school safety says it'll focus on experts and fact, not emotion.
Monday, January 14
By Whitney Spicer, Capital News Service Members of Gov. Bob McDonnell’s School and Campus Safety Task Force vowed Monday their recommendations on keeping Virginia’s schools safe would be based on fact and not emotion. The task force – charged with evaluating the safety of schools and campuses throughout the state – was assembled by McDonnell in the aftermath of the Sandy Hook Elementary School shooting last month in Newtown, Conn. “I thought in the wake of that terrible tragedy, it would be prudent to get all of our leading experts from all disciplines together to gather around a table or two, and talk about what can we do better,” McDonnell said. After a gunman shot and killed 20 children and six adults at Sandy Hook Elementary, some …
Friday, January 11, 2013
Members tasked with reviewing, making recommendations about safety in Virginia schools.
A state task force designed to review school safety procedures and make recommendations for any improvements at Virginia's schools -- created in the wake of the December shootings at an elementary school in Newtown, Conn -- is set to begin next week, after Gov. Bob McDonnell named 45 people to the group Wednesday. Shortly after the shootings, which left 26 students and educators dead, Gov. Bob McDonnell issued Executive Order 56 establishing a multidisciplinary task force to review school and campus safety. In addition to several state legislators, law enforcement officials and mental health and safety experts, the task force also includes k through 12 and university-level educators and administrators, two students and the father of a …
Tuesday, January 8, 2013
In light of Sandy Hook shootings and ahead of Virginia General Assembly kickoff this week, union turns to members to get opinion on guns in schools and what safe schools should look like.
In the weeks since the shootings at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Conn., politicians and advocacy groups have issued recommendations for how schools can try to prevent the tragedy — which killed 26 students and school employees — from happening again. A voice so far largely absent from those discussions in Fairfax and Northern Virginia: teachers. One of Fairfax County's largest teachers unions is hoping to change that, launching Tuesday a security and schools survey asking its 4,265 members about the use of guns in schools, where the system could use extra security personnel, how safe schools are now and how to make them safer, among other topics. "What I see more and more of is politicians posturing up and taking positions …
Monday, December 17, 2012
In wake of Newtown shooting, Gov. Bob McDonnell wants to look at all resources to keep campuses from kindergarten through college safe.
In the wake of Friday's school shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary in Newtown, CT, Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell has announced a state plan to review school safety in Virginia at all levels. McDonnell said Monday he plans to identify statewide and locality, school division, college and university resource needs to "ensure that we are doing everything humanly possible to keep our children, young people and educators safe while they are in the classroom." "Just as public safety is the bedrock responsibility of government, the safety of our young people must continue to be the top priority in our schools and our campuses," McDonnell said in a satement. In Fairfax County, there are regular safety and lockdown drills, and there was increased … | <urn:uuid:de56c01a-6472-43a7-b246-fbdc3afa46cd> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://mclean.patch.com/topics/School+Safety | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.966845 | 1,028 | 1.585938 | 2 |
The decision to not participate in the murder of animals is so profound that the world actually looks and feels different.
Here we are. Another year has gone by and with every year that goes by, it seems like 365 days gets shorter and shorter. Time flies...
This time of year is particularly difficult in many ways. The discomfort starts with Thanksgiving and progresses up until Christmas. For a person who does not eat animals, this time of year can be a frustrating time of the year because of the focus centered around the dead animals to be eaten as a celebration of the "Holy" days. It is amazing that the very people who would call themselves religiously based in their lives, are the same people who eat animals that have been murdered. Then there are those people whose lives have been changed by recognizing the crime of killing a living being to be eaten, look at life with such new eyes.
Yes, we have all heard that a "veil has been lifted" and with that comes a clarity that was once not visible. The crime of murder is easily distinguishable. And shouldn't it be? The violence of hacking a body to pieces and packaging it is incredibly obvious. Isn't it? Watching people eating these bloody pieces of a once living creature is almost unbelievable to uncensored eyes.
Vegetarianism and Veganism are words that describe this "eyes wide open" experience. Life absolutely looks different when vicious cruel acts are exposed in full view. After so many years of not eating animals, just the site of a bloody piece of an animal in a supermarket advertisement seems so surreal. It is very much like living on a new planet. Living on this planet with "new eyes" is like being an alien. The decision to not participate in the murder of animals is so profound that the world actually looks and feels different.
So, to you, if you are a vegetarian or a vegan, we extend to you the “alien” handshake that is one of understanding in relation to the killing of our fellow beings in this world. It is a pleasure to count you as a friend to not only us but especially to the most abused living beings on this planet, the animals. Happy "holy" days to the animals, they deserve so much better. | <urn:uuid:aa23214d-0141-4c80-8603-d5fd0b7dec39> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.all-creatures.org/articles/ar-theholy.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699881956/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102441-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.974768 | 458 | 1.679688 | 2 |
MECCA // Sitting in the marble lobby of a luxury hotel in Mecca, Moroccan bank director Mohammad Hamdosh gets a breather from the cacophony of pilgrims bustling around the Grand Mosque in Islam's holiest city.
Millions have flocked to the city in Saudi Arabia for the annual Haj pilgrimage, a duty for every able-bodied Muslim who can afford it. But some can afford more than others, and a controversial construction boom is catering to their needs.
"Every pilgrim comes according to his means. God gave me money, so why shouldn't I stay in this hotel?" says Hamdosh, on a trip that has cost him 12,000 Euros ($16,545). "Haj is tiring so it's good to have a room to rest."
Inside the mosque, all pilgrims are equal as they circle the black stone known as the Kaaba towards which Muslims around the world turn in prayer every day.
But outside an array of towering five-star hotels have sprung up where the wealthy can bask in a 24-hour view of the Kaaba. The high-rises dwarf the mosque and the surrounding town, nestled in the mountains in the hinterland of the port city Jeddah.
It is part of a wider project to expand the mosque and bring more Muslims to the holy city for salvation, according to the writs of Islam -- something Saudi Arabia sees as its duty.
Mecca has just inaugurated the world's largest clockface perched Big Ben-style on the front of a high-rise hotel facing the Kaaba, while some 20 cranes next to the mosque herald more luxury accommodation.
The spending spree in Mecca and the second holy city Medina is valued at some $120 billion over the next decade and at present there are $20 billion of projects underway in Mecca alone, according to Banque Saudi Fransi. A square metre land in Mecca costs some 50,000 riyals ($13,333).
"If people are in a good position they should stay close to the mosque," said Farhad Yaftali, a 25-year-old pilgrim from an five-strong Afghani business family in Dubai who paid $15,000 each. "It's good to have a room to rest and do wudu (ablution)," he said, sipping tea in the cafe of the same five-star hotel.
The Saudi government is proud of the work, the latest stage in mosque expansions to accommodate pilgrims that stretch back decades.
"In the past 10 years, we've seen a big rise in pilgrims. This year the number of pilgrims will rise by 20 per cent," Interior Minister Prince Nayef bin Abdulaziz told a news conference in Mecca this week.
"Work to further improve the level of services to pilgrims of the House of God is continuing," he said. Hoteliers say they expect more than three million pilgrims, maybe even four.
Many Saudi intellectuals, mainly from the Mecca region, are disturbed by the government's plans, which diplomats in Riyadh say have been approved only by senior clerics away from public scrutiny.
"One cannot help but feel sad seeing al-Kaaba so dot-small between all those glass and iron giants," said novelist Raja Alem, whose recent novel Tawq al-Hamam (The Doves Necklace) exposes destruction of historic areas, corruption and abuse.
"Long before Islam, Arabs didn't dare live in the circle of what we call 'al-haram', meaning the sacred area (of the mosque)," she said. "They spent their days in the holy city and moved out with nightfall. They thought their human activities defile God's home."
The rites of pilgrimage reinforce this sense of humility before God. Men wear two simple pieces of white cloth and women avoid perfumes.
Hoteliers say the government bans some displays of luxury such as swimming pools -- yet the new Makkah Clock Royal Tower Hotel will boast two top-notch spas.
In recent decades many old houses have been torn down in Mecca to allow better access to the haram, making way for malls, hotels and huge underground parking areas. Locals are compensated for houses they lose.
Irfan al-Alawi, an Islamic theology professor based in London, said the Vatican would never sanction such work in its own sacred precinct.
The government should use space outside the city to build hotels, he said. "Mecca doesn't have to look like Manhattan or New York". | <urn:uuid:326a0151-6c42-42ce-a498-1b3d70b9c261> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/mecca-goes-upmarket-with-luxury-hotels | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699881956/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102441-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.959516 | 924 | 1.742188 | 2 |
MADRID, March 5, 2013 (LifeSiteNews.com) - News of the German Bishops’ conditional approval of the morning after pill for rape victims and the subsequent approval of their decision by the head of the Vatican department dealing with pro-life issues has spread around the Catholic world, with some voicing incredulity and alarm.
One of those voicing concern is Spanish Bishop Juan Antonio Martínez Camino, secretary for the Spanish Bishops’ Conference, who has publicly questioned the German Bishops Conference's statement.
In their press release, the German bishops specified that they had approved the pills, but only if they acted solely in a contraceptive rather than abortive manner. But Bishop Antonio said that such a pill does not exist.
"If there is a pill that prevents conception in cases of rape, then it is licit to prevent it," he told El Mundo. He added, however, "We have no knowledge of a morning-after pill without abortifacient effects … If it did exist, we would be sure to know it.”
The bishop concluded, “all morning-after pills have this possible abortive effect. Therefore, its use is illicit. If it does exist in Germany, we are not aware of it. It is not known to us that this technical possibility exists."
Click "like" if you want to end abortion!
A leading Catholic doctor in Spain backed the point, telling Catholic News Agency he would write the German bishops to correct their mistaken views on the science around the morning after pill. “I'm going to write a long letter to the German Bishops' Conference to give them some scientific light about this topic,” Doctor Justo Aznar told CNA.
Dr. Justo, director for life sciences at the Catholic University of Valencia said he believes the German Bishops’ action is based on “a small technical ignorance.”
“I would say that approximately in half of the cases it acts as a contraceptive and the other half it has an anti-implantation effect,” he added. “So I estimate that there is no way a pill that can end the life of many human beings can be used after rape and it is ethically unjustified.”
As LifeSiteNews.com reported previously, Dr. James Trussell, regarded as the lead researcher on the subject, has said women should be warned about the possible abortifacient effects of so-called "emergency contraceptive." As an avid proponent of the morning after pill, Trussell has good motivation to wish that the pill were not abortifacient, but he has concluded otherwise based upon the science.
Trussell, a senior fellow at the Guttmacher Institute, a member of the Planned Parenthood Federation of America’s national medical committee, and a board member of the NARAL Pro-Choice America Foundation, has published over 50 academic articles on the morning-after pill and runs a popular website and hotline to promote its use.
In his February 2013 paper discussing the morning after pill, he warns: "To make an informed choice, women must know that [emergency contraceptive pills] … prevent pregnancy primarily by delaying or inhibiting ovulation and inhibiting fertilization, but may at times inhibit implantation of a fertilized egg in the endometrium.”
The only existing formal Vatican instruction on the morning after pill, a 2000 document forbids its use. When objections were made that the document does not address rape, LifeSiteNews.com secured an interview with the then-head of the Pontifical Academy for Life which issued the 2000 document. Then-bishop, now Cardinal Elio Sgrecchia, told LifeSiteNews that the prohibition applied to rape as well. | <urn:uuid:50863e32-65b1-4f6e-b1ac-bcf90f8f312a> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.lifesitenews.com/news/spanish-bishops-doctors-question-german-bishops-approval-of-morning-after-p | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963238 | 784 | 1.570313 | 2 |
Recently I agreed to do an event at the Slow Roots Food and Music Festival and I had agreed to do the event before going over details. It's a learning experience, I know, and in the early days that followed, I ferreted out details from the hosts. As I requested items, including a fee, my friend Kathy Gehrt suggested writing a post on an event checklist.
So here's one of those useful tip posts to help navigate the waters of event ambiguity.
Here are five tips for your event checklist:
1. Ask a lot of questions
- Who (is your contact? Get email, phone, best time for contact?)
- What (lecture, talk, demo, class, how long, what is the line-up?)
- Where (how far, parking, unloading, general set-up--inside, outside)
- When (when are the biggest crowds most likely? check calendar, write it down)
- How (many other presenters?)
2. Check the organization's web page. Try and imagine that you are at the event. Make a list of things the presenter needs to do to meet your needs. For example--at the Slow Roots Festival I need a two burner set-up, a handwashing station and an assistant.
3. Mention fees long before the event; have a handy list of what you charge.
4. Know the things that are most important for your event.
- Stove, burners, kitchen equipment, assistants
- Props and books for show and tell presentation
- Parking arrangements at the event, unloading, prep time and place
5. Make a list of what you need early on. That way, if you need additional items from the hosts, you can ask well before the event and you can be more relaxed the day of the event because you took the time to get organized early.
The less ambiguity and murky details you can clear away before the event, the smoother your presentation will go. | <urn:uuid:115ac231-55fa-4476-a301-3fff674e1312> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://youwroteabookwhocares.blogspot.com/2011/08/tips-for-presentations-make-event.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.939541 | 413 | 1.59375 | 2 |
An American colleague sent me a recent speech by Governor Christie, New Jersey's new, conservative governor.
"By the time we got here," he say, "of the approximately $29 billion budget there was only $14 billion left. Of the $14 billion, $8 billion could not be touched because of contracts with public worker unions, because of bond covenants, and because of commitments we made accepting stimulus money. So we had to find a way to save $2.3 billion in a $6 billion pool of money. When I went into the treasurer's off in the first two weeks of my term, there was no happy meetings. They presented me with 378 possible freezes and lapses to be able to balance the budget. I accepted 375 of them."
Tough measures indeed, but necessary. Because nearly all US states have a balanced-budget provision. They have to balance their books, and there is little scope for fudging. That is why, just this week, Virginia – with a falling population and hard-hit by the credit crunch – has voted for spending cuts that would shrink spending to 2006 levels. Virginia legislators added plenty of spending when times were good: now they have to scale back again, and are trying to do so without cutting essential services.
A balanced-budget rule is something UK politicians should aspire to as well. All too often, government expenditure rises in the good times, but when there is a downturn we are told that it cannot be cut without damaging public services. Phooey. Governments just need to do what every family and business has been doing – identify the priorities, keep on with them, but cut out some of the inessentials. Spending has risen 50% under this government – but are our public services now 50% better? Hardly. We could lose all that spending without noticing the difference.
The incoming government will no doubt try to buy itself some time with public-sector wage and budget freezes. But that is no long-term solution. We need to re-think and prioritise what government actually does. And adopt a balanced-budget rule, so that the government sector's coat is cut according to the wealth-creating sector's cloth. | <urn:uuid:35ba9a2a-fa6b-4fd5-96fd-820a9cf79fc1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.adamsmith.org/blog/tax-and-economy/a-balanced-budget-rule | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975196 | 448 | 1.742188 | 2 |
You are Christ's Handsby Teresa of Avila
Original Language Spanish
Christ has no body now on earth but yours,
no hands but yours,
no feet but yours,
Yours are the eyes through which to look out
Christ's compassion to the world
Yours are the feet with which he is to go about
Yours are the hands with which he is to bless men now.
|-- from The Essential Mystics: Selections from the World's Great Wisdom Traditions, Edited by Andrew Harvey|
/ Photo by batega /
A few weeks ago we featured another poem by Teresa of Avila. With the Christmas season coming up, I thought this one might be a good follow-up. I haven't been able to confirm whether or not this beautiful poem was actually composed by Teresa of Avila. It is popularly attributed to her, but I have not found an authoritative source that clearly identifies her as the author.
Whether this was composed by Teresa of Avila herself or by an anonymous Christian poet, this is one of my favorite prayer-poems. It is a prayer of supreme spiritual maturity. It is not someone imploring Christ to come and fix everything in the external way imagined by so many fundamentalist sects; rather, it recognizes the presence of the Divine within each of us and our sacred responsibility to embody that compassion and service to the world. Each one of us is the vehicle through which Christ (or Ishwara or the Buddha) enacts blessings in the world. Our job is to let that sacred current flow through us unhindered.
Yours are the hands with which he is to bless men now... | <urn:uuid:6a8f1662-0b9d-47ca-b585-7648aaf54e5a> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.poetry-chaikhana.com/Poets/T/TeresaofAvil/YouareChrist/index.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969872 | 344 | 1.632813 | 2 |
The goal is to add the HostGator server to be an exact mirror of the static.askapache.com domain, then to add that server as a 2nd A record to my DNS zone. That way half the visitors to the size will be taking up resources and bandwidth on the HostGator server instead of mine.
Round Robin A records in DNS are intended to evenly distribute queries between each host of the same name. Using some tricks straight out of a hackers toolbox we can verify if the distribution is taking place. (It is.)
NOT a typo.. 30x is measurable, well-documented, and easily tested. This is what open-source is about. I haven’t had time to post much the past year, I'm always working! So I wanted to make up for that by publishing an article on a topic that would blow your mind and be something that you could actually start using and really get some benefit out of it. This is one of those articles that the majority of web hosting companies would love to see in paperback, so they could burn it.
To prepare for several upcoming articles on AskApache that are focused on optimizing Servers and Sites from a server admin level, here is an article to introduce the main tools that we will be using. These tools are used to optimize CPU time for each process using nice and renice, and other tools like ionice are used to optimize the Disk IO, or Disk speed / Disk traffic for each process. Then you can make sure your mysqld and httpd processes are always fast and prioritized.
If you want to pre-load
If you desire SPEED from your WordPress blog, the #1 speed improvement comes from using the WP-Cache Plugin. If you still desire SPEED after installing the Plugin, you can modify the WP-Cache Plugin code to make your blog even faster!
A plugin built to generate static files from php+mysql for Apache to serve the way its supposed to be.. My dream. Conclusion: Needs some improvement, pretty sweet though.
High Performance Web Site list of the best and newest methods to make web pages super fast using caching, compression, cache-control, etc.
Apache server performance can be improved by adding additional hardware resources such as RAM, faster CPU, etc.
This explains the basic methods to get started caching with php headers
If you examine the preferences dialog of any modern Web browser (like Internet Explorer, Safari or Mozilla), you'll probably notice a 'cache' setting. This lets you set aside a section of your computer's hard disk to store representations that you've seen, just for you. The browser cache works according to fairly simple rules. It will check to make sure that the representations are fresh, usually once a session (that is, the once in the current invocation of the browser). | <urn:uuid:b68e0714-a47f-44be-bf01-ecbc5ec3be7a> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.askapache.com/category/optimize/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700958435/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516104238-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.93678 | 581 | 1.53125 | 2 |
New Young Adult Book "With or Without You" Now in Stock
Published on Wednesday, March 14, 2012 - 5:26pm
With or Without You is not just a highly realistic portrayal of the misconceptions many people still hold regarding HIV and AIDS, it's also the story of a high school senior trying to figure out who he is and how to make his own decisions. There are a lot of books with gay protagonists, but Brian Farrey shows readers some of the other realities of teenage life. Choices must be made between possibilities and consequences. In this character-driven, harsh but beautiful story, a young man is caught between two worlds that he struggles to keep separate. | <urn:uuid:c0a88caa-eb6b-4d90-b5a4-a11502952cc3> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.dclibrary.org/node/30228 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.97651 | 137 | 1.773438 | 2 |
We retrospectively reviewed 34 patients (43 knees) who underwent osteochondral allografting for osteonecrosis of the knee between 1984 and 2006. These patients declined prosthetic arthroplasty and were referred for consideration of allografting as an alternative to arthroplasty owing to their young age (younger than 50 years) and symptoms that did not respond to other treatment modalities and were enrolled in an Institutional Review Board-approved study to evaluate the effectiveness of osteochondral allografting for various knee diseases. All 34 patients were at least 2 years postoperative at the time they were identified from the database. Of these, 23 patients (29 knees) had received osteochondral allografts for osteoarticular lesions sustained secondary to steroid-associated osteonecrosis of the femoral condyles. One patient (one knee) was deceased attributable to his underlying condition and the status of his knee was not ascertained. The remaining 22 patients (28 knees) comprise the current study population, including 16 females and six males with an average age of 24.3 years (range, 16–44 years) and a mean body mass index of 21.5 (range, 17.1–28.1). All patients were referred for consideration of osteochondral allografting as an alternative to arthroplasty and presented with radiographic evidence of advanced, Stages III–IV (modified Ficat/Arlet stage) [12
] lesions at the time of surgery. All had a history of a medical diagnosis requiring prednisone use exceeding doses of 20 mg per day, but only two of 22 were actively receiving corticosteroid therapy at the time of surgery (Table ). All patients were evaluated preoperatively for limb malalignment with 54-inch standing radiographs and realignment osteotomy was ruled out as a treatment option before consideration of osteochondral allografting. No patients were lost to followup. All data were entered prospectively in an Institutional Review Board-approved clinical database.
Twelve of the surgeries involved only the left knee, four involved only the right, and six involved bilateral surgeries, for a total of 28 knees treated. Twenty-one knees had unicondylar lesions (12 lateral, nine medial), whereas seven knees had bicondylar involvement (medial and lateral femoral condyles in the same knee) and received allografts to both condyles. The mean total allograft surface area was 10.8 cm2 (range, 5.0–19.0 cm2). Thirteen of 28 (46%) knees had multiple grafts; these included grafts to both condyles in the case of bicondylar involvement, two grafts on the same condyle in the case of large lesions undergoing the plug technique, and additional nonstructural particulate bone grafting of necrotic areas beneath the osteochondral allografts in 18 of the 28 patients. Fourteen of 28 (50%) knees had an average of 1.5 previous surgeries (range, 1–5 surgeries), including arthroscopic debridement (seven), drilling (four), loose body removal (four), bone grafting (three), and distal femoral osteotomy (one). The remaining 14 had no prior surgery. The minimum followup in the 25 surviving grafts was 25 months (mean, 67 months; range, 25–235 months).
Preoperatively, donor and recipient were matched based on mediolateral dimension of the tibial plateau using a standard AP radiograph of the recipient corrected for magnification and direct measurement of the tibial width of the donor. No blood or tissue typing was performed and no immunosuppressive therapy was used. Fresh anatomically appropriate tissue was obtained from healthy donors aged 15 to 40 years who met the criteria of the American Association of Tissue Banks. Donor tissue was recovered within 24 hours of donor death and then processed and stored fresh at 4°C in tissue culture media (Modified Eagle’s Medium with 10% fetal bovine serum [Mediatech Inc, Herndon, VA]). Grafts were implanted between 5 and 21 days of donor death.
Surgery was performed with the patient in the supine position under tourniquet control using a full or mini-arthrotomy through a midline incision, as previously described [6
]. The necrotic lesion(s) was debrided to identify the location, size, and shape. These characteristics determined whether a shell (Fig. ) or plug type graft(s) was used. After initial debridement, graft beds were prepared down to healthy bleeding bone to a maximum depth of 12 mm (Fig. ). Lesions extending deeper than 12 mm were curetted out manually and particulate bone graft was placed before seating the osteochondral allograft. Allograft thickness did not exceed 12 mm and we considered a 50% viable, bleeding bone in the prepared host bed acceptable for graft placement. The grafts were prepared to match the prepared lesion in size, shape, and depth (Fig. ). Trial fittings were performed after the grafts were copiously pulse lavaged with saline to remove debris and marrow elements to decrease the immunogenicity of the graft. After grafts had been positioned and an acceptable fit and condylar reconstruction were established, fixation was supplemented using absorbable internal fixation devices or compression screws, if necessary, for graft stability (Fig. ). The use of supplemental screw fixation was determined on a case-by-case basis and typically used when grafts extended to the medial, lateral, or posterior edge of the condyle and therefore were uncontained and did not have a stable press fit. The decision to use a shell or plug graft depended on the size and location of the lesion. For example, lesions of the posterior femoral condyles were inaccessible to the instruments used for plug grafts and thus a shell technique was used. The shell technique involves fashioning the graft and recipient site into complementary geometric shapes (trapezoidal) using burrs and hand tools. More anterior lesions less than 30 mm in diameter (the maximum dimension of the available instruments) were treated with a round plug graft. The plug technique involves preparation of the lesion site with a reaming tool placed over a guide wire and preparing a cylindrical graft using a coring device (Fig. ). This requires placement of a guide wire and instruments perpendicular to the articular surface. Large, extensive lesions or long and narrow lesions were treated either with one trapezoidal shell graft or multiple overlapping round plugs, depending on which technique would result in the least amount of removal of healthy bone and cartilage. Seven of nine knees treated with the plug technique had multiple grafts. Regardless of the type of technique, no graft exceeded 12 mm in maximum thickness.
An intraoperative photograph shows the donor condyle with ink markings outlining dimensions of the planned shell allograft.
A lateral view of the prepared shell allograft shows the thickness of the compound graft aimed at restoring subchondral bone loss secondary to osteonecrosis.
A photograph shows a comparison view of the shell allograft (left) and removed pathologic recipient osteoarticular segment (right).
An intraoperative photograph of the osteochondral allograft in situ in anatomic position after fixation with five bioabsorbable chondral darts shows restoration of the weightbearing portion of the lateral femoral condyle.
An intraoperative photograph shows a reconstruction of the medial femoral condyle using two plug-type allografts.
Postoperative physical therapy included supervised ROM exercises and quadriceps strengthening. Closed chain exercises such as cycling were begun by 1 month after surgery. Weightbearing was limited to touch down for the first 6 weeks followed by gradual increases (single-crutch gait) until 3 months. Full weightbearing was allowed at 3 months if radiographs showed evidence of osseous integration of the graft (Fig. ). Unrestricted activities were allowed at 6 months with counseling regarding potential risks of high-impact loading activities.
A Rosenberg view radiograph taken 3 months postoperatively, of the same patient as in Fig. , shows ongoing osseointegration of the osseous graft portion and restoration of the left lateral femoral condyle articular surface.
Clinical evaluation was performed preoperatively and at 6 weeks, 3 months, 6 months, and annually thereafter, using a modified D’Aubigné and Postel (18-point) scale [3
], IKDC pain and function scores [8
], and Knee Society function scores [7
]. Patients unable to return for followup in person were contacted by telephone by one of us (SG), interviewed using a standardized questionnaire (Appendix 1
), and asked to provide radiographs and clinical examination from their local physician. Sixteen patients (19 knees) were examined by the authors and six patients (nine knees) were interviewed by telephone only. We used a modified D’Aubigné and Postel scale [3
] for assessing patients at each followup. Modification was made to the ROM component, with values relevant to the knee rather than the hip. This scale allots a maximum of six points each for absence of pain, knee ROM, and knee function, for a maximum total of 18 points. Any additional surgeries occurring on the operative joint were documented. Failure was defined as any subsequent operation on the allografted knee.
Radiographic evaluation for determination of allograft healing was performed by one unblinded observer (WDB) at 6 weeks, 3 months, 6 months, and 1 year. Three criteria were used to define healing: presence of bony trabeculae across the interface, disappearance of the initial radiolucent line between graft and host bone, and no change in position or fracture of the graft on serial radiographs. All patients completed the 1-year radiographic followup analysis. Fourteen knees (11 patients) had subsequent radiographic evaluation at a mean of 4.5 years (range, 2–7 years) to determine graft status. Failure was defined as resorption, collapse or fragmentation of the osseous portion of the graft, or loss of 50% of the initial joint space (representing the chondral portion of the allograft) in the involved compartment.
Preoperative and postoperative IKDC pain and function scores, Knee Society function scores, and the modified D’Aubigné and Postel scores were compared using nonparametric Wilcoxon signed-rank tests. Data were analyzed using SPSS® Version 13.0 (SPSS Inc, Chicago, IL). | <urn:uuid:82299672-7f20-47e9-bfa7-5816b29117fe> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://pubmedcentralcanada.ca/pmcc/articles/PMC2853668/?lang=en-ca | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700958435/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516104238-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.939585 | 2,216 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Description- Plumber is a game in which you will become a plumber.
- There are 24 stages in the game. You should play one stage to another. You should create a continuous pipeline between the tap and the overflow pipe. You can rotate each pipe by clicking it. You should click the tap when you have made the pipeline to go to the next stage.
- While you play the game, there is appropriate music nearby your ears.
- Once you play very well, you will enter into the next stage smoothly. It is an interesting game and challenging game. You can attempt the role which you never contact. You will have the brand-new feeling when you play the game. This is perfect. | <urn:uuid:f8ac030b-502d-48b2-ade1-b7549e5fc92f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.androidpit.com/en/android/market/apps/app/com.tani.plumber.activity/Plumber | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.966016 | 145 | 1.523438 | 2 |
Wayne Aguiran - Social Work
Wayne Aguiran didn't have to visit Southeastern to know it was the school for him. After a recommendation from his pastor and a little research, he fell in love. A few months later, he was accepted and en route from sunny Hawaii to the Sunshine State of Florida.
"It had to be what God wanted because Southeastern was the school I was looking for," Aguiran said. "It was a professional school, and a faith-based school, so I knew I was going to go. I also wanted to challenge myself, leave my comfort zone and venture into the unknown... I knew this (was) what I needed to do to find who Wayne Aguiran was without the things that defined me at home. It was a growing experience."
At first, Aguiran thought he wanted to be a psychologist or a counselor, maybe major in business, but his advisor, Associate Professor of Social Work Marleen Milner, recommended social work. Milner explained that developing programs to better the lives of youths is one aspect of social work. Aguiran was hooked.
In addition to Milner's advice, Aguiran's classes at Southeastern helped him decide to major in social work. He took an interpersonal skills class and a field seminar, both of which helped him develop skills he uses today as a youth program director. In his interpersonal skills class, Aguiran learned how to listen intently, probe to obtain useful information, and critically think through a response before giving it. All these skills are essential to social work.
"We all think we can counsel, but social work is like a science and an art," Aguiran said. "It is science because of all the philosophies and theories of counseling. And it is an art because the counselor needs to apply these theories to fit (his) personality. This makes the counseling session meaningful and personal."
During his senior year at Southeastern, Aguiran participated in an internship at the Lakeland, Florida, campus of Peace River Center, where he worked as a children's case manager, specializing in mental illness. His role was to follow-up with children, visiting them at home and school to ensure they were getting the services they needed.
"Basically linking them with the services in the community," Aguiran said, "bridging the gap between schools, parents, and doctors, making sure they're taken care of."
In addition to the hands-on experience he gained through his internship, Aguiran also appreciated the mentorship he received from Southeastern's social work professors.
"It was genuine; it was authentic," Aguiran said. "(Milner and Criss) just gave us a whole wealth of knowledge, and I guess one of the greatest things about them is that they challenged us tremendously. They really groomed us."
It was because of this grooming that Aguiran decided to pursue a master's degree in social work. He attended the University of Central Florida in Orlando, Florida, and received his master's degree in one year; students who hold bachelor's degrees in social work can skip-and receive credit for-the first year of two-year master of social work programs.
"Honestly, I didn't think I could do another year after my senior year at Southeastern," Aguiran said, "but I'm glad Milner and Criss pushed me. I feel much (more) prepared in the field."
After graduate school, Aguiran headed back to Hawaii. He is now the director for Ku'ina Program, a youth services program through Maui Community College. "Ku'ina" in Hawaiian means "to connect or join." The program's motto is "Connecting to Your Future." Ku'ina is funded by the federal Workforce Investment Act of 1998.
Aguiran obtained his first job in social work two months after obtaining his master's degree. He was a case manager and counselor for Ku'ina. Five months later, Aguiran was promoted to program director. He credits Southeastern for his success in the field.
"In the profession, you often (recognize and use) the things you learned at Southeastern," Aguiran said, "and so everything you learn is valid, and you don't realize that until you're in the field."
As the program director for Ku'ina, Aguiran encourages and facilitates the successful transition of disadvantaged teens to independence and self-sufficiency. Many of these youths have a high risk of dropping out of high school. It is Aguiran's goal to coax these adolescents into high school diploma equivalency programs, post-secondary education, the military, or job training. Through Ku'ina, 14- to 21-year-old youths can participate in workshops and internships to aid their transition to adulthood.
Aguiran says it's rewarding to guide young people along a successful path. "These are students that would otherwise not be in college, but are because of your services, because you reached out to them."
During his time at Southeastern, Aguiran was inducted into Psi Chi, a national honor society for psychology, and Alpha Chi, a national honor society that emphasizes character and academic success.
At Southeastern, Aguiran also spent time in residence halls with friends and a guitar, worshipping God through music. When he wasn't worshipping, Aguiran was often riding a mountain bike, practicing martial arts, snowboarding, skydiving, taking road trips, and participating in extracurricular activities.
"Southeastern was like youth camp all year long because everybody that you know loves God," he said. "...they're passionate for God, and they want to excel in God. It was so much fun."
Aguiran helped entertain prospective students, and he was a First Teams leader, a peer mentor for freshman. During his peer mentoring sessions, Aguiran discussed faith and how to develop personal character in college. He also was a leader in Southeastern's social work club for two years. His involvement on campus and the community earned him the school's most outstanding social work student award in 2004.
Aguiran loved Southeastern so much that he has recruited four students from Hawaii to attend the university, and he can't wait to go back himself to visit.
As a Southeastern graduate Aguiran cherishes the impact the school had upon him. "The people, the places, the professors, the wonderful memories are priceless," Aguiran said. "I feel like I have learned so much about myself and other people. I became confident not because of who I was, but because of who God was in me." | <urn:uuid:5bf2756e-cb5a-43f4-9982-a3d78daa1203> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://seu.edu/spotlights/socialworkprofile.php | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.986075 | 1,384 | 1.835938 | 2 |
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With spring time only a few months away, many parents are gearing up for the gutsy decision to green-light a child's request to join in on a class trip overseas. It's a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity for young adults too exciting to pass up for families that can afford the cost, but that doesn't mean it's not without its inherent risks. In order to put your parental mind at ease, and therefore ensure that your child has the safest and most worthwhile overseas travel experience possible, make sure to commit to the following before the trip commences:
Get them a credit card:
To lower the risk of unrecoverable theft or misplacement of cash, opt for credit cards with no foreign transaction fee that you can pay off when your child returns from their trip. Unless it has extremely high cash back rewards to offset the fees, however, it's probably still a smart idea to have your child withdrawal small amounts of currency for casual spending.
Get them a prepaid phone:
While emails and Facebook messages will work when it comes to touching base with a traveling teenager, increase your peace of mind by making sure your child has a way to call you in case of an emergency, and vice versa. It may never be used more than once, but knowing immediate communication is possible makes a big difference as a parent.
Get them an outlet adapter:
Whether it's the must-have hairdryer or the PSP, few bring-along electronics will work after a few days without being charged. Power outlets are different depending on where you are in the world, so invest in a universal adapter to keep this problem from arising during an international trip.
Get them checked out:
The last thing you want is for a health problem to arise when your child is half a world away. Before they set off on their trip, teens should always undergo a routine physical. If the trip is through a school, then proof of such an exam is a likely requirement.
Get them educated:
Even if your child is a third-year French student, how much does he or she really know about the country's culture and customs? It's even more important if they're a first year finance student. Not only that, but how much do they know about the rules and regulations regarding traveling in and out of the country? Have your teen read a Wikipedia article or two, or make them visit the State Department's site on safe overseas travel, before agreeing to pay for a trip overseas.
Get them a good backpack:
Chances are your teenager will be asked to carry their belongings with them as they go ā especially if several destinations are in the works. Invest in a quality backpack, something that won't tear from the weight of a weeks worth of travel needs. The last thing you or your child wants is a trip-spoiling tearing of the only piece of luggage they have.
The potential conflicts and complexities of international travel should always be sorted before departure. This is especially the case when teens are doing the traveling. When it comes to the safety and happiness of our children, nothing should get in the way. With a little forethought and practical planning, you can ensure that your child has the best overseas travel experience possible.
This Guest Post is by Sam Peters, who currently writes about Nerd Wallets credit card cash back best offers and how to get a credit cards with no foreign transaction fee.
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Let us complete the Cash Back purchase for you!
Once set up, making a purchase with FW checkout is a breeze. FatWallet Checkout confirms the after-tax price plus shipping and, after you confirm, completes your purchase for you. | <urn:uuid:8d08c56b-1c08-4f1a-8c90-032cedc855eb> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.fatwallet.com/blog/tips-for-when-your-teen-travels-overseas/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.95502 | 797 | 1.640625 | 2 |
Prime Minister John Key has raised the possibility of school "league tables" being published so parents can get a better idea of education quality.
The tables, which would rank schools in terms of their exam results, have been discussed in the past and teachers strongly oppose them.
They've come up again because of a report that the decile ranking system is causing a drastic drop in the number of Pakeha children attending schools in poorer areas.
The decile rankings depend on the socio-economic circumstances of communities, with decile one the lowest and decile 10 the highest.
Ministry of Education figures show there were 60,000 Pakeha children attending decile one, two and three schools in 2000, now they are half that number.
Principals' Association president Patrick Walsh says the only credible reason appears to be "white flight" from lower decile schools.
Mr Key says it seems some parents assume a decile ranking is a proxy for the quality of the school, and that isn't a fair way to look at them.
"Some sort of coherent league table would make sense," he said on Monday.
"How that data would be put together, and in what form, is a debate the ministry has to have with the education sector."
Mr Key says he doesn't want it to be presented in a "messy" way because some schools could be harmed by that.
"It's as complicated as hell and I don't want to see schools damaged," he said. | <urn:uuid:ec13fb32-c52f-44cb-b2a4-8205472a7784> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://news.msn.co.nz/nationalnews/8485163/schools-call-for-decile-system-review | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708766848/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125246-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.983592 | 308 | 1.835938 | 2 |
Remarks by Angel Gurría, OECD Secretary-General
New Delhi, India, December 4, 2009,
Minister Sharma, Ladies and Gentleman:
It is a great pleasure to be in New Delhi to present the OECD’s Investment Policy Review of India.
Investment policy is a crucial component of the recovery strategies of all countries. In a world where FDI flows have contracted significantly, where corporations are rationalising their investment decisions, the investment climate in our economies is acquiring a magnified importance. Countries have a lot to learn from each other, and this study can made a solid contribution to policy making in this area.
In recent years, India has become a major global player with high economic growth rates and is today both a major destination for FDI, and a major source of FDI.
India’s performance in the past year has been particularly impressive in view of the global collapse in FDI flows. This is a vote of confidence in India.
Angel Gurría, OECD Secretary-General, presenting the review
OECD Investment Policy Review of India: Key Messages
The first OECD Investment Policy Review of India shows great progress in building a successful policy environment to encourage investment and the resulting acceleration in FDI inflows and economic growth. It highlights progress in three areas:
First, the regulatory framework: India has made huge steps in improving its regulatory investment environment: the “license raj”, which shackled industry with numerous unnecessary permits, has been largely dismantled. Crucial issues for investors have started to be tackled by the Indian Government, such as IPR protection which has been strengthened. The Competition Commission has just started work this summer and the corporate governance framework has been improved.
A more open trade regime is replacing import substitution and protectionism. Much of the economy has been opened to foreign investment. Sectoral FDI restrictions have been eased and foreign ownership caps lifted. Since 2000, the FDI regime has been an OECD-type “negative list” approach in which all sectors not on the list are open to foreign investment. In most manufacturing sectors 100% foreign ownership is now possible and much FDI now comes through the “automatic route”. Foreign exchange restrictions relating to investment have been relaxed.
Second, public ownership of industries was substantially reduced as many sectors which were previously reserved for the public sector have been opened to private enterprises, including foreign investment.
Third, experimental economic zones have been set up to test further investment liberalisation measures. The government has concluded many bilateral investment promotion agreements and double taxation avoidance agreements since the mid-1990s. Foreign-owned companies are now taxed the same as domestic enterprises.
In short, the overall framework for investment, both domestic and foreign, is becoming more supportive in order to reap the full benefits of FDI for India’s growth perspectives.
But many challenges remain. As Prime Minister Manmohan Singh pointed out in his speech at the Indian Economic Summit last November 9, 2009, the development of high-quality infrastructure is an essential requirement for India’s rapid growth.
India has an ambitious programme of investment to remedy deficiencies in all key infrastructure sectors: power, roads, ports, airports, telecommunications, irrigation and urban infrastructure. While some of these investments will be undertaken through the public sector, the Government of India has called for private investment, including foreign direct investment, to play a large and growing role in achieving these targets.
Our Investment Policy Review discusses policy options that may help India achieve its full potential. It suggests a further easing of remaining FDI curbs to support the government's important social and development goals. Many of the remaining FDI restrictions apply to sectors where productivity and growth need to be enhanced, such as banking, insurance and retail distribution.
Another major challenge in India is to realign economic growth with equality perspectives: While national economic growth has been impressive since 1991, the gap between the richer and poorer Indian states has widened. This trend needs to be reversed if the government is to reduce inequalities. Poorer, slow-growth states may start catching up if they accelerate implementation of central government policies to promote investment.
While the central government has reduced the number of approvals needed for new investment, administrative procedures need to be streamlined at state level. India’s plan to set up a panel of state industrial ministers to encourage state level reforms can help do this. The Indian government could also set up an inter-state forum to evaluate the costs and benefits of states’ investment incentives, including their impact on other states. The OECD has developed a Checklist for FDI Incentive Policies which can be used to evaluate foreign investment incentives.
Comparing states’ FDI performance requires reliable FDI statistics. OECD countries are also grappling with this thorny problem and will be happy to share their experience with India.
Last but not least, India is rightly proud of its long tradition of rule of law. But for investors – both domestic and foreign -- significant delays in justice can mean bankruptcy – and hence a risk too big to take. Strengthening the capacity of the judicial system could make a big difference to investment.
The OECD and India – Future cooperation
This Review is a landmark in the growing co-operation and enhanced engagement between India and the OECD. India has participated wholeheartedly in the preparatory work at many levels of government and over the whole period from gestation to completion.
For our future cooperation we would like to propose four areas of work, which have been highlighted in the report and have featured in our discussions with the Government of India.
First; we propose to undertake joint future work on green growth, an important driver for India’s sustainable development. Second; promoting infrastructure development through public-private partnerships. Third; developing nationally consistent regional FDI statistics. Fourth; the launch of a review of the regulatory policies of India, just like we have done with other countries like Brazil, China and Russia.
We look forward to continuing co-operation with the Government of India as well as with business, labour and other stakeholders in promoting further improvement in India’s regulatory framework for investment. In this context, let me highlight that we host the Freedom of Investment Roundtables, bringing member and non-member countries together to fight investment protectionism. I am glad that India, an increasingly important outward investor and a substantial recipient of FDI, already participates in this process.
The OECD reports regularly to the G20 on crisis-related measures taken by governments that may have implications for international investment. Keeping international investments flowing freely is a vital element in global recovery. This is part of the overall co-operation between the OECD and India in support of fostering a stronger, cleaner and fairer world economy. This is an objective we will achieve only if we work together.
Thank you very much. | <urn:uuid:5002e860-9106-4c18-9694-7f5d842cfcd3> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.oecd.org/industry/inv/launchofindiasinvestmentpolicyreview.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706499548/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516121459-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.954585 | 1,390 | 1.625 | 2 |
This is a new technique that I’m chasing down. It’s essentially a clear “primer” that you can use to coat surfaces with so that they will accept printing from a digital inkjet printer. I made a greeting card with a fabric from the Cloud 9 collection as an inset. I’ve just started fiddling with this technique and I will post more about it in the future as the projects roll out of my studio.
I brushed the digital ground (clear gloss) made by Golden in horizontal strokes on the fabric.
When it dried, I applied another coat using vertical strokes. When the fabric was dry, I pressed it with an iron on a cotton setting to flatten it out.
You can’t feed fabric through your printer, so you need what’s called a “carrier”. I used a piece of 8 1/2″ x 11″ cardstock. Tape the fabric to the carrier using low tack tape – one strip on the top, and one on the side. Place in your printer as shown with the tape toward the feed rollers. Print using standard print settings.
Golden also makes a digital ground for non-porous surfaces – I played with that a little bit as well. There are a lot of possibilities, and I feel like I’ve only scratched the surface – stayed tuned! | <urn:uuid:62b6f681-9e55-4409-9ecc-7158765cb6a9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://willceau.com/news/2012/06/20/printing-fabric/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706153698/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120913-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.945268 | 285 | 1.65625 | 2 |
Florida unemployment rate highest in 16 years listen01/23/09 Mitch E. Perry
WMNF Drive-Time News Friday | Listen to this entire show:
Florida's unemployment rate in December jumped to 8.1 percent, the highest it’s been September 1992. The Tampa Bay Area’s unemployment rate is now 8.3 percent.
Rebecca Rust with the Florida Agency for Workforce Innovation says specific industries have been devastated in this downturn.
State legislators just completed a special session where they cut $2.8 billion in government spending to deal with a deficit. But they refused to consider raising taxes on cigarettes, despite a poll published Thursday indicating that more than 70 percent of the state supported that user fee.
Mark Soskin is an associate professor of economics at the University of Central Florida. He says Florida has a structural deficit, the state would be suffering even if there wasn’t the national recession hitting the country. He says that’s because of the absence of the fast growth that sustained the state for years.
Recently the state Legislature approved an economic stimulus plan proposed by Gov. Charlie Crist that provides $10 million in loans and support services for small businesses with 10 to 50 employees. Professor Soskin says that the move is necessary because of a declining manufacturing and tourism base, and the lack of a sufficient way to raise revenue.
Eliminating some of the myriad and seemingly arbitrary tax exemptions in the state is not a new issue, but the idea is growing as members of the Republican-dominated Legislature look at ways to eliminate an even bigger deficit later this year.
Tampa area Congresswoman Kathy Castor said yesterday that Florida could get more than $4 billion in added federal Medicaid funding this year in the economic stimulus package being worked on in Congress.
Officials in Florida, as in every state in the country, are eagerly anticipating what funding they’ll get from Washington once that legislation is passed.
Rust with the Florida Agency for Workforce Innovation says all indications are that things will get worse with the Sunshine State’s economy before it gets better. For more information on Florida’s workforce system that provides programs and services, visit floridajobs.com. | <urn:uuid:a94516a8-505a-4530-aebb-fc1e72fb26f2> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wmnf.org/news_stories/6689 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.946649 | 453 | 1.679688 | 2 |
These days, the words Austin City Limits may be associated more with a relatively new annual music festival than a revered public broadcasting program, but the roots of this world-renowned entity run deep in Austin’s musical heritage. From the time the twangy opening chords of the show’s original theme song, Gary P. Nunn’s “London Homesick Blues,” hit the airwaves in 1976 (well before MTV), it was evident the program was dedicated to exposing a new brand of quality roots-rock music.
Willie Nelson was an early regular guest, and each season continued the tradition of showcasing worthy country, blues, and folk to rock ‘n’ roll, bluegrass, and zydeco artists that weren’t getting the radio airplay they deserved.
The show was inspired by Austin’s burgeoning live music scene in the early ’70s, and it has since featured more than 500 regional and internationally acclaimed artists on its stage. Memorable performances include such diverse acts as Beck, B. B. King, the Pixies, Bob Wills’ Texas Playboys, Wilco, Mary Chapin Carpenter, the Flaming Lips, Ray Charles, Leonard Cohen, and Coldplay.
The show is taped in a studio on the University of Texas campus, with a stage containing fake trees and a backdrop of the city skyline. Not surprisingly, many viewers assume the show is taped outside, and are surprised to learn the stage is located on the sixth floor of UT’s communications building. The skyline set debuted in 1982 and has remained the series’ backdrop ever since.
Tickets for the show are extremely hard to come by, since the small studio can only accommodate a few hundred people, and most of them receive tickets through connections to the TV station. However, a very limited number of tickets may be available for tapings. Visit the station’s website at www.klru.org for information about upcoming shows or call 512/475-9077 for ticket information. Tickets are typically given away through a radio promotion at a local business and are often gone within five minutes of the announced giveaway time. | <urn:uuid:0d392bf2-632f-4e5c-9812-10661eca2ff6> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://moon.com/print/46578 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.95628 | 453 | 1.546875 | 2 |
News & Updates
Find A Specialist
Resource Finder at Kennedy Krieger Institute
A free resource that provides access to information and support for individuals and families living with developmental disabilities.
M.E.B. Lewis, Ed.D.
Kennedy Krieger Institute
3825 Greenspring Avenue
Baltimore, MD 21211
Phone: (443) 923-7822
Dr. Lewis is the director of projects that introduce or extend knowledge of special education policy, interventions or information to both Kennedy Krieger staff and others in the outside community of educators, families, colleges, universities, agencies and community or business groups.
Dr. Lewis received her bachelor's degree in English and philosophy from Towson State College and continued her graduate education at Johns Hopkins University, where she received a master's degree as a reading specialist, and a doctorate in human communication disorders. She taught English and was a reading specialist in Baltimore City public schools for nine years before coming to Kennedy Krieger as principal of its school in 1980.
She has served in the capacity of principal and education director on both the Fairmount and Greenspring campuses, where both the elementary and middle schools were honored as National Blue Ribbon Schools. Dr. Lewis contributed extensively to the growth of the school program at Kennedy Krieger from a small elementary program to its current pre-K through age 21 model. She has also worked at the Maryland State Department of Education as a specialist in non-public schools. For five years, she was the Director of the Center for Reading Excellence at Johns Hopkins University before returning to Kennedy Krieger in 2005.
Dr. Lewis remains connected to the Maryland State Department of Education through her participation on both the Maryland Reading First Initiative and the Committee for the Redesign of Reading Curriculum, both activities involved with the examination of research-based procedures for teaching and learning about reading for school aged students. She has taught at Johns Hopkins University's School of Education for over 25 years, and serves on the neuro-education committee there.
Dr. Lewis' research interests include the neurological aspects of learning, and particularly, the disabling conditions that contribute to reading, writing and language deficits. | <urn:uuid:aea33888-835e-433b-a074-cc74e9ac84e5> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.kennedykrieger.org/patient-care/faculty-staff/meb-lewis | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701459211/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105059-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.952885 | 443 | 1.65625 | 2 |
Christmas time is here, and so are the annual airings of all those classic animated TV specials. But if you think you know everything about Rudolph, Frosty, and the gang, you may be surprised.
Check out these fun and festive facts about the classic Christmas specials you grew up with.
This story of how Santa came to be has been a television tradition since 1970. The Rankin-Bass special was created using stop-motion animation -- called "animagic" -- on wooden puppets. But it also boasted some mega-star power: Hollywood legends Fred Astaire and Mickey Rooney both provided voice work on the show, and the famed Westminster Children's Choir was featured on the soundtrack. Speaking of star power, in 2011, teen idol Justin Bieber recorded a version of the title song that featured footage from the original special, and an animagic version of the Biebs was interspersed into the scenes.
was recorded by Thurl Ravenscroft, who was best known as the voice of Tony the Tiger in 50 years worth of Frosted Flakes commercials. Now that's grrrrreat! provided the voice of the little girl, Karen, who ran off with Frosty the Snowman as he tried to get to the safe subzero temperatures of the North Pole. But Foray, who is famous for voicing the characters Rocky the Flying Squirrel and Witch Hazel, is the voice behind another famous Christmas face: Cindy Lou Who in "How the Grinch Stole Christmas." In stark contrast to her sweet Christmas voice work, Foray also provided the voice of the creepy doll, "Talky Tina," in the terrifying 1963 "Twilight Zone" episode "The Living Doll." USA Today, Lee Mendelson, executive producer of the classic special, didn't want to use Hollywood kids. Instead, he sent home tape recorders with his employees in the hopes of finding some untrained talent. It worked; Peter Robbins and Christopher Shea, the voices of Charlie Brown and Linus, were the only professional child actors in the cast. As for the famous scene in which Linus recited passages from the Bible, Mendelson told the Washington Post that Peanuts creator Charles Schulz insisted on including the New Testament text in the script. Mendelson was against the move at first, but later called Linus's reading from the Book of Luke "the most magical two minutes in all of TV animation." the book "The Enchanted World of Rankin Bass," the dolly had psychological problems and suffered from depression after being abandoned by her mistress. In an interview with the Archive of American Television, show producer Arthur Rankin Jr. said of the doll: "She was under the care of an analyst." Sorry you asked?
More from this contributor:Top TV episodes about snow | <urn:uuid:d7e2f235-91d4-4f34-bffc-22a09449f47d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://tv.yahoo.com/news/christmas-tv-fun-festive-facts-never-knew-favorite-200400576.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960919 | 565 | 1.570313 | 2 |
New London — Calling it a "major victory," the state and local chapters of the NAACP hailed the hiring of firefighter Alfred Mayo on Thursday, saying "the healing process must begin."
Mayo, who attended the evening press conference, said he was excited to start his career with the department. He will begin work on Monday "with the great firefighters of New London," he said.
In December, Mayo, the first black firefighter hired by the city since 1978, was fired by the city three days before his state fire academy graduation. State NAACP President Scot X. Esdaile said by offering Mayo his job back, the city had righted a wrong — a wrong that Esdaile said should have never have happened.
"This could have been dealt with in a more efficient and professional manner," Esdaile said.
Regardless, Esdaile said, Mayo is a "freedom fighter," akin to Jackie Robinson or Martin Luther King Jr., who were willing to stand up and fight for what was right.
"It's not a black or white issue, it's a right or wrong issue," Esdaile said.
Earlier Thursday, Mayor Daryl Justin Finizio told reporters that the firing of Mayo last year was not personal and confirmed the city offered Mayo his job back Wednesday.
Finizio said that "unconditional" reinstatement means there are "no stipulations added" and "no special conditions" attached to the offer. Though the city is in a budget crisis, Finizio said Mayo's back pay has been budgeted as part of the current year's budget. Attorney's fees, which Finizio said are not significant, will come out of a budget line in next year's budget that pays for small claims.
Finizio said the city budget crisis will affect the fire department, but hopefully not in the form of layoffs. If there are layoffs in the fire department, Finizio said, Mayo could be let go because of a contract-related "last one in, first one out" seniority policy.
"We're doing all we can to avoid layoffs in that department," Finizio said.
Finizio said it was only "fair" to pay Mayo as if he hadn't been fired because his firing was based on "tainted information" from the fire academy. An April 23 report on the academy faults the school for multiple procedural failures, inappropriate communications and possibly untrue allegations of recruit misconduct.
State Rep. Ernest Hewett, D-New London, who has championed Mayo's cause, in February called for the investigation into the academy.
Mayo was the only black recruit in last year's "Class 48" at the fire training school.
To encourage diversity in the city fire department, Finizio said he hoped to switch to an open application process rather than the current certified process, which he said limits the pool of applicants.
Rocco Basilica, fire department union president, welcomed the news that Mayo had been hired.
"We need able firefighters, and he'll have a fair chance just like every other person that walks in the door," Basilica said. "What's important to me is that they're filling the vacant spots. Staffing is our most important thing, it protects the public and the firefighters. The more staffing we have, the safer we are."
New information brought to light
Finizio said the city relied heavily on information received from the state fire academy instructor, who repeatedly told New London Fire Chief Ronald Samul that Mayo had a bad attitude and was not performing well. Finizio said such correspondence about a recruit from an academy instructor is rare, which he said spoke to its seriousness.
But the investigation into the academy — completed by the office of Reuben F. Bradford, the commissioner of the Department of Emergency Services and Public Protection, which oversees the fire academy — brought new information to light, Finizio said.
On Thursday, Bradford himself sent a letter to Finizio, writing that he was pleased to hear the city had offered Mayo his job back.
In the letter, Bradford invited Mayo to complete the three days of training he missed in December. The current academy class will complete that training on May 18, 21 and 22, so it provides some "synchronicity in the timing of this," Bradford wrote.
"Assuming this takes place, I would leave it to Mr. Mayo's choice whether to receive his diploma together with this year's graduating class or to receive it individually in my office," Bradford wrote in his letter, which also was sent to Samul and Mayo's attorney, Gary Cicchiello.
When he heard on Wednesday that Mayo had been offered his job back, Hewett said he had to sit down, he was so overwhelmed.
"It's a good thing we kept pushing this issue to make sure the truth comes out," he said.
Hewett said he met briefly with Finizio Thursday morning and told him the hiring was a "good move." Hewett said Mayo was "railroaded from day one."
On Thursday, Hewett said the ordeal could have been avoided. In any case, he said, changes need to occur at the state fire academy and in how a city communicates with a recruit attending the academy, located in Windsor Locks.
"I want people to know: It never was about the city's firemen, they had nothing to do it," Hewett said. "It had to do with a system that allowed recruits at the academy to be ostracized."
Hewett said his own "next move" will be to take a tour of the academy.
"I want to see what's really going on up there," he said.
New London NAACP chapter President Donald Wilson said of the news Thursday: "If you take the time, the truth will outshine everything else."
"I'm happy they decided to take him back before it went on to a lawsuit and everything else," Wilson said. "This was the right thing to do. It was wrong to fire him in the first place, so this makes it right." | <urn:uuid:3fb02597-9759-4b32-8882-63e4d8882b28> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.theday.com/article/20120503/NWS01/120509873/1070/MEDIA04/Mayo-accepts-city-firefighting-job-starts-work-Monday | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.986067 | 1,253 | 1.75 | 2 |
With their inquisitive minds and distinctive personalities, cats make wonderful pets. At the Seattle Humane Society we are committed to fostering life-long relationships between people and their pets.
The following pages contain a variety of articles and resources about kitty care, behavior, and activities. The goal of this information is to help you keep your cat as happy and healthy as possible, no matter what stage of "nine lives" he's in.
View our adoptable cats.
You might also like to:
about low cost spay/neuter services
where you can get a pet license
how to report a lost animal | <urn:uuid:815b7ed3-787c-4402-88d6-701803045fa4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.seattlehumane.org/index.php?q=services/catadvice | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.941193 | 127 | 1.71875 | 2 |
Ragtime, The Musical sweeps into CenterStage at the Jewish Community Center, running October 25 - November 11, 2012. For tickets, call (502) 459-0660 or go online at www.CenterStageJCC.org.
Ragtime, the Tony Award-winning musical, tells a story of American triumph and tragedy at the dawn of the 20th century. Based on the acclaimed novel by E.L. Doctorow, and with a book by Terrence McNally (Kiss of the Spider Woman) and music and lyrics by Stephen Flaherty and Lynn Ahrens (Once on this Island, Seussical) Ragtime tells the saga of three distinctly American families whose lives intersect as they are swept along by the currents of history. Rich and poor, black and white, established citizens and brand new immigrants, all thrill to the possibilities and tremble at the challenges of a nation on the brink of a new era.
Set in New York in 1906, the story weaves together fictional characters and historical figures such as Booker T. Washington, Emma Goldman, J.P. Morgan, Harry Houdini and Henry Ford. Front and center are the issues that continue to test and tantalize us today - wealth and poverty, freedom and prejudice, hope and despair, the silly and the sublime.
Ahrens and Flaherty’s gorgeous Tony-winning score ranges from foot-tapping ragtime and soul-touching klezmer to soaring, heartrending ballads, Tin Pan Alley melodies and rousing anthems. After opening on Broadway, the musical went on to win the 1998 Tony Awards for Best Score, Book and Orchestration and Best Featured Actress for Audra McDonald, as well as the Drama Desk and Outer Critics Circle Awards for Best Musical and Best Show.
Directed by CenterStage Artistic Director John Leffert, with musical direction by Jay Schwandt and choreography by Kate Reedy, Ragtime features a cast of 35 including CenterStage veterans Alonzo Richmond and Tymika Prince as Coalhouse Walker, Jr. and Sarah, Jeremy Moon and Emily Fields as Father and Mother, and Monty Fields as Tateh.
Production designer Michael Hottois of the University of Louisville Theatre Arts Department, whose work has been seen at the Merry-Go-Round Playhouse in New York, is doing the scenic design.
Leffert notes, “Ragtime has one of the most powerful and beautiful scores in all of musical theater. It is rich in history and cleverly weaves together the threads of the story of America from many different points of view. I am very excited to bring the musical to CenterStage.”
Performances are October 25, 27, November 1, 3, 5, 8 and 10 at 7:30 p.m., and October 28, November 4 and 11 at 2 p.m. Tickets cost $18 in advance or $20 at the door and are on sale now. Call 459-0660 or visit www.CenterStageJCC.org to reserve tickets for this beautiful and thrilling musical. | <urn:uuid:05e3aa89-3310-4841-8766-2e88f7f61f07> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://louisville.broadwayworld.com/article/CenterStage-Jewish-Community-Center-Presents-RAGTIME-1025-1111-20121013 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.937145 | 639 | 1.5625 | 2 |
At the start of the current school year, language arts teacher John Waldon wanted to embark on a new chapter for the LHS Key Club, seeking help from a former member to get things restarted and regain student interest.
Torie Barclay had previously been in the club as a freshman, but now as a junior she wanted to renew the role of Key Club within the school and support the overall mission of the teen-level Kiwanis Club.
Within the first month of classes, fifteen members had committed to the club, more than it had when it dissolved two years ago.
“We had more than we expected,” Barclay said. “I just started asking people and then they asked other people, so it just grew from there.”
Waldon appointed officers for the club as they attended the first leadership meeting in September.
The group has 56 active members, which are having fun while undertaking a number of fundraisers and causes.
“This makes you feel like you can do something important that is going to impact someone else’s life,” said Kylie Wilson, a senior and Key Club president.
She and the other officers are hopeful that the club will continue to expand in members and projects for years to come.
Earlier this year, several of the members volunteered during a festival for the Ronald McDonald house in Chattanooga.
Along with handing out candy to trick-or-treaters, the club managed to collect $230 during LaFayette’s Scare on the Square event, which went to a humanitarian UNICEF (United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund) program.
The students also sold nearly 300 bags of kettle corn and netted $768 for the club’s general fund.
Key Club members will become a “spirit team” handing out water and encouragement during the LaFayette Optimist Club’s first annual Reindeer Run on Dec. 8.
The club likes to collaborate with other service-oriented groups in the area, including collecting cereal box tops for LaFayette Middle School and a donation jar for fellow student Brandon Lowe.
The ambitious group will join the school’s marine biology club feeding the less fortunate on Nov. 21 at a soup kitchen in Dalton.
They start 2013 by avoiding eating during the Thirty Hour Famine (Jan. 3-4), a chaperoned school party with plenty of entertainment, which will raise money by sponsored donations for World Vision, which fights child hunger.
A few of the club members hope to attend Key Club’s National Convention, which is held in Washington, D.C., during the week of Independence Day celebrations.
The students’ roles as officers has even led to the consideration of community service careers as they continue to prepare for college, which has the Circle K Club, a college-level Kiwanis group. | <urn:uuid:2c2023a7-3a8e-4357-b9e3-cf345b5ea048> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.walkermessenger.com/view/full_story/20890472/article-Students-are-key-to-restarting-club-at-LaFayette-High-School?instance=home_news_lead_story | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969904 | 594 | 1.53125 | 2 |
Paul Schimmel curated the current MOCA exhibit "Destroy the Picture: Painting the Void, 1949-1962." It's his last show as the museum's chief curator for the last 22 years.
Southland art patrons observed the end of an era recently. After 22 years, Paul Schimmel opened his last exhibit as chief curator at the Los Angeles Museum of Contemporary Art.
Schimmel left the museum in June. Depending on who is talking, he was fired after clashes with the museum’s new director or he left to pursue other opportunities. Whatever his reason for going, the curator led a members-only preview.
A great art curator also has to be a great storyteller. Schimmel employs both talents as he tells two MOCA patrons about artist John Latham in front of a massive canvas flecked with burnt, open books.
"He was thrown out as teacher at St. Martin’s College for taking out a copy of Clement Greenberg’s 'Art and Culture,'" said Schimmel. "And he had all of his students chew, masticate, and spit into a bottle, every page of Greenberg and so, it’s in MOMA’s collection, a masticated copy of the book."
In one sweep, Schimmel can take viewers on a contemporary art joyride that includes Mike Kelley’s disturbing yarn dolls, Jean-Michel Basquiat’s bone and flesh graffiti paintings and the dense, textured drips of MOCA’s treasured “Number 1, 1949” by Jackson Pollock.
The period just after World War II - in which the upheaval of the art world mirrored the violence between nations - is the basis for Schimmel’s final show as MOCA’s chief curator: “Destroy the Picture: Painting the void 1949–1962.”
"I started with a very kind of, a revelation at the time of the “Out of Action” show and I saw Fontana working in Milan, and Shimamoto working in Osaka and realizing that at the same time, 1950, they were both doing these remarkable works, that involved piercing the picture plane, a physical, defiant act," he said.
Schimmel declines to talk in public about why he and MOCA parted ways. He says he will continue to do his work. He will not say where – although he doesn’t rule out curating an occasional show for the institution he just left.
He even regards his most difficult show with something like nostalgia. It was the now legendary survey of Southern California art called “Helter Skelter” 20 years ago. Critics at the time pronounced it disturbing, messy, dark and very un-Los Angeles.
"I got like three months of my ass getting kicked day in and day out by the press," said Schimmel. "And I thought: 'Oh well, gee, I have worked so hard to get this job at MOCA, and they’re going to can me, for all these terrible reviews.' And who knew it would become a legacy builder both for me and the institution."
As he zig-zags the galleries, museum patrons walk up to Schimmel. Some offer him warm hugs. Christopher Walker says he is sad to see this curator go.
"He has an ability to connect with the artist and collectors, it’s probably unparalleled, he has a fantastic eye, he has a fantastic intellect, he’s one of the smartest guys in the art business," Walker said.
Current MOCA director Jeffrey Deitch stands nearby. On this evening, he’s not talking about Schimmel. In the exhibit catalogue, Deitch praises the chief curator’s legacy of landmark shows. That echoes a consensus.
"Paul Schimmel is kind of a mythic presence for us in Los Angeles," said Selma Holo, director of USC’s International Museum Institute. "I think the role that Paul has played is one of being an intellectual powerhouse. And he’s defined intellectuality in a way that is actually quite accessible to people who love art and who come to his exhibitions."
Holo said museum professionals around the world monitor the way MOCA’s become a battleground over the role of the curator in public museums. The current director – hired after a fiscal crisis four years ago - ran private art galleries that didn’t focus on scholarship as MOCA does. Some observers say that is what led to Schimmel’s ouster. Others blame the institution and its management.
Despite these conflicts, colleges continue to turn out aspiring curators year after year, Holo said. She describes the job as glamorous and rigorous – like a high-profile professorship at an elite university.
Paul Schimmel’s lectures don’t put listeners to sleep. About a 100 people crowd into MOCA’s lobby to hear Schimmel talk about “Destroy the Picture.”
"And it was his symposium that in some way – as many times they do – it is the end of something that really defines what it was," Holo said.
The crowd applauds and the cheers continue for more than a minute. Artist Cindy Bernard says people are aware this is a concluding chapter at the Museum of Contemporary Art.
"I hope it’s not the last time we hear (Schimmel) speak at MOCA, I hope that as a guest curator he comes back and does other shows. It’s very nice to give (Schimmel) the equivalent of a standing ovation at this time," Bernard said.
She and others are pushing for the museum to fill this man’s position, if not his shoes.
The museum’s making it hard to forget his 22 years as chief curator. MOCA is naming an exhibition space at its Little Tokyo gallery in Schimmel’s honor. | <urn:uuid:12cc4220-c337-48bc-a09e-4ccd25dd7bfb> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.scpr.org/news/2012/10/09/34568/legendary-southland-curator-opens-last-art-show-le/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705953421/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120553-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963493 | 1,258 | 1.640625 | 2 |
Ocean Optics, Inc. Announces Product Safety Testing Program
Photonics manufacturer helps others screen consumer products for suspected lead and heavy metals
Dunedin, Florida (August 29, 2007) – Ocean Optics, Inc., a leading manufacturer of spectroscopy and photonic instruments, has announced a new program intended to provide manufacturers, importers and distributors of consumer products with a simple, low-cost, screening tool for testing of lead and heavy metals using Ocean Optics’ state-of-the-art laser-induced breakdown spectroscopy (LIBS) system. With recent news reports of lead and heavy metal presence in consumer products, Ocean Optics is offering the low-cost-per-item test as a public service.
Rob Randelman, President of Ocean Optics, said: “Ocean Optics takes product safety very seriously. We want to not only assist our customers in determining the safety of their products, but we also want to encourage companies to be proactive towards these issues, without the concern of significant up-front investment. We have technology that can give a fast, clear result; this could be one step to help keep dangerous products from being used by consumers, like our families and friends.”
Unlike traditional ‘rub tests’, Ocean Optics unique LIBS system is not susceptible to being fooled by an overcoat of non-lead paint. A laser is used to ‘burn’ away a small area of the object under test, causing a plasma to form which is then analyzed for the key elements of interest, primarily lead or other metals, but virtually any element can be detected. The entire test takes less than 30 seconds.
Ocean Optics LIBS systems are used in a wide variety of other applications, such as RoHS screening, gem origin determination, and elemental determinations in mixed powders. The results of this test are intended to be used as a screening tool, guide or advisory of the safety of the paint or construction of an individual product. Ocean Optics is offering the screening for $100 USD per test to help those companies or agencies who are unable to invest upwards of $50,000 USD for their own dedicated system.
More information can be obtained at the company’s website at http://www.oceanoptics.com/products/libstest.asp or by contacting an application scientist at the company’s worldwide headquarters in Dunedin, Florida on 727-733-2447. | <urn:uuid:9f17fea7-725c-40ed-9195-15e9a869244c> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://halmapr.com/news/oceanoptics/2007/08/29/ocean-optics-inc-announces-product-safety-testing-program/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.934846 | 507 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Conn is among a handful of truly iconic names in brass and woodwind manufacturing. They are the oldest manufacturer of band instruments in America, and can legitimately lay claim to having started the industry. The Conn family of musical instruments today comprises some of the most respected names in modern instrument making, including C.G. Conn, King and Benge brass instruments, Artley and Armstrong woodwinds, and Scherl & Roth strings. With a category list that spans the range of brass instruments from C trumpet to tuba, and woodwind instruments from soprano to baritone saxophone, it is fair to say that Conn covers the band from top to bottom. They are specialists in music education and serve as suppliers of the professional instrument market as well. | <urn:uuid:7a1c83d7-1399-4f46-990e-1185ad973610> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wwbw.com/Conn,Condition-Used,Body-Material-Solid-Wood.wwbw?ipp=12 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963211 | 151 | 1.71875 | 2 |
Step 9: String Your Canvas
Starting with my dark purple, I tied onto a nail at the top of the "d".
Now you're on your way! Just start weaving in a back and forth fashion. The less you think about this the better. I actually found it to be quite therapeutic. Just let it flow. If you don't like the way a certain section looks, unwind and do it again. It's very forgiving!
I kept moving through the color spectrum as I worked my way through the word. I found that overlapping the colors a bit helped to blend each color into the next. | <urn:uuid:30b0ff6e-230d-4cea-96a0-52c9d4e643ea> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.instructables.com/id/DIY-String-Art-Tutorial/step9/String-Your-Canvas/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.971732 | 126 | 1.59375 | 2 |
Blizzard Launches Halloween Pumpkin Carving Contest
Author: Pete Haas
published: 2012-10-11 11:27:21
Halloween is almost upon us and Blizzard wants to test gamers' artistic skills. They're hosting another contest to see who among you can make the best pumpkin carving inspired by a Blizzard game.
To enter, send in a picture of a pumpkin carving based on the StarCraft, WarCraft or Diablo universes. Blizzard notes that taking a high-quality photo will help your chances. Also try to include an informative caption with your entry, just so they know what it's supposed to be. If you need to explain what it is, though, you probably lost already.
Also, make sure your pumpkin carving is goddamn outstanding. The winning entries from last year are absurd. Here are a few examples:
The winning entries must be received by October 29th. The ten winners will be crowned shortly afterward. Each winner will receive a Collector's Edition of World of Warcraft Monopoly.
To read more of the contest's fine print or submit your entry, head to the contest's website.
Back to top | <urn:uuid:ff290752-6800-49af-be69-bcd5e292b7bf> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.cinemablend.com/games/blizzard-launches-halloween-pumpkin-carving-contest-48020.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.949567 | 230 | 1.515625 | 2 |
Patrick Marshall: tech-support scams, purging Outlook mail
Tips to avoid tech-support scams, modify cookie settings in Firefox and purge mail in Outlook.
Special to The Seattle Times
Q: I was reading your column and alarm bells began going off. My friend, 75 years old, had an issue with his Hotmail account. He called a number from the Internet for Hotmail support and was connected (supposedly) with a tech-support person. This person took remote control of his machine. He said it was infected and then sold him and installed McAfee virus protection and charged him $290 for two years. My friend told me about this and it sounded fishy to me.
Any suggestions for what to do?
— Catherine T. Kernan
A: That's definitely a very high price.
Again, if you're having trouble with a specific application I'd go to the source for help. If the problem is with Hotmail, get help from Microsoft. If that isn't feasible, I'd go to a local computer shop or hire a local computer consultant. I definitely would advise against calling numbers found on the Internet.
At this point, the first thing to do is to scan the computer for malware that may have been deposited. Try Malwarebyte's Anti-Malware. It's free and it can be found at www.malwarebytes.org.
I'd also suggest your friend ask for a refund. If one isn't given, report the company to the Better Business Bureau.
Q: I run Windows XP on my Dell desktop. I use Firefox as my Internet browser. I have two problems (maybe only one): First, my online banking sites do not recognize my computer. Each time I visit my online banking, I have to go through a series of questions. At the end of the questions, I am asked if this is a public computer or a private computer. I always answer private, but to no avail.
Second, when I open my browser to home page, msn.com, the location indicated on the page is different from the city I live in. I change it to Bellevue and save it. However, once I close the browser and reopen it, it doesn't save my changes. This also happens with the toolbars. Nothing seems to be saved.
I have talked to IT people at my banks and at Microsoft. They think they fixed it, but as soon as I close my browser or shut down my computer, none of the changes have been saved. Can you help?
— Esther Stein
A: That you have both issues leads me to think that you may have your browser configured to prevent websites from leaving cookies on your computer.
To check, in Firefox go to the Options menu and click on Options. In the dialog box that appears, click on the Privacy icon. Under History, make sure the program isn't set to "Never remember history."
And no, it's not an all-or-nothing thing. If you choose "Use custom settings for history," you can control how your computer will interact with specific websites.
Q: I am running Windows Vista (up to date with all Microsoft recommended changes) and Outlook from Microsoft Office Ultimate 2007. I have Office linked through IMAP to my Gmail account.
Whenever I delete an email from Outlook, it remains in Gmail and I have to go directly into Gmail to get rid of it.
This makes for nearly twice as much work in managing email and lengthy purging sessions in Gmail. Is there a way to make a deletion in Outlook force a deletion in Gmail as well?
— John Mowery, Redmond
A: We should be able to fix that. I think what's happening is that you're currently set up for items you delete in Outlook to be moved into the Trash folder in Gmail, but they're not actually purged in Gmail. You need to set things up so that they'll purge.
In Outlook, go to your Account Settings entry for your Gmail account and open it. In the dialog box that appears, click on the More Settings button and then the Deleted Items tab. Click on the box next to "Purge items when switching folders while online." That should fix things.
Patrick Marshall may be sent by email to firstname.lastname@example.org or email@example.com, or by mail at Q&A/Technology, The Seattle Times, P.O. Box 70, Seattle, WA 98111. More columns at www.seattletimes.com/qa. | <urn:uuid:0638af1c-f56a-4512-88ed-0396a23defa8> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://seattletimes.com/html/businesstechnology/2018684114_ptmrsh14.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698924319/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516100844-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960275 | 942 | 1.734375 | 2 |
You may or may not have experience getting your research published; if you have some publications, your advisor probably shepherded you through the process. Now it's time for you to become more independent.
Steve Wojtal, from Oberlin College, offers his advice on getting your research results written up, knowing when your manuscript is ready, dealing with rejection, and revising your manuscript in response to reviewer comments.
On the Process of Writing
- Reducing Over-Complexity in Your Scholarly Writing
- Peer Support for Ph.D. Students (writing support groups)
- Ten Ways of Thinking that Lead to Writing Procrastination - and Rebuttals to Those Thoughts
- How to Write Anything
- Demystifying Dissertation Writing
- Right your Writing: How to Sharpen Your Writing and Make Your Manuscripts More Engaging
- Writing an Article in 12 Weeks
- Learning to Write: Wisdom from Emerging Scholars
- The Graduate Student Writer: Tips to Make the Writing Process Work for You
On Publishing What You've Written
- Getting Published as a Graduate Student in the Sciences, by Rick Reis, published in the Chronicle of Higher Education.
- On Journal Rejection, from Rick Reis' Tomorrow's Professor Mailing List, offers some perspective on what it means to have an article rejected, and a suggestion that you deal with rejection by immediately submitting your article to another journal.
Tips from Early Career Geoscience Faculty Workshop Alums
- Get in the habit of reading the journals in your subdiscipline. This is where you are most likely to publish your own research. Reading other articles in these journals will help you to understand what is expected for publication.
- Before I sent out my first few articles for review, I always had a couple of my grad school friends critique them. This was invaluable, and saved me from embarassing myself by sending off papers that just weren't ready. I did the same for them. It seems like it's always easier to see flaws in someone else's writing than in my own. | <urn:uuid:6bff33b7-db28-4c65-8631-a4e3ec017443> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://serc.carleton.edu/NAGTWorkshops/careerprep/research/publishing.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711005985/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133005-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960892 | 424 | 1.648438 | 2 |
Decoding a term sheet Four important points for entrepreneurs
“Term sheets are incredibly complex legal documents, and basically if you boil it down, in my opinion, there are really only three or four key terms that matter when you’re in that negotiation with your venture syndicate,” says Brian Garrett, co-founder of seed-stage venture capital firm CrossCut Ventures.
The most important of those term-sheet topics, he says, is pre-money value, or the ratio of an investor’s ownership versus an entrepreneur’s ownership of a company. But another important factor that affects the ownership structure of a business is the size of the unallocated option pool – or the pile of stock that an entrepreneur uses to hire and retain rank employees.
Third in importance comes governance-related issues, including board structure and voting rights. When determining the structure of a board, an entrepreneur should consider an equal number of investors and company management plus one neutral third-party member, Garrett says.
Lastly, and most complex, is participating preferred, a term that refers to investors’ ability to generate extra returns in the case of sub-optimal outcomes. For example, if the entrepreneur sold the company for a low dollar value, an investor could get his original money out plus still participate in the pro rata ownership of the remaining proceeds.
“You want to just be cognizant of not accepting terms that are onerous to you as the entrepreneur and aim for what I call the market standard…right now it tends to be a 1X participating preferred with a cap, and that is the common middle ground that investors and entrepreneurs seem to accept,” Garrett says.
Everything else on a term sheet is necessary legal jargon, he adds, but isn’t going to significantly affect the outcome of ownership of the company. | <urn:uuid:8e55d545-1216-48c8-84c5-baf639750a18> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.entrepreneurship.org/en/eMed/eMed-Blog/2012/July/Decoding-a-term-sheet-Four-important-points-for-entrepreneurs.aspx?sort=title&dir=desc | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.937462 | 378 | 1.578125 | 2 |
The CityDeck is the heart of a multi-phase redevelopment project along Green Bay’s Fox River. The project aims to allow for significantly increased access to the river and to diversify social and ecological life along it.
EXISTING CONDITIONS + CHALLENGES
The site is a 2-acre strip of land, typically measuring 50 to 60 feet wide, that runs along the edge of the Fox River in downtown Green Bay. It is about one-quarter-mile in length and is situated between two bridges that cross the river. At the project’s beginning, adjacent parcels were empty, abandoned (a large yellow warehouse), or in use as parking lots. Nearby buildings turned their back on the riverfront. Unsurprisingly, there was little social or civic life here, and no reason to visit; the elevated walk along existing bulkhead walls prevented any direct access down to the river—as well as up to the city from boats.
To address these challenges, the design team tasked itself with identifying broader urban design strategies for new open space and development along the river. These financial and programmatic ideas
would positively transform about six square blocks of urban fabric and would reach back into downtown. The team sought to reconnect city streets and create new development parcels where symbiotic
programmatic relationships between proposed buildings and open space would reinforce one another. Phase one of The CityDeck grew out of these urban design studies and strategies, which are now being
developed in parallel with the open space. All was developed in close collaboration with City leaders and various local, regional, state, and federal regulatory agencies—as well as with the broader public.
As conceived, Phase 1 of The CityDeck negotiates an infrastructural landscape of physical, environmental, and code complexities, and responds to the need for social and economic re-activation. The project establishes a new downtown waterfront; a new front porch for the city on the region’s most precious environmental and economic resource, the Fox River.
The project starts as a simple boardwalk deployed at the edge of city and river. The highly articulated wooden boardwalk undulates, folding in response to technical, code, and programmatic issues. At the scale of the human body, these folds create diverse seats, benches, and chaise lounges that allow forchoice and flexibility: some are close to the water, others further back but overlooking it; some are clustered and assembled in long rows, while others are a bit more solitary. The idea was to give people many choices about where to sit, depending on their own desires, their body type, their mood, and their attraction to various ambient light, heat, or weather conditions.
The wood surface folds up and over the existing bulkhead wall at the north end of the site, rising to form a dramatic overlook perched above the river on piles—a great place to watch passing lake barges and small recreational boats. At the city edge, the surface folds up again, affording adjacent buildings required protection from flooding and creating retail and dining terraces, seating, and communal chaise lounges looking out to the water. A flexible upland plaza floats atop fill between the perched terraces and the undulating boardwalk, creating a free-zone to be inhabited by festivals, vendors, and spontaneous activity; it doubles as an informal amphitheater for performances and is marked at its southern end by an interactive play fountain.
Lawns are located at both north and south ends of the project, allowing for casual play and picnicking. Groves and scatterings of gingkos, elms, and coffeetrees offer shade in the hot summer sun and reduce adjacent buildings’ cooling loads. During football season, the trees turn bright yellow, half of the green and gold color scheme of the city’s beloved Green Bay Packers football team; the green is manifest in custom-designed concrete pavers (with a green aggregate), shaped to resemble fish scales and perforated to allow for stormwater infiltration.
The City and various non-profit civic organizations have taken to programming the space almost yearround. St Patrick’s Day and Christmas Parades end or pass by here; the marathon traverses the length of the project. “Fridays on the Fox” (summer entertainment and music events), “Dine on the Deck” (regular Wednesday noon lunch events), Irish dance troupes, dueling pianos, at least one wedding, and an Elvis sighting are among the activities that continue to attract crowds. The CityDeck counted more than 100,000 visitors in 2010.
Future phases of the project are currently underway and will include two new large over-water structures (amphitheater steps and stage, and an urban beach), as well as docks for boaters. Since concept design, a new apartment building with ground-floor retail space, a new condominium, and a new bank headquarters and office building have been constructed to reinforce the physical and programmatic goals of The CityDeck. At the center of the adjacent site, a mixed use project, with apartments, offices, a restaurant, cafes, and a new children’s museum, is now under construction.
Project Name: The CityDeck
Completion Date: Phase 1 opened in stages in 2009 and 2010. Phases 2 and 3 are scheduled for
completion in 2011-2012.
Location: Green Bay, Wisconsin, USA
Size: Phase 1: 2.5 acres; 5 acres total
Designer: Stoss Landscape Urbanism
Chris Reed, principal, lead designer
Scott Bishop, project manager
Design Team: Tim Barner, Cathy Braasch, Steve Carlucci, Jill Desimini, Adrian Fehrmann, Carl
Frushour, Kristin Malone, Chris Muskopf, Susan Fitzgerald, Jana Kienitz, Lisl Kotheimer, Bryan
Miyahara, Graham Palmer, Megan Studer, Sarah Wright
Collaborators: Vetter Denk, urban design
GRAEF Anhalt Schloemer and Associates, structural engineering
STS Consultants/AECOM, civil and geotechnical engineering
Light THIS! , lighting design
Pine + Swallow, soil science
Clark Dietz, electrical and plumbing
WF Baird Associates, cost
Photographer/s: as noted | <urn:uuid:68159208-b7e4-48b6-81e2-5d27194bcdc6> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.worldlandscapearchitect.com/citydeck-green-bay-usa-stoss-landscape-urbanism/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.933505 | 1,310 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Engineering Students Volunteer to Test Blood Bank Equipment for Physicians for Peace
A group of Old Dominion University engineering students is working with the Norfolk-based international development organization Physicians for Peace (PFP) to help in the creation of a national blood bank in the country of Mali.
The students' advisor, Stephen Knisley, professor of mechanical and aerospace engineering and Batten Endowed Chair in Biomedical Engineering, hopes that the partnerships formed this fall lead to a permanent link with PFP, one that provides hands-on experience to aspiring engineers.
"This really is, potentially, a win-win arrangement for all of us," Knisley said.
The relationship with Physicians for Peace began in the spring with a professional contact Knisley made with PFP president Ron Sconyers. The retired U.S. Air Force brigadier general informed Knisley that the organization had received a donation of blood bank equipment from the Red Cross. Physicians for Peace planned to take the equipment to Africa, to help with the creation of a national blood bank in Mali. But the organization first wanted to make sure it worked as intended.
Four students in Knisley's Biomedical Engineering 401 class have spent the fall volunteering their time to test the equipment, making sure it's in working order before being shipped. Starting with learning how the centrifuges and other blood management tools operate, the students have methodically worked their way through it all, making alterations as necessary so that when it arrives in Mali, the medical equipment will perform as intended. The equipment has also been inspected by the local American Red Cross.
"There's definitely a very valuable learning aspect for the students," Knisley said. "At the same time, they're performing a helpful service for Physicians for Peace."
Derrick Jung, a medical laboratory specialist from the Army National Guard, is one of the ODU engineering students who volunteered for the project.
"Dr. Knisley was looking for volunteers to help with Blood Bank equipment," said Jung, an electrical engineering major from Yorktown. "I was interested in the topic because I have worked with blood bank equipment before in the Army." Jung added that it was an opportunity for him to become reacquainted with the equipment and to help PFP at the same time.
Other students who have worked on the project this fall include Robert York, Can Karaoz and Vincent Constantino, all of whom are mechanical engineering majors in the Batten College.
Knisley said he hopes this is the start of a formal partnership with PFP. "To work on this project, we want to build a test bench in their warehouse, so there'll be a place for students to work on future medical equipment. This is the type of project that could ultimately help create an ODU chapter of groups like Engineers Without Borders or Engineering World Health, to assist with problems out in the world.
"We'd also like to engage students from all of ODU's colleges. This is a great opportunity for interdisciplinary teamwork and the kind of activity that gets students interested in making a positive impact in the world."
Knisley sees ODU students benefitting from the partnership, with capstone senior design projects and opportunities to travel and see the results of their work in action. "They can also create innovations, new devices that are useful in the field. That is one of the things we are trying to do in the Biomedical Engineering initiative at ODU. The partnership with Physicians for Peace is a natural fit," Knisley said.
Founded in 1989, Physicians for Peace transforms lives by training, supporting and empowering health care professionals working with the world's underserved populations. | <urn:uuid:998cc777-fa53-4443-9fc1-8213c6205fa4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.odu.edu/news/2012/11/engineers_helping_ou | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969721 | 749 | 1.84375 | 2 |
U.S. 97 - Illumination and Pedestrian Improvements
Client: Brewster, Washington - WSDOT
U.S. 97 - Illumination and Pedestrian Improvements, 2007-2008
Brewster, Washington - Washington State Department of Transportation
US 97 through Brewster is an important roadway for local industry, shopping and downtown access as well as a heavily used cross-state route for recreation and commerce. Due to a high amount of foot traffic from fruit packing workers and an increased emphasis on pedestrian safety by the state legislature, WSDOT has launched a safety improvement project that will address crosswalk locations and illumination, sidewalks, and access points on US 97. Currently, property owners have open access along the highway and many are cold to the idea of limiting access. TLG performed all public involvement efforts which included:
- Key stakeholder meetings
- Property owner meetings
- Design/development of public information materials (flyers, mailers, display boards, posters)
- Property/Business owner mediation to determine agreed on locations for limited access points. Businesses on US 97 previously had open access along the highway and were sour to the idea of limited access points.
- Careful mediation between business owners, WSDOT and The City of
- Brewster resulted in agreed upon limited access locations.
- Public Open House scheduling, coordinating and facilitation
- Develop/maintain project database
- Media outreach and media relations
- Spanish translation coordination for print materials and public open house
Construction of the project was completed in 2009. Post construction interviews with once skeptical business owners revealed a new opinion and attitude about the new limited access points. Business owners remarked that they have improved flow in and out of their parking areas and they have noticed a reduction in accidents. | <urn:uuid:504ce17d-90fe-43b8-bbfa-2f1bbf655d97> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.langdongroupinc.com/Projects/U-S--97---Illumination-and-Pedestrian-Improvements.aspx | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711005985/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133005-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.94338 | 361 | 1.65625 | 2 |
Counter Entropy House
*** Counter Entropy House belegt den 5. Platz ***KAI KASUGAI Kai Kasugai Björn Teutriene
Counter Entropy House in its realization phase
The Counter Entropy Team has started building the house. Work on specific tasks has started at three sites simultaneously: on Campus, part of the team is busy in a woodworking shop while other team members work at a carpentry in Heinsberg. The parts produced in these two places are delivered to a hall at the Research Center Jülich which forms the hub of the construction project being the place where everything is assembled.
The woodworking shop based on the Aachen Campus focuses on the construction and the trimming of the façade forming functional blocks’ interiors, which consist of recycled wood assembled into elements in the workshop. The second major challenge of the woodworking shop is the manufacturing of wooden slats for the floor from glued wood blocks originating from the old Tivoli stadium. The students have already cut the blocks into sized slices in order to assemble the individual slats into ready-to-install surfaces in the end.
The functional blocks were built of wood at a local carpenter’s in Heinsberg. Because of their function as load-bearing exterior walls they were designed complete with insulation. The ground scaffold for the house’s interior was also created on this site. It contains five elements, representative of the residential areas, and has been completed except for the integration of the power lines, the planking and the insulation. In addition, the construction of the roof scaffold has already begun. The roof will consist of seven elements, with four of the beams forming a mitered frame. The remaining three beams are inserted centrally at equal distances into the frame. The remaining three beams are inserted centrally at equal distances into the frame. The roof will be waterproofed in Jülich, however. After the completion of the roof scaffold, units of plastic will be placed, each with a few centimeters of offset. The goal of this is to create a slope which will ensure the drain of the rain water.
The elements produced on the construction sites are assembled in the hall in Jülich. The façade modules are currently produced here, as well. Recycled CDs are partially melted in a mould and thus combined into façade elements of the same size. Supported by a wooden substructure, these surface units are eventually mounted onto the functional blocks. Accordingly, the focal point of the team in terms of the actual construction is moved to the hall in Jülich.
The parts of the interior which is not created by extending boxes from the functional blocks, is supplied by the Gut Rosenberg artisans. These include, for instance, free-standing objects such as tables or chairs.
The Youtube- Channel www.youtube.com/solarrwth allows interesting insights, for example in the current construction phase. Pictures and news can be found on the team's website at www.counter-entropy.org.
Competition Solar Decathlon Europe 2012
With the Concept of „Counter Entropy House“, the team of RWTH Aachen University has successfully applied to participate in the international university contest Solar Decathlon Europe 2012. The task in this student competition is to design and also to build an energy-efficient house until September 2012.
Since the natural resources of the earth are limited, the house of the future has to be charecterized by a careful use of resources, both during planning and construction. The use of materials that are recycled or reused directly as well as the intelligent integration of building technology in architecture provide a basis which is efficient with regard to resources and energy. The Counter Entropy concept is an approach to respond to these requirements. The project demonstrates the possibilities and opportunities of a suitable construction method and an energy efficient use of future residential buildings.
The Solar Decathlon Europe is an international competition over the period of two years, in which 20 selected student teams compete against each other with their architectural designs in ten disciplines, such as sustainability, energy efficiency and architecture. The teams develop a sustainable housing concept for two people, which is characterized by energy-efficient technology and the production of solar energy, as well as reaching the standards of a zero-energy house.
During the last stage of the competition in September 2012, the finished houses will be transported to Madrid and presented to the public for three weeks.
The costs for the development of the house add up to approximately EUR 1,5 million. The RWTH project is significantly funded by the Federal Ministry of Economics and Technology. | <urn:uuid:4cf8a156-6ecf-4754-a428-dc78cc3efa33> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://arch.rwth-aachen.de/cms/Architektur/Wirtschaft/Projekte/~ciul/Counter_Entropy_House/lidx/1/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.94637 | 952 | 1.804688 | 2 |
Two Workers Detained and Later Released Following Other Campaign Mobilizations
source: Narco News
Following President Felipe Calderon’s executive order that shut down state-owned Luz y Fuerza and put its 44,000 workers out of a job, Mexico’s other state-owned electricity company, the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE), began to remove equipment from Luz y Fuerza facilities. When Calderon shut down Luz y Fuerza, he put its infrastructure and territory under the CFE’s control. However, former Luz y Fuerza workers, who consider their sudden firing to be illegal and immoral and continue to fight for work, were outraged that the CFE was “plundering” expensive equipment from their former workplace. Workers set up protest barricades in front of their former workplaces in order to block the CFE’s trucks from hauling out more equipment. Representatives from the Mexican Electricians Union (SME) visited the barricades, informed the workers that they were engaging in unsanctioned protest activity, and requested that the workers remove them. Workers at many barricades refused the union’s request, and the union refused to recognize and support the wildcat barricades.
One such barricade was the one located in Lechería. Former Luz y Fuerza workers established that barricade on December 7 when a caravan of CFE trucks tried to haul away a turbine from the power plant. The barricade cut off access to the power plant to prevent CFE workers and the contractors and police that accompanied them from removing more equipment. Anywhere between five and twenty workers staffed the barricade at any given time.
The workers at the Lechería barricade report frequent harassment from Federal Police. Heavily armed Federal Police first showed up at the barricade on December 15, reportedly to “intimidate” the workers in the barricades. On the night of January 7, approximately 30 Federal Police reportedly arrived to forcibly disassemble the barricade. The police removed materials that blocked the entrance and forced open the plant doors. According to the workers, they carried out a turbine, four jets, and a pick-up truck filled with tools and spare parts. The Federal Police then entered the workers’ plantón (protest encampment) located near the barricade and stole a laptop computer that belonged to the workers. Raul Navarrete, a former Luz y Fuerza worker who helped staff the barricade, told Narco News that the computer contained videos, photos, and texts that documented the workers’ protest activities since they were first laid off. At the time of publication, the police refuse to hand over the laptop.
It is worth pointing out that the Federal Police receive training and equipment from the United States through the Merida Initiative under the auspices of combating drug trafficking.
The situation at the Lechería barricade took a turn for the worse on January 8. On that day, a man in a truck showed up at the plantón and reportedly offered to help the workers re-install the barricade by dumping gravel in front of the plant. Before the driver was able to dump the gravel, Federal Police arrested him and workers Enrique Mejía García and Sergio David Rodríguez Martínez. Both workers are adherents to the Zapatistas’ Other Campaign and participated in the protest encampment.
The two workers were charged with attempted sabotage and attempted “crimes against the nation’s consumption and wealth.” The men’s lawyers argued that the government had no basis for the charges because the alleged crime was never carried out.
Crimes against the nation’s consumption and wealth is a serious crime and made the men inelegible for bail.
Because the two detainees are adherents to the Zapatista’s Other Campaign, fellow adherents mobilized in Mexico City and joined former Luz y Fuerza workers outside the jails where the two men were being held. The round-the-clock protest encampments outside the jails—in which around 50 people participated at any given time—were effective. The government dropped the charges against the men and released them on the night of January 13.
The men were reportedly released without any sort of conditions or negotiations. This is good news for their former co-workers, who are already meeting to discuss how to continue their wildcat actions.
Narco News spoke with former Luz y Fuerza worker Raul Navarrete about his experience in the wildcat barricade outside the Lechería power plant.
Narco News: What was your position in Luz y Fuerza?
Navarrete: I was a Class A operator in a power plant in Iztapalapa [in southern Mexico City].
Narco News: How did the wildcat barricade come about?
Navarrete: This barricade was organized by workers from Lechería. They decided to come and camp out in protest on December 7. They made the decision when the CFE and the Federal Police began to take valuable equipment from the jet repair workshop in the Lechería power plant. [The former workers] came out despite the fact that the SME offered absolutely no support. So the workers, who are SME members, got together and set up the protest encampment. More compañeros who also worked in that plant in Lechería started to come out. And that’s how they started to organize themselves.
Later, compañeros from the J. Luque [thermo-electric] plant set up an encampment in front of that plant, and compañeros from the union’s school also came out. In J. Luque there’s a warehouse that has cables and transformers. They also got worried and set up a protest encampment.
There's also protest encampments in Tacuba, Necaxa, Pachuca, Toluca, and Cuernavaca. Compañeros from our encampment visited the others to see how they were doing and share experiences.
Narco News: Why were the CFE and the Federal Police taking away the equipment?
Navarrete: We don’t know. More than anything else they were taking out the turbines, which are used to generate electricity. This worried us because if we went back to work, we wouldn’t have any equipment to work with. The workshop is for repairing jet turbines that are worth millions of dollars. If they take them away, we won’t have anything to work with.
Narco News: And the protest encampment didn’t receive support from the SME?
Navarrete: No. When they set up the encampment, [representatives] from the [SME] Local in Lechería came out and told them to go away. They told them they couldn’t be there. The workers didn’t pay any attention to them and they stayed so that they wouldn’t keep taking out equipment.
Narco News: What are the encampment’s demands?
Navarrete: An end to the plundering of the [Luz y Fuerza] buildings.
Narco News: How many workers in the Lechería protest encampment are adherents to the Zapatistas’ Other Campaign?
Navarrete: Two—Sergio and Enrique. They’re both in jail.
Narco News: It’s said that those in the protest encampments disagree with the SME.
Navarrete: Exactly. They’ve differentiated themselves from the SME. Of course, they also respect the SME’s ideas and politics, but their vision was to come and form a protest encampment. And not just be there, but inform people, hold political and cultural events so that the residents were informed about what’s been going on. And a lot of people were coming out. The workers in the encampment gave them information about the situation.
We didn’t agree with the SME—or rather, the SME leadership. They didn’t let us camp out in protest—it wasn’t permitted. They won’t support us, so we started looking for our own resources, and for support from the people.
Narco News: What do you think of the latest SME proposal that the 18,000 Luz y Fuerza workers who haven’t accepted their severance packages be rehired by the CFE and represented by the SME, presumably with a contract that starts at zero? Their original demand was a reversal of Calderon’s executive order and the re-opening of Luz y Fuerza.
Navarrete: We clearly understand that they won’t give back Luz y Fuerza. Maybe they’ll give us a source of work. Some source of income. But this is secondary. More than anything else, we’re against how all this was carried out—the real reasons for why Luz y Fuerza was shut down [Narco News note: There is evidence that the shutdown of Luz y Fuerza has facilitated the privatization of its fiber optic network, and SME members are acutely aware of this fact.] And above all, this blow to Luz y Fuerza workers was a blow to the working class, to unions. An injustice was committed against the 44,000 Luz y Fuerza workers—and not just them. Many more people have been affected. [Most Luz y Fuerza workers were breadwinners.]
In my point of view, from the beginning the process hasn’t been clear. The government says it’ll give us work, but that’s not going to happen. So above all, we’re doing this to defend our rights. Now it’s not so much about giving us back Luz y Fuerza . It’s about defending our rights as workers and as human beings.
We want the government to tell the truth. They’ve been demonizing us from the beginning—saying we’re drunks, drug addicts, crazies, thiefs, that we don’t work. Then they say that they’re going to hire us back [with the CFE]. Well, if we’re bad people and drunks and lazy bums, why would they rehire us?
Narco News: Do you think they will rehire you?
Navarrete: Look, I’ve got some friends who accepted their severance packages. Three months have passed, and the government hasn’t rehired them. [The government promised to do its best to rehire the workers who promptly accepted their severance packages.] A lot of people who accepted their severance packages did so for precisely that reason—so they’d be rehired. They were desperate. And now they realize that the government was manipulating them, that it wasn’t telling the truth.
I haven’t accepted my severance package because I don’t agree with how this went down. Moreover, my severance package doesn’t cover all that I’m entitled to. [This criticism is common amongst former Luz y Fuerza workers, that their severance packages were poorly calculated and are less than the amount to which they are legally entitled.] The government said it was going to give us two-and-a-half years of our salary. It sounded like a ton of money, but it’s not true.
I have a cousin that worked at Luz y Fuerza for thirteen years. They calculated his severance package using a much lower salary than what he was actually getting paid. He accepted his severance package out of necessity. He has a family; he has children.
The government told so many lies, and people believed them. People think the government is giving us a very good severance package, and that we’re just fighting for the sake of fighting because we can’t get a job like everyone else. In my case, I’m a computer engineer. I’m still young and I can look for another job. But there’s people who have spent there whole lives in Luz y Fuerza—they were educated there, as people and as workers. They’re 45, 50 years old. Where are they going to find work? | <urn:uuid:19050381-07d5-4ce1-b424-af8c5e2a8267> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://mywordismyweapon.blogspot.com/2010_01_01_archive.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701852492/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105732-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968558 | 2,625 | 1.734375 | 2 |
Hillary Clinton endorsed gay marriage today:
“A few years ago, Bill and I celebrated as our own daughter married the love of her life. I wish every parent that same joy. To deny the opportunity to any of our daughters and sons, solely on the basis of who they are and who they love, is to deny them the chance to live up to their own God-given potential.”
What’s particularly interesting about Hillary Clinton coming out for gay marriage is multi-fold:
1. She’s arguably the Democratic frontrunner for 2016. The onus will now be on other Democratic candidates, and possibly even some pressure on Republican candidates, for the presidency in the future. Hillary’s move helps cement a presumption that the Democratic party is pro- marriage equality.
2. She has an international profile that few American politicians have, outside of her husband and the sitting President. Her statement may have impact internationally as well (after all, President Obama’s embrace of gay marriage last summer helped inspire leaders in New Zealand).
3. She mentioned God. It’s always fascinating to see how politicians deal with religion, especially in a case like this. Invoking God suggests that God is on our side in this battle. That’ll rile up the fundies and the pedophile-enabling Catholic church.
It’s interesting. Hillary struggled with the marriage issue, and particularly DOMA, during the 2008 campaign. The argument was that her husband had signed DOMA, and embraced it at the time (though he has now recanted), so it put her in a difficult position commenting on the law, let alone urging its full repeal – so she didn’t.
Joe and I know first-hand that DOMA was a thorn in the side of Hillary’s ’08 campaign. That’s one more reason why her turnaround is so fascinating, and so significant. Joe recounts via Twitter today what happened to us in 2007 when we were setting up an interview with then-candidate Hillary and made the mistake of telling her staff that we wanted to ask her about DOMA:
Remembering how campaign staffer screamed at me in Jan 2007 for even wanting to ask Hillary a question about DOMA #evolvingmatters
— Joe Sudbay (@JoeSudbay) March 18, 2013
We never got the interview.
As an aside, Bill Clinton came out for gay marriage in 2009. The talk at the time was that Hillary couldn’t because she was a member of the Obama administration, and it would put the President, who at the time was still in remission over his previous endorsement of marriage equality, in a bad spot.
This is one more indication of how quickly the same-sex marriage debate in America has shifted. To suggest that momentum is on our side would be an understatement. | <urn:uuid:3658f699-28cd-4838-b744-ee520a084bac> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://americablog.com/2013/03/hillary-clinton-endorses-gay-marriage.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696381249/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092621-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968492 | 588 | 1.734375 | 2 |
Tuesday, January 01, 2013
too much coffee
you know you've had too much coffee when............
you wake up......
jump out of bed......
& get ready for a new day........
then you look at the clock & it's only 3.30am.
yesterday, when i sent in the car for the regular service, i had a cup of white coffee from the dispenser. pretty good coffee, i'd say.
then when i collected the car in the evening, i had another cup of the same.
and in between, i've also had my usual 2 cups at work.
so, to recap, coffee is good because it:
reduces the risk of Parkinsonism, cardiovascular disease, colonic cancer & gallstones.
but coffee is bad because it is:
associated with osteoporosis, reduced fertility in women & poor sleep patterns.
unlike smoking which has no good outcomes, coffee has both good & not-so-good effects. in such a case, i would, and should, practise moderation.
so, here's good health to all in the new year & beyond! | <urn:uuid:1b7234f4-52ff-4490-8988-0b232e14ecdc> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://doc1s1n.blogspot.com/2013/01/too-much-coffee.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.965456 | 237 | 1.570313 | 2 |
Check article starting on page 18 of the spring 2011 Hotline here: http://www.w1dm.com/projects/HOTLINE/Hotline.html
Lots of good info.
That was an excellent writeup. One thing I would add having refinished mine the quick and inexpensive way (light sand, then sprayed three light coats of high gloss black appliance epoxy enamel from a rattle can) is don't make the mistake I made by overbuilding the application in the area you see highlighted in diagram #10. I have the older-style castings and with only three light coats of paint I discovered I could barely get the freshly painted rudders back into the castings. And once I did it was difficult to get the rudders to move up and down. Figured they would "break in" after a couple of sails but no go -Reboot!!
In my case I elected to remove the rudders and sand off the top 3" of freshly applied paint (left the top 3" unfinished). Not the perfect solution but after two seasons I was and still am happy results.
'82 Hobie 18 SE with '85 Nationals Prism (White) sails
'73 Laser HID# 3463 | <urn:uuid:d4074d67-9e5b-4fa5-ad59-9e2fffd99dd9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.hobiecat.com/forums/viewtopic.php?f=13&t=40655 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701459211/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105059-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.943633 | 255 | 1.59375 | 2 |
NEW YORK (AP) — The title role of Giordano's 1896 opera, "Andrea Chenier," has long appealed to tenors because of the fervent lyricism and heroic thrust of its showpiece arias and duets. Both Placido Domingo and Luciano Pavarotti sang it at the Metropolitan Opera, and before them it was a vehicle for stars like Beniamino Gigli, Richard Tucker and Mario del Monaco.
On Sunday, Roberto Alagna bid to add his name to that pantheon, debuting the role of the poet who was executed during the French Revolution in a concert performance with the Opera Orchestra of New York. Sad to say, it was a faltering attempt, suggesting either that he had not studied the part sufficiently or that it may be beyond his vocal comfort zone.
The problems began almost immediately, during the warm-up to Chenier's opening aria, the "Improvviso," in which the hero extemporizes a poem and outrages his aristocratic audience by expressing sympathy for the poor. Alagna startled the audience at Avery Fisher Hall by suddenly breaking off, motioning to conductor Alberto Veronesi to stop, and after a quick consultation beginning again. Then in Act 2, he missed an entrance, leaving out a crucial phrase entirely.
There were, to be sure, passages that rang out with Alagna's familiar warm, muscular sound. But many of his high notes were effortful — including a crack on his final exclamation — and there was little sense of lyrical flow in his phrasing. Maybe he was indisposed: There were frequent sips from a water bottle and toward the end he wiped his nose several times. It's also possible he was upset over the disclosure last week that he and his wife, soprano Angela Gheorghiu, are divorcing after a stormy marriage of nearly 17 years.
Whatever the cause, one had to look elsewhere for consistent vocal rewards. These started with baritone George Petean in the role of Gerard, the footman-turned-revolutionary and Chenier's rival in love. He delivered a richly sung rendition of the great aria, "Nemico della patria," conveying the conflicting feelings of this character, who repents too late the havoc the revolution has wrought.
As Maddalena, the aristocrat who loves Chenier, Kristin Lewis revealed a gleaming, somewhat hard-edged soprano that cut through the orchestra with ease. She also has a creditable lower or chest voice, which served her well in her aria, "La mamma morta." However, even for a concert performance there was a notable lack of chemistry between the two lovers, with her standing rigid at the podium and Alagna seeming distracted.
And then there was Rosalind Elias. The octogenarian mezzo-soprano, who made her Met debut nearly 60 years ago, brought a welcome splash of show-biz charisma as she walked haltingly onstage for the cameo role of Madelon, an old, blind woman who has sacrificed her sons to the revolution. Extending her arms as if in prayer, Elias sang her brief aria eloquently, her whisper of a voice becoming fuller as it moved up the scale.
Others in the large supporting cast who made good contributions included mezzo Jennifer Feinstein as Maddalena's mother, the countess de Coigny, and baritone David Pershall as Chenier's friend, Roucher.
Veronesi conducted the orchestra and chorus with perhaps too much emphasis on the bombastic side of the post-Verdian verismo style, of which "Chenier" is one of the more durable products. | <urn:uuid:79f50354-9b04-43d0-a55d-3281f2a0c17f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wcnc.com/news/entertainment/185876491.html?ref=prev | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975165 | 769 | 1.742188 | 2 |
The Tennessee Secondary Schools Band Directors Association (TSSBDA) hosts two regional honor band competitions each year — the junior clinic for seventh-graders through freshmen and the senior clinic for freshmen through seniors.
These honor bands offer the chance to learn with other musicians from throughout East Tennessee. Students compete for chair placement (ranking) in one of two bands, and then the students work with the other musicians to put together a concert in the course of the two-day event. Cumberland Gap High School frequently has students place in the top band at both.
CGHS completed another senior clinic under the direction of Katrina Jolley. She took six students to and from Cocke County High School on March 8-10. They participated in learning music literature from 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. each day with a concert on Saturday evening. The following rankings were given to the following students:
Erin Johnston, a senior at CGHS, was fifth chair Blue Band Flute; Joseph Ellison, a senior at CGHS, was fifth chair Red Band Clarinet; Heather Miller, a senior at CGHS, was fifth chair Red Band Flute; Alexandra Robbins, a junior at CGHS, was first chair Blue Band Bass Clarinet; Taylor McMillan, a junior at CGHS, was seventh chair Red Band Flute; and Emilie Jones, a freshman at CGHS, was fifth chair Blue Band Flute.
Each year, students may apply to earn a scholarship to be awarded to students who wish to major in music education. Students move to the interview process if they have shown an outstanding passion for music. Only two students can win and the money will be given in payments during their sophomore and senior year of college. Erin Johnston received the scholarship this year and has been the first student at CGHS to earn it. | <urn:uuid:11abec0f-c086-489c-ba0c-78f58bdb16e4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.middlesborodailynews.com/view/full_story_myown/22030576/article-TSSBDA-hosts-senior--junior-clinics | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.972541 | 372 | 1.554688 | 2 |
Return to Transcripts main page
JOHN KING, USA
Interview With U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius; Santorum on the Attack
Aired March 1, 2012 - 18:00 ET
THIS IS A RUSH TRANSCRIPT. THIS COPY MAY NOT BE IN ITS FINAL FORM AND MAY BE UPDATED.
JOHN KING, CNN ANCHOR: Good evening. I'm John King.
Tonight, charges are filed against the alleged Ohio school shooter, and a hero who stopped the carnage speaks out.
Rick Santorum says rival Mitt Romney failed a critical conservative gut check.
And if your boss opposes abortion or contraception, can he or she make sure your health plan won't cover it?
Remarkable story tonight. We're hearing the first humble words of a hero football coach who helped stop the shooting rampage at Ohio's Chardon High School. Three students died, two others were hurt. It was coach Frank Hall who chased the accused gunman of campus.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
FRANK HALL, CHARDON HIGH SCHOOL ASSISTANT FOOTBALL COACH: To the victims and their families, I want to say that I'm sorry. My thoughts and prayers are still with you.
To the families of Danny, Demetrius and Russell, I want you to know I was with them. I prayed with them. I wiped their tears, and I know God was with them. I don't know why this happened. I only wish I could have done more.
I'm not a hero. I'm just a football coach and a study hall teacher.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Coach Hall is a hero.
The suspect, T.J. Lane, is facing three counts of aggravated murder among other serious charges.
CNN's Ted Rowlands was at the high school at the students returned for the first time since the attack.
TED ROWLANDS, CNN CORRESPONDENT (voice-over): It was a difficult morning as students along with their parents returned to school for the first time since Monday's shooting.
JEREMY BOLTON, STUDENT: It was pretty emotional, seeing everyone hug and cry, and everyone unite and remembering this hard time.
ROWLANDS: And remembering the three students skilled, 16-year- old Danny Parmertor, 16-Year-old Demetrius Hewlin and 17-year-old Russell King Jr.
Today, the grieving families of Danny Parmertor and Demetrius Hewlin talked publicly about their loss.
PHYLLIS FERGUSON, VICTIM'S MOTHER: Demetrius was energetic and a good young man. Demetrius had donated his organs, and for Demetrius' one life he gets to change eight lives. They took him this morning at five minutes to 8:00 to take his organs. So I'm kind of having a hard time. And this was the last time I got to see him.
DOMINIC PARMERTOR, VICTIM'S BROTHER: My brother was the happiest kid on the planet. He never got mad at anybody. He always just loved to have fun. He was going to change the world.
ROWLANDS: Seventeen-year-old Nick Walczak is the still hospitalized with no feeling in his legs. The teacher Joe Ricci pulled Nick into his classroom after he had been shot.
HOLLY WALCZAK, VICTIM'S MOTHER: He is the one that pulled him from the hallway into a room. He is forever our hero.
ROWLANDS: While none of the victims' family members would talk about the accused gunman, 17-year-old T.J. Lane, Demetrius Hewlin's mother sounded conciliatory.
FERGUSON: You have to forgive because if you don't forgive, you hold that in your heart. Instead of your memory of your child in there, you have got that hatred in your heart. This is for my son. This is for my son.
ROWLANDS: T.J. Lane remains in custody. He was charged, John, as you said today three counts of aggravated murder, two counts of attempted aggravated murder and an assault charge. He's due back in court next Tuesday.
KING: And, Ted, on such an emotional day, the students coming back for the first time, what's being done down the road, today, tomorrow and beyond to help the students deal with this tragedy?
ROWLANDS: They have counselors in place for students.
Tomorrow will be the first day where students come to school alone. Today, they came with their parents. But there will be grief counselors there. And the school administrator said today tomorrow will be the first normal day of school but it's not going to be a normal day. It won't be a normal day here for some time.
Their plan here is to heal together and do it for however long it takes.
KING: Ted Rowlands, live for us inside that school tragedy. Ted, thanks so much.
Shifting now to politics and today's long-distance fight between President Obama and Mitt Romney over what you're paying at the gas pump. In New Hampshire, the president brought along a chart showing the country's dependence on foreign oil has gone down every year he's been in the White House.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
BARACK OBAMA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Now, if there's one thing I know about New Hampshire, it's that your political bull detector is pretty keen. It's pretty sharp.
OBAMA: You know that we can't just drill our way to lower gas prices.
There are no quick fixes or silver bullets. If somebody tells you there are, they're not telling you the truth.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Across the country in Idaho this afternoon, Governor Romney's answer? Warmed up and ready to go.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
MITT ROMNEY (R), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: Today, this president is in New Hampshire, trying to say that he takes credit for the fact that more oil and gas are being produced in America today.
ROMNEY: Yes. The American people are a little too smart for that. He can't pull the wool over their eyes in that regard.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Our chief White House correspondent Jessica Yellin is here.
How does the president try to counter the Republican charges that he's in charge, this is his problem as prices go up especially in an election year?
JESSICA YELLIN, CNN CHIEF WHITE HOUSE CORRESPONDENT: Well, the president today, John, is trying to have it both ways.
First, he argues that there are no simple answers and that as you say the Republicans, well, he says they just want to drill their way out of everything, and that in reality the real answer has to include investing in alternative energy and also improving fuel-efficiency standards which he argues his administration has done.
But as you also noted, he whipped out a chart to show that he solved part of the problem because during his administration, guess what, drilling is up. So he is having it both ways and he's angling for some of the credit, but none of the blame.
KING: But how much of a vulnerability -- when you talk to them candidly, how much of a vulnerability is it? He is in charge. Prices are going up. He as a senator is on the record blaming people in charge for prices going up.
YELLIN: Right. They wouldn't be talking about this as much as they are if it weren't a vulnerability.
And you know voters feel it right away when gas prices go up because they see it when they go to the pump. Republicans will continue to hit the president over delaying a decision on the Keystone pipeline. So that's an ongoing issue for the president.
And while the president's aides argue that the media hypes rising gas prices every time spring comes up, we know that gas prices might continue to rise as the market reflects fears over rising tensions between Iran and Israel. So there's no sign that gas prices will necessarily come down any time in the next few months, John.
KING: Some good economic indicators, high gas prices potentially a little problem heading into the election.
Jess, thanks so much for coming in.
Mitt Romney fighting with the president over gas prices there. He's gotten himself in the Republican primary again by opening his mouth. Romney jumped on today's U.S. Senate vote, that vote killing a Republican effort to exempt employers from providing health insurance coverage for birth control and other procedures that may violate their consciences.
The former Massachusetts governor rushed out a statement, saying -- quote -- "I applaud the senators who took a stand today and voted to defend religious freedom. The Obama administration has directly attacked the First Amendment of our Constitution and individual liberty."
The problem is, Governor Romney's on camera telling the Ohio News Network he was against that birth control measure. Listen closely to the question. You will hear a reference to Senator Rick Santorum, his rival, as well as Romney's answer.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
JIM HEATH, OHIO NEWS NETWORK: Blunt-Rubio is being debated I believe later this week that deals with banning -- or allowing employers to ban providing female contraception.
Have you taken a position on it? He has said he's for that. And we will talk about personhood in a second. But he's for that. Have you taken a position on it?
ROMNEY: I'm not -- I'm not for the bill.
But, look, the idea of presidential candidates getting into questions about contraception within a relationship between a man and a woman, a husband and wife, I'm not going there.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Now, later, not that much later, Governor Romney had a different answer and an explanation.
(BEGIN AUDIO CLIP)
ROMNEY: I simply misunderstood what he was talking about. I thought it was some Ohio legislation where employers were prevented from providing contraceptives. It's why I talked about contraceptives and so forth. So I really misunderstood the question.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Campaigning in Georgia today, former Senator Santorum ridiculed Romney's shift.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
RICK SANTORUM (R), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: We saw an insight into the -- what's in the gut of Governor Romney yesterday. When Governor Romney was asked that question, his knee-jerk reaction was, no, I can't be for that.
Well, then after his consultants talked to him, and then he came back, oh, he said, I didn't understand the question.
Well, maybe he did, maybe he didn't.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: CNN's Jim Acosta joins us with more. He's live in Seattle tonight.
Jim, this is the kind of controversy the Romney campaign can ill afford, a question about his commitment to a conservative cause.
JIM ACOSTA, CNN CORRESPONDENT: That's right.
Every time it seems Mitt Romney has a big night, gets a lot of momentum behind him, he has one of these episodes where he just has a misstep. Now, the Romney campaign is pushing back on any notion here that this was a flub. They say that this was a totally honest misunderstanding.
They are now trying to clear up what you might call a mis- contraception on the issue going back and forth with reporters and talking about how Mitt Romney clearly misunderstood this question. He is getting a pass, I would say, from Senate Republicans. Roy Blunt, the author of that legislation in question, said today that he thought the question was confusing for Mitt Romney, and so he is getting a pass from Republicans there.
Clearly, the campaign is trying to put this behind them. But every step along the way today, John -- he was in North Dakota, in Idaho -- he was asked by reporters, could you please elaborate on this position that you have?
At one point, he said he could elaborate on the issue of this Blunt amendment, but then he decided not to. He moved on to the next thing.
KING: And, Jim, help us understand their strategy. Everyone talks about how Ohio, maybe Tennessee the biggest Super Tuesday battlegrounds. Why is Mitt Romney out West?
ACOSTA: He's out West because he needs delegates, John.
I think it's pretty clear that on Super Tuesday, he is going to probably lose those Southern states that vote on Super Tuesday. So he wants to win delegates. So he was in North Dakota earlier today, Idaho after that. He's on his way to Washington State right now, which holds its caucuses on Saturday.
Rick Santorum, by the way, also coming to Washington State this evening. And Rick Santorum can win this state, but because of the proportional allocation of these delegates out West, Mitt Romney needs to get as many of these delegates as possible to sort of even things out on Super Tuesday.
And so they're fighting for every delegate that they can get out here, John. We're going to see Mitt Romney having a fund-raiser later on this evening, and then having an event in Washington State, here in Seattle tomorrow morning. But then he's out of here.
He's going back to Ohio later on tomorrow afternoon to hook up with Chris Christie, the governor of New Jersey, getting back to the importance of Ohio. They don't need to be told by us how important it is. They know it's important. That's why Chris Christie is coming out there tomorrow night, John.
KING: And we will watch them out in Ohio, but all this focus on the small states a reminder of the Clinton-Obama race four years ago, Jim, when the small states did in the end actually matter quite a bit.
Jim Acosta live for us in Seattle tonight, Jim, thank you.
ACOSTA: That's right.
KING: A near accident in Philadelphia's airport today raises some new questions tonight about airport security. A man crashed his jeep through an unmanned gate -- you see the pictures right there -- drove on to a runway just as a plane was coming in.
Now, an alert air traffic controller spotted it and diverted the plane with just seconds to spare.
Listen here. Here's the discussion up in the control tower.
(BEGIN AUDIO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Everybody on niner left, it's going to be a delay. You guys can shut down if you need to. We have got a rogue vehicle driving around on the airport. We're not talking to him. We're not moving anybody until we find this guy.
(END AUDIO CLIP)
KING: Now, police chased down the jeep and arrested the driver. You see his picture right there. They say he may have been drunk, may have been high on drugs. They do not consider this to have any relationship at all to potential terrorism.
Coming up, Democrats say Republicans are waging a war on women. Republicans say their proposed conscience clause for health care coverage is critical to people of faith.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
SEN. ROY BLUNT (R), MISSOURI: This issue will not go away unless the administration decides to take it away by giving people of faith these First Amendment protections.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: We will talk to the president's point person in this debate, the health and human services secretary, Kathleen Sebelius, next.
KING: The Senate today killed the Republican effort to experiment employers from providing health insurance coverage for birth control and other procedures those employers feel violate their consciences.
Let's talk now to the Health and Human Services secretary, Kathleen Sebelius.
She has the job of implementing the new health care reform law.
Madam Secretary, the administration opposed this amendment. Roy Blunt says he's simply trying to protect the First Amendment rights of employers who might have a moral objection to abortion, a moral objection to contraception or something else.
Why does the administration say bad idea?
KATHLEEN SEBELIUS, U.S. HEALTH AND HUMAN SERVICES SECRETARY: Well, first of all, John, the Blunt amendment in the Senate went well beyond women's health services and well beyond contraception services. It really would have allowed any employer, for really any reason, not religious employers for a religious reason, but any employer for any moral reason, to deny any health benefit to any employee.
So you really could have had a situation where employers got to pick and choose what coverage options would be available to their employees. If someone felt that they had a moral objection to people delivering children who weren't married, you could deny prenatal coverage and maternity services. You could deny HIV screening. You could turn down someone for a variety of treatments that you felt fell outside of your objections as an employer.
And that's really not the way a health law can operate. So it was any employer for any reason, any coverage, any employee. And I think it would have totally undermined the notion that if you have health insurance, it should be broad and cover the services desperately needed by people in this country.
KING: During the debate today, Senator Susan Collins, Republican of Maine, she voted with the Republicans. She voted in favor of this amendment that you say is a bad idea. but I want you to listen here. Even as she did so, she herself raised some questions.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
SEN. SUSAN COLLINS, (R), MAINE: The sponsor of this amendment is completely sincere. And I want to make that clear.
But this issue has become a sad example of election year politics. I believe that a good compromise could have been reached and should have been worked out.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Is there a good compromise to you, Senator Collins -- or, Madam Secretary?
Is there some way, on some issues, I think you'd concede the point, on some issues, there might be a legitimate moral or religious exemption.
Is there a compromise?
SEBELIUS: Well, I think absolutely what the president announced in February and what we'll be working to implement -- and we'll have a proposed rule in the near future, John -- is a strategy which both protects religious freedom, protects the religious objection of employers who, in the area of contraception, feel that it violates their religious tenets and make sure that the millions of women who need family planning services, who rely on contraception, who, 99 percent of women take contraception at some point during their health lives, have access to this very important preventive service benefit.
So having an insurance company directly provide coverage to women so that employers with a religious objection do not pay for the coverage, do not refer people to the coverage, do not have to provide the coverage.
And we will have a similar accommodation for self-insured plans, working with a variety of the strategies that are operational on the ground.
John, we've got 28 states around this country where the state's law mandates that contraception be a part of covered benefits for women. And Catholic institutions, Catholic hospitals have provided that coverage in a variety of strategies.
So I am confident that by August of 2013, which is when this grace period will be implemented, we will have in place a strategy that meets both the goals...
SEBELIUS: -- certainly respecting religious freedom, but also making sure that women's health benefits, for the first time, will include the full package of services that they need. And then women can make a choice whether or not to access those benefits based on her own faith tradition.
KING: Well, let me ask you in -- in closing, about Senator Collins' point about election year politics.
This is one of these, so I have been at this a while. And you're no stranger to the rough and tumble of politics from your days as governor.
KING: It seems to me that both parties like this fight. The conservatives like to make it. It's a challenge to the mandates, it's a challenge to the president. They're attacking a health care plan they don't like. And I'm getting a lot of e-mails and press releases from Democratic groups saying Republicans are waging a war on women.
Is this one that you caught in the middle -- now that you're in the cabinet and trying to implement this law -- of a fight that both parties seem to like?
SEBELIUS: Well, hopefully, it -- it won't be a fight that will continue. I -- I think there's no question, John, that for too long, insurance plans haven't paid enough attention to women's health benefits. That's why the Institute of Medicine said, you know, we need to make sure that they included domestic violence screening and well women visits and contraception, which is the most commonly taken drug of women 14 to 44.
On the other hand, the president and I feel very strongly that religious liberty is a critical tenet of our democracy. It's part of the -- what this country was founded on. And I think we have a solution that actually has been operational in many parts of the country, in the majority of the country, for years and years and years.
So I'm confident that we can move forward on a robust benefit package that, for the first time, will take full account of what women's health needs are and respect the religious liberty of -- of employers who find objectionable contraception based on religious tenets. And -- and we will make sure that their objections are -- are followed and listened to, but that the women employees of Catholic hospitals and Catholic institutions, whether they be nurses or janitors or nurse aids or teachers, don't have to give up an important health benefit.
KING: I suspect we might be having this conversation again down the road.
But appreciate your time tonight, Secretary Sebelius.
SEBELIUS: Sure. Good to be with you.
KING: Thank you.
Plus, the shocking death of the controversial conservative commentator Andrew Breitbart. New details are emerging this hour about just how he died. That's next.
KING: Welcome back.
KING: Ahead, tomorrow is an important day in Iran, voting day -- what the elections tell us about Iranian ambitions. And will the results give us insight into what the Iranian people really want? A rare live report just ahead from Iran.
Plus, new tonight, survivor stories from the tornado that killed more than a dozen people in the Midwest. We will take you there live in just a moment for the latest.
KING: In this half hour, raw emotions as tornado survivors pick through the pieces of their homes and marvel they escaped with their lives.
Also, tonight's "Truth" about Mitt Romney's yes and no answer has become the latest flashpoint in the Republican campaign.
And one of the nation's biggest banks tries out some new fees that could go nation-wide.
An enormous storm system that sent deadly tornadoes trashing the Midwest and southeast has now left 13 people dead across Illinois, Kansas, Tennessee and Missouri. Hardest hit city Harrisburg, Illinois, where six of those victims died. We'll go there live in just a moment.
But let me show you something, just give you a little bit of perspective. There's a shopping mall right here. We're going to go live to this mall in just a second. Our Don Lemon is standing by. This is before. Look at the power. Look at the power of that tornado. That is after. This stuff just crumbled, toppled over. You see a truck on its side there. And I mentioned, CNN's Don Lemon is on the ground in Harrisburg tonight.
And Don, we've seen these devastating pictures. I've just shown you the before and after here. Let's listen, before we talk, to a survivor you spoke to earlier.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Just look at this and wonder how you ever got out. A bedroom on this side, a bedroom on that side completely destroyed and the bathroom right there in the middle and that's where I was. And how the bathroom got left, good enough for me to survive, only God knows.
DON LEMON, CNN CORRESPONDENT: So when you ran out; you had to come around on the street?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Yes. I came out of that bathroom door that's facing on that side. You can see where I busted it to get out. And I crawled -- I crawled over all this stuff and came out to here hollering for anybody.
LEMON: When they started coming out one by one, were you relieved?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Yes, yes. Tears of joy. I didn't want to let none of them go, but I knew I had to let the 5-year-old go, because he need medical attention.
LEMON: You were holding onto him?
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: I was holding on tight.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Don, that gentleman there I'm sure others you talked to, so much raw emotion. Any estimate just how bad this damage is?
LEMON: Well, we know it's about 2 to 300 homes across the area. And more than 50 businesses. And as you can see, you saw the "before," and you saw the "after" of this. And I think they're still trying to get damage totals as they go from house to house to house. They've done that, you know, gone where they go through and put the "X" on it that. We just saw so much during Katrina and other big tornadoes. They've done that.
But about 2 to 300 homes so far. And again, more than 50 businesses here, John. It's really unbelievable. Just like a half a- a-mile swath through this town.
KING: And you go through that and you walk through the community, and you show these pictures and see the scope of the devastation. The question becomes, what about rebuilding? How long? How much?
LEMON: Well, you know, they're just one day into it. So it's going to be a lot. And they're estimating into the millions, obviously. And the businesses, they don't have estimates yet.
They tried to come through today. We saw if you go this way, this was a video game store. They couldn't even get to all of their merchandise. They came today and had someone with emergency workers crawl in to get to the safe.
Where we're standing now is like a 5,500-square-foot sporting- goods store. So it depends on how much they can recover, John, if they can recover anything from the businesses so that they can know exactly how much they're going to recover, how much it costs to recover. How much the insurance is going to pay them and what have you. So they're still -- they're still working on it. It's going to take some time here. They're still putting tarps on roofs, because they have another weather system coming through tomorrow. So what is still here, they want to protect it.
KING: Still in a state of shock, as well. Don Lemon on the ground in Harrisburg, Illinois. Thanks so much.
Moving on, Iranians will do something tomorrow they haven't done in almost three years. Vote. This time they'll be casting their ballots for parliament. The last time they voted, back in 2009, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won reelection. Protestors questioned those results and bloody demonstrations followed.
CNN's Ivan Watson is live in Tehran, giving us a look inside Iran's election process. Ivan, things seem to be less violent this time around. Is that fair?
IVAN WATSON, CNN CORRESPONDENT: That's right. You have the leader of Iran, the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei. He's calling on them to come out and vote en masse on Friday, John.
A huge publicity campaign here, trying to get people out to vote. And leaders here saying it's more important than ever to have a high voter turnout.
Now, why are they saying that? Because the aftermath of the 2009 vote, when opposition candidates accused the government of rigging the election, and the ensuing street protests against the regime here really challenged the credibility and the legitimacy of the regime.
So at this time you have the ruling government trying to prove to Iranians and to the rest of the world that it can run a free and fair election and that it has legitimacy and the support of the public.
We're not going to see in this election representatives, candidates, from that Green Movement we saw, that opposition pro- reform Green Movement of 2009, John. One of the main reasons is because the main candidates who ran for president? They're under house arrest. And many of their supporters and the campaign managers either were arrested here or have fled into exile -- John. KING: That's a very, very important point to make as we watch the elections. Ivan, what are the major themes in the campaigning? Are you seeing a lot of anti-American sentiment, anti-western sentiment?
WATSON: Absolutely. And that's pretty common for the ruling establishment here in Iran. The supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei saying if we get a huge turnout on Friday, that will be a punch in the face of Iran's western rivals.
And Iran is facing some pressure right now. It's got sanctions led by the U.S. and Europe toughening up international trade with Iran's central bank. That is making problems. And then there's an awful lot of disturbing talk of the possibility of war between Israel, the U.S. and Iran. And that's, frankly, frightening people here and driving some of this aggressive talk against the U.S. -- John.
KING: Rare inside look at politics inside Iran. Ivan Watson, thanks so much tonight.
A group of American and British activists finally out of Egypt months -- months -- after the workers were accused of promoting anti- government protests. They'd been held in Cairo ever since a December raid on their offices, and they're still facing fraud charges but headed home tonight.
One of the released is Sam LaHood. He's the son of the transportation secretary, Ray LaHood. Secretary LaHood tonight says, quote, "I'm pleased the court has lifted the travel ban and am looking forward to my son's arrival in the United States. I'd like to thank everyone for their thoughts and prayers during this time."
In Syria today activists report a blood bath where government forces moved into a key neighborhood in the city of Homs in the 21-day siege. Rebels fighters say they withdrew on purpose so aid can get to the estimated 4,000 civilians who have been trapped by the fighting there. Reuters reports a pair of French journalists are among those who got out safely.
Also today, Britain joined the United States in closing its embassy in Damascus and withdrawing all diplomats from Syria. That done because of safety concerns.
Still ahead here, tonight's "Truth" about what you might call Mitt Romney's John Kerry moment. He was against it before he was for it.
Plus President Obama talks sports with ESPN and makes a very bold prediction.
KING: OK. Are you for or against the Blunt-Rubio Amendment? Do you even know what it is? Well, Mitt Romney was against it before he was for it. And what he says, it's all a misunderstanding. It's now the latest flashpoint in the GOP campaign. (BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
RICK SANTORUM (R), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: We saw an insight into what's in the gut of Governor Romney yesterday. When Governor Romney was asked that question, his knee-jerk reaction was, no, I can't be for that.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Now, the amendment was voted down today in the Senate. It would have allowed employers to leave out of their health-insurance coverage any benefits with which they had moral or religious objections. The proposal covered any employer, well beyond the recent dust-up over whether Catholic organizations and other religious institutions should be forced to cover contraception.
Now that gut check that Senator Santorum was talking about, well, this Romney in Ohio.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Blunt-Rubio is being debated, I believe, later this week that deals with banning -- or allowing employers to ban providing female contraception. Have you take a position on it? He's said he was for that. We'll talk about personhood in a second but he's for that. Have you taken a position?
MITT ROMNEY (R), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: I'm not for the bill. But look, the idea of presidential candidates getting into questions about -- about contraception within a relationship between a man and a woman, a husband and a wife, I'm not -- I'm not going there.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Now, the conservative backlash was instant. And team Romney was quick to respond, too, asserting the question was confusing. The candidate quickly himself called into a Boston radio program.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
ROMNEY: I really misunderstood the question. Of course, Roy Blunt, who is my liaison to the Senate, is someone I support. And of course, I support that amendment. I clearly want to have religious exemption from Obama care.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Governor Romney then addressed it again today.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
ROMNEY: I'm in favor of the Blunt amendment.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Can you elaborate?
ROMNEY: Can I elaborate? Absolutely.
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Now, that elaboration never came. But here's tonight's "Truth."
Even if you give Governor Romney the benefit of the doubt and accept that he misunderstood the question, he should have been more careful. Truth is, his instinct to find every opening to attack Santorum got the better of the governor there. At the mention of contraception, he decided to draw a contrast instead of asking the Ohio reporter to clarify the question.
Again, especially given his problems with social conservatives, a more deliberate approach would have spared him the "against it before he was before it" dust up.
Joining us to talk truth, Romney campaign adviser Kevin Madden; Bush administration Pentagon spokeswoman Torie Clarke; and GOP strategist Nancy Pfotenhauer.
I normally am a gentleman: I do ladies first. But since you -- since you were involved in the Romney campaign, is this one of these cases -- look, I'll give you if you replay that question, I could understand, maybe, why he was a little confused. But he's running for president. He's had a recent series of people questioning things he said. Why wouldn't you stop and say, "What exactly are you asking me? Wait a minute. What are we talking about here?" As opposed to he just wanted to hit Santorum and now he's in a mess.
KEVIN MADDEN, ROMNEY CAMPAIGN ADVISOR: I disagree with you on two points. The first is that he's trying to draw a contrast. I don't think that's right. And the second is that it was just confusing. I think it was more than confusing. The question, the way it was posed, was absolutely inaccurate.
And so I think what you have is a governor who, you're exactly right, could have been, should have been better briefed about the state of what the Blunt bill was and the nature of it being debated. And that's a separate issue.
But the fact is that there's a large market share of information out there about the governor's position on this particular issue. He's made it clear hundreds of times before. But the way that question was asked, in that it said are you for banning contraception, I think the governor was reacting to the topic, not necessarily the specifics of the actual bill. And I think that's why we had this bit of a kerfuffle. I disagree that he was seeking a chance to draw a contrast.
KING: Was he?
NANCY PFOTENHAUER, GOP STRATEGIST: I am just so impressed by kerfuffle. Anyone who can say that and pull it off correctly in a sentence deserves a hat tip. There you go.
KING: It takes up half a tweet if you tweet it.
Was he drawing a contrast? Was he -- how do you handle that? How do you help a candidate say, look, if someone asks you a question with a lot of commas in it you should what?
PFOTENHAUER: I think you stop and say, "Let me -- let me clarify that." But, you know, Romney generally speaking, does a very fine job in interviews. I think it is very -- it's very easy to say he was responding instinctively. And Kevin even you say he was responding to the word "contraceptive," which does make you think that perhaps he was trying to draw a distinction.
But you know, the bottom line that it was -- it's an error that is going to cost him. Because Romney has serious problems with white evangelical voters. And he's going to have serious problems with them moving forward. And this just plays into that narrative, unfortunately.
KING: And you have Senator Santorum saying this is a gut check, and then he's saying essentially you can't trust Romney. And you have Democrats on the other side. I've got about six different state Democratic parties, sending me releases about Governor Romney's quote, unquote "war on women," they call it. And here's one from Colorado. "Mitt Romney stood on the side of women having control over their own health choices. Sadly, he only did so for about 90 minutes before flip-flopping and backtracking." It goes on and on and on.
He's taking it from both ends.
TORIE CLARKE, FORMER PENTAGON SPOKESPERSON: I think it could be as simple as these candidates are running on fumes. Never underestimate the value of a good night's sleep. It may have been as simple as that.
I think he actually handled the mistake fairly well in this incredibly fast-paced environment. But more importantly, any time a Republican candidate spends the bulk of his time talking about contraception and Cadillacs, it is a bad week. These guys have got to start -- they are letting themselves get dragged into this and beat these horses to death.
MADDEN: Right now rather than just judging what we're seeing as the fumes that are on cable talk -- cable television, if you look at the local press out in Ohio right now -- this is where people are going to be rendering judgment -- the governor's message is entirely focused on the economy. And the local coverage is focused on the economy. That's what's going to resonate with voters.
KING: You say that's what's going to resonate with voters. I want to ask you guys quickly about this -- another kerfuffle tonight, and it's about Michigan. We allocated the delegates evenly yesterday based on the results in the state of Michigan. Romney won the five- point vote without a question. We allocated the delegates evenly, based on our own math and based on our own understanding of the Michigan party rules for the at-large delegates, one each. They have a meeting today and Governor Romney gets the edge, and the Santorum campaign is screaming. They're saying that they rewrote the rules, back-room dealing: "this kind of back-room dealing, political thuggery just cannot and should not happen in America."
This was done in the state. Whether the Romney campaign asked for it or not I don't think we have any reason to believe that.
Should Governor Romney maybe say, "Take your delegate back. I don't need this mess"?
MADDEN: Of course not. We're in a delegate hunt right now. We're going to take them any way we can get them.
I think what has to be remembered, though, is that the state party is the one that decides this. And the state party has actually said that what they're going to do is -- and they said this before the actual contest. They said that their intent was to award those two delegates to the person who won statewide. The governor won statewide, and that's why they awarded it to him.
I understand what the Santorum camp is trying to do, but I think it's sort of nonsense to call it news words like thuggery.
KING: We've had a lot of this messiness, though. The caucus states getting the results wrong. Back and forth on it.
Hang on. We're going to continue our conversation about other things, other kerfuffles, in just a moment.
But remember though, this is a reminder to join us Super Tuesday not only in the evening for the results but at noon eastern. We're going to have a live virtual roundtable. Can't beat that, right?
Our election panel will answer questions from CNN iReporters about the presidential election. We'll explore the issues and any kerfuffles that come up, all the issues you care about.
Go to CNN.com/roundtable at noon Eastern. That's Super Tuesday. Believe it or not, just five days from now.
"ERIN BURNETT OUTFRONT" is coming up at the top of the hour. Erin's with us for a preview, and we're going to look at President Obama's important meeting with the Israeli prime minister.
ERIN BURNETT, CNN ANCHOR: That's right. Talk about a kerfuffle. I like hearing -- hearing you say that word. We're going to be talking with Senator Menendez from the foreign relations committee about this, John.
But you know, we've been looking at what U.S. immigration officials have been saying, constantly talking about a red line that Iran cannot cross. Well, Israeli papers today reporting Benjamin Netanyahu wants a clear definition of what have that line is and a clear line of what military action is if Iran crosses it. This is going to be a crucial meeting to see what Barack Obama decides to do or not do. We're going to talk about that top of the hour.
Back to you.
KING: That actually is a very, very important story and very important meeting.
And still ahead here, Bank of America customers face steep fees for basic services. Those charges headed your way.
Plus, this is very important news: Justin Bieber's not a baby anymore. His big milestone when we come back.
KING: Let's continue the conversation with Torie Clarke, Nancy Pfotenhauer, Kevin Madden. I want to ask you about the roller-coaster race that we're all living through.
Here's the latest Gallup daily tracking poll: Governor Romney at 35 percent; Santorum at 24 percent; Gingrich at 15 percent; Paul at 11 percent. Thirty-five, 24, 15.
OK, flip. Last week, Santorum was at 34; Romney was at 27; Gingrich held steady at 15; and Paul has held steady. So those two guys are staying put.
But what is going on at the top of this race? Is it all about momentum?
MADDEN: It is -- there is a lot of volatility in this campaign. We've seen it in South Carolina all the way to Florida. Twenty-point swings in positive-negative information about the candidates.
I think also it's very interesting is inside those numbers, there's 40, 50 percent who are willing to change their minds. So that's why, you know, I think with campaigns, organizations, concentrating a message and being very disciplined across these states, that's what's going to make a difference in these next couple of days.
KING: Is it the candidates who have not done a good enough job closing the deal or is it a Republican electorate that hasn't had a leader in a while? I make the case the second half of the Bush second term, they gave up -- a lot of the Republican Party gave up on him. John McCain wasn't their guy, I'm sorry. Four years ago. Is it the voters or is it the candidates or is it both?
PFOTENHAUER: I think it's probably a little bit of both. I think the most unifying factor among the Republican Party is -- is the rejection of Obama. And that's why I think ultimately, no matter how confident the Obama campaign sounds right now, I think they're going to see a very united and a very motivated opposition moving forward.
I have to say, I think -- I think Romney's going to -- will eke it out. I mean, maybe if you were to equate him with a football team you'd say he's got an excellent defense and his offense is like three yards and a pile of dust. But he's going to get there. I really think he will.
KING: Why are -- why are Republicans voters so confused and conflicted?
CLARKE: I think the Republican Party continues to find its identity, and it may not have a completely unified, cohesive identity. You have candidates who are not the strongest consistently over time.
I think we continue to see this roller coaster. I don't see any reason for Newt Gingrich to get out. He's certainly not going to do it without a fight. He's not angling to be vice president or anything else. So they're clearly...
KING: Only way he would get out is if he lost Georgia next week, right? Will he stay in if he lost his home state?
CLARKE: Why not? Why not? Everyone says that.
MADDEN: Look. To the point, though, that Nancy also made, independents right now are very volatile. We're seeing swings in those type of voters.
And I think, to Nancy's other point, the person who has -- who has zoomed to the top of this pack every single time has been the candidate that has prosecuted the case the best against Barack Obama. And that's why we've seen it go up -- we've seen it go up and down, because a lot of people have shared that mantel.
PFOTENHAUER: He's got Vermont. He's got Massachusetts. He's got Virginia. I think he gets Ohio.
KING: Well, we have Washington state this weekend, and then ten states next Tuesday. Fasten your seatbelt.
Kevin, Nancy, Torie, thanks for coming in.
Kate Bolduan is back with more news you need to know right now.
KATE BOLDUAN, CNN CORRESPONDENT: Hey, there, John. Sounds like a fun panel tonight.
Bank of America is testing out new fees on customers in Georgia, Arizona, and Massachusetts, where a few -- a new basic checking account could cost between 6 and $25 a month. Customers can get out of the fee if they bank online, keep a certain balance, or sign up for credit cards or mortgages. This isn't the first -- this isn't the bank's first attempt at new fees. You'll remember a $5 debit card charge flopped last year.
And plenty of people show off their political preferences with yard signs, bumper stickers, even a T-shirt. Well, now add flip-flops to the list -- or rather "Mitt flops." Two friends, one Republican, one Democrat, came up with the idea of a fashionable way to poke fun at what they see as Romney's flip-flopping beliefs.
But there are competing "Mitt flops" out there, ones with political stances on each foot. Seen right there.
And for teenage girls across the country, it may as well be a national holiday. Today is, yes, Justin Bieber's 18th birthday. And his manager surprised him on "The Ellen Show" with a big-ticket gift, an all-electric Fisker Karma luxury sedan. And also, Bieber is also using his birthday to try to raise money for charity, asking his fans to donate $18 in honor of his 18th birthday.
It's clearly out of my league, because I did have to look up what a Fisker Karma is, John.
KING: I think that costs more than $100,000. But I guess -- I guess he and his manager can afford it.
All right. Don't go anywhere. Tonight's "Moment You May Have Missed," one of President Obama's happier duties, any president, welcoming championship teams to the White House. The one team this president's still waiting for, listen here, he tells ESPN he's willing to wait for this team.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP)
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: Over the last five years, how many times have you envisioned welcoming the world champion Chicago Bulls to the White House?
BARACK OBAMA, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: Every year. And it hasn't happened yet. But it will happen.
UNIDENTIFIED MALE: It will happen. You're like Joe Namath. You're guaranteeing it.
OBAMA: Well, you know, I've got another five years here and...
(END VIDEO CLIP)
KING: Another five years here. I got a "whoa" out of Kevin Madden on that one. He's still here.
BOLDUAN: Doesn't hurt to be an optimist. But looking -- looking at the record, maybe. Who knows?
KING: Who knows? Some will say optimist; some will say presumptuous. That debate will continue.
We'll see you back here tomorrow night.
"ERIN BURNETT OUTFRONT" starts right now. | <urn:uuid:ef96d753-978e-4ae7-8212-6e9a2ed42d7e> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1203/01/jkusa.01.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.974432 | 10,499 | 1.554688 | 2 |
The Federal Aviation Administration said Tuesday it has approved Boeing’s certification plan for the redesigned 787 battery system and will allow two Dreamliner planes to begin test flights with the revamped protections against overheating batteries and damaging fires.
“We are confident the plan we approved today includes all the right elements to conduct a comprehensive evaluation of the battery system redesign," FAA chief Michael Huerta said. “Today’s announcement starts a testing process which will demonstrate whether the proposed fix will work as designed."
Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood said regulators “won’t allow the plane to return to service unless we’re satisfied that the new design ensures the safety of the aircraft and its passengers."
As earlier unofficial reports indicated, Boeing’s proposed improvements include “a redesign of the internal battery components to minimize initiation of a short circuit within the battery, better insulation of the cells and the addition of a new containment and venting system," according to the FAA.
The agency said its certification plan requires a series of tests that must be passed before the 787 could return to service, with specific pass/fail criteria and testing methodology. FAA engineers will be present for the testing and will be closely involved in all aspects of the process, the agency said. | <urn:uuid:3050dd81-903a-4ae2-bb82-2cca4ca02cec> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.bendbulletin.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20130313/NEWS0107/303130326/1011/NEWS0107 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701852492/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105732-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.935448 | 261 | 1.84375 | 2 |
As we age, our balance starts to get progressively worse. If you can't make it 30 seconds on each foot, it's time you started working on your balance. The good news is that incorporating balance into your life is really quite easy and doesn't require much extra time.
I've been working on mine lately and after just about 4 weeks, I can already see a big difference. How have I gone about it? I sneak it in throughout my day. A few approaches:
- Whenever you lift weights with your upper body, do it on one leg. Or try using a bosu ball.
- The next time you brush your teeth or dry your hair, do it on one leg.
- You probably spend a fair amount of time each week standing in lines--at the grocery store, the bank, wherever it may be. Do it on one foot.
- You can also make more concerted efforts at balancing, like doing the 30-second closed eye drill several times each day. | <urn:uuid:a1cd3966-94fd-4aa9-9d1c-cb933145ba05> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.misszippycoaches.blogspot.com/2011/02/hows-your-balance.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970578 | 204 | 1.554688 | 2 |
On November 21, 1992, 35 year old Tom Monfils, an employee at the James River paper mill in Green Bay, Wisconsin, left his work station and disappeared. After an intensive search, coworkers found his body the next evening submerged in a large paper pulp storage tank. One end of Tom’s own exercise jump rope was wrapped around his neck and, on the other end of this rope, a fifty pound iron weight. Many thought it was a suicide, the police called it a Union sponsored murder.
The CONVICTION of SIX INNOCENT MEN
In a single trial almost three years later, six of Monfils’ coworkers were eventually convicted of his death and given ‘life sentences’; the result of a preordained police theory, a one-sided investigation, and a reckless prosecution. In spite of repeated appeals and having one of the convictions reversed due to an absence of legitimate evidence, over twenty years later, five of the six wrongfully convicted men remain in prison to this day.
With the following questions about the investigation and the trial being of great concern; (1) the State’s mandatory use of a six-person joint-trial; (2) an investigation that provided no evidence of guilt or innocence; (3) a lead police detective confessing to altering official police documents; (4) the use of the suspicious ‘repressed-memory-finger-pointing-alibi’ testimony at trial, of the James River employee who worked next to the location where Monfils’ body was found. (who later shot and killed his own unarmed brother); (5) the use of smalltown drunken barroom gossip testimony of one of the defendants neighbors; (6) the use of the uncorroborated jailhouse testimony of a career criminal; (7) the fact that a number of prosecution witnesses have since recanted their testimony; (8) that the Federal Court found five different Green Bay Police Officers negligent in the handling of several phone calls Monfils had made to the police just prior to his death; (9) And more importantly, the fact that one of the six convictions from the same ‘joint’ trial was later reversed due to a lack of legitimate evidence: Justice demands a closer look at the validity of the five remaining guilty verdicts.
GREEN BAY POLICE RESPONSIBLE
“Monfils’ Family gets $2 million – Jury finds Green Bay Police responsible in 1992 death”
-Green Bay Press Gazette Saturday June 28, 1997-
Just over four and a half years after Tom Monfils’ death and almost two years after the conviction of the six innocent men, while responding to a Federal Court wrongful death style civil suit filed by Monfils’ family against the City of Green Bay and the Green Bay Police Department, a jury in Milwaukee declared the Green Bay Police responsible for the events that led up to Monfils’ death. The jury found that “the City had ratified unconstitutional behavior by [Deputy Chief] Taylor” and that “Taylor’s actions were a cause of Monfils’ injuries, as were the defendants’ [the other GBPD officers] negligence and the city’s failure to provide equal protection for anonymous tipsters.” After appeals and attorney fees the award was in excess of three million dollars.
The REVERSED CONVICTION
In a scathing decision almost six years later, in 2001, the U.S. Federal Courts exonerated one of the six defendants convicted of killing Monfils, stating “no reasonable jury” should be allowed to convict by stacking “speculation on top of inferences drawn from other inferences”. “This…, like so much else in this case, is conjecture camouflaged as [if it were] evidence.” requiring “a leap of faith” that no ”rational jury” should be allowed to take.
This website strives to raise public awareness that five other innocent men were also convicted for this crime, a crime that may not have even happened. We are working tirelessly to right this wrong for the five men still imprisoned today.
Please join us in our fight for justice. The following web pages contain the basic information with links to events, excerpts from the book, and some of the information that was left on the cutting room floor.
The Monfils Conspiracy; The Conviction of Six Innocent Men
by Denis Gullickson and John Gaie with exoneree Mike Piaskowski
To obtain a copy of the book and learn all the information compiled in the eight year re-investigation of this case by writers Denis Gullickson and John Gaie with the help of ‘Exoneree’ Mike Piaskowski, please visit our order page or see the special pricing below.
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* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * | <urn:uuid:5057d03c-4e36-4ddb-a1ab-c147abb963ef> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://monfilsconspiracy.org/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698207393/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095647-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.949084 | 1,122 | 1.609375 | 2 |
Michael W. Lucas recently wrote and self-published a new book, DNSSEC Mastery. He asked me to review it, and I’ve been reading it in bits and starts over the past few very busy weeks.
First, the background: If you’re not familiar with the acronym, it’s a method of securing DNS information so that you can trust that domain name information is actually from the machine that’s supposed to provide it. DNS information is basic to Internet operation, but it traditionally has been provided without any mechanisms to deal with misinformation or malicious use. This seems to happen with protocols that have been around for many years, as any mail administrator can tell you…
In any case, ‘DNS poisoning’ (or as Wikipedia calls it, ‘DNS Spoofing‘) attacks such a basic part of how the Internet works that it will completely bypass any security methods that assume name information is correct. DNSSEC is a way to deal with that. It introduces public-key encryption into the process of sharing and updating DNS information. The idea has been around for a while, but it’s only been completely implemented recently.
DNSSEC Mastery goes over this history, and through the setup required to get (recent) BIND working with DNSSEC. Lucas seems to be starting a series of ‘Mastery’ books, where he covers all the territory around a specific topic. This one, like his previous title, is exactly what it says. As long as you have some existing clue around zone files and DNS, the book will take you from no DNSSEC at all to fully implemented in less than 100 pages. (well, at least in the PDF version, but that gives you an idea of the size.)
Use it to learn, or use it as a quick reference – either way will work. If you have any DNS server(s) to manage, you’re the target audience. I expect DNS without these security extensions will go the way of telnet vs. ssh.
A book covering things like new encrypted hash zone record types is going to be a bit dry, but there’s an appropriate sprinkling of humor through the book. I’ve reviewed other Lucas books before, and I’ve got another on my plate right now, but this is the same: there’s plenty of funny to make the lessons go down easier.
DNSSEC Mastery: Securing the Domain Name System with BIND is available on Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Smashwords, and his self-publishing site. Also see Peter N. M. Hansteen’s review of the book. | <urn:uuid:db7529f0-ddc8-4f5f-b6cb-b977696fd7be> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.shiningsilence.com/dbsdlog/author/admin | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697974692/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095254-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.950756 | 556 | 1.570313 | 2 |
Chisholm v. Georgia - 2 U.S. 419 (1793)
U.S. Supreme Court
Chisholm v. Georgia, 2 U.S. 2 Dall. 419 419 (1793)
Chisholm v. Georgia
2 U.S. (2 Dall.) 419
This great cause comes before the Court on a motion made by the Attorney General that an order be made by this Court to the following effect:
"That, unless the State of Georgia shall, after reasonable notice of this motion, cause an appearance to be entered on behalf of the said State on the fourth day of next Term, or show cause to the contrary, judgment shall be entered for the plaintiff, and a writ of enquiry shall be awarded."
Before such an order be made, it is proper that this Court should be satisfied it hath cognizance of the suit; for, to be sure, we ought not to enter a conditional judgment (which this would be) in a case where we were not fully persuaded we had authority to do so.
This is the first instance wherein the important question involved in this cause has come regularly before the Court. In the Maryland case it did not, because the Attorney General of the State voluntarily appeared. We could not therefore, without the greatest impropriety, have taken up the question suddenly. That case has since been compromised. But, had it proceeded to trial, and a verdict been given for the plaintiff, it would have been our duty, previous to our giving judgment, to have well
considered whether we were warranted in giving it. I had then great doubts upon my mind, and should in such a case have proposed a discussion of the subject. Those doubts have increased since, and, after the fullest consideration I have been able to bestow on the subject, and the most respectful attention to the able argument of the Attorney General, I am now decidedly of opinion that no such action as this before the Court can legally be maintained.
The action is an action of assumpsit. The particular question then before the Court is will an action of assumpsit lie against a State? This particular question (abstracted from the general one, viz., whether a State can in any instance be sued?) I took the liberty to propose to the consideration of the Attorney General last Term. I did so because I have often found a great deal of confusion to arise from taking too large a view at once, and I had found myself embarrassed on this very subject until I considered the abstract question itself. The Attorney General has spoken to it, in reference to my request, as he has been pleased to intimate, but he spoke to this particular question slightly, conceiving it to be involved in the general one; and after establishing, as he thought, that point, he seemed to consider the other followed of course. He expressed, indeed, some doubt how to prove what appeared so plain. It seemed to him (if I recollect right) to depend principally on the solution of this simple question: can a State assume? But the Attorney General must know that, in England, certain judicial proceedings not inconsistent with the sovereignty may take place against the Crown, but that an action of assumpsit will not lie. Yet surely the King can assume as well as a State. So can the United States themselves, as well as any State in the Union. Yet the Attorney General himself has taken some pains to show that no action whatever is maintainable against the United States. I shall therefore confine myself, as much as possible, to the particular question before the Court, though everything I have to say upon it will effect every kind of suit the object of which is to compel the payment of money by a State.
The question, as I before observed, is will an action of assumpsit lie against a State? If it will, it must be in virtue of the Constitution of the United States and of some law of Congress conformable thereto. The part of the Constitution concerning the Judicial Power is as follows, viz:
"Art.3. sect. 2. The Judicial Powser shall extend"
"(1) To all cases, in law and equity, arising under the Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority;"
"(2) To all cases affecting Ambassadors, or other public Ministers, and Consuls;"
"(3) To all cases of Admiralty and Maritime Jurisdiction;"
"(4) To controversies to which the
United States shall be a party;"
"(5) To controversies between two or more States; between a State and citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; between citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State or the citizens thereof and foreign states, citizens or subjects."
The Constitution therefore provides for the jurisdiction wherein a State is a party in the following instances: 1st. Controversies between two or more States. 2nd. Controversies between a State and citizens of another State. 3rd. Controversies between a State, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. And it also provides that, in all cases in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction.
The words of the general Judicial Act conveying the authority of the Supreme Court under the Constitution, so far as they concern this question, are as follow:
"Sect. 13. That the Supreme Court shall have exclusive jurisdiction of all controversies of a civil nature where a State is a party, except between a State and its citizens, and except also between a State and citizens of other States, or aliens, in which latter case it shall have original, but not exclusive jurisdiction. And shall have, exclusively, all jurisdiction of suits or proceedings against Ambassadors, or other public Ministers, or their domestics, or domestic servants, as a court of law can have or exercise consistently with the law of nations; and original, but not exclusive jurisdiction of all suits brought by Ambassadors, or other public Ministers, or in which a Consul, or Vice-Consul, shall be a party."
The Supreme Court hath therefore First. Exclusive jurisdiction in every controversy of a civil nature: 1st. Between two or more States. 2nd Between a State and a foreign state. 3rd. Where a suit or proceeding is depending against Ambassadors, other public ministers, or their domestics, or domestic servants. Second. Original, but not exclusive jurisdiction. 1st. Between a State and citizens of other States. 2nd. Between a State and foreign citizens or subjects. 3rd. Where a suit is brought by Ambassadors, or other public ministers. 4th. Where a consul or vice-consul, is a party. The suit now before the Court (if maintainable at all) comes within the latter description, it being a suit against a State by a citizen of another State.
The Constitution is particular in expressing the parties who may be the objects of the jurisdiction in any of these cases, but in respect to the subject matter upon which such jurisdiction is to be exercised, uses the word "controversies" only. The act of Congress more particularly mentions civil controversies, a qualification of the general word in the Constitution which I do not doubt every reasonable man will think well warranted, for it
cannot be presumed that the general word "controversies" was intended to include any proceedings that relate to criminal cases, which, in all instances that respect the same Government only, are uniformly considered of a local nature, and to be decided by its particular laws. The word "controversy" indeed, would not naturally justify any such construction, but nevertheless it was perhaps a proper instance of caution in Congress to guard against the possibility of it.
A general question of great importance here occurs. What controversy of a civil nature can be maintained against a State by an individual? The framers of the Constitution, I presume, must have meant one of two things: either 1. in the conveyance of that part of the judicial power which did not relate to the execution of the other authorities of the general Government (which it must be admitted are full and discretionary, within the restrictions of the Constitution itself), to refer to antecedent laws for the construction of the general words they use; or, 2. to enable Congress in all such cases to pass all such laws as they might deem necessary and proper to carry the purposes of this Constitution into full effect, either absolutely at their discretion, or at least in cases where prior laws were deficient for such purposes, if any such deficiency existed.
The Attorney General has indeed suggested another construction, a construction, I confess that I never heard of before, nor can I now consider it grounded on any solid foundation, though it appeared to me to be the basis of the Attorney General's argument. His construction I take to be this:
"That the moment a Supreme Court is formed, it is to exercise all the judicial power vested in it by the Constitution, by its own authority, whether the legislature has prescribed methods of doing so, or not."
My conception of the Constitution is entirely different. I conceive that all the courts of the United States must receive not merely their organization as to the number of judges of which they are to consist; but all their authority as to the manner of their proceeding, from the legislature only. This appears to me to be one of those cases, with many others, in which an article of the Constitution cannot be effectuated without the intervention of the legislative authority. There being many such, at the end of the special enumeration of the powers of Congress in the Constitution, is this general one:
"To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing Powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof."
None will deny that an act of Legislation is necessary to say, at least of what number the judges are to consist; the President with the consent of the Senate could not nominate a number at their
discretion. The Constitution intended this article so far at least to be the subject of a legislative act. Having a right thus to establish the Court, and it being capable of being established in no other manner, I conceive it necessary follows that they are also to direct the manner of its proceedings. Upon this authority, there is, that I know, but one limit -- that is, "that they shall not exceed their authority." If they do, I have no hesitation to say that any act to that effect would be utterly void, because it would be inconsistent with the Constitution, which is a fundamental law paramount to all others, which we are not only bound to consult, but sworn to observe; and therefore, where there is an interference, being superior in obligation to the other, we must unquestionably obey that in preference. Subject to this restriction, the whole business of organizing the Courts, and directing the methods of their proceeding where necessary, I conceive to be in the discretion of Congress. If it shall be found on this occasion or on any other that the remedies now in being are defective for any purpose it is their duty to provide for, they no doubt will provide others. It is their duty to legislate so far as is necessary to carry the Constitution into effect. It is ours only to judge. We have no reason, nor any more right, to distrust their doing their duty than they have to distrust that we all do ours. There is no part of the Constitution that I know of that authorises this Court to take up any business where they left it, and, in order that the powers given in the Constitution may be in full activity, supply their omission by making new laws for new cases -- or, which I take to be the same thing, applying old principles to new cases materially different from those to which they were applied before.
With regard to the Attorney General's doctrine of incidents, that was founded entirely on the supposition of the other I have been considering. The authority contended for is certainly not one of those necessarily incident to all courts merely as such.
If therefore, this Court is to be (as I consider it) the organ of the Constitution and the law, not of the Constitution only, in respect to the manner of its proceeding, we must receive our directions from the legislature in this particular, and have no right to constitute ourselves an ossicina brevium, or take any other short method of doing what the Constitution has chosen (and, in my opinion, with the most perfect propriety) should be done in another manner.
But the act of Congress has not been altogether silent upon this subject. The 14th sect. of the Judicial Act provides in the following words:
"All the before mentioned courts of the United States shall have power to issue writs of fiere facias, habeas corpus, and all other writs not specially provided for by statute, which may be necessary for the exercise of their respective
jurisdictions, and agreeable to the principles and usages of law."
These words refer as well to the Supreme Court as to the other Courts of the United States. Whatever writs we issue that are necessary for the exercise of our jurisdiction must be agreeable to the principles and usages of law. This is a direction, I apprehend, we cannot supersede because it may appear to us not sufficiently extensive. If it be not, we must wait till other remedies are provided by the same authority. From this it is plain that the legislature did not chuse to leave to our own discretion the path to justice, but has prescribed one of its own. In doing so, it has, I think, wisely, referred us to principles and usages of law already well known, and by their precision calculated to guard against that innovating spirit of courts of justice which the Attorney General in another case reprobated with so much warmth, and with whose sentiments in that particular I most cordially join. The principles of law to which references is to be had either upon the general ground I first alluded to, or upon the special words I have above cited from the Judicial Act, I apprehend, can be either, 1st. those of the particular laws of the State against which the suit is brought, or, 2nd., principles of law common to all the States. I omit any consideration arising from the word "usages," though a still stronger expression. In regard to the principles of the particular laws of the State of Georgia, if they in any manner differed, so as to effect this question, from the principles of law common to all the States, it might be material to enquire whether there would be any propriety or congruity in laying down a rule of decision which would induce this consequence -- that an action would lie in the Supreme Court against some States whose laws admitted of a compulsory remedy against their own Governments, but not against others wherein no such remedy was admitted, or which would require, perhaps, if the principle was received, fifteen different methods of proceeding against States, all standing in the same political relation to the general Government, and none having any pretence to a distinction in its favor, or justly liable to any distinction to its prejudice. If any such difference existed in the laws of the different States, there would seem to be a propriety, in order to induce uniformity (if a constitutional power for that purpose exists) that Congress should prescribe a rule, fitted to this new case, to which no equal, uniform, and impartial mode of proceeding could otherwise be applied.
But this point, I conceive, it is unnecessary to determine, because I believe there is no doubt that neither in the State now in question nor in any other in the Union, any particular legislative mode, authorizing a compulsory suit for the recovery of money against a State, was in being either when the Constitution
was adopted, or at the time the Judicial Act was passed. Since that time, an Act of Assembly for such a purpose has been passed in Georgia. But that surely could have no influence in the construction of an act of the Legislature of the United States passed before.
The only principles of law, then, that can be regarded are those common to all the States. I know of none such which can affect this case but those that are derived from what is properly termed "the common law," a law which I presume is the groundwork of the laws in every State in the Union, and which I consider, so far as it is applicable to the peculiar circumstances of the country, and where no special act of legislation controls it, to be in force in each State as it existed in England (unaltered by any statute) at the time of the first settlement of the country. The statutes of England that are in force in America differ perhaps in all the States, and therefore it is probable the common law in each is in some respects different. But it is certain that, in regard to any common law principle which can influence the question before us, no alteration has been made by any statute which could occasion the least material difference, or have any partial effect. No other part of the common law of England, it appears to me, can have any reference to this subject but that part of it which prescribes remedies against the Crown. Every State in the Union, in every instance where its sovereignty has not been delegated to the United States, I consider to be as completely sovereign as the United States are in respect to the powers surrendered. The United States are sovereign as to all the powers of Government actually surrendered: each State in the Union is sovereign as to all the powers reserved. It must necessarily be so, because the United States have no claim to any authority but such as the States have surrendered to them. Of course, the part not surrendered must remain as it did before. The powers of the general Government, either of a legislative or Executive nature, or which particularly concerns treaties with foreign powers, do for the most part (if not wholly) affect individuals, and not States. They require no aid from any State authority. This is the great leading distinction between the old Articles of Confederation and the present Constitution. The Judicial power is of a peculiar kind. It is indeed commensurate with the ordinary legislative and executive powers of the General Government, and the power which concerns treaties. But is also goes further. Where certain parties are concerned, although the subject in controversy does not relate to any of the special objects of authority of the General Government, wherein the separate sovereignties of the States are blended in one common mass of supremacy, yet the General Government has a judicial authority in regard to such
subjects of controversy, and the Legislature of the United States may pass all laws necessary to give such judicial authority its proper effect. So far as States under the Constitution can be made legally liable to this authority, so far, to be sure, they are subordinate to the authority of the United States, and their individual sovereignty is in this respect limited. But it is limited no farther than the necessary execution of such authority requires. The authority externals only to the decision of controversies in which a State is a party, and providing laws necessary for that purpose. That surely can refer only to such controversies in which a State can be a part, in respect to which, if any question arises, it can be determined, according to the principles I have supported, in no other manner than by a reference either to preexistent laws or laws passed under the Constitution and in conformity to it.
Whatever be the true construction of the Constitution in this particular -- whether it is to be construed as intending merely a transfer of jurisdiction from one tribunal to another, or as authorizing the legislature to provide laws for the decision of all possible controversies in which a State may be involved with an individual, without regard to any prior exemption -- yet it is certain that the legislature has in fact proceeded upon the former supposition, and not upon the latter. For, besides what I noticed before as to an express reference to principles and usages of law as the guide of our proceeding, it is observable that, in instances like this before the Court, this Court hath a concurrent jurisdiction only, the present being one of those cases where, by the Judicial Act, this Court hath original, but not exclusive, jurisdiction. This Court, therefore, under that Act, can exercise no authority in such instances but such authority as from the subject matter of it may be exercised in some other court. There are no courts with which such a concurrence can be suggested but the Circuit Courts, or courts of the different States. With the former it cannot be, for admitting that the Constitution is not to have a restrictive operation, so as to confine all cases in which a State is a party exclusively to the Supreme Court (an opinion to which I am strongly inclined), yet there are no words in the definition of the powers of the Circuit Court which give a colour to an opinion that where a suit is brought against a State by a citizen of another State, the Circuit Court could exercise any jurisdiction at all. If they could, however, such a jurisdiction, by the very terms of their authority, could be only concurrent with the courts of the several States. It follows, therefore, unquestionably, I think, that looking at the act of Congress, which I consider is on this occasion the limit of our authority (whatever further might be constitutionally, enacted), we can exercise no authority in the present instance
consistently with the clear intention of the Act, but such as a proper State Court would have been at least competent to exercise at the time the Act was passed.
If, therefore, no new remedy be provided (as plainly is the case), and consequently we have no other rule to govern us but the principles of the preexistent laws, which must remain in force till superseded by others, then it is incumbent upon us to enquire whether, previous to the adoption of the Constitution (which period, or the period of passing the law in respect to the object of this enquiry, is perfectly equal), an action of the nature like this before the Court could have been maintained against one of the States in the Union upon the principles of the common law, which I have shown to be alone applicable. If it could, I think it is now maintainable here. If it could not, I think, as the law stands at present, it is not maintainable, whatever opinion may be entertained upon the construction of the Constitution as to the power of Congress to authorize such a one. Now I presume it will not be denied that, in every State in the Union, previous to the adoption of the Constitution, the only common law principles in regard to suits that were in any manner admissible in respect to claims against the State were those which, in England, apply to claims against the Crown, there being certainly no other principles of the common law which, previous to the adoption of this Constitution could, in any manner or upon any colour, apply to the case of a claim against a State in its own courts, where it was solely and completely sovereign in respect to such cases at least. Whether that remedy was strictly applicable or not, still I apprehend there was no other. The only remedy in a case like that before the Court, by which, by any possibility, a suit can be maintained against the Crown in England, or could be at any period from which the common law, as in force in America, could be derived, I believe is that which is called a petition of right. It is stated, indeed, in Com.Dig. 105, that "until the time of Edward I, the King might have been sued in all actions as a common person." And some authorities are cited for that position, though it is even there stated as a doubt. But the same authority adds "but now none can have an action against the King, but one shall be put to sue to him by petition." This appears to be a quotation or abstract from Theloall's Digest, which is also one of the authorities quoted in the former case. And this book appears (from the law catalogue) to have been printed so long ago as the year 1579. The same doctrine appears (according to a quotation in Blackstone's Commentaries, I Vol. 243) to be stated in Finch's Law 253, the first edition of which, it seems, was published in 1579. This also more fully appears in the case of the Bankers, and particularly from the celebrated argument of Lord
Somers, in the time of W. III., for, though that case was ultimately decided against Lord Somers' opinion, yet the ground on which the decision was given no way invalidates the reasoning of that argument so far as it respects the simple case of a sum of money demandable from the King and not by him secured on any particular revenues. The case is reported in Freeman, Vol. 1. p. 331. 5 Mod. 29; Skinn. 601, and lately, very elaborately, in a small pamphlet published by Mr. Hargrave which contains all the reports at length, except Skinner's, together with the argument at large of Lord Somers, besides some additional matter.
The substance of the case was as follows: King Charles II, having received large sums of money from bankers on the credit of the growing produce of the revenue, for the payment of which tallies and orders of the Exchequer were given (afterwards made transferable by statute), and the payment of these having been afterward postponed, the King at length, in order to relieve the Bankers, in 1677, granted annuities to them, out of the hereditary Excise, equal to 6 percent interest on their several debts, but redeemable on payment of the principal. This interest was paid 'till 1683, but it then became in arrears, and continued so at the Revolution; and the suits which were commenced to enforce the payment of these arrears were the subject of this case. The Bankers presented a petition to the Barons of the Exchequer for the payment of the arrears of the annuities granted, to which petition the Attorney General demurred. Two points were made: first, whether the grant out of the Excise was good; second, whether a petition to the Barons of the Exchequer was a proper remedy. On the first point, the whole Court agreed that, in general, the King could alienate the revenues of the Crown; but Mr. Baron Lechmore differed from the other Barons by thinking that this particular revenue of the Excise was an exception to the general rule. But all agreed that the petition was a proper remedy. Judgment was therefore given for the petition by directing payment to the complainants at the receipt of the Exchequer. A writ of error was brought on this judgment by the Attorney General in the Exchequer Chamber. There, all the judges who argued held the grant out of the Excise good. A majority of them, including Lord Chief Justice Holt, also approved of the remedy by petition to the Barons. But Lord Chief Justice Treby was of opinion that the Barons of the Exchequer were not authorised to make order for payments on the receipt of the Exchequer, and therefore that the remedy by petition to the Barons was inapplicable. In this opinion, Lord Somers concurred. A doubt then arose whether the Lord Chancellor and Lord High Treasurer were at liberty to give judgment according to their own
opinion, in opposition to that of a majority of the attendant judges; in other words, whether the judges called by the Lord Chancellor and Lord High Treasurer were to be considered as mere assistants to them, without voices. The opinion of the judges being taken on this point, seven against three held that the Lord Chancellor and Lord Treasurer were not concluded by the opinions of the judges, and therefore that the Lord Keeper in the case in question, there being then no Lord Treasurer, might give judgment according to his own opinion. Lord Somers concurring in this idea, reversed the judgment of the Court of Exchequer. But the case was afterwards carried by error into Parliament, and there the Lords reversed the judgment of the Exchequer Chamber and affirmed that of the Exchequer. However, notwithstanding this final decision in favour of the Bankers and their creditors, it appears by a subsequent statute that they were to receive only one half of their debts; the 12 and 14 W. 3, after appropriating certain sums out of the hereditary Excise for public uses, providing that, in lieu of the annuities granted to the Bankers and all arrears, the hereditary Excise should, after the 26th of December 1601, be charged with annual sums equal to an interest of three per cent, till redeemed by payment of one moiety of the principal sums. Hargrave's Case of the Bankers, 1, 2, 3.
Upon perusing the whole of this case, these inferences naturally follow: 1st. That admitting the authority of that decision in its fullest extent, yet it is an authority only in respect to such cases, where letters patent from the Crown have been granted for the payment of certain sums out of a particular revenue. 2nd. That such relief was grantable in the Exchequer, upon no other principle than that that Court had a right to direct the issues of the Exchequer as well after the money was deposited there as while (in the Exchequer language) it was in transitu. 3rd. That such an authority could not have been exercised by any other court in Westminster Hall, or by any court that, from its particular constitution, had no controul over the revenues of the Kingdom. Lord C. J. Holt and Lord Somers (though they differed in the main point) both agreed in that case that the Court of King's Bench could not send a writ to the Treasury. Hargrave's Case, 45, 89. Consequently, no such remedy could, under any circumstances, I apprehend, be allowed in any of the American States, in none of which it is presumed any court of justice hath any express authority over the revenues of the State such as has been attributed to the Court of Exchequer in England.
The observations of Lord Somers concerning the general remedy by petition to the King have been extracted and referred to by some of the ablest law characters since, particularly by
Lord C. Baron Comyns in his digest. I shall therefore extract some of them, as he appears to have taken uncommon pains to collect all the material learning on the subject, and indeed is said to have expended several hundred pounds in the procuring of records relative to their case. Hargrave's preface to the case of the Bankers.
After citing many authorities, Lord Somers proceeds thus:
"By all these authorities, and by many others which I could cite, both ancient and modern, it is plain that, if the subject was to recover a rent, or annuity, or other charge from the Crown; whether it was a rent or annuity originally granted by the King, or issuing out of lands, which by subsequent title came to be in the King's hands; in all cases, the remedy to come at it was by petition to the person of the King; and no other method can be shown to have been practised at common law. Indeed, I take it to be generally true that, in all cases where the subject is in the nature of a plaintiff, to recover anything from the King, his only remedy, at common law, is to sue by petition to the person of the King. I say, where the subject comes as a plaintiff. For, as I said before, when, upon a title found for the King by office, the subject comes in to traverse the King's title, or to show his own right, he comes in the nature of a defendant, and is admitted to interplead in the case with the King in defense of his title, which otherwise would be defeated by finding the office. And to show that this was so, I would take notice of several instances. That, in cases of debts owing by the Crown, the subject's remedy was by petition appears by Aynesham's Case, Ryley 251, which is a petition for 19. due for work done at Carnarvon castle. So Ryley 251. The executors of John Estrateling petition for 132. due to the testator for wages. The answer is remarkable, for there is a latitude taken, which will very well agree with the notion that is taken up in this case; Habeant bre. de liberate in Canc. thes. & camerar. de 32. in partem solutionis. So the case of Yerward de Galeys, for 56. Ryley 414. In like manner in the same book 253.33. Ed. I. several parties sue by petition for money and goods taken for the King's use, and also for wages due to them, and for debts owing to them by the King. The answer is, Rex ordinavit per concilium thesaurarii & baronum de scaecario, quod satisfiet iis quam citius fieri poterit; ita quod contertos se tenebunt. And this is an answer given to a petition "
presented to the King in Parliament, and therefore we have reason to conclude it to be warranted by law. They must be content, and they shall be paid, quam citius fieri poterit. The parties in these cases first go to the King by petition: it is by him they are sent to the Exchequer, and it is by writ under the great seal that the Exchequer is impowered to act. Nor can
any such writ be found (unless in a very few instances, where it is mere matter of account) in which the Treasurer is not joined with the Barons. So far was it from being taken to be law at that time that the Barons had any original power of paying the King's debts, or of commanding annuities, granted by the King or his progenitors to be paid when the person applied to them for such payment. But perhaps it may be objected that it is not to be inferred, because petitions were brought in these cases, that therefore it was of necessity that the subject should pursue that course, and could take no other way. It might be reasonable to require from those who object thus that they should produce some precedents at least, of another remedy taken. But I think there is a good answer to be given to this objection. All these petitions which I have mentioned are after the Stat. 8 Ed. I., Ryley 442, where notice is taken that the business of Parliament is interrupted by a multitude of petitions, which might be redressed by the Chancellor and Justices. Wherefore it is thereby enacted that petitions which touch the seal shall come first to the Chancellor; those which touch the Exchequer, to the Exchequer; and those which touch the Justices, or the law of the land, should come to the Justices; and if the business be so great, or st de grace that the Chancellor, or others, cannot do them without the King, then the petitions shall be brought before the King to know his pleasure, so that no petitions come before the King and his Council but by the hands of the Chancellor, and other chief Ministers; that the King and his Council may attend the great affairs of the King's Realm, and his sovereign dominions.
"This law being made, there is reason to conclude that all petitions brought before the King or Parliament after this time, and answered there, were brought according to the method of this law, and were of the nature of such petitions as ought to be brought before the person of the King. And that petitions did lie for a chattel, as well as for a freehold, does appear, 37 Ass. pl ii. Bro.Pet. 17. If tenant by the statute merchant be ousted, he may have petition, and shall be restored. Vide 9 H.4.4. Bro.Pet. 9. 9. H. 6. 21. Bro.Pet. 2. If the subject be ousted of his term, he shall have his petition. 7. H.7.ii. Of a chattel real, a man shall have his petition of right, as of his freehold. 34. H. 6.51. Bro.Pet. 3. A man shall have a petition of right for goods and chattels, and the King indorses it in the usual form. It is said indeed, 1 H.7.3. Bro.Pet. 19., that a petition will not lie of a chattel. And, admitting there was any doubt as to that point, in the present suit, we are in the case of a freehold."
Lord Somers' argument in Hargrave's Case of the Bankers, 103 to 105.
The solitary case, noticed at the conclusion of Lord Somers' argument, "that a petition will not lie of a chattel," certainly
is deserving of no consideration, opposed to so many other instances mentioned, and unrecognized (as I believe it is) by any other authority either ancient or modern, whereas the contrary, it appears to me, has long been received and established law. In Comyns' Dig. 4 Vol. 458, it is said expressly "suit shall be to the King by petition, for goods as well as for land." He cites Staundf.Prar. 75. b. 72. b. for his authority, and takes no notice of any authority to the contrary. The same doctrine is also laid down with equal explicitness, and without noticing any distinction whatever, in Blackstone's Commentaries, 3 Vol. 256, where he points out the petition of right as one of the common law methods of obtaining possession or restitution from the Crown, either of real or personal property, and says expressly the petition of right
"is of use where the King is in full possession of any hereditaments or chattels, and the petitioner suggests such a right as controverts the title of the Crown, grounded on facts disclosed in the petition itself."
I leave out of the argument, from which I have made so long a quotation, everything concerning the restriction on the Exchequer so far as it concerned the case then before the Court, as Lord Somers (although more perhaps by weight of authority than reasoning) was overruled in that particular. As to all others, I consider the authorities on which he relied, and his deduction from them, to be unimpeached.
Blackstone, in the first volume of his commentaries (p. 203), speaking of demands in point of property upon the King, states the general remedy thus:
"If any person has, in point of property, a just demand upon the King, he must petition him in his Court of Chancery, where his Chancellor will administer right, as a matter of grace, though not upon compulsion. [For which he cites Finch L. 255.] . . . And this is exactly consonant to what is laid down by the writers on natural law. A subject, say Puffendorf, so long as he continues a subject, hath no way to oblige his Prince to give him his due when he refuses it, though no wise Prince will ever refuse to stand to a lawful contract. And if the Prince gives the subject leave to enter an action against him upon such contract in his own courts, the action itself proceeds rather upon natural equity than upon the municipal laws. For the end of such action is not to compel the Prince to observe the contract, but to persuade him."
It appears that when a petition to the person of the King is properly presented, the usual way is for the King to indorse or underwrite, soit droit sait al partie (let right be done to the party), upon which, unless the Attorney General confesses the suggestion, a commission is issued to enquire into the truth of it, after the return of which, the King's attorney is at liberty to
plead in bar, and the merits shall be determined upon issue or demurrer, as in suits between subject and subject. If the Attorney General confesses the suggestion there is no occasion for a commission, his admission of the truth of the facts being equally conclusive as if they had been found by a jury. See 3 Blackstone's Commentaries 256. and 4 Com. Dig. 458, and the authorities there cited. Though the above-mentioned indorsement be the usual one, Lord Somers, in the course of his voluminous search, discovered a variety of other answers to what he considered were unquestionable petitions of right, in respect to which he observes:
"The truth is, the manner of answering petitions to the person of the King was very various, which variety did sometimes arise from the conclusion of the party's petition, sometimes from the nature of the thing, and sometimes from favour to the person; and according as the indorsement was, the party was sent into Chancery or the other courts. If the indorsement was general, soit droit fait al partie, it must be delivered to the Chancellor of England, and then a commission was to go to find the right of the party, and that being found, so that there was a record so rhim, thus warranted, he is let in to interplead with the King; but if the indorsement was special, then the proceeding was to be according to the indorsement in any other Court. This is fully explained by Stamford (Staundfort) in his treatise of the Prerog. c. 22. The case Mich. 10 H. 4.4.no. 8. is full as to this matter. The King recovers in a quare impedit by default against one who was never summoned; the party cannot have a writ of deceit without a petition. If then, says the book, he concludes his petition generally 'que le Roy lui face droit' (that the King will cause right to be done) and the answer be general, it must go into the Chancery that the right may inquired of by commission; and, upon the inquest found, an original writ must be directed to the Justices to examine the deceit; otherwise, the Justices, before whom the suit was, cannot meddle. But if he conclude his petition especially that it may please his Highness to command his Justices to proceed to the examination, and the indorsement be accordingly that had given the Justices a jurisdiction. They might in such case have proceeded upon the petition without any commission, or any writ to be sued out; the petition and answer indorsed giving a sufficient jurisdiction to the Court to which it was directed. And as the book I have mentioned proves this, so many other authorities may be cited."
He accordingly mentions many other instances, immaterial to be recited here, particularly remarking a very extraordinary difference in the case belonging to the revenue, in regard to which he said, he thought there was not an instance to be found where petitions were answered, soit droit fait aux parties (let right be done
to the parties). The usual reference appears to have been to the Treasurer and Barons, commanding them to do justice. Sometimes a writ under the great seal was directed to be issued to them for that purpose. Sometimes a writ from the Chancery directing payment of money immediately, without taking notice of the Barons. And other varieties appear to have taken place. See Hargrave's Case of the Bankers, p. 73, & seq. But in all cases of petition of right, of whatever nature is the demand, I think it is clear beyond all doubt that there must be some indorsement or order of the King himself to warrant any further proceedings. The remedy, in the language of Blackstone, being a matter of grace, and not on compulsion.
In a very late case in England, this point was incidentally discussed. The case I refer to is the case of Macbeath against Haldimand, reported first Durnford & East 172. The action was against the defendant, for goods furnished by the defendant's order in Canada, when the defendant was Governor of Quebec. The defence was that the plaintiff was employed by the defendant in his official capacity, and not upon his personal credit, and that the goods being therefore furnished for the use of Government, and the defendant not having undertaken personally to pay, he was not liable. This defence was set up at the trial on the plea of the general issue, and the jury, by judge Buller's direction, found a verdict for the defendant. Upon a motion for a new trial, he reported particularly all the facts given in evidence, and said his opinion had been at the trial that the plaintiff should be nonsuited;
"but the plaintiff's counsel appearing for their client, when he was called, he left the question to the jury, telling them that they were bound to find for the defendant in point of law. And upon their asking him whether, in the event of the defendant not being liable, any other person was, he told them that was no part of their consideration, but being willing to give them any information, he added that he was of opinion that if the plaintiff's demands were just, his proper remedy was by a petition of right to the Crown. On which they found a verdict for the defendant. The rule for granting a new trial was moved for, on the misdirection of two points. 1st. That the defendant had by his own conduct made himself liable, which question should have been left to the jury. 2ndly. That the plaintiff had no remedy against the Crown by a petition of right, on the supposition of which the jury had been induced to give their verdict. . . . Lord Mansfield, Chief Justice, now declared that the Court did not feel it necessary for them to give any opinion on the second ground. His Lordship said that great difference had arisen since the revolution with respect to the expenditure of the public money. Before that period, all the public supplies were given to the King, who in
his individual capacity contracted for all expenses. He alone had the disposition of the public money. But since that time, the supplies had been appropriated by Parliament to particular purposes, and now, whoever advances money for the public service trusts to the faith of Parliament. That, according to the tenor of Lord Somers' argument in the Bankers Case, though a petition of right would lie, yet it would probably produce no effect. No benefit was ever derived from it in the Bankers Case, and Parliament was afterwards obliged to provide a particular fund for the payment of those debts. Whether, however, this alteration in the mode of distributing the supplies had made any difference in the law upon this subject it was unnecessary to determine; at any rate, if there were a recovery against the Crown, application must be made to Parliament, and it would come under the head of supplies for the year."
The motion was afterwards argued on the other ground (with which I have at present nothing to do) and rejected.
In the old authorities, there does not appear any distinction between debts that might be contracted personally by the King for his own private use and such as he contracted in his political capacity for the service of the kingdom. As he had however then fixed and independent revenues, upon which depended the ordinary support of Government as well as the expenditure for his own private occasions, probably no material distinction at that time existed, or could easily be made. A very important distinction may however perhaps now subsist between the two cases, for the reasons intimated by Lord Mansfield; since the whole support of Government depends now on Parliamentary provisions, and, except in the case of the civil list, those for the most part annual.
Thus, it appears that, in England, even in case of a private debt contracted by the King in his own person, there is no remedy but by petition, which must receive his express sanction; otherwise there can be no proceeding upon it. If the debt contracted be avowedly for the public uses of Government, it is at least doubtful whether that remedy will lie; and if it will, it remains afterwards in the power of Parliament to provide for it or not among the current supplies of the year.
Now let us consider the case of a debt due from a State. None can, I apprehend, be directly claimed but in the following instances. 1st. In case of a contract with the legislature itself. 2nd. In case of a contract with the Executive, or any other person, in consequence of an express authority from the legislature. 3rd. In case of a contract with the Executive without any special authority. In the first and second cases, the contract is evidently made on the public faith alone. Every man must know that no suit can lie against a legislative body. His only
dependence therefore can be that the legislature, on principles of public duty, will make a provision for the execution of their own contracts, and if that fails, whatever reproach the legislature may incur, the case is certainly without remedy in any of the courts of the State. It never was pretended, even in the case of the Crown in England, that if any contract was made with Parliament, or with the Crown by virtue of an authority from Parliament, that a Petition to the Crown would in such case lie. In the third case, a contract with the Governor of a State without any special authority. This case is entirely different from such a contract made with the Crown in England. The Crown there has very high prerogatives, in many instances is a kind of trustee for the public interest, in all cases represents the sovereignty of the Kingdom, and is the only authority which can sue or be sued in any manner on behalf of the Kingdom in any Court of Justice. A Governor of a State is a mere Executive officer, his general authority very narrowly limited by the Constitution of the State, with no undefined or disputable prerogatives; without power to effect one shilling of the public money, but as he is authorised under the Constitution, or by a particular law; having no colour to represent the sovereignty of the State, so as to bind it in any manner to its prejudice, unless specially authorised thereto. And therefore all who contract with him do it at their own peril, and are bound to see (or take the consequence of their own indiscretion) that he has strict authority for any contract he makes. Of course, such contract, when so authorised, will come within the description I mentioned of cases where public faith alone is the ground of relief, and the legislative body the only one that can afford a remedy, which, from the very nature of it, must be the effect of its discretion, and not of any compulsory process. If however any such cases were similar to those which would entitle a party to relief by petition to the King in England, that petition being only presentable to him, as he is the sovereign of the Kingdom, so far as analogy is to take place, such petition in a State could only be presented to the sovereign power, which surely the Governor is not. The only constituted authority to which such an application could with any propriety be made must undoubtedly be the legislature, whose express consent, upon the principle of analogy, would be necessary to any further proceeding. So that this brings us (though by a different route) to the same goal -- the discretion and good faith of the legislative body.
There is no other part of the common law, besides that which I have considered, which can by any person be pretended in any manner to apply to this case but that which concerns corporations. The applicability of this, the Attorney General, with great candour, has expressly waved. But as it may be
urged on other occasions, and as I wish to give the fullest satisfaction, I will say a few words to that doctrine. Suppose, therefore ,it should be objected that the reasoning I have now used is not conclusive because, inasmuch as a State is made subject to the judicial power of Congress, its sovereignty must not stand in the way of the proper exercise of that power, and therefore in all such cases (though in no other) a State can only be considered as a subordinate corporation merely. I answer, 1st. That this construction can only be allowed, at the utmost, upon the supposition that the judicial authority of the United States, as it respects States, cannot be effectuated without proceeding against them in that light -- a position I by no means admit. 2nd. That, according to the principles I have supported in this argument, admitting that States ought to be so considered for that purpose, an act of the legislature is necessary to give effect to such a construction, unless the old doctrine concerning corporations will naturally apply to this particular case. 3rd. That, as it is evident the act of Congress has not made any special provision in this case, grounded on any such construction, so it is to my mind perfectly clear that we have no authority, upon any supposed analogy between the two cases, to apply the common doctrine concerning corporations, to the important case now before the Court. I take it for granted that when any part of an ancient law is to be applied to a new case, the circumstances of the new case must agree in all essential points with the circumstances of the old cases to which that ancient law was formerly appropriated. Now there are, in my opinion, the most essential differences between the old cases of corporations to which the law intimated has reference, and the great and extraordinary case of States separately possessing, as to everything simply relating to themselves, the fullest powers of sovereignty, and yet in some other defined particulars subject to a superior power composed out of themselves for the common welfare of the whole. The only law concerning corporations to which I conceive the least reference is to be had is the common law of England on that subject. I need not repeat the observations I made in respect to the operation of that law in this country. The word "corporations," in its largest sense, has a more extensive meaning than people generally are aware of. Any body politic (sole or aggregate), whether its power be restricted or transcendant, is in this sense "a corporation." The King, accordingly, in England is called a corporation. 10 Co. 29b. So also, by a very respectable author (Sheppard, in his abridgement, 1 Vol. 431) is the Parliament itself. In this extensive sense, not only each State singly, but even the United States may without impropriety be termed "corporations." I have therefore, in contradistinction to this large and indefinite
term, used the term "subordinate corporations," meaning to refer to such only (as alone capable of the slightest application, for the purpose of the objection) whose creation and whose powers are limited by law.
The differences between such corporations and the several States in the Union, as relative to the general Government, are very obvious in the following particulars. 1st. A corporation is a mere creature of the King, or of Parliament; very rarely of the latter, most usually of the former only. It owes its existence, its name, and its laws, (except such laws as are necessarily incident to all corporations merely as such) to the authority which create it. A State does not owe its origin to the Government of the United States, in the highest or in any of its branches. It was in existence before it. It derives its authority from the same pure and sacred source as itself: the voluntary and deliberate choice of the people. 2nd. A corporation can do no act but what is subject to the revision either of a court of justice or of some other authority within the Government. A State is altogether exempt from the jurisdiction of the Courts of the United States, or from any other exterior authority, unless in the special instances where the general Government has power derived from the Constitution itself. 3rd. A corporation is altogether dependant on that Government to which it owes its existence. Its charter may be forfeited by abuse. Its authority may be annihilated, without abuse, by an act of the legislative body. A State, though subject in certain specified particulars to the authority of the Government of the United States, is in every other respect totally independent upon it. The people of the State created, the people of the State can only change, its Constitution. Upon this power there is no other limitation but that imposed by the Constitution of the United States: that it must be of the Republican form. I omit minuter distinctions. These are so palpable that I never can admit that a system of law calculated for one of these cases is to be applied, as a matter of course, to the other, without admitting (as I conceive) that the distinct boundaries of law and legislation may be confounded in a manner that would make Courts arbitrary, and in effect makers of a new law, instead of being (as certainly they alone ought to be) expositors of an existing one. If still it should be insisted that. though a State cannot be considered upon the same footing as the municipal corporations I have been considering, yet, as relative to the powers of the General Government, it must be deemed in some measure dependent; admitting that to be the case (which to be sure is, so far as the necessary execution of the powers of the General Government extends), yet in whatever character this may place a State, this can only afford a reason for a new law,
calculated to effectuate the powers of the General Government in this new case. But it affords no reason whatever for the Court's admitting a new action to fit a case to which no old ones apply, when the application of law, not the making of it, is the sole province of the Court.
I have now, I think, established the following particulars. 1st. That the Constitution, so far as it respects the judicial authority, can only be carried into effect by acts of the legislature appointing courts and prescribing their methods of proceeding. 2nd. That Congress has provided no new law in regard to this case, but expressly referred us to the old. 3rd. That there are no principles of the old law, to which, we must have recourse that in any manner authorise the present suit, either by precedent or by analogy. The consequence of which, in my opinion, clearly is that the suit in question cannot be maintained, nor, of course, the motion made upon it be complied with.
From the manner in which I have viewed this subject, so different from that in which it has been contemplated by the Attorney General, it is evident that I have not had occasion to notice many arguments offered by the Attorney General which certainly were very proper, as to his extended view of the case, but do not affect mine. No part of the Law of Nations can apply to this case, as I apprehend, but that part which is termed "The Conventional Law of Nations;" nor can this any otherwise apply than as furnishing rules of interpretation, since unquestionably the people of the United States had a right to form what kind of Union, and upon what terms they pleased, without reference to any former examples. If, upon a fair construction of the Constitution of the United States, the power contended for really exists, it undoubtedly may be exercised, though it be a power of the first impression. If it does not exist, upon that authority, ten thousand examples of similar powers would not warrant its assumption. So far as this great question affects the Constitution itself, if the present afforded, consistently with the particular grounds of my opinion, a proper occasion for a decision upon it, I would not shrink from its discussion. But it is of extreme moment that no judge should rashly commit himself upon important questions which it is unnecessary for him to decide. My opinion being that, even if the Constitution would admit of the exercise of such a power, a new law is necessary for the purpose, since no part of the existing law applies, this alone is sufficient to justify my determination in the present case. So much, however, has been said on the Constitution that it may not be improper to intimate that my present opinion is strongly against any construction of it which will admit, under any circumstances, a compulsive suit against a State for the recovery of money. I
think every word in the Constitution may have its full effect without involving this consequence, and that nothing but express words, or an insurmountable implication (neither of which I consider, can be found in this case) would authorise the deduction of so high a power. This opinion I hold, however, with all the reserve proper for one which, according to my sentiments in this case, may be deemed in some measure extrajudicial. With regard to the policy of maintaining such suits, that is not for this Court to consider, unless the point in all other respects was very doubtful. Policy might then be argued from with a view to preponderate the judgment. Upon the question before us, I have no doubt. I have therefore nothing to do with the policy. But I confess, if I was at liberty to speak on that subject, my opinion on the policy of the case would also differ from that of the Attorney General. It is, however, a delicate topic. I pray to God that, if the Attorney General's doctrine as to the law be established by the judgment of this Court, all the good he predicts from it may take place, and none of the evils with which, I have the concern to say, it appears to me to be pregnant.
In considering this important case, I have thought it best to pass over all the strictures which have been made on the various European confederations, because, as, on the one hand, their likeness to our own is not sufficiently close to justify any analogical application, so, on the other, they are utterly destitute of any binding authority here. The Constitution of the United States is the only fountain from which I shall draw; the only authority to which I shall appeal. Whatever be the true language of that, it is obligatory upon every member of the Union, for no State could have become a member but by an adoption of it by the people of that State. What then do we find there requiring the submission of individual States to the judicial authority of the United States? This is expressly extended, among other things, to controversies between a State and citizens of another State. Is, then, the case before us one of that description? Undoubtedly it is, unless it may be a sufficient denial to say that it is a controversy between a citizen of one State and another State. Can this change of order be an essential change in the thing intended? And is this alone a sufficient ground from which to conclude that the jurisdiction of this Court reaches the case where a State is plaintiff, but not where it is defendant? In this latter case, should any man be asked whether it was not a controversy between a State and citizen of another State, must not the answer be in the affirmative? A dispute between A. and B. as surely a dispute between B. and A. Both cases, I have no doubt, were intended; and probably the State was first named,
in respect to the dignity of a State. But that very dignity seems to have been thought a sufficient reason for confining the sense to the case where a State is plaintiff. It is, however, a sufficient answer to say that our Constitution most certainly contemplates, in another branch of the cases enumerated, the maintaining a jurisdiction against a State, as defendant; this is unequivocally asserted when the judicial power of the United States is extended to controversies between two or more States; for there, a State must, of necessity, be a defendant. It is extended also to controversies between a State and foreign states; and if the argument taken from the order of designation were good, it would be meant here that this Court might have cognizance of a suit where a State is plaintiff, and some foreign state a defendant, but not where a foreign state brings a suit against a State. This, however, not to mention that the instances may rarely occur when a State may have an opportunity of suing in the American Courts a foreign state, seems to lose sight of the policy which, no doubt, suggested this provision, viz., that no State in the Union should, by withholding justice, have it in its power to embroil the whole Confederacy in disputes of another nature. But if a foreign state, though last named, may, nevertheless, be a plaintiff against an individual State, how can it be said that a controversy between a State and a citizen of another State means, from the mere force of the order of the words, only such cases where a State is plaintiff? After describing, generally, the judicial powers of the United States, the Constitution goes on to speak of it distributively, and gives to the Supreme Court original jurisdiction, among other instances, in the case where a State shall be a party; but is not a State a party as well
in the condition of a defendant as in that of a plaintiff? And is the whole force of that expression satisfied by confining its meaning to the case of a plaintiff State? It seems to me that if this Court should refuse to hold jurisdiction of a case where a State is defendant, it would renounce part of the authority conferred, and, consequently, part of the duty imposed on it by the Constitution, because it would be a refusal to take cognizance of a case where a State is a party. Nor does the jurisdiction of this Court, in relation to a State, seem to me to be questionable on the ground that Congress has not provided any form of execution, or pointed out any mode of making the judgment against a State effectual; the argument ab in utili may weigh much in cases depending upon the construction of doubtful legislative acts, but can have no force, I think, against the clear and positive directions of an act of Congress and of the Constitution. Let us go on as far as we can; and if, at the end of the business, notwithstanding the powers given us in the 14th section
of the Judicial Law, we meet difficulties insurmountable to us, we must leave it to those departments of Government which have higher powers, to which, however, there may be no necessity to have recourse: is it altogether a vain expectation that a State may have other motives than such as arise from the apprehension of coercion, to carry into execution a judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, though not conformable to their own ideas of justice? Besides, this argument takes it for granted that the judgment of the Court will be against the State; it possibly may be in favor of the State; and the difficulty vanishes. Should judgment be given against the plaintiff, could it be said to be void because extrajudicial? If the plaintiff, grounding himself upon that notion, should renew his suit against the State in any mode in which she may permit herself to be sued in her own Courts, would the Attorney General for the State be obliged to go again into the merits of the case because the matter, when here, was coram non judice? Might he not rely upon the judgment given by this Court in bar of the new suit? To me, it seems clear that he might. And if a State may be brought before this Court as a defendant, I see no reason for confining the plaintiff to proceed by way of petition; indeed, there would even seem to be an impropriety in proceeding in that mode. When sovereigns are sued in their own Courts, such a method may have been established as the most respectful form of demand; but we are not now in a State court, and if sovereignty be an exemption from suit in any other than the sovereign's own courts, it follows that when a State, by adopting the Constitution, has agreed to be amenable to the judicial power of the United States, she has, in that respect, given up her right of sovereignty.
With respect to the service of the summons to appear, the manner in which it has been served seems to be as proper as any which could be devised for the purpose of giving notice of the suit, which is the end proposed by it, the Governor being the head of the Executive Department and the Attorney General the law officer who generally represents the State in legal proceedings. And this mode is the less liable to exception when it is considered that, in the suit brought in this Court by the State of Georgia against Brailsford * and others, it is conceived in the name of the Governor in behalf of the State. If the opinion which I have delivered respecting the liability of a State to be sued in this Court should be the opinion of the Court, it will come in course to consider what is the proper step to be taken for inducing appearance, none having been yet entered in behalf of the defendant. A judgment by default, in the present stage of the business, and writ of enquiry of damages, would
be too precipitate in any case, and too incompatible with the dignity of a State in this. Farther opportunity of appearing to defend the suit ought to be given. The conditional order moved for the last term, the consideration of which was deferred to this, seems to me to be a very proper mode; it will warn the State of the meditated consequence of a refusal to appear, and give an opportunity for more deliberate consideration. The order, I think, should be thus:
"Ordered that unless the State of Georgia should, after due notice of this order, by a service thereof upon the Governor and Attorney General of the said State, cause an appearance to be entered in behalf of the State, on the 5th day of the next Term, or then shew cause to the contrary, judgment be then entered up against the State, and a writ of enquiry of damages be awarded."
* Som, Sup. c. 3.
This is a case of uncommon magnitude. One of the parties to it is a State -- certainly respectable, claiming to be sovereign. The question to be determined is whether this State, so respectable, and whose claim soars so high, is amenable to the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States? This question, important in itself, will depend on others more important still, and, may, perhaps, be ultimately resolved into one no less radical than this: "do the people of the United States form a Nation?"
A cause so conspicuous and interesting should be carefully and accurately viewed from every possible point of sight. I shall examine it 1st. By the principles of general jurisprudence. 2nd. By the laws and practice of particular States and Kingdoms. From the law of nations, little or no illustration of this subject can be expected. By that law, the several States and Governments spread over our globe are considered as forming a society, not a NATION. It has only been by a very few comprehensive minds, such as those of Elizabeth and the Fourth Henry, that this last great idea has been even contemplated. 3rdly. and chiefly, I shall examine the important question before us by the Constitution of the United States, and the legitimate result of that valuable instrument.
1. I am, first, to examine this question by the principles of general jurisprudence. What I shall say upon this head I introduce by the observation of an original and profound writer who, in the philosophy of mind and all the sciences attendant on this prime one, has formed an era not less remarkable, and far more illustrious, than that formed by the justly celebrated Bacon in another science, not prosecuted with less ability, but less dignified as to its object; I mean the philosophy of matter. Dr. Reid, in his excellent enquiry into the human mind, on the principles of common sense, speaking of the sceptical and illiberal
philosophy, which under bold but false pretentions to liberality, prevailed in many parts of Europe before he wrote, makes the following judicious remark:
"The language of philosophers with regard to the original faculties of the mind is so adapted to the prevailing system that it cannot fit any other; like a coat that fits the man for whom it was made, and shews him to advantage, which yet will fit very aukward upon one of a different make, although as handsome and well proportioned. It is hardly possible to make any innovation in our philosophy concerning the mind and its operations without using new words and phrases, or giving a different meaning to those that are received."
With equal propriety may this solid remark be applied to the great subject on the principles of which the decision of this Court is to be founded. The perverted use of genus and species in logic, and of impressions and ideas in metaphysics, have never done mischief so extensive or so practically pernicious as has been done by States and sovereigns in politics and jurisprudence -- in the politics and jurisprudence even of those who wished and meant to be free. In the place of those expressions, I intend not to substitute new ones; but the expressions themselves I shall certainly use for purposes different from those for which hitherto they have been frequently used; and one of them I shall apply to an object still more different from that to which it has hitherto been more frequently -- I may say almost universally -- applied. In these purposes, and in this application, I shall be justified by example the most splendid, and by authority the most binding; the example of the most refined as well as the most free nation known to antiquity; and the authority of one of the best Constitutions known to modern times. With regard to one of the terms, "state," this authority is declared; with regard to the other, "sovereign," the authority is implied only. But it is equally strong. For, in an instrument well drawn, as in a poem well composed, mence is sometimes most expressive.
To the Constitution of the United States, the term SOVEREIGN, is totally unknown. There is but one place where it could have been used with propriety. But even in that place, it would not, perhaps, have comported with the delicacy of those who ordained and established that Constitution. They might have announced themselves "SOVEREIGN" people of the United States. But serenely conscious of the fact, they avoided the ostentatious declaration.
Having thus avowed my disapprobation of the purposes for which the terms, state and sovereign are frequently used, and of the object to which the application of the last of them is almost universally made, it is now proper that I should disclose the meaning which I assign to both, and the application,
which I make of the latter. In doing this, I shall have occasion incidently to evince how true it is that states and governments were made for man, and, at the same time, how true it is that his creatures and servants have first deceived, next vilified, and, at last, oppressed their master and maker.
Man, fearfully and wonderfully made, is the workmanship of his all perfect Creator. A state, useful and valuable as the contrivance is, is the inferior contrivance of man, and from his native dignity derives all its acquired importance. When I speak of a state as an inferior contrivance, I mean that it is a contrivance inferior only to that which is divine. Of all human contrivances, it is certainly most transcendantly excellent. It is concerning this contrivance that
Cicero says so sublimely,
"Nothing, which is exhibited upon our globe is more acceptable to that divinity which governs the whole universe than those communities and assemblages of men which, lawfully associated, are denominated states. [Footnote 1]"
Let a state be considered as subordinate to the people. But let everything else be subordinate to the state. The latter part of this position is equally necessary with the former. For in the practice, and even at length, in the science of politics, there has very frequently been a strong current against the natural order of things, and an inconsiderate or an interested disposition to sacrifice the end to the means. As the state has claimed precedence of the people, so, in the same inverted course of things, the government has often claimed precedence of the state, and to this perversion in the second degree, many of the volumes of confusion concerning sovereignty owe their existence. The ministers, dignified very properly by the appellation of the magistrates, have wished, and have succeeded in their wish, to be considered as the sovereigns of the state. This second degree of perversion is confined to the old world, and begins to diminish even there; but the first degree is still too prevalent, even in the several States of which our union is composed. By a "state," I mean a complete body of free persons united together for their common benefit to enjoy peaceably what is their own and to do justice to others. It is an artificial person. It has its affairs and its interests; it has its rules; it has its rights; and it has its obligations. It may acquire property distinct from that of its members. It may incur debts to be discharged out of the public stock, not out of the private fortunes of individuals. It may be bound by contracts, and for damages arising from the breach of those contracts. In all our contemplations, however, concerning this
feigned and artificial person, we should never forget that, in truth and nature, those who think and speak and act are men.
Is the foregoing description of a state a true description? It will not be questioned but it is. Is there any part of this description, which intimates in the remotest manner that a state, any more than the men who compose it, ought not to do justice and fulfil engagements? It will not be pretended that there is. If justice is not done; if engagements are not fulfilled, is it, upon general principles of right, less proper in the case of a great number than in the case of an individual to secure by compulsion that which will not be voluntarily performed? Less proper it surely cannot be. The only reason, I believe, why a free man is bound by human laws is that he binds himself. Upon the same principles upon which he becomes bound by the laws, he becomes amenable to the courts of justice which are formed and authorised by those laws. If one free man, an original sovereign, may do all this, why may not an aggregate of free men, a collection of original sovereigns, do this likewise? If the dignity of each singly is undiminished, the dignity of all jointly must be unimpaired. A state, like a merchant, makes a contract. A dishonest state, like a dishonest merchant, wilfully refuses to discharge it. The latter is amenable to a court of justice. Upon general principles of right, shall the former, when summoned to answer the fair demands of its creditor, be permitted, Proteus-like, to assume a new appearance, and to insult him and justice by declaring "I am a Sovereign state?" Surely not. Before a claim so contrary, in its first appearance to the general principles of right and equality be sustained by a just and impartial tribunal, the person, natural or artificial, entitled to make such claim should certainly be well known and authenticated. Who, or what, is a sovereignty? What is his or its sovereignty? On this subject, the errors and the mazes are endless and inexplicable. To enumerate all therefore will not be expected. To take notice of some will be necessary to the full illustration of the present important cause.
In one sense, the term "sovereign" has for its correlative "subject." In this sense, the term can receive no application, for it has no object in the Constitution of the United states. Under that Constitution, there are citizens, but no subjects. "Citizen of the United states." [Footnote 2] "Citizens of another state." "Citizens of different states." "A state or citizen thereof." [Footnote 3] The term, subject,occurs, indeed, once in the instrument; but to mark the contrast strongly, the epithet "foreign" [Footnote 4] is prefixed. In this sense, I presume the state of Georgia has no claim upon
her own citizens. In this sense, I am certain, she can have no claim upon the citizens of another state.
In another sense, according to some writers, [Footnote 5] every state, which governs itself without any dependence on another power is a sovereign state. Whether, with regard to her own citizens, this is the case of the state of Georgia; whether those citizens have done, as the individuals of England are said by their late instructors to have done, surrendered the supreme power to the state or government, and reserved nothing to themselves; or whether, like the people of other states, and of the United states, the citizens of Georgia have reserved the supreme power in their own hands, and on that supreme power have made the state dependent, instead of being sovereign -- these are questions to which, as a judge in this cause, I can neither know nor suggest the proper answers, though, as a citizen of the Union, I know, and am interested to know that the most satisfactory answers can be given. As a citizen, I know the government of that state to be republican; and my short definition of such a government is one constructed on this principle -- that the supreme power resides in the body of the people. As a judge of this court, I know, and can decide upon the knowledge that the citizens of Georgia, when they acted upon the large scale of the Union, as a part of the "People of the United states," did not surrender the supreme or sovereign power to that state, but, as to the purposes of the Union, retained it to themselves. As to the purposes of the Union, therefore, Georgia is NOT a sovereign state. If the judicial decision of this case forms one of those purposes, the allegation that Georgia is a sovereign state is unsupported by the fact. Whether the judicial decision of this cause is or is not one of those purposes is a question which will be examined particularly in a subsequent part of my argument.
There is a third sense, in which the term "sovereign" is frequently used, and which it is very material to trace and explain, as it furnishes a basis for what I presume to be one of the principal objections against the jurisdiction of this court over the State of Georgia. In this sense, sovereignty is derived from a feudal source, and, like many other parts of that system so degrading to man, still retains its influence over our sentiments and conduct, though the cause by which that influence was produced never extended to the American states. The accurate and well informed President Henault, in his excellent chronological abridgment of the History of France, tells us that, about the end of the second race of Kings, a new kind of possession was acquired, under the name of Fief. The governors of cities and provinces usurped equally the property of land,
and the administration of justice; and established themselves as proprietary seigniors over those places, in which they had been only civil magistrates or military officers. By this means, there was introduced into the state a new kind of authority, to which was assigned the appellation of sovereignty. In process of time, the feudal system was extended over France and almost all the other nations of Europe. And every kingdom became, in fact, a large fief. Into England this system was introduced by the conqueror, and to this era we may, probably, refer the English maxim that the King or sovereign is the fountain of justice. But, in the case of the King, the sovereignty had a double operation. While it vested him with jurisdiction over others, it excluded all others from jurisdiction over him. With regard to him, there was no superior power, and consequently, on feudal principles, no right of jurisdiction.
"The law, says Sir William Blackstone, [Footnote 6] ascribes to the King the attribute of sovereignty; he is sovereign and independent within his own dominions, and owes no kind of objection to any other potentate upon earth. Hence it is that no suit or action can be brought against the King, even in civil matters, because no court can have jurisdiction over him, for all jurisdiction implies superiority of power."
This last position is only a branch of a much more extensive principle, on which a plan of systematic despotism has been lately formed in England, and prosecuted with unwearied assiduity and care. Of this plan, the author of the Commentaries was, if not the introducer, at least the great supporter. He has been followed in it by writers later and less known, and his doctrines have, both on the other and this side of the Atlantic, been implicitly and generally received by those who neither examined their principles nor their consequences. The principle is that all human law must be prescribed by a superior. This principle I mean not now to examine. Suffice it at present to say that another principle, very different in its nature and operations, forms, in my judgment, the basis of sound and genuine jurisprudence; laws derived from the pure source of equality and justice must be founded on the CONSENT of those whose obedience they require. The sovereign, when traced to his source, must be found in the man.
I have now fixed, in the scale of things, the grade of a state; and have described its composure. I have considered the nature of sovereignty, and pointed its application to the proper object. I have examined the question before us by the principles of general jurisprudence. In those principles, I find nothing which tends to evince an exemption of the state of Georgia from the jurisdiction of the court. I find everything to have a contrary tendency.
II. I am, in the second place, to examine this question by the laws and practice of different states and Kingdoms. In ancient Greece, as we learn from Isocrates, whole nations defended their rights before crowded tribunals. Such occasions as these excited, we are told, all the powers of persuasion, and the vehemence and enthusiasm of the sentiment was gradually infused into the Grecian language, equally susceptible of strength and harmony. In those days, law, liberty, and refining science made their benign progress in strict and graceful union. The rude and degrading league between the bar and feudal barbarism was not yet formed.
When the laws and practice of particular states have any application to the question before us, that application will furnish what is called an argument a fortiori, because all the instances produced will be instances of subjects instituting and supporting suits against those who were deemed their own sovereigns. These instances are stronger than the present one, because between the present plaintiff and defendant no such unequal relation is alleged to exist.
Columbus achieved the discovery of that country which, perhaps ought to bear his name. A contract made by Columbus furnished the first precedent for supporting, in his discovered country, the cause of injured merit against the claims and pretentions of haughty and ungrateful power. His son Don Diego wasted two years in incessant but fruitless solicitation at the Court of Spain for the rights which descended to him in consequence of his father's original capitulation. He endeavoured, at length, to obtain by a legal sentence what he could not procure from the favour of an interested monarch. He commenced a suit against Ferdinand before the council which managed Indian affairs, and that court, with integrity which reflects honour on their proceedings, decided against the King, and sustained Don Diego's claim. [Footnote 7]
Other states have instituted officers to judge the proceedings of their Kings. Of this kind were the Ephori of Sparta; of this kind also was the mayor of the Palace, and afterwards the constable of France. [Footnote 8]
But of all the laws and institutions relating to the present question, none is so striking as that described by the famous Hottoman, in his book entitled Francogallia. When the Spaniards of Arragon elect a King, they represent a kind of play, and introduce a personage whom they dignify by the name of LAW, la Jusliza, of Arragon. This personage they declare by a public decree to be greater and more powerful than their King, and then address him in the following remarkable expressions.
"We, who are of as great worth as you, and can do more
than you can do, elect you to be our King upon the conditions stipulated. But between you and us, there is one of greater authority than you. [Footnote 9]"
In England, according to Sir William Blackstone, no suit can be brought against the King, even in civil matters. So, in that Kingdom, is the law, at this time, received. But it was not always so. Under the Saxon government, a very different doctrine was held to be orthodox. Under that government, as we are informed by the Mirror of Justice, a book said by Sir Edward Coke to have been written in part, at least, before the conquest; under that government, it was ordained that the King's court should be open to all plaintiffs, by which, without delay, they should have remedial writs, as well against the King or against the Queen as against any other of the people. [Footnote 10] The law continued to be the same for some centuries after the conquest. Until the time of Edward I, the King might have been sued as a common person. The form of the process was even imperative. "Pracipe Henrico Regi Anglia," etc. "Command Henry King of England" etc. [Footnote 11] Bracton, who wrote in the time of Henry III, uses these very remarkable expressions concerning the King "in justitia recipienda, minimo de regno suo comparetur" -- "in receiving justice, he should be placed on a level with the meanest person in the Kingdom." [Footnote 12] True it is that now, in England, the King must be sued in his courts by petition, but even now, the difference is only in the form, not in the thing. The judgments or decrees of those courts will substantially be the same upon a precatory as upon a mandatory process. In the courts of justice, says the very able author of the considerations on the laws of forfeiture, the King enjoys many privileges, yet not to deter the subject from contending with him freely. [Footnote 13] The judge of the High court of Admiralty in England made, in a very late cause, the following manly and independent declaration.
"In any case, where the Crown is a party, it is to be observed that the Crown can no more withhold evidence of documents in its possession, than a private person. If the court thinks proper to order the production of any public instrument, that order must be obeyed. It wants no Insignia of an authority derived from the Crown. [Footnote 14]"
"Judges ought to know that the poorest peasant is a man as well as the King himself; all men ought to obtain justice, since, in the estimation of justice, all men are equal, whether the Prince complain of a peasant, or a peasant complain of the Prince. [Footnote 15]"
These are the words of a King, of the late Frederic of Prussia. In his courts of justice, that great man stood
his native greatness, and disdained to mount upon the artificial stilts of sovereignty.
Thus much concerning the laws and practice of other states and Kingdoms. We see nothing against, but much in favour of, the jurisdiction of this court over the State of Georgia, a party to this cause.
III. I am, thirdly, and chiefly, to examine the important question now before us by the Constitution of the United states, and the legitimate result of that valuable instrument. Under this view, the question is naturally subdivided into two others. 1. Could the Constitution of the United states vest a jurisdiction over the State of Georgia? 2. Has that Constitution vested such jurisdiction in this Court? I have already remarked that, in the practice, and even in the science, of politics, there has been frequently a strong current against the natural order of things, and an inconsiderate or an interested disposition to sacrifice the end to the means. This remark deserves a more particular illustration. Even in almost every nation which has been denominated free, the state has assumed a supercilious preeminence above the people who have formed it. Hence the haughty notions of state independence, state sovereignty and state supremacy. In despotic governments, the government has usurped, in a similar manner, both upon the state and the people. Hence all arbitrary doctrines and pretensions concerning the supreme, absolute, and incontrolable, power of government. In each, man is degraded from the prime rank which he ought to hold in human affairs. In the latter, the state as well as the man is degraded. Of both degradations, striking instances occur in history, in politics, and in common life. One of them is drawn from an anecdote which is recorded concerning Louis XIV, who has been stiled the grand Monarch of France. This Prince, who diffused around him so much dazzling splendour and so little vivifying heat, was vitiated by that inverted manner of teaching and of thinking, which forms Kings to be tyrants, without knowing or even suspecting that they are so. The oppression under which he held his subjects during the whole course of his long reign proceeded chiefly from the principles and habits of his erroneous education. By these, he had been accustomed to consider his kingdom as his patrimony, and his power over his subjects as his rightful and undelegated inheritance. These sentiments were so deeply and strongly imprinted on his mind that when one of his Ministers represented to him the miserable condition to which those subjects were reduced, and, in the course of his representation, frequently used the word L'Etat, the state, the King, though he felt the truth and approved the substance of all that was said, yet was shocked at the frequent repetition of the expression L'Etat, and
complained of it is as an indecency offered to his person and character. And, indeed that Kings should
imagine themselves the final causes for which men were made and societies were formed and governments were instituted will cease to be a matter of wonder or surprise when we find that lawyers, and statesmen, and philosophers have taught or favoured principles, which necessarily lead to the same conclusion. Another instance, equally strong, but still more astonishing, is drawn from the British government, as described by Sir William Blackstone and his followers. As described by him and them, the British is a despotic government. It is a government without a people. In that government, as so described, the sovereignty is possessed by the Parliament. In the Parliament, therefore, the supreme and absolute authority is vested. [Footnote 16] In the Parliament resides that incontrolable and despotic power which, in all governments, must reside somewhere. The constituent parts of the Parliament are the King's Majesty, the Lord's Spiritual, the Lord's Temporal, and the Commons. The King and these three Estates together form the great corporation or body politic of the Kingdom. All these sentiments are found; the last expressions are found verbatim [Footnote 17] in the commentaries upon the laws of England. [Footnote 18] The Parliament form the great body politic of England! What, then, or where, are the People? Nothing! Nowhere! They are not so much as even the "baseless fabric of a vision!" From legal contemplation they totally disappear! Am I not warranted in saying that, if this is a just description, a government, so and justly so described, is a despotic government? Whether this description is or is not a just one is question of very different import.
In the United states, and in the several states, which compose the Union, we go not so far, but still we go one step farther than we ought to go in this unnatural and inverted order of things. The states, rather than the people, for whose sakes the states exist, are frequently the objects which attract and arrest our principal attention. This, I believe, has produced much of the confusion and perplexity which have appeared in several proceedings and several publications on state politics, and on the politics, too, of the United states. Sentiments and expressions of this inaccurate kind prevail in our common, even in our convivial, language. Is a toast asked? "The United states," instead of the "People of the United states," is the toast given. This is not politically correct. The toast is meant to present to view the first great object in the Union: it presents only the second. It presents only the artificial person, instead of the natural persons who spoke it into existence. A state I cheerfully fully
admit, is the noblest work of Man. But, Man himself, free and honest, is, I speak as to this world, the noblest work of God.
Concerning the prerogative of Kings, and concerning the sovereignty of states, much has been said and written; but little has been said and written concerning a subject much more dignified and important, the majesty of the people. The mode of expression, which I would substitute in the place of that generally used, is not only politically, but also (for between true liberty and true taste there is a close alliance) classically more correct. On the mention of Athens, a thousand refined and endearing associations rush at once into the memory of the scholar, the philosopher, and the patriot. When Homer, one of the most correct, as well as the oldest of human authorities, enumerates the other nations of Greece whose forces acted at the siege of Troy, he arranges them under the names of their different Kings or Princes. But when he comes to the Athenians, he distinguishes them by the peculiar appellation of the PEOPLE [Footnote 19] of Athens. The well known address used by Demosthenes, when he harrangued and animated his assembled countrymen, was "O Men of Athens." With the strictest propriety, therefore, classical and political, our national scene opens with the most magnificent object which the nation could present. "The PEOPLE of the United states" are the first personages introduced. Who were those people? They were the citizens of thirteen states, each of which had a separate constitution and government, and all of which were connected together by Articles of Confederation. To the purposes of public strength and felicity, that Confederacy was totally inadequate. A requisition on the several states terminated its legislative authority. Executive or judicial authority it had none. In order therefore to form a more perfect union, to establish justice, to ensure domestic tranquillity, to provide for common defence, and to secure the blessings of liberty, those people, among whom were the people of Georgia, ordained and established the present Constitution. By that Constitution legislative power is vested, executive power is vested, judicial power is vested.
The question now opens fairly to our view, could the people of those states, among whom were those of Georgia, bind those states, and Georgia among the others, by the legislative, executive, and judicial power so vested? If the principles on which I have founded myself are just and true, this question must unavoidably receive an affirmative answer. If those states were the work of those people, those people, and that I may apply the case closely, the people of Georgia, in particular,
could alter as they pleased their former work. To any given degree, they could diminish as well as enlarge it. Any or all of the former state powers, they could extinguish or transfer. The inference which necessarily results is that the Constitution ordained and established by those people, and, still closely to apply the case, in particular by the people of Georgia, could vest jurisdiction or judicial power over those states and over the State of Georgia in particular.
The next question under this head, is has the Constitution done so? Did those people mean to exercise this, their undoubted power? These questions may be resolved either by fair and conclusive deductions or by direct and explicit declarations. In order ultimately to discover whether the people of the United states intended to bind those states by the judicial power vested by the national Constitution, a previous enquiry will naturally be: did those people intend to bind those states by the legislative power vested by that Constitution? The Articles of Confederation, it is well known, did not operate upon individual citizens, but operated only upon states. This defect was remedied by the national Constitution, which, as all allow, has an operation on individual citizens. But if an opinion which some seem to entertain be just, the defect remedied on one side was balanced by a defect introduced on the other. For they seem to think that the present Constitution operates only on individual citizens, and not on states. This opinion, however, appears to be altogether unfounded. When certain laws of the states are declared to be "subject to the revision and controul of the Congress," [Footnote 20] it cannot, surely, be contended that the legislative power of the national government was meant to have no operation on the several states. The fact, uncontrovertibly established in one instance, proves the principle in all other instances to which the facts will be found to apply. We may then infer that the people of the United states intended to bind the several states by the legislative power of the national government.
In order to make the discovery at which we ultimately aim, a second previous enquiry will naturally be: did the people of the United states intend to bind the several states by the executive power of the national government? The affirmative answer to the former question directs, unavoidably, an affirmative answer to this. Ever since the time of Bracton, his maxim, I believe, has been deemed a good one: "supervacuum esset leges condere, nisi esset qui leges tueretur." [Footnote 21] "It would be superfluous to make laws unless those laws, when made, were to be enforced." When the laws are plain, and the application of them is uncontroverted, they are enforced immediately by the
executive authority of government. When the application of them is doubtful or intricate, the interposition of the judicial authority becomes necessary. The same principle therefore which directed us from the first to the second step will direct us from the second to the third and last step of our deduction. Fair and conclusive deduction, then, evinces that the people of the United states did vest this court with jurisdiction over the State of Georgia. The same truth may be deduced from the declared objects and the general texture of the Constitution of the United states. One of its declared objects is to form an Union more perfect than, before that time, had been formed. Before that time, the Union possessed legislative, but uninforced legislative power over the states. Nothing could be more natural than to intend that this legislative power should be enforced by powers executive and judicial. Another declared object is, "to establish justice." This points, in a particular manner, to the judicial authority. And when we view this object in conjunction with the declaration, "that no state shall pass a law impairing the obligation of contracts," we shall probably think that this object points, in a particular manner, to the jurisdiction of the court over the several states. What good purpose could this constitutional provision secure if a state might pass a law impairing the obligation of its own contracts, and be amenable, for such a violation of right to no controuling judiciary power? We have seen that on the principles of general jurisprudence, a state, for the breach of a contract, may be liable for damages. A third declared object is "to ensure domestic tranquillity." This tranquillity is most likely to be disturbed by controversies between states. These consequences will be most peaceably and effectually decided by the establishment and by the exercise of a superintending judicial authority. By such exercise and establishment, the law of nations, the rule between contending states, will be enforced among the several states in the same manner as municipal law.
Whoever considers, in a combined and comprehensive view, the general texture of the Constitution will be satisfied that the people of the United states intended to form themselves into a nation for national purposes. They instituted for such purposes a national government, complete in all its parts, with powers legislative, executive and judicial, and in all those powers extending over the whole nation. Is it congruous that, with regard to such purposes, any man or body of men, any person natural or artificial, should be permitted to claim successfully an entire exemption from the jurisdiction of the national government? Would not such claims, crowned with success, be repugnant to our very existence as a nation? When
so many trains of deduction, coming from different quarters, converge and unite at last in the same point, we may safely conclude, as the legitimate result of this Constitution, that the State of Georgia is amenable to the jurisdiction of this court.
But, in my opinion, this doctrine rests not upon the legitimate result of fair and conclusive deduction from the Constitution. It is confirmed beyond all doubt by the direct and explicit declaration of the Constitution itself. "The judicial power of the United states shall extend, to controversies between two states." [Footnote 22] Two states are supposed to have a controversy between them. This controversy is supposed to be brought before those vested with the judicial power of the United states. Can the most consummate degree of professional ingenuity devise a mode by which this "controversy between two states" can be brought before a court of law, and yet neither of those states be a defendant? "The judicial power of the United states shall extend to controversies between a state and citizens of another state." Could the strictest legal language, could even that language which is peculiarly appropriated to an art deemed by a great master to be one of the most honorable, laudable, and profitable things in our law; could this strict and appropriated language describe with more precise accuracy the cause now depending before the tribunal? Causes, and not parties to causes, are weighed by justice in her equal scales. On the former solely her attention is fixed. To the latter she is, as she is painted, blind.
I have now tried this question by all the touchstones to which I proposed to apply it. I have examined it by the principles of general jurisprudence; by the laws and practice of states and Kingdoms; and by the Constitution of the United states. From all, the combined inference is that the action lies.
Art. 1. &. 2.
Art. 3. s. 3.
Art. 3. s. 3.
Vatt. B. 1. c. s. 4.
1 Com. 241, 242.
Hol. 71. Book 31.
Hol. 71. Book 31.
4 C.A.N. 487.
Brac. 107. Com. 104.
46-52. 147. 160-162.
Iliad, I., 2. v. 54.
1. s. 10.
Art. 3. s. 2.
The grand and principal question in this case is whether a State can, by the Federal Constitution, be sued by an individual citizen of another State?
The point turns not upon the law or practice of England, although perhaps it may be in some measure elucidated thereby, nor upon the law of any other country whatever, but upon the Constitution established by the people of the United States, and particularly upon the extent of powers given to the Federal judicial in the second section of the third article of the Constitution. It is declared that
"the judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under the Constitution, the laws of the United States, or treaties made or which shall be made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors or other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies, to which the United
States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more States and citizens of another State; between citizens of different States; between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States; and between a State and citizens thereof and foreign states, citizens or subjects."
The judicial power, then, is expressly extended to "controversies between a State and citizens of another State." When a citizen makes a demand against a State of which he is not a citizen, it is as really a controversy between a State and a citizen of another State as if such State made a demand against such citizen. The case, then, seems clearly to fall within the letter of the Constitution. It may be suggested that it could not be intended to subject a State to be a defendant, because it would effect the sovereignty of States. If that be the case, what shall we do with the immediate preceding clause; "controversies between two or more States," where a State must of necessity be defendant? If it was not the intent, in the very next clause also, that a State might be made defendant, why was it so expressed as naturally to lead to and comprehend that idea? Why was not an exception made, if one was intended?
Again, what are we to do with the last clause of the section of judicial powers, viz., "Controversies between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states or citizens?" Here again, States must be suable or liable to be made defendants by this clause, which has a similar mode of language with the two other clauses I have remarked upon. For if the judicial power extends to a controversy between one of the United States and a foreign state, as the clause expresses, one of them must be defendant. And then, what becomes of the sovereignty of States as far as suing affects it? But although the words appear reciprocally to affect the State here and a foreign state, and put them on the same footing as far as may be, yet ingenuity may say that the State here may sue, but cannot be sued; but that the foreign state may be sued, but cannot sue. We may touch foreign sovereignties, but not our own. But I conceive the reason of the thing, as well as the words of the Constitution, tend to show that the Federal judicial power extends to a suit brought by a foreign state against any one of the United States. One design of the general government was for managing the great affairs of peace and war and the general defence, which were impossible to be conducted, with safety, by the States separately. Incident to these powers, and for preventing controversies between foreign powers or citizens from rising to extremities and to an appeal to the sword, a national tribunal was necessary amicably to decide them, and thus ward off such fatal public calamity. Thus, States at home and their citizens, and foreign states and their citizens, are put together without
distinction upon the same footing, as far as may be, as to controversies between them. So also, with respect to controversies between a State and citizens of another State (at home) comparing all the clauses together, the remedy is reciprocal, the claim to justice equal. As controversies between State and State, and between a State and citizens of another State, might tend gradually to involve States in war and bloodshed, a disinterested civil tribunal was intended to be instituted to decide such controversies and preserve peace and friendship. Further, if a State is entitled to justice in the Federal court against a citizen of another State, why not such citizen against the State, when the same language equally comprehends both? The rights of individuals and the justice due to them are as dear and precious as those of States. Indeed, the latter are founded upon the former, and the great end and object of them must be to secure and support the rights of individuals, or else vain is government.
But still it may be insisted that this will reduce States to mere corporations, and take away all sovereignty. As to corporations, all States whatever are corporations or bodies politic. The only question is, what are their powers? As to individual States and the United States, the Constitution marks the boundary of powers. Whatever power is deposited with the Union by the people for their own necessary security is so far a curtailing of the power and prerogatives of States. This is, as it were, a self-evident proposition; at least it cannot be contested. Thus the power of declaring war, making peace, raising and supporting armies for public defence, levying duties, excises and taxes, if necessary, with many other powers, are lodged in Congress, and are a most essential abridgement of State sovereignty. Again, the restrictions upon States:
"No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation, coin money, emit bills of credit, make any thing but gold and silver a tender in payment of debts, pass any law impairing the obligation of contracts;"
these, with a number of others, are important restrictions of the power of States, and were thought necessary to maintain the Union and to establish some fundamental uniform principles of public justice throughout the whole Union. So that I think no argument of force can be taken from the sovereignty of States. Where it has been abridged, it was thought necessary for the greater indispensable good of the whole. If the Constitution is found inconvenient in practice in this or any other particular, it is well that a regular mode is pointed out for amendment. But, while it remains, all offices legislative, executive, and judicial, both of the States and of the Union, are bound by oath to support it.
One other objection has been suggested -- that if a State may be sued by a citizen of another State, then the United States may be sued by a citizen of any of the States, or, in other words, by any of their citizens. If this be a necessary consequence, it must be so. I doubt the consequence, from the different wording of the different clauses, connected with other reasons. When speaking of the United States, the Constitution says "controversies to which the United States shall be a party," not controversies between the United States and any of their citizens. When speaking of States, it says, "controversies between two or more States; between a State and citizens of another State." As to reasons for citizens suing a different State which do not hold equally good for suing the United States, one may be that, as controversies between a State and citizens of another State might have a tendency to involve both States in contest, and perhaps in war, a common umpire to decide such controversies may have a tendency to prevent the mischief. That an object of this kind was had in view by the framers of the Constitution I have no doubt when I consider the clashing interfering laws which were made in the neighbouring States before the adoption of the Constitution, and some affecting the property of citizens of another State in a very different manner from that of their own citizens. But I do not think it necessary to enter fully into the question whether the United States are liable to be sued by an individual citizen in order to decide the point before us. Upon the whole, I am of opinion that the Constitution warrants a suit again a State by an individual citizen of another State.
A second question made in the case was whether the particular action of assumpsit could lie against a State? I think assumpsit will lie, if any suit, provided a State is capable of contracting.
The third question respects the competency of service, which I apprehend is good and proper, the service being by summons and notifying the suit to the Governor and the Attorney General; the Governor, who is the supreme executive magistrate and representative of the State, who is bound by oath to defend the State, and by the Constitution to give information to the legislature of all important matters which concern the interest of the State; the Attorney General, who is bound to defend the interest of the State in courts of Law.
Jay, Chief justice.
The question we are now to decide has been accurately stated, viz., is a State suable by individual citizens of another State?
It is said that Georgia refuses to appear and answer to the plaintiff in this action because she is a sovereign State, and therefore not liable to such actions. In order to ascertain the merits
of this objection, let us enquire, 1st. In what sense Georgia is a sovereign State. 2nd. Whether suability is incompatible with such sovereignty. 3rd. Whether the Constitution (to which Georgia is a party) authorises such an action against her.
"Suability" and "suable" are words not in common use, but they concisely and correctly convey the idea annexed to them.
1st. In determining the sense in which Georgia is a sovereign State, it may be useful to turn our attention to the political situation we were in prior to the Revolution, and to the political rights which emerged from the Revolution. All the country now possessed by the United States was then a part of the dominions appertaining to the Crown of Great Britain. Every acre of land in this country was then held mediately or immediately by grants from that Crown. All the people of this country were then subjects of the King of Great Britain, and owed allegiance to him; and all the civil authority then existing or exercised here, flowed from the head of the British Empire. They were in strict sense fellow subjects, and in a variety of respects one people. When the Revolution commenced, the patriots did not assert that only the same affinity and social connection subsisted between the people of the colonies which subsisted between the people of Gaul, Britain, and Spain while Roman Provinces, viz., only that affinity and social connection which result from the mere circumstance of being governed by the same Prince; different ideas prevailed, and gave occasion to the Congress of 1774 and 1775.
The Revolution, or rather the Declaration of Independence, found the people already united for general purposes, and at the same time providing for their more domestic concerns by State conventions and other temporary arrangements. From the Crown of Great Britain, the sovereignty of their country passed to the people of it, and it was then not an uncommon opinion that the unappropriated lands, which belonged to that Crown, passed not to the people of the Colony or States within whose limits they were situated, but to the whole people; on whatever principles this opinion rested, it did not give way to the other, and thirteen sovereignties were considered as emerged from the principles of the Revolution, combined with local convenience and considerations; the people nevertheless continued to consider themselves, in a national point of view, as one people; and they continued without interruption to manage their national concerns accordingly; afterwards, in the hurry of the war and in the warmth of mutual confidence, they made a Confederation of the States the basis of a general government. Experience disappointed the expectations they had formed from it, and then the people, in their collective and national capacity, established the present Constitution. It is remarkable
that, in establishing it, the people exercised their own rights, and their own proper sovereignty, and, conscious of the plenitude of it, they declared with becoming dignity, "We the people of the United States, do ordain and establish this Constitution." Here we see the people acting as sovereigns of the whole country, and, in the language of sovereignty, establishing a Constitution by which it was their will that the State governments should be bound, and to which the State Constitutions should be made to conform. Every State Constitution is a compact made by and between the citizens of a State to govern themselves in a certain manner, and the Constitution of the United States is likewise a compact made by the people of the United States to govern themselves as to general objects in a certain manner. By this great compact however, many prerogatives were transferred to the national government, such as those of making war and peace, contracting alliances, coining money, etc. etc.
If then it be true that the sovereignty of the nation is in the people of the nation, and the residuary sovereignty of each State in the people of each State, it may be useful to compare these sovereignties with those in Europe, that we may thence be enabled to judge whether all the prerogatives which are allowed to the latter are so essential to the former. There is reason to suspect that some of the difficulties which embarrass the present question arise from inattention to differences which subsist between them.
It will be sufficient to observe briefly that the sovereignties in Europe, and particularly in England, exist on feudal principles. That system considers the Prince as the sovereign, and the people as his subjects; it regards his person as the object of allegiance, and excludes the idea of his being on an equal footing with a subject, either in a court of justice or elsewhere. That system contemplates him as being the fountain of honor and authority, and from his grace and grant derives all franchises, immunities and privileges; it is easy to perceive that such a sovereign could not be amenable to a court of justice, or subjected to judicial controul and actual constraint. It was of necessity, therefore, that suability became incompatible with such sovereignty. Besides, the Prince having all the Executive powers, the judgment of the courts would, in fact, be only monitory, not mandatory to him, and a capacity to be advised is a distinct thing from a capacity to be sued. The same feudal ideas run through all their jurisprudence, and constantly remind us of the distinction between the Prince and the subject. No such ideas obtain here; at the Revolution, the sovereignty devolved on the people, and they are truly the sovereigns of the country, but they are sovereigns without subjects (unless the African
slaves among us may be so called), and have none to govern but themselves; the citizens of America are equal as fellow citizens, and as joint tenants in the sovereignty.
From the differences existing between feudal sovereignties and governments founded on compacts, it necessarily follows that their respective prerogatives must differ. Sovereignty is the right to govern; a nation or State sovereign is the person or persons in whom that resides. In Europe, the sovereignty is generally ascribed to the Prince; here, it rests with the people; there, the sovereign actually administers the government; here, never in a single instance; our Governors are the agents of the people, and, at most, stand in the same relation to their sovereign in which regents in Europe stand to their sovereigns. Their Princes have personal powers, dignities, and preeminences; our rulers have none but official; nor do they partake in the sovereignty otherwise, or in any other capacity, than as private citizens.
2nd. The second object of enquiry now presents itself, viz., whether suability is compatible with State sovereignty.
Suability, by whom? Not a subject, for in this country, there are none; not an inferior, for all the citizens being as to civil rights perfectly equal, there is not, in that respect, one citizen inferior to another. It is agreed that one free citizen may sue another, the obvious dictates of justice, and the purposes of society demanding it. It is agreed that one free citizen may sue any number on whom process can be conveniently executed; nay, in certain cases, one citizen may sue forty thousand; for where a corporation is sued, all the members of it are actually sued, though not personally sued. In this city there are forty odd thousand free citizens, all of whom may be collectively sued by any individual citizen. In the State of Delaware, there are fifty odd thousand free citizens, and what reason can be assigned why a free citizen who has demands against them should not prosecute them? Can the difference between forty odd thousand and fifty odd thousand make any distinction as to right? Is it not as easy, and as convenient to the public and parties, to serve a summons on the Governor and Attorney General of Delaware as on the Mayor or other Officers of the Corporation of Philadelphia? Will it be said that the fifty odd thousand citizens in Delaware, being associated under a State government, stand in a rank so superior to the forty odd thousand of Philadelphia, associated under their charter, that, although it may become the latter to meet an individual on an equal footing in a court of justice, yet that such a procedure would not comport with the dignity of the former? In this land of equal liberty, shall forty odd thousand in one place be compellable to do justice, and yet fifty odd thousand in
another place be privileged to do justice only as they may think proper? Such objections would not correspond with the equal rights we claim, with the equality we profess to admire and maintain, and with that popular sovereignty in which every citizen partakes. Grant that the Governor of Delaware holds an office of superior rank to the Mayor of Philadelphia; they are both nevertheless the officers of the people; and however more exalted the one may be than the other, yet, in the opinion of those who dislike aristocracy, that circumstance cannot be a good reason for impeding the course of justice.
If there be any such incompatibility as is pretended, whence does it arise? In what does it consist? There is at least one strong undeniable fact against this incompatibility, and that is this -- any one State in the Union may sue another State, in this Court, that is, all the people of one State may sue all the people of another State. It is plain then that a State may be sued, and hence it plainly follows that suability and State sovereignty are not incompatible. As one State may sue another State in this Court, it is plain that no degradation to a State is thought to accompany her appearance in this Court. It is not therefore to an appearance in this Court that the objection points. To what does it point? It points to an appearance at the suit of one or more citizens. But why it should be more incompatible that all the people of a State should be sued by one citizen than by one hundred thousand, I cannot perceive, the process in both cases being alike and the consequences of a judgment alike. Nor can I observe any greater inconveniences in the one case than in the other, except what may arise from the feelings of those who may regard a lesser number in an inferior light. But if any reliance be made on this inferiority as an objection, at least one half of its force is done away by this fact, viz., that it is conceded that a State may appear in this Court as plaintiff against a single citizen as defendant; and the truth is that the State of Georgia is at this moment prosecuting an action in this Court against two citizens of South Carolina.
The only remnant of objection, therefore, that remains is that the State is not bound to appear and answer as a defendant at the suit of an individual; but why it is unreasonable that she should be so bound is hard to conjecture. That rule is said to be a bad one which does not work both ways; the citizens of Georgia are content with a right of suing citizens of other States, but are not content that citizens of other States should have a right to sue them.
Let us now proceed to enquire whether Georgia has not, by being a party to the National Compact, consented to be suable by individual citizens of another State. This enquiry naturally leads our attention, 1st., to the design of the Constitution; 2nd., to the letter and express declaration in it.
Prior to the date of the Constitution, the people had not any national tribunal to which they could resort for justice; the distribution of justice was then confined to State judicatories, in whose institution and organization the people of the other States had no participation, and over whom they had not the least control. There was then no general court of appellate jurisdiction by whom the errors of State courts, affecting either the nation at large or the citizens of any other State, could be revised and corrected. Each State was obliged to acquiesce in the measure of justice which another State might yield to her or to her citizens, and that even in cases where State considerations were not always favorable to the most exact measure. There was danger that, from this source, animosities would in time result, and as the transition from animosities to hostilities was frequent in the history of independent States, a common tribunal for the termination of controversies became desirable from motives both of justice and of policy.
Prior also to that period, the United States had, by taking a place among the nations of the earth, become amenable to the laws of nations, and it was their interest as well as their duty to provide that those laws should be respected and obeyed; in their national character and capacity, the United States were responsible to foreign nations for the conduct of each State relative to the laws of nations and the performance of treaties, and there the inexpediency of referring all such questions to State courts, and particularly to the courts of delinquent States, became apparent. While all the States were bound to protect each and the citizens of each, it was highly proper and reasonable that they should be in a capacity not only to cause justice to be done to each and the citizens of each, but also to cause justice to be done by each and the citizens of each, and that not by violence and force, but in a stable, sedate, and regular course of judicial procedure.
These were among the evils against which it was proper for the nation -- that is, the people -- of all the United States to provide by a national judiciary, to be instituted by the whole nation and to be responsible to the whole nation.
Let us now turn to the Constitution. The people therein declare that their design in establishing it comprehended six objects. 1st. To form a more perfect union. 2nd. To establish justice. 3rd. To ensure domestic tranquillity. 4th. To provide for the common defence. 5th. To promote the general welfare. 6th. To secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity. It would be pleasing and useful to consider and trace the relations which each of these objects bears to the others,
and to show that they collectively comprise everything requisite, with the blessing of Divine Providence, to render a people prosperous and happy. On the present occasion, such disquisitions would be unseasonable because foreign to the subject immediately under consideration.
It may be asked, what is the precise sense and latitude in which the words "to establish justice," as here used, are to be understood? The answer to this question will result from the provisions made in the Constitution on this head. They are specified in the second section of the third article, where it is ordained that the judicial power of the United States shall extend to ten descriptions of cases, viz., 1st. To all cases arising under this Constitution, because the meaning, construction, and operation of a compact ought always to be ascertained by all the parties, or by authority derived only from one of them. 2nd. To all cases arising under the laws of the United States, because, as such laws, constitutionally made, are obligatory on each State, the measure of obligation and obedience ought not to be decided and fixed by the party from whom they are due, but by a tribunal deriving authority from both the parties. 3rd. To all cases arising under treaties made by their authority; because, as treaties are compacts made by, and obligatory on, the whole nation, their operation ought not to be affected or regulated by the local laws or courts of a part of the nation. 4th. To all cases affecting Ambassadors, or other public Ministers and Consuls, because, as these are officers of foreign nations whom this nation are bound to protect and treat according to the laws of nations, cases affecting them ought only to be cognizable by national authority. 5th. To all cases of Admiralty and Maritime jurisdiction, because, as the seas are the joint property of nations, whose right and privileges relative thereto are regulated by the law of nations and treaties, such cases necessarily belong to national jurisdiction. 6th. To controversies to which the United States shall be a party, because, in cases in which the whole people are interested, it would not be equal or wise to let any one State decide and measure out the justice due to others. 7th. To controversies between two or more States, because domestic tranquillity requires that the contentions of States should be peaceably terminated by a common judicatory, and, because, in a free country, justice ought not to depend on the will of either of the litigants. 8th. To controversies between a State and citizens of another State, because in case a State (that is, all the citizens of it) has demands against some citizens of another State, it is better that she should prosecute their demands in a national court than in a court of the State to which those citizens belong, the danger of irritation and criminations arising from apprehensions and
suspicions of partiality being thereby obviated. Because, in cases where some citizens of one State have demands against all the citizens of another State, the cause of liberty and the rights of men forbid that the latter should be the sole judges of the justice due to the latter, and true Republican government requires that free and equal citizens should have free, fair, and equal justice. 9th. To controversies between citizens of the same State, claiming lands under grants of different States, because, as the rights of the two States to grant the land are drawn into question, neither of the two States ought to decide the controversy. 10th. To controversies between a State or the citizens thereof and foreign states, citizens or subjects, because, as every nation is responsible for the conduct of its citizens towards other nations, all questions touching the justice due to foreign nations or people ought to be ascertained by, and depend on, national authority. Even this cursory view of the judicial powers of the United States leaves the mind strongly impressed with the importance of them to the preservation of the tranquillity, the equal sovereignty, and the equal right of the people.
The question now before us renders it necessary to pay particular attention to that part of the second section which extends the judicial power "to controversies between a State and citizens of another State." It is contended that this ought to be construed to reach none of these controversies excepting those in which a State may be plaintiff. The ordinary rules for construction will easily decide whether those words are to be understood in that limited sense.
This extension of power is remedial, because it is to settle controversies. It is therefore to be construed liberally. It is politic, wise, and good that not only the controversies in which a State is plaintiff, but also those in which a State is defendant, should be settled; both cases therefore are within the reason of the remedy, and ought to be so adjudged unless the obvious, plain, and literal sense of the words forbid it. If we attend to the words, we find them to be express, positive, free from ambiguity, and without room for such implied expressions: "The judicial power of the United States shall extend to controversies between a State and citizens of another State." If the Constitution really meant to extend these powers only to those controversies in which a State might be plaintiff, to the exclusion of those in which citizens had demands against a State, it is inconceivable that it should have attempted to convey that meaning in words not only so incompetent, but also repugnant to it; if it meant to exclude a certain class of these controversies, why were they not expressly excepted; on the contrary, not even an intimation of such intention appears in
any part of the Constitution. It cannot be pretended that, where citizens urge and insist upon demands against a State, which the State refuses to admit and comply with, that there is no controversy between them. If it is a controversy between them, then it clearly falls not only within the spirit, but the very words, of the Constitution. What is it to the cause of justice, and how can it effect the definition of the word "controversy?;" whether the demands which cause the dispute are made by a State against citizens of another State or by the latter against the former? When power is thus extended to a controversy, it necessarily, as to all judicial purposes, is also extended to those between whom it subsists.
The exception contended for would contradict and do violence to the great and leading principles of a free and equal national government, one of the great objects of which is to ensure justice to all -- to the few against the many as well as to the many against the few. It would be strange indeed that the joint and equal sovereigns of this country should, in the very Constitution by which they professed to establish justice, so far deviate from the plain path of equality and impartiality as to give to the collective citizens of one State a right of suing individual citizens of another State, and yet deny to those citizens a right of suing them. We find the same general and comprehensive manner of expressing the same ideas in a subsequent clause in which the Constitution ordains that,
"in all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme court shall have original jurisdiction."
Did it mean here party plaintiff? If that only was meant, it would have been easy to have found words to express it. Words are to be understood in their ordinary and common acceptation, and the word "party" being in common usage, applicable both to plaintiff and defendant, we cannot limit it to one of them in the present case. We find the Legislature of the United States expressing themselves in the like general and comprehensive manner; they speak in the thirteenth section of the judicial Act, of controversies where a State is a party, and as they do not impliedly or expressly apply that term to either of the litigants in particular, we are to understand them as speaking of both. In the same section, they distinguish the cases where Ambassadors are plaintiffs from those in which Ambassadors are defendants, and make different provisions respecting those cases; and it is not unnatural to suppose that they would in like manner have distinguished between cases where a State was plaintiff and where a State was defendant if they had intended to make any difference between them, or if they had apprehended that the Constitution had made any difference between them.
I perceive, and therefore candor urges me to mention, a circumstance which seems to favor the opposite side of the question. It is this: the same section of the Constitution which extends the judicial power to controversies "between a State and the citizens of another State" does also extend that power to controversies to which the United States are a party. Now it may be said, if the word party comprehends both plaintiff and defendant, it follows that the United States may be sued by any citizen between whom and them there may be a controversy. This appears to me to be fair reasoning, but the same principles of candour which urge me to mention this objection also urge me to suggest an important difference between the two cases. It is this: in all cases of actions against States or individual citizens, the national courts are supported in all their legal and constitutional proceedings and judgments by the arm of the executive power of the United States; but in cases of actions against the United States, there is no power which the courts can call to their aid. From this distinction, important conclusions are deducible, and they place the case of a State, and the case of the United States, in very different points of view.
I wish the state of society was so far improved, and the science of government advanced to such a degree of perfection, as that the whole nation could, in the peaceable course of law, be compelled to do justice, and be sued by individual citizens. Whether that is or is not now the case ought not to be thus collaterally and incidentally decided. I leave it a question.
As this opinion, though deliberately formed, has been hastily reduced to writing between the intervals of the daily adjournments, and while my mind was occupied and wearied by the business of the day, I fear it is less concise and connected than it might otherwise have been. I have made no references to cases, because I know of none that are not distinguishable from this case; nor does it appear to me necessary to show that the sentiments of the best writers on government and the rights of men harmonize with the principles which direct my judgment on the present question. The acts of the former Congresses, and the acts of many of the State Conventions, are replete with similar ideas, and, to the honor of the United States, it may be observed that in no other country are subjects of this kind better, if so well, understood. The attention and attachment of the Constitution to the equal rights of the people are discernable in almost every sentence of it, and it is to be regretted that the provision in it which we have been considering has not in every instance received the approbation and acquiescence which it merits. Georgia has in strong language advocated the cause of republican equality, and there is reason to
hope that the people of that State will yet perceive that it would not have been consistent with that equality to have exempted the body of her citizens from that suability which they are at this moment exercising against citizens of another State.
For my own part, I am convinced that the sense in which I understand and have explained the words "controversies between States and citizens of another State" is the true sense. The extension of the judiciary power of the United States to such controversies appears to me to be wise, because it is honest and because it is useful. It is honest because it provides for doing justice without respect of persons, and, by securing individual citizens as well as States in their respective rights, performs the promise which every free government makes to every free citizen of equal justice and protection. It is useful because it is honest; because it leaves not even the most obscure and friendless citizen without means of obtaining justice from a neighbouring State; because it obviates occasions of quarrels between States on account of the claims of their respective citizens; because it recognizes and strongly rests on this great moral truth that justice is the same whether due from one man or a million, or from a million to one man; because it teaches and greatly appreciates the value of our free republican national government, which places all our citizens on an equal footing, and enables each and every of them to obtain justice without any danger of being overborne by the weight and number of their opponents; and because it brings into action and enforces this great and glorious principle -- that the people are the sovereign of this country, and consequently that fellow citizens and joint sovereigns cannot be degraded by appearing with each other in their own courts to have their controversies determined. The people have reason to prize and rejoice in such valuable privileges, and they ought not to forget that nothing but the free course of constitutional law and government can ensure the continuance and enjoyment of them.
For the reasons before given, I am clearly of opinion that a State is suable by citizens of another State; but left I should be understood in a latitude beyond my meaning, I think it necessary to subjoin this caution, viz., that such suability may nevertheless not extend to all the demands and to every kind of action; there may be exceptions. For instance, I am far from being prepared to say that an individual may sue a State on bills of credit issued before the Constitution was established, and which were issued and received on the faith of the State, and at a time when no ideas or expectations of judicial interposition were entertained or contemplated.
The following order was made:
By The court. It is ordered that the plaintiff in this cause do file his declaration on or before the first day of March next.
Ordered that certified copies of the said declaration be served on the Governor and Attorney General of the State of Georgia, on or before the first day of June next.
Ordered that, unless the said State shall either in due form appear, or show cause to the contrary in this Court, by the first day of next Term, judgment by default shall be entered against the said State.
* Georgia v. Brailsford, et al., ante.
* In February Term, 1794, judgment was rendered for the plaintiff, and a Writ of Enquiry awarded. The Writ, however, was not sued out and executed, so that this cause, and all the other suits against States, were swept at once from the Records of the Court by the amendment to the Federal Constitution, agreeably to the unanimous determination of the judges, in Hollingsworth et al. v. Virginia, argued at February Term, 1798. | <urn:uuid:a5f3b57f-9089-40e6-a4c9-d764e488d643> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/2/419/case.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.972548 | 29,956 | 1.679688 | 2 |
Barbour County school officials want voters to know they feel the bond call and the excess levy proposal on the Nov. 6 ballot are equally important.
The bond call proposes raising $5.48 million over a 10-year term to assist with four phases of an athletic facility improvement project at Philip Barbour High School.
The PBHS track team often has to travel to Buckhannon to practice because the athletic facility at the school does not include a track. If passed, the bond would provide funding for a track, as well as other improvements.
"It's a shame when our track kids have to go to (West Virginia) Wesleyan or Buckhannon to practice because we don't have a track," Super said. "I congratulate those kids for the success that they've had under the conditions they've had to practice on. Status quo is everybody else is passing you by, and you're actually going backwards."
Super said the bond is just as much of an asset to student education as the proposed excess levy. Although the bond and excess levy will appear separately on the ballot, Super said the two should actually be thought of as one.
"That bond proposal is extremely important to our students, not only from an athletic point of view, but from a participation point of view and from a classroom point of view," Super said. "I think that those arenas are classrooms as well as a traditional classroom. Our students learn an awful lot in both venues."
Super said sports, choir, the arts and other extra-curricular activities are important parts of education.
"Athletics and extra-curricular events keep a lot of kids in school," Super said. "We know that when kids are occupied, chances are they're going to perform better academically if that time is occupied with positive events."
Super added that extra-curricular events are certainly positive influences in a student's life. Some classes, such as band and gym, can be conducted outdoors when the weather permits. Super said he believes the PBHS band is one of the best, if not the best, in the state.
"We want to continue offering the best possible facility we can for all of our students," Super said. "The new surface on the football field is going to enhance our ability to have classrooms outside."
In the first phase of the project proposed by the bond, upgrades would include turf on the football field, new visitor bleachers, improved field lighting and the addition of an eight-lane rubberized running track around the field.
Also, obstructions would be removed to create a regulation-sized soccer practice field.
The second phase would include paving of the road and the parking lot at the football field and constructing a field house that would include both home and visiting team locker rooms, public restrooms, a concession stand, a weight room, a storage area and an officials' locker room.
The third phase includes baseball field upgrades such as new fencing, dugouts, press box and lighting, along with the relocation of the softball field.
The fourth phase proposes the construction of six tennis courts and a 2,000-square foot practice putting green for the golf team.
A three-dimensional rendering of what the proposed changes would look like is available online at www.barbourcitizensforqualityschools.com/Project-Info.html.
The website also includes more details about the project and a calculator that citizens can use to see how their taxes would be affected by the proposals.
Contact Melissa Toothman by email at mtoothman @theintermountain.com. | <urn:uuid:b03d3a6e-585e-4b2c-81ce-bf6885087a77> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://theintermountain.com/page/content.detail/id/556511/Super-says-bond-call-important-to-students.html?nav=5014 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.974357 | 733 | 1.554688 | 2 |
At: Alpha Gallery,
37 Newbury St., through
June 6. 617-536-4465, www.alphagallery.com
Vital yet brooding, exuberant yet macabre, reveling in the materiality of paint yet addressing the ineffable, Hyman Bloom’s paintings at Alpha Gallery throb with life-giving contradictions. Bloom, who died in 2009 at 96, found a place in the sun in the mid-20th century. He showed at the Whitney Museum of American Art; he represented the United States at the Venice Biennale. Willem de Kooning called Bloom America’s “first Abstract Expressionist.”
Based in Boston and then Nashua, he was one of the fathers of a style that became known as Boston Expressionism: opulent, narrative, edged with angst.
But Bloom never fell headlong into pure abstraction. He was too concerned with mythic narrative, and that includes the harrowing of the flesh. He fell out of style and into relative obscurity, which perhaps suited him. This is his first gallery show in a very long time, according to Alpha Gallery’s director Joanna Fink. Bloom gave up self-promotion and devoted himself to contemplation, with paintbrush in hand.
The paintings here span decades, from the1940s until the artist’s death. Nearly half the works depict a rabbi holding a Torah. Bloom was raised an orthodox Jew, and spirituality and faith are constants in his work; they clash with and embrace the harshness of suffering, death, and decay.
In the earliest “Rabbi Holding Torah,’’ the rabbi’s head and shoulders are a mere veil of yellow. Yet the Torah, which he cradles like a child, looks jewel-encrusted. It sparkles, and jittery brush strokes suggest vibration. In all these works, there is a sense of dissolution simultaneous with coming to be. Nothing is fixed.
That is perhaps most evident in “Leg on Table.” Bloom had been captivated by a visit to a hospital morgue, and the tones of decaying flesh became a regular, riveting theme. Here, the glossy ground hums in shimmying strokes of mauve and blue. The contour between figure and ground combusts into licks of thick paint in brilliant hues: green, blue, red. Bloom paints the fervid energy of decomposition. It’s horrifying. It’s thrilling.
“Last Still Life,” from 2009, is no less daring. A luridly pink-red cloth strung up in the rear resembles a headless angel. Two carefully described vases seem extraneous to other more ghostly ones. Stray, meandering lines drawn in oil stick flail like live wires from the verging stream of shadows, ghosts, and color that surround the scene. The more Bloom mastered his medium, the more he abandoned himself to it. His paintings are studies of devotion and surrender.
Dot by Dot
At: Trustman Art Gallery, Simmons College,
300 The Fenway, through June 1. 617-521-2268, www.simmons.edu/trustman
Threads of color, sentiment
When painter Bob Oppenheim returned to the studio after his wife’s death several years ago, he picked up needle and thread to sew fragments of her clothing into collages. The playful works in his show, “Dot by Dot,” at the Trustman Art Gallery at Simmons College, are past mourning, but the stitchery remains, and so does the sense of intimacy.
Most feature stitches, puncture marks made with needles, and loose threads held down by dots of paint wandering over fields of blue. They bring to mind constellations in night skies, musical notation of improvised jazz, and a child’s tattered security blanket.
The turquoise stunner “Split Field’’ has a roughly sewn scar of a zipper that splits the space, in a domesticated nod to Barnett Newman’s more heroic zip paintings. Stray black and white threads fly around it like ribbons around a May pole, each marked by dots of paint.
Oppenheim’s use of threads draw the eye to the surface, but layers of paint below often suggest breathable depth. There’s no zipper in “Interventions,” just untethered threads dotted in candy colors, rambling over a blue-jeans ground glimmering with pale squiggles of light.
It’s a big show of nearly 50 small works, with a lyrical installation that allows the paintings to play off and amplify one another. The theme repeats: pulling together, anchoring, and then billowing away. Oppenheim’s work embodies loss, and letting go, and finding your way back.
ROBIN LUCIANO BEATY
At: Lanoue Fine Art,
125 Newbury St.,
through June 5.
The elements of texture
The medium of encaustic paint, or pigmented wax, offers rewards and risks. It can be utterly luminous. But art that is merely bright and pretty doesn’t go far.
Robin Luciano Beaty, a young, Newbury-based artist with an exhibit up at Lanoue Fine Art, creates her own solution to this riddle by planting nail heads, wire mesh, and more amid sweeps of luxuriant color. Most of her works depict swirling blue-green water, which she portrays in built-up layers of glistening wax. They are deft, and lean toward a tumultuous appeal, but there’s a sameness to them.
In the best pieces, she experiments more with color. “Accession #1-16’’ is a four-by-four grid in which the tones drift from ivory to copper to foamy blue, and among the swells and eddies rise ribbons of aluminum and copper mesh, netted twine, nail heads, and bark. The rough textures and glints of metal disrupt the watery trance with grit and flotsam. Look more closely; old snapshots rise to the surface, and plunge us into the waters of memory and imagination. Nostalgia can be as prone to sentimentality as encaustic, but when Beaty sticks to her grit and texture, she’s got something she might take even further. | <urn:uuid:863f74ea-3cec-486e-af9a-b24271b4da01> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.bostonglobe.com/arts/theater-art/2012/05/22/hyman-bloom-bob-oppenheim-robin-luciano-beaty-shows-boston-galleries/c4FQ0AlU5CW9TgRIBivauO/story.html?camp=pm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699881956/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102441-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.946923 | 1,361 | 1.59375 | 2 |
One of the greatest surprises about parenthood is how children help us tap back into that purely creative spot of childhood- the place where our imagination and dreams are limitless. Where monsters hide in closets, instruments blow bubbles, swords are made of foam, and landscapes come in whatever colors we choose.
In adulthood, this spot that was once so fertile becomes overgrown with real-life practicalities, responsibilities, and expectations. But it doesn’t have to be that way. At least not every second of every day. And definitely not at bedtime when we tuck our little ones in and have a chance to squeeze in one last message that will set the mood for their dreams that night. And now we have a book to help guide us and our children to the magical place where dreaming big doesn’t stop when you wake up for school in the morning.
Dallas Clayton has managed to stay tapped into the fantasy well of childhood and dream up a book kids, parents, and teachers are loving. An Awesome Book is bursting at the seams with imagination, hope, adventure, love, and playfulness: all of the ingredients of a great children’s story, and the real-life story of a father-turned-author.
What I really appreciate about An Awesome Book is that it started as a pure DIY effort. Clayton wrote and illustrated the book for his son, and then decided to share it with others. The book took off big time. And after reading it, I can see why.
Check out Dallas Clayton describing how his day dreams, night dreams, and fantasies have all rolled into one incredible life. | <urn:uuid:32353f1b-8f9d-4d7f-b6c7-a4c68b011463> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.byjaimes.com/2011/01/21/dallas-clayton-is-living-the-dream/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964761 | 333 | 1.53125 | 2 |
For many of us who live and work on the web, playing with the latest and greatest new tools just comes with the territory. I find this constant tool jumping fun and exhilarating; however, not everyone that we need to work with wants to have to learn a new tool in order to collaborate with us online. Sometimes simple “old school” tools, like IRC and mailing lists, can work just as well as, if not better than, the new tools. If nothing else, people are comfortable with tools that they know and have used many times before.
My full-time corporate gig is as a community manager for an open-source developer community. The community mainly comprises no-nonsense, no-frills people who love some old school tools. The fancy graphical environments in the latest and greatest collaboration web apps just get in the way of power user developers who know every trick in the book to get the most out of tools like IRC and mailing lists. Keep in mind that open source communities tend to have people — from corporate developers to passionate enthusiasts — collaborating across the globe in every time zone to develop software that we use every day. They know a thing or two about collaboration, and they use the tools that work. I had stepped away from hardcore developer communities for a couple of years when I was consulting, and in coming back to these established tools, I’m rediscovering why they are so useful for collaboration.
IRC / Group Chat
The best thing about IRC or Group Chat is that you can set up a place for your team or your project where people can drop in and out to ask questions or just have conversations with other people working on similar projects. It’s kind of like the water cooler, if you want to get even more old school, where people gather to talk about both work and social topics. Because it’s real-time chat, you can get quick feedback even when you don’t know exactly who to talk to because you are reaching out to a group of people with similar interests or similar jobs.
Lately, we’ve also been holding quite a few scheduled meetings in IRC, and it is a great way to get a lot accomplished very quickly. By scheduling it, you make sure that you have the right people available and anyone can participate as long as they can get some type of internet connection. We also make the logs available, and we use MeetBot to capture minutes of the meeting. This allows people to miss the meeting, but still see a full, unfiltered record of the meeting in the logs along with a summary of the meeting from MeetBot if they just want the highlights.
By mailing lists I mean both traditional mailing lists, like LISTSERV, or more recent additions like Google Groups. The fact that I love mailing lists is a bit odd, since I hate email. Part of what I love about mailing lists is the control that you have over how you receive the information. Most lists allow you to get every email immediately, or in a daily digest depending on how you prefer to interact with the list, and many of them allow you to turn the email off entirely when you go out on vacation. That way, your email doesn’t pile up, but you can skim through the online archives when you get back to catch up on the big news. Regular email just doesn’t have that flexibility.
The reality is that everyone uses email, and mailing lists are a great way to collaborate with a group of people without accidentally leaving anyone out of the loop. It’s too easy to forget to copy every person on the team when communicating with a group of people. The online archives are also a great way for new members to learn about the project and get a sense for the history of the group, and it gives you a place where you can always look back at the conversations when you forget some important detail.
Don’t get me wrong, I like the new tools, too. I get a tremendous amount of value out of tools like Twitter and the newer collaboration suites that have social networking and plenty of bells and whistles built-in. However, sometimes you just need something quick and cheap that just works. Just because a technology is old doesn’t mean it can’t rock.
What are your favorite “old school” collaboration tools? | <urn:uuid:da61554e-d375-4817-a884-99c2a018ecf7> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.ocsea.net/2010/05/old-school-collaboration-tools-that-rock/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703298047/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112138-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.957258 | 893 | 1.609375 | 2 |
While tromping around in some fields and woods without proper clothing (O.K., I was clothed; I had on loafers, socks, slacks, etc.), I picked up a few insects. My family has routinely joked about returning from the area that I visited bearing “chicks and tiggers,” and I did. I removed two ticks, but I missed at least one chigger.
False remedies for chiggers abound. I spent a little time searching for evidence-based remedies, and I think examining them may provide a good analogy for examining approaches to remedying Learning Disabilities. I might pursue this line of reasoning some time….
Anyway, if you’re looking for information about treating chiggers, a Wikipedia entry includes a section on the topic in its coverage of harvest mites; it’s more prevention than treatment, but it may prove useful. More generally, I came upon a site describing first aid myths.
Update: There are other sites with additional information listed here. | <urn:uuid:8ed248a8-4c45-4480-a376-ac766e54d574> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://johnl.wordpress.com/2007/07/29/chigger-remedies/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964418 | 211 | 1.578125 | 2 |
ARTICLES OF FAITH
THE BIBLE: We believe the Bible to be the Word of God; that the 66 books comprising the Old Testament and the New Testament were verbally, plenarily (completely) inspired; that the Bible is infallible and inerrant down to its very words, and our final authority and our only and all-sufficient rule and practice (Isa 40:8; 2 Tim 3:16; 2 Peter 1:19-21).
THE GODHEAD: We believe that there is only one living and true God, infinite and eternal in every excellence; that in the unity of the Godhead there are three personal distinctions: The Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit – all of whom are one in substance, co-eternal and equally share every divine perfection (Isa 43:10-11; John 1:1; 1 Cor 8:6; I John 5:7).
GOD THE FATHER: We believe that the Father is all-knowing, omnipresent, immutable, all- powerful and sovereign over the entire universe (Ps 139:7-10; Isa 46:9-10; Mal 3:6; 1 John 3:20). We believe that He is holy, loving, merciful, and righteous (Ps 89:14; Eph 2:4; 1 Pet 1:16; 1 John 4:7-11); that He is good, does not approve evil, and is the ultimate Judge of moral creatures (1 Pet 1:17; Hab 1:13).
JESUS CHRIST THE SON: We believe in the absolute deity of the Son, the Lord Jesus Christ, that He was divine as no other man can be, existing from all eternity co-equal with the Father and the Spirit; that He never ceased to be God for one instant, and that His humiliation did not consist in laying aside His deity; that as man, He was miraculously begotten of the Holy Spirit and born of the Virgin Mary (Luke 1:26-38; John 1:1,2; 5:30). We believe that He voluntarily died as a substitute for sinful men, fully satisfying God’s wrath against sin (Rom 3:25; 2 Cor 5:21; 1 Pet 2:24); that He physically rose from the dead and ascended to the right hand of the Father, that His payment for man’s sins has reconciled man to God, and that He has become our continual Advocate and High Priest (Matt 28:6; Eph 1:20; Col 1:20-23; Heb 9:11-12; 1 John 2:1).
THE HOLY SPIRIT: We believe that the Holy Spirit is a Divine Person, co-equal with The Father and The Son, and of the same essence and nature, that He convicts of sin, righteousness, and judgment.; that He bears witness to the truth; that He is the Agent of the New Birth, and that He seals, endues, guides, teaches, witnesses to, sanctifies, intercedes during prayer, and helps the believer, indwelling every true child of God (John 14:16,17; Rom 8:14-17; Eph 1:13-14). Since Pentecost, He began the work of building the church in order to glorify Christ, administering spiritual gifts to the church for the sake of edifying the church, including miraculous sign gifts which ceased at the close of the apostolic age (John 15:26; 16:13-14; Rom 12:3-8; 1 Cor 12:7-28; Eph 4:11-13; Heb 2:1-4).
ANGELS: We believe that angels are beings created to serve and worship God (Heb 1:6-7;
Rev 5:11-14); that one angel, Satan, rebelled against God, taking many angels, now called demons, with him in the rebellion, and tempting Eve, leading the human race into sin (Gen 3:1- 15; Isa 14:12-17; Ezek 28:11-19; Rev 12:1-14); that Satan, together with his angels and demons, is active in opposition to God and His work (Eph 6:12); that Satan and his emissaries were defeated in the cross of Christ; that Satan will be bound throughout the thousand year period of the Millennial Kingdom; and that ultimately Satan and the demons will be cast into the Lake of Fire where they will be punished eternally (Matt 4:1-11; 2 Cor. 4:4; Rev 20:10).
CREATION: We believe that God created the heavens and the earth, including all life, “each after its own kind,” by direct act, and not by the false teachings of evolution, and that the six days of creation were literal 24-hour days (Gen 1:1; Psa 33:6,9; John 1:3; Col 1:16-17).
MAN: We believe that man, in the person of the first Adam, was created in the image of God as the crowning work of God’s creation, but by voluntary transgression fell into sin, thus plunging the whole race into condemnation and death, so that now all mankind is born in sin and shaped in iniquity; that men are sinners by nature and conduct, and so are without excuse before God (Gen 1:26-27, 3:1-24; Rom 1:18-23, 3:10-19; 5:10-17; 6:23).
SALVATION: We believe that personal faith in the finished work of the Lord Jesus Christ is the only condition of salvation from sin and this salvation is wholly by grace; that no works, however good, make that salvation more secure; that by Christ’s work on the cross, men are regenerated into a new creature and thereby justified legally before God, that God chose those whom He would save before the foundation of the world; and yet in God’s perfect plan, man is also responsible to believe and repent, evidenced by obedience to Scripture (Luke 13:3,5; John 3:3-7; 3:16; Acts 16:31; Rom 3:25-28; 8:28-31; 10:9-13; 2 Cor 5:17; Eph 1:4-11; 2:8-9; Titus 3:4-7; 1 Pet 1:1-2; Rev 22:17).
PERSEVERANCE OF THE SAINTS AND ASSURANCE OF BELIEVERS: We believe that all the redeemed, once saved, are kept by God’s power and are thus secure in Christ forever (John 6:37-40; 10:27-30; Rom 8:1, 38-39; 1 Cor 1:4-8; 1 Pet 1:5). We believe that it is the privilege of believers to rejoice in the assurance of their salvation through the testimony of God’s Word. We believe that each one who is divinely saved will evidence that salvation through obedience to the Scriptures and by bearing fruit in keeping with righteousness (Rom. 13:13-14; Gal. 5:13; Titus 2:11-15). We believe that the souls of the redeemed are, at death, absent from the body and present with the Lord, where, in conscious bliss, they await the first resurrection, when spirit soul and body are re-united, to be glorified forever with the Lord (Luke 23:43; 2 Cor 5:8; Phil 1:23; 3:21; 1 Thes 4:16-17; 5:23).
THE CHURCH: We believe that the Church, the Body of Christ, is a New Testament institution; unknown to the Old Testament prophets; established by Jesus Christ, who is its sole Head; that the Church was revealed through the Apostles; empowered and perpetuated by the Holy Spirit; and acts as His “body” for service and his “bride” for glory; that it began with the New Testament saints and will be caught up at the close of the Church Age (Matt 16:18; Acts 1:8; 2:1-13, 41-47; 15:14; 1 Cor 1:12-28; Eph 1:22, 23; 3:21; 5:23-33; 1 Thess 4:13-18). We believe that the Church, is manifest through the local church, which is a congregation of immersed believers, associated by covenant of the faith and fellowship of the Gospel; observing the ordinances of Christ; governed by His laws; that its officers are Elders and Deacons; that it has the absolute right of self-government directed by the Holy Spirit, and it is answerable only to Christ, and that in all matters of membership, policy, government, discipline, and benevolence, the will of the local church is final (Matt 18:15-19; 1 Cor 1:2; 6:4; 7:17; 2 Tim 3:1-15). Its purpose is to worship God, to teach believers, and to reach unbelievers for Christ at home and abroad (Matt 28:18-20; John 4:24).
ORDINANCES: We believe that there are only two church ordinances: Baptism and the Lord’s Supper. Baptism is the immersion of a believer in water providing public testimony of the believer’s identification and union with a crucified, buried, and risen Savior. The Lord’s Supper consists of the church’s public partaking of bread and the “fruit of the vine” together in a shared testimony of each believer’s faith in being saved through the death of Christ. These elements are memorial remembrances of the body and blood of Christ, and are in no way to be construed in any fashion as the actual body and blood of the Lord (John 3:23; Acts 8:26-39; 1 Cor 11:23-30).
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY: We believe that every man should have the right of soul liberty (Rom 14:5b) and freedom of conscience without coercion or molestation; along with the right to propagate his faith to others. We believe that the church and the state are decreed by God as separate institutions. God established both the church and the civil government, and He gave each its own distinct sphere of operation. Neither should control the other, nor should there be an alliance between the two. Christians in a free society can properly influence government towards righteousness , which is not the same as a denomination or group of churches controlling the government (Matt 22:15-22; Matt 28:19-20, Rom 13:1-7, Eph 4:11-16).
CIVIL GOVERNMENT: We believe that civil government is of divine appointment, for the interest and good order of human society, that magistrates are to be prayed for, conscientiously honored and obeyed, except only in things opposed to the will of the Lord Jesus Christ, Who is the only Lord of the conscience and coming Prince of the Kingdom of Earth ( Psa. 72:11; Dan. 3:17-18; Matt. 22:21; 23:10; Acts 23:5; Rom. 13:7; Phil. 2:10-11; Titus 3:1; 1 Pet. 2:13,14,17; ).
MARRIAGE AND PURITY: We believe that God ordained marriage exclusively as one man and one woman joined together in a lifelong legal union as the foundation of society, and His decreed means of propagating the race (Gen 1:28; 2:20-25; Matt 19:4-6; Eph 5:31-32). We believe that the only acceptable physical union is within the confines of marriage between one man and one woman (Heb 13:5). Sexual relations outside of marriage are contrary to God’s Word including adultery, fornication, incest, homosexuality, pedophilia, lascivious (lustful or lewd) behavior (Exod 22:19), gender modification, and pornography (Gen 19:5-13; Lev 18:22-23; 20:10-17; 1 Cor 6:9-11; Gal 5:19-21; Eph 5:5-7; 1 Tim 1:9-10). We believe that God has called the believer to live as a new creation (2 Cor. 5:17), to put off the old man (former conduct and lifestyle) and to put on the new man (Eph 4:22-24).
SEPARATION: We believe that all the saved should live in such a manner as to not bring reproach upon their Savior and Lord; and that God has commanded separation from all religious apostasy and separation from all sinful pleasures, practices and associations (Rom 12:1,2; 14:13; 2 Cor 6:14;7:1; 2 Tim. 3:1-5; 1 John 2:15-17; 2 John 9-11).
RETURN OF CHRIST: We believe in the bodily, personal, pre-millennial return of Jesus Christ; that He will come before the seven year tribulation period to snatch away His church, coming only into the air, and that He will come with His church at the close of the tribulation to judge the living nations and to set up His Kingdom on earth (Matt 25:31-46; 1 Thes 4:13-18; Rev 19:11-21).
RESURRECTION: We believe in the resurrection of the bodies of the dead; that believers who die in Jesus will be raised at the coming of Christ for His church and caught up with transformed living saints to meet the Lord in the air, and that the wicked dead will be raised at the close of the Millennial Kingdom, and stand in their bodies at the Great White Throne of Judgment to receive their final doom (John 5:21-30; 1 Cor 15:51-52; 1 Thes 4:16; Rev 7:9-17; 20:11-15). | <urn:uuid:0a23fc2b-22a1-466c-8068-35eb39965d8d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.scbc.cc/?page_id=394 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700958435/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516104238-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.938553 | 2,962 | 1.78125 | 2 |
English teacher Mistee Cartwright said staff began a discussion about the pros and cons of a block schedule in early fall. SHS used to have a block schedule but it went away in 2005.
This year is the first year the school tried an eight-period day schedule, to provide additional interventions and bring back electives that had gone away. Plus, it allowed SHS to allign with Caliche High School's graduation requirements, because CHS was already on an eight-period day.
"However, for a school our size, we realized it's really not working for us," Cartwright said.
Class periods would change from 47 minutes to 90 minutes and a minute would be added to the passing periods. Plus, there will only need to be one lunch period, instead of two. Cartwright noted they currently have only one lunch period during semester and Transitional Colorado Assessment Program (TCAP) testing, and there haven't been any issues.
Additionally, right now teachers are teaching seven courses, with one plan period one semester and two plan periods the other semester. If they go to a block schedule teachers won't be teaching so many classes in one day, but they'll only have 1.5 plan periods.
Counselor Traci Reeves said they plan to have periods one through four on Mondays and Wednesdays, periods five through eight on Tuesdays and Thursdays and on Fridays they will run an eight-period day.
The staff has looked at modifying the block schedule. For example if there is no school on Monday, then they would move the block day to Friday. They don't anticipate early release days changing very much with the new schedule.
Agriculture teacher Jonathan Spreng said going to a block schedule will bring a slower pace to the day, allow teachers to focus more on instructional time and depth of knowledge information and allow for individual instruction for different groups of students. Plus, it would allow more time for labs.
Science teacher Carlye Armstrong said this is the only district she's been in that doesn't use a block schedule and with an eight-period day she feels "very rushed."
"I think we honestly felt that we were missing the boat, because we're just scratching the surface level on depth of knowledge that we were trying to get through with our students," said family and consumer science teacher Gerard Torres. "We really wanted to find a way we could go to a deeper level of understanding with these students."
He pointed out there will be some fiscal impact with some teachers needing training because they've never taught on a block schedule before.
Board president Eric Windom asked how teachers will address the needs of students if they miss class. Torres pointed out that having a longer class period might give them more time to visit with students and make sure they're caught up on what they missed.
Windom also asked how a block schedule will help with interventions. The teachers said they can look at where a student is on their Individual Career and Academic Plan (ICAP), a state requirement, more frequently.
There was discussion about students taking Northeastern Junior College classes. Reeves said they will work to make sure students are able to take the classes they want or need. She pointed out that some of the English and math remediation classes are being taught at SHS now, which helps.
Principal Dianna Chrisman said her biggest concern with this was the new math program the school is in the midst of and how it would be impacted. However, a trainer that's working with teachers on the new program said they've only done the program using a block schedule.
Windom asked how this change will affect Darrell Smith Academy, which is housed at SHS. They used to be on a block schedule until they moved to SHS this year and would prefer it. Board member Marty Smock asked if the teachers have looked at research regarding the success of students who are on a block schedule.
Chrisman said she hasn't found any clear cut research that says a block is better than a traditional schedule, in isolation.
"What I found is that, typically, a block if it's the right time for a block to work in a building; a traditional schedule is going to work if it's the right time for it to work," she said. "Depending on your personnel, depending on your resources, depending on your time, a block can be a total disaster in a building if it's not the right time.
"We feel like we have enough (compounding) factors to show that that the block schedule at this point in our life at SHS is the best scheduling option that we have, with the resources that we have."
She pointed out that many other area districts use block schedules.
"It could be that we implement this block and quire honestly in three years our resources change, or our class sizes change or something else changes and we have to look at something different," Chrisman said.
Board member Myra Westfall asked if there will be an opportunity to add electives. Chrisman said probably not, because it's still the same number of periods. However, she said there might be a possibility of adding a jazz band class.
Westfall also asked if this would help reduce homework. The teachers said it could mean less homework for students, because they will have more time to work with them in class to make sure they understand the information.
She asked if they've talked with students. Chrisman said they've had some informal conversations. A student at the meeting said they were in favor of the change.
Ronda Bowey, a member of the Building Accountability Committee, said they support the block schedule.
SHS plans to communicate the change with parents at some of the spring meetings they have coming up, including freshman orientation and end-of-the-year banquets.
No action could be taken since it was a workshop, but they did say this is something they would like to see the school proceed with.
The board will take action on the block schedule at their next meeting, Monday, March 18.
Callie Jones: (970) 526-9286; firstname.lastname@example.org. Follow @Cjones_JA on Twitter. | <urn:uuid:ed23c46f-30dd-4338-b87a-7590ab791bd2> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.journal-advocate.com/sterling-local_news/ci_22716321/sterling-religion | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.978942 | 1,278 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Browsing the internet this week I ran across a few articles that I found interesting and thought I would share them with you. I know that finding treatment for substance use and addiction can be hard for people that are having financial problems right now. Hopefully some of the information below will help those in need of treatment but have few financial options find some form of inexpensive successful treatment through the link provided.
The use of alcohol today in our society by young and older adults is widespread and during the summer alcoholic beverages are a staple for some people grilling, boating, picnicking etc. The Labor Day weekend is coming up soon which is a big holiday for get-togethers, travelling, camping and other outdoor fun. Sadly it's also a big holiday for drinking and driving while intoxicated too. Way too many people have lost their lives or caused the loss of someone else's life due to drunken driving. Hopefully this year people will think before they drink and drive and have a designated sober driver behind the wheel planned in advance. There's also the option of taking a cab home and retrieving your vehicle later.
One poor choice like driving while intoxicated can be the last time you, someone you love, someone you know, or an innocent victim on the road sees their family ever again. Be smart this year and keep yourself and others safe so everyone can enjoy Labor Day next year too.
Payment Assistance Options for Substance Abuse
There are a lot of people young and older adults who really do want help for their drug or alcohol use because they're tired of feeling miserable. They're anxious and somewhat scared but at the same time, they really do want help. One of the biggest problems seems to be financial for people that really do want help but are unable to find some form of treatment because they can't afford it.
There's an enormous amount of people unemployed today some due to the economy and others partially due to their substance use. There are also a lot of people that need substance abuse treatment that work part time and don't have health insurance and others may work full time but their jobs don't offer health insurance.
I ran across The N-SSATS Report that you may find of interest, if you're looking for substance abuse treatment that offers some type of payment assistance like a 'sliding fee scale'. In the 'Discussion' section at the bottom of the page it reads "to locate facilities offering free or reduced cost services, select the Payment Assistance options when designing your search". You can start your search here at SAMHSA Drug and Alcohol Treatment Programs nearest you. You would have to call the facilities that came up in the results of your search then to make sure that they still offer assistance and what the details are for sure because information could have changed since the last update. Hopefully affordable treatment assistance can be found here for people who "really are serious" about finding help for their alcohol or drug use but are financially strapped.
Alcohol Buzz iPhone App
Driving while under the influence of alcohol is very serious but it happens all the time. Many people have either lost their own life or caused the death or injury of someone else due to driving while intoxicated. When a person operates a motor vehicle while under the influence they aren't just a threat to themselves, they're a threat to everyone else on or off the road. Abusing drugs or alcohol doesn't just produce euphoria or mellow you out they impair your perception, coordination, attention, cognition (reasoning), balance and other brain functions that are extremely necessary and when it comes to safe driving.
The DrunkGuard is an iPhone App that estimates an individual's blood alcohol content allowing the person or people drinking to be responsible. This app also has several other really good features like a drunk dialing and drunk texting blocker along with an Auto Cab Call to help you, your family, friends and other innocent people on the road to get home safe.
I also ran across this article from KSDK this week about a new app that's free for the smartphone that can help a person calculate their blood alcohol concentration, the calculations will be estimated levels because there are many other factors that would need to be taken into consideration. This MoDOT App called "Show Me My Buzz" isn't available yet but when it is you won't have to look for another way to get home if you've possibly had one too many drinks, the app will provide a number to call to get a safe ride home.
Is It ADHD or Something Else?
ADHD which is Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder is a neurobehavioral disorder that is quite commonly diagnosed during childhood and can continue into adulthood. Staying focused and maintaining attention is problematic for children who have ADHD. Not only can children with ADHD have problems listening but they have a hard time controlling compulsive behaviors, sitting still without fidgeting, and being forgetful. This many times affects a child academically, socially with friends, and some of the symptoms can also be problematic at home. I didn't realize that there were many other medical conditions that share some of the same symptoms as Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder so it's very important to make sure your child is correctly diagnosed.
Electronic Cigarettes, How Safe Are They?
We all know the health risks that are associated with smoking tobacco including the secondhand smoking risks. There are thousands of people who have tried to stop smoking and have succeeded but there are still thousands more who still do. Some people have gone to great lengths to try and stop smoking including nicotine patches, nicotine gums, acupuncture, and hypnosis. Fortunately many people have found success with some of the stop smoking aids listed above.
The electronic cigarette or E-Cigarette is another product that's come out that to look at, is similar to a real cigarette and many people are trying to stop smoking with this product. Even though they're similar to a cigarette in looks they're not a cigarette and there is no tobacco in them. Replacement cartridges can be purchased as needed that contain 20mg of nicotine according to Science Daily. There is still controversy over their safety as far as nicotine is concerned and until we know more about the health risks involved, you may want to research these devices a little further. | <urn:uuid:d1759341-acf9-48bb-879b-26f3b581f209> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.addictionsearch.com/treatment_articles/article/substance-abuse-treatment-and-information-available-at-your-fingertips_146.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.976473 | 1,263 | 1.578125 | 2 |
|Introduction to IPv6 -- Part 1|
|Monday, 09 October 2006 16:04|
In this month's article we will take a look at IPv6, mostly focusing on the big question, "Why Do I Care About IPv6?" We'll also talk about the management issues surrounding IPv6 deployment. In next month's article (and perhaps following articles) we will then take a brief tour of the technical side of IPv6.
The reason I personally care about IPv6 is that we're doing some work concerning IPv6 for a large U.S. government entity. I've discussed IPv6 with some folks at another agency, especially "Why Support It" and "What's Involved in Adding IPv6 Support". And I've done a lot of reading on the topic.
This article is in part intended for the government audience. It contains my interim reactions to and conclusions about IPv6. And thanks to those who have taken the time to discuss it with me, share their insights, etc.!As far as why you, the reader should care, the answer is "it's on the test" (feeble humor intended). Seriously, various Cisco courses now introduce some IPv6, and it is a portion of various tests. The Cisco pages say some IPv6 might occur on the CCIE written and lab exams.
I try to spend time learning about or improving technical depth on new technical topics based on how likely I am to use them in the near term (but knowing enough about most to handle surprise projects). That way, one does not spend a lot of time on skills that will never be used. There are exceptions: controller-based wireless and IPsec are ubiquitous, they are now "infrastructural", meaning everyone needs to know them, similar to the situation routing and switching. I won't claim IPv6 is in that category, except for federal networkers. IPv6 is at the point where everybody should know a little IPv6 . And that is why I'm writing this short series of articles.
For other reasons why you should care about IPv6, see the next sections. The ultimate reason: medium to large organizations should probably be taking IPv6 capabilities into account in their planning and purchases. For why, see below.
Why Should You Care About IPv6?If you do networking for the government, Congress and the GAO are "strongly encouraging" you to become IPv6 ready by June 30, 2008. (I would say "mandate", but I hear that the word is in disfavor).
In practical terms, that means your networking technology refreshes need to take IPv6 into account. Having a strategic plan to gradually deploy increasing levels of IPv6 support over the next few years is a great way to tackle this. You need to have IPv6 on your network backbone by 2008. If managed reasonably well, that does not need to be all that painful.If you're like me, you may feel that there's a somewhat excessive degree of hype about IPv6. Some of the hype before Congress, words like "losing our competitive advantage", sounds like carpetbaggers touting the latest snake oil or FUD (Fear, Uncertainty, and Doubt). Unfortunately, that's apparently what's needed to get attention. To those of us who were doing networking in 1988, this all has a slight whiff of "GOSIP".
History flash: around 1988, GOSIP was required for all government shops: OSI protocols, CLNS, etc. GOSIP rapidly faded away as agencies continued use of TCP/IP.
IPv6 is not GOSIP. Due to the IETF connection, IPv6 is available as working code. Microsoft, Linux vendors, and Sun already support it, and major router vendors are on board. Unlike GOSIP, IPv6 seems to be here to stay. The co-existence approaches mean that IPv6 migration need be nowhere near as disruptive as GOSIP potentially was.
Let's now attempt a fair-minded evaluation of IPv6's benefits.
One reason for IPv6 is more address space. The addresses are 128 bits instead of 32 (four times more bits, 2 to the 96th power more addresses). This indeed is a problem for parts of the world, Asia in particular. It also benefits organizations such as the U.S. military, which is reportedly contemplating things like addressable components of soldiers' equipment, personal / body networks (for example, health monitors), scattering small probes each with an address, and so on. One also sees occasional press releases about various research projects, not necessarily military, with low power radio sensor nets, 3D visualization, and other technologies requiring many addresses. Less exotic consumers of addresses: cell phones doing VoIPv6, Personal Digital Assistants (PDAs), etc.
On the other hand, for most of us, NAT is working fine at present. Yes, end to end address visibility might be a little more secure, in the long run. Troubleshooting traffic through multiple NAT points is not fun! Generic NAT firewalls general do not "fix up" VoIP protocols to allow them to function transparently. Eliminating NAT makes the protocols and programming simpler. NAT also assumes oversubscription: fewer online at any one time than total population. As people move to Instant Messaging, presence applications, etc. they are constantly online. Port overloading is the only way to accomodate this, but it has other drawbacks, including more likelihood of protocol problems where other ports are used selectively. Preserving NAT state during failover is also hard if not impossible.
IPv6 does provide two immediate cost-saving benefits: the standard requires support for IPv6 mobility, and for IPsec. One would presumably not have to pay extra to obtain support for those, as is presently the case with IPv4. The standard inclusion of IPsec is does create an end node firewalling issue. Since traffic may well be IPsec encrypted between endpoints, a firewall would not be able to examine it. Is that a benefit or a drawback? In terms of blocking peer-to-peer traffic, HTML tunneling already presents a similar problem.
As far as mobile host, it allows a file or data transfer to continue uninterrupted as one roams. That is not presently the case when you roam and obtain a new address by DHCP. Most of us are getting along fairly well without such capability. For those who prefer more, freeware or commerical IPv4 mobile IP drivers are available.
IPv6 provides for auto-configuration of addresses. The idea is for a device to learn the subnet prefix from an adjacent router, and then build an address using a form of its MAC address. This seems closer to the old Novell IPX prototocol rather than DHCP. DHCP is also possible with IPv6, as is static addressing. The autoconfiguration means simpler support for plug-and-play by devices (refrigerator, cell phone, military personal communications unit, etc.).
There are several more technical benefits of IPv6 cited by proponents. I view some of these as mixed blessings.
Any negatives I mention here are the minor sorts of things that come up as a new protocol is deployed. I'm sure that if they are big enough problems they will be addressed.
There is one key factor that I have not seen much discussion of. Application support was really one factor pundits missed when ATM was coming in. If desktop applications were to make real use of ATM, they needed to be coded with awareness of ATM and how it worked. Not until LAN Emulation (LANE), which made ATM "look like" Ethernet to programs, did campus ATM usage really begin to get some serious traction. Before that, it was just too much work for developers, consuming time and money. ATM might have eventually gotten there, but it got surpassed by faster, cheaper, simpler technologies.
Desktop and server support is not a problem with IPv6. There are already host and server stacks that support both IPv4 and IPv6. The support should be mostly transparent to programs. For example, the coming Windows VISTA release will do DNS, and if an IPv6 address is learned, it will by default try the IPv6 transport before trying the IPv4 transport to that address. There are also multiple good migration techniques, for mixing and matching IPv6 and IPv4. So network support should not be a major problem.
What else should one consider concerning IPv6? Personally, I think it comes down to whether or not there is a "killer application". Internet email and web browsing were big drivers for the Internet and IPv4. What's the compelling reason to use IPv6 instead of IPv4? Right now, little. Instead, there are "speed bumps", minor considerations that anything new entails. For example, remembering 4 byte IPv4 addresses is bad enough -- IPv6 addresses are quite long!So where's the killer application? I've been talking to one hospital network staff in the context of strategic planning. If you think of IPv6 in that setting, what program is going to come along and drive the hospital to IPv6? (Substitute law or other business here if you wish). The short answer is, no software vendor in their right mind is going to offer an IPv6-only program and limit their potential market. And if they offer an IPv4 version, their market may never have good reason to shift to IPv6. So why even incur the IPv6 development costs unless you have to?
One counter-argument is that the Japanese, Chinese, and Indian markets in particular are getting pushed into IPv6 faster, due to lack of address space, and due to sheer numbers. Their respective cell phone markets may well also use IPv6. These markets are certainly competitive, rapidly evolving, with vast investment in programming.What if the killer app turns out to be "presence" or communications related, based on IPv6? For example, tying Voice Instant Messaging (e.g. Skype or AIM calls) together with cell phones, desktop phone, home office phone, etc.? This is a situation where being able to take standard Mobile IPv6 and IPsec capabilities for granted could really simplify programming, operation, and support, while at the same time enhancing capabilities.
I once was skeptical. But now I'm not counting "killer application" out. Maybe it'll be hybrid PDA's, which combine cell phone, 802.11 wireless phone, and more PDA functionality. Or perhaps smart USB memory stick, e.g. MP3 or video player that also does 802.11 and cellular-based wireless file transfers. Or perhaps something more esoteric?I'm probably not thinking far enough outside the box here. We've all come to dislike setting time on household appliances after a power outage. I appreciate the ones that are smart enough to display nothing instead of an incorrect time -- low maintenance, they don't beep or blink at me. Suppose inexpensive wireless allowed all those appliances to mesh network with each other, and to obtain NTP time updates via a cheap controller that uses Ethernet or 802.11 wireless for Internet access, or inexpensive cellular time updates? Most of the this is well within current capabilities. Perhaps these devices would be IPv6-based (address autoconfiguration!) using PC control software. That would work on home switched networks without anything more than perhaps PC Operating System updates. Distributed environmental sensors and controls, including door badge readers (and location tracking probes) might be the corporate counterpart. I'm going down this path since "why would one need many more addresses" seems like part of the answer to "why would a developer need IPv6 and not IPv4" ?
How Does That Impact My Network?There is a chicken-and-egg aspect to deploying IPv6. One might reason as follows. "If there are no IPv6 applications running, my network doesn't need to do IPv6. And if my network doesn't support IPv6, I can't run IPv6 applications." (Or perhaps "don't have to support IPv6 applications and IPv6 security"?).
The latter is in fact wrong. You can tunnel IPv6 over IPv4, for limited IPv6 support. Thus if the IPv6 stack is enabled, you cannot assume that your IPv4-only network protects you from IPv6 vulnerability. So right away we have one reason to learn some IPv6 -- like wireless, if you assume it isn't there, you're probably being hacked or your security is being end-run right at this moment. Denial is not a useful security measure?
I currently see IPv6 as being somewhat like Quality of Service, QoS. I've enjoyed the consulting I've done on QoS. Much as I think QoS is rather important, I do not see many organizations investing in QoS deployment until they are convinced they need it. There are enough other things to get done that most are not going to invest time in something with no obvious and compelling need. The typical reason ("killer app") for needing QoS is Voice over IP (VoIP), IP Telephony (IPT), IP Videoconferencing (IPVC), or IP Video (IPV). Those with good planning purchased QoS-capable infrastructures so as to have the capability if and when they needed it for VoIP, IPT, IPVC, or IPV.
The same applies to IPv6. You might want to start readying your infrastructure for IPv6. You may not wish to invest a lot of effort in deploying IPv6 until the need arises. You might however want to think through the security implications and make sure you put in place appropriate security measures, or plans for interim measures until ready to deploy full-fledged IPv6 security tools. And you might want to verify capabilities, to make sure your network will be capable of supporting IPv6 (and QoS!) if and when it needs to.
This is what many government agencies are doing right now: getting ready, doing lab work, doing some initial deployment. And managing a gradual and secure deployment of IPv6. If the backbone runs IPv6, then adding support at the edges as-needed becomes much easier. It can all be kept in-house -- common use of IPv6 across the Internet appears to be further out. My current guess is that inter-agency IPv6 will probably arrive around 2010. Also note that federal procurement cycles can be longer than commercial ones, with deployed equipment being used over longer lifecycles.
The general approach I'm seeing is running dual-stack, that is, running IPv4 and IPv6 alongside each other. If one does testing to ensure that enabling IPv6 does not impact IPv4, then this is a clean low risk way to go. Yes, there are IPv6 tunneling approaches, which we may discuss in the next article. The drawback to them is scaling, performance, security, and overall manageability. At some point you will have to go undo the tunneling and "do it right". Why not just "do it right" from the beginning, unless there is some good reason (hardware, budget, time) not to do so?
My impression is that businesses are tending more towards ignoring IPv6. I'm not sure that's wise. Some learning about the topic, and some planning, might be appropriate. If you're in a corporate environment, do you want to have to do a rush IPv6 deployment because the killer application has finally arrived? How about telling the executives that your organization won't be able to run the new killer application for 3-4 years, after the next hardware refresh cycle?
I would even suggest that deploying IPv6 need not be highly complicated, if done right. That's next month's article!
That still leaves the question of when. I don't know. There is a critical mass problem, and there is the killer application problem. Until enough networks can run IPv6, and until there is a key application, does it matter? On the other hand, the pace of mobile technology adaption has become rapid. So when change comes, it could be relatively quick.
Deploying IPv6The biggest challenge in getting the network IPv6 ready right now is more of a project management / inventory task than technical. Specifically, one needs good network diagrams, network feature and design documentation, and inventory of equipment. You then need to go through and figure out which equipment supports or can be upgraded to support IPv6. And that does mean you need to think about every piece of gear you've got. Ok, Layer 1 and 2 gear (physical, data layer), they're just moving bits, so the fact that the bits are IPv6-flavored doesn't really matter. IPv6 doesn't alter Layers 1 and 2.
The first thing you run into with this is that "supports IPv6" is a little vague. So you need to determine what that means. Cisco has some great documentation concerning IPv6 support, features and so on, at least for IOS products. One way to proceed is to go through the IPv6 features and figure out which ones are most important. Then lab test to confirm you haven't missed anything.
The quick answer here is "Cisco IOS 12.4". If you do OSPFv3 and not EIGRP for IPv6, then late 12.2 to 12.3 may work for you. If you want EIGRP for IPv6, 12.4 T is what you'll need. If you want only very basic IPv6 features, 12.2 T code may work for you. In general, many new IPv6 features were added in the Cisco IOS 12.2 and 12.3 T releases, and incorporated in the mainline 12.4 code. That code is not "General Deployment" (GD) yet, but it's on the way.
That suggests timing considerations to me as well. If your network really needs IPv6 now, fine, you can run Early Deployment 12.4 or 12.4 T code. If you can wait a little while, getting equipment in place and being prepared to move to a GD 12.4 release might be a good approach. That would get hardware and software in place somewhere in the next year or so, allowing for gradual configuration and enabling of IPv6 across the network.
Routers are not the end of the story, however. You really need to think through all the data paths through your network.
What if you have L2 switches? The short answer is "bridging doesn't care what Layer 3 protocol is being bridged". If you have Multi-Layer Switches (MLS), it is not enough for the software to support IPv6, you really need hardware switching support to be able to support large IPv6 flows.
Wireless Access Points? They act as bridges. The tunnelling to Cisco central controllers is IPv4-based, so IPv6 should be supported, but only if you don't turn off your IPv4. One trusts that support for IPv6 based LWAPP will appear, but I'm not holding my breath.
Firewalls? CheckPoint says they support IPv6. I have not drilled down for the details of what exactly that means yet. Cisco IOS firewall supports IPv6. PIX 7.1 code adds IPv6 support. That somewhat reflects the market: how many of us have made a priority out of obtaining IPv6 Internet or Extranet services? There are some present situations where we might need IPv6 firewalling more urgently:
In summary, you need to look for where you can and cannot support IPv6. And then manage the process of upgrading or replacing equipment where IPv6 support is needed.
I hope you've found this non-technical overview article of interest. It's high time for me to provide you with some links to other good information on IPv6.Here is a table of the best Cisco links I've found concerning IPv6:
I've got a PDF copy of a great introductory document from Cisco, titled "The ABC's of IPv6", put out by Cisco Learning Services. The IOS ABC's document series was discontinued, and this document vanished off the Cisco web site, which is unfortunate. Oh well!
The Social Security Administration did early work on IPv6 evaluation, planning, testing, and deployment. They produced some very solid reports concerning motivations, steps, and so on. Federal planners may be able to obtain copies of these reports. As far as I know, they are not publicly available.
There are a couple of IPv6 books available from Cisco Press. For links, see the following table. I have the Regis Desmeules book, which so far has been reasonably good. I believe Regis was one of the authors of the original Cisco IPv6 course a few years back.
Some other references:
I plan to either write about IPv6 security, or provide links to several good articles, in a coming article.
Your comments, questions, and suggestions for future articles are of course welcome! See below to decipher my email address. | <urn:uuid:c3b9b29e-4491-40e5-8e68-8c9fc21f4b08> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.netcraftsmen.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=280&catid=78&Itemid=177 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698924319/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516100844-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.95142 | 4,336 | 1.8125 | 2 |
Mike Bidlo Not Robert Rauschenberg: Erased de Kooning Drawing, 2005. Traces of graphite on paper, mat and label in gold leaf frame. 22-3/8 x 20-7/8 inches. Courtesy of Francis M. Naumann Fine Art, New York.
By David Rohn
The show ‘Objects of Value’ opened at Miami Art Museum (MAM) just before the Art Basel Miami Beach 2008, right about the same time that the US government announced that it’s economy had been in recession since December ‘07, and also right about the time that gas prices, after doubling over a year or so, had gone down again by as much over a three month period. Houses too, whose value after doubling over a three year period had depreciated so much that people were literally walking away from what was once the basic measure of personal wealth in the US. Objects of Value is by comparison ‘only an art exhibit’, but one that is as much about the fundamental concepts of value in economic terms as well as those related specifically to art. One of the few things that people nowadays can be counted on to know about Contemporary Art, is that it is expensive; though maybe not as expensive as it was.
Felix Gonzalez –Torres Untitled (Portrait of Dad), 1991. White candies individually wrapped in cellophane, endless supply. Dimensions variable (Ideal weight 175 lbs). Collection of Carlos and Rosa de la Cruz, Courtesy of the Felix Gonzalez-Torres Foundation, Andrea Rosen Gallery, New York
Curated by MAM’s Associate Curator Rene Morales, the show is timely and thoughtful if not as momentous as its subject matter today when virtually all forms of ‘assets’ seem to be worth substantially less than they were just a year ago. It covers a current moment in art that is about objects that are valuable because of the materials they are made of– ones that are valuable because of a perceived cultural significance, and even things that have only personal value that might, at least originally, only be of value to the person who created them. In a general way the exhibition covers a lot of territory related to ‘value’ in the area of commodities, human labor and objects that have defined value such as silver spoons, diamonds, candy, platinum and theories about what defines our comprehension of value. On the one hand you have ‘classical’ views, which are exemplified by the ideas of Karl Marx and Adam Smith: that an objects value could be considered as the equivalent of the labor and production materials; on the other you have the ‘neo-classical’ conception of value, which is simply based up on whatever a free and open market attaches to any object.
These two theories are followed by an interesting mention of a turn-of –the-century German sociologist who felt that value was largely affected by the desire for symbolic measures of value that may or may not be perceived as having intrinsic worth beyond the social values attached to them. This definition may explain the excitement of paying around $20,000 for Hermes handbags or $17 million for an Andy Warhol.
Josiah McElheny Church Service for Poor People, 1998.Silver blown glass, text, display, wood. 44 x 71 x 18 inches. Collection of Mr. & Mrs. Walter Frank, Courtesy of Donald Young Gallery, Chicago and Michael E. Thomas, Inc., Dallas.
Touching a lot of bases the show’s playful and paradoxical objects seem to reinforce a general ingredient of old fashioned human irrationality. The newly made but old looking poor people’s church accessories imitations in glass by Josiah McElheny are a case in point– never made to be what they appeared to be (ie: glass pretending to be silver) they are now copies of antique originals which tempt us to value them for being old (which they’re not) and for looking old (still not(?)) and finally for being art that references poverty, fragility and survival, and folklore (does any of this work for you?).
Alfredo Jaar, Gold in the morning,1986-2004. Lightbox with chromogenic transparency. 72 x 48 x 3 inches. Ed. 1/3. Collection: Miami Art Museum, promised gift of Charles Cowles.
Simon Starling, One Ton II, 2005 (detail). 5 platinum/palladium prints. 33-1/2 x 25 inches. Rennie Collection Vancouver, Courtesy of the Modern Institute / Toby Webster LTD., Glasgow.
Photo’s of scantily-clad, fetchingly muscular, but distressingly un-cared –for miners in Alfredo Jaar’s ‘Gold in the morning’ questions the value of human labor, the land, raw materials, and colonization. In the vein of raw material and earth-exploitation Simon Starling’s platinum/palladium photo prints of platinum mines dramatically demonstrate the amount of platinum that is yielded from gigantic, hideous holes in the ground. A paradoxical coda to this example of environmental carelessness being that the primary use of platinum is catalytic converters, a device which boasts the reduction toxic emissions from automobiles by 90%. The question ‘Is it worth it?’ becomes all the more complex!
The piece called ‘One’ by Wilfredo Prieto is a clean presentation of the idea of an authentic object buried somewhere in a pile of its imitations so that the chore of trying to distinguish where the ‘real’ value is seems like a futile exercise. The show also includes a Mark Bidlo copy of one of Robert Rauschenberg’s ‘Erased Willem De Koonig Drawings’ from the late ‘60’s (pictured top). Bidlo is famous for using assistants to make copies of famously expensive art to test the idea of the unique and priceless object (in this case Rauschenberg-erased drawings by expensive contemporaries like de Koonig) to confound art investors. The investors won and Rauschenberg’s erased drawings became icons worthy of being copied and sold by Mark Bidlo. Is it worth wondering what a Mark Bidlo like this is worth? (In the context of comparable works by other artists of course, but not DeKoonig or Rauschenberg obviously.)
Taking ‘art about value’ as its point of departure the show begs the question “what is the real value of art?” Is art now simply an investment instrument recognized purely for its monetary value or is it in fact something so meaningful that it transcends money? The answer as ever remains elusive. Currently it would be hard to persuade anyone who has witnessed art prices rising over the last few years that the art market is any more sustainable than real estate or commodities markets (both of which have incidentally suffered dramatically in the last year). The opportunity to appreciate art objects within in the context of value (at this exhibition and others) is not interesting just because in time it is what they have become, but because (at least traditionally) it was not what they were intended to be.
In a recent essay titled ‘Art Values or Money Values’, Donald Kuspit said: “Art has never been independent of money, but now it has become a dependency of money. Consciousness of money is all-pervasive. It informs art — virtually everything in capitalist society — the way Absolute Spirit once did, as Hegel thought. Money has always invested in art, as though admiring, even worshiping, what it respected as its superior — the true treasure of civilization — but today money’s hyper-investment in art, implicitly an attempt to overwhelm it, to force it to surrender its supposedly higher values, strongly suggests that money regards itself as superior to art.”
A pertinent example of this stance would have to be Damien Hirst’s ‘Skull’- the greatest piece of ‘bling’ ever made and, by the artists own account, “the most expensive piece of contemporary art.”(1)
Of the predominant economic theories on value mentioned by Curator Rene Morales, the only one that can explain the changes in value we’ve recently experienced, and which responds to the contemporary perceptions of value based on promotion, status, or anticipation of a further increase in value, would have to be that of late 19th century Sociologist Georg Simmel, who held that money had become “a symbol and an instrument” for “the increasingly abstract nature of human relations” whereby “we lose ourselves” (in the objects we value). The “abstract nature of human relations” (and perceptions), suggests a general (but maybe sufficient) explanation of why we can ‘lose ourselves’ in the things we value. This idea explains the famous Dutch Tulip Bulb Market Bubble of the early 1600′s (2), and presumably other value bubbles that have been blown up and burst since.
Art may have always served propaganda purposes, but it has also always been used as an instrument of investment. Value in times past was confined to older art that had acquired a consensual value because of the effect it had become famous for having upon people, or for some pivotal importance to the subsequent directions in art history that the passage of time had confirmed. In this deflationary moment, however, the theory that defines value as ‘whatever someone is willing to pay for it’ appears to be a kind of definition of temporary value. Does that mean then that the other definition related to labor and materials is more related to a concept of ‘fundamental value’?
In the end it would seem that popularity contests of High School don’t end as adulthood begins. There is another powerful appreciation for value based on acquiring objects of value—whether clothes, cars, or ornaments like art—that add to one’s popularity in whatever group one happens to belong to (or wish to belong to), which could easily translate into owning work by Romero Britto, Damien Hirst, or a convicted serial killer. Whatever defines value at any given moment—be it oil futures contracts, real estate or contemporary art prices—does appear to be in a period of transition and reevaluation. That fact above all else makes a glimpse at value systems as provided by Objects of Value at MAM worthwhile, even if only for a fleeting moment [.]
1. The facts around Hirst’s market are so ‘discussed’ that its not clear whether this piece was sold, bought by the artist himself from himself (in part or as a whole), or whether nobody wants the thing. Hirst’s work made headlines again when he sponsored his own auction for a kind of ‘Initial Public Offering’ (IPO) type sale of many of his newest works. The buzz around the sale was about the money and how much behind the scenes manipulation was involved in the [ultra successful] sale. One critic had described the diamond skull by saying that “the price tag is the art”. So nobody was surprised when the only critical discussion around Hirst’s work was about its marketing- as such this piece sort of becomes the art world equivalent of Paris Hilton, who has been described as being famous for being famous. One is left to assume that the artist and his collectors are as comfortable with this as Paris Hilton and her public are with the system of value involved there.
2. One of the most famous market bubbles of all time, which occurred in Holland during the early 1600s when speculation drove the value of tulip bulbs to extremes. At the height of the market, the rarest tulip bulbs traded for as much as six times the average person’s annual salary. The tulip was brought to Europe in the middle of the sixteenth century from the Ottoman Empire. Holland’s upper classes soon competed for the rarest bulbs as tulips became a status symbol. By 1636, tulip bulbs were traded on the stock exchanges of numerous Dutch towns and cities, encouraging all members of society to speculate in the markets. Many people traded or sold possessions to participate in the tulip market mania. Like any bubble, it all came to an end in 1637, when prices dropped and panic selling began. Bulbs were soon trading at a fraction of what they once had, leaving many people in financial ruin. From Investopedia; www.investopedia.com | <urn:uuid:b12ea5e8-c846-4e29-a96e-8240445a1fbc> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.artlurker.com/2009/01/objects-of-value-at-miami-art-museum/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.961223 | 2,606 | 1.726563 | 2 |
The construction of a 3,000-square-meter greenhouse for lettuce and spinach, run by the company Lambhagi, was recently completed in Úlfarsárdalur in Reykjavík. Construction began around two years ago and 1,500-square-meters of the greenhouse were put into use about a year ago.
Now that the building has been completed, production capacity will be doubled by around 250 tons per year. According to owner of Lambhagi Hafberg Þórisson, as the building is largely automated the increase in production capacity will not require many more additional staff.
”This is a hi-tech greenhouse, everything is controlled by computers and the equipment among the best in the world. Everything is automated, the heating, irrigation, seeding, electricity and climate control. Our production is all very environmentally-friendly,” he told Morgunblaðið.
Lambhagi is a family company which was established around 30 years ago. The number of permanent staff totals 14.
Investment in the greenhouse reportedly totals ISK 250 million (USD 1.97 million, EUR 1.45 million). | <urn:uuid:3a392523-c88b-40b5-b661-3f10e8cca72b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.icelandreview.com/icelandreview/daily_news/?cat_id=29314&ew_0_a_id=397420 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.967424 | 240 | 1.695313 | 2 |
| 8:24 am on May 16, 2012 (gmt 0)|
Actually social bookmarks are a big spam link problem because of the number of automated tools endlessy creating these links - google always seemed to ignore these links, perhaps they are now actively devalued - I am not sure which.
But lets not get too obsessed with the idea that ALL links are bad which is the way people are thinking after Penguin.
| 8:48 am on May 16, 2012 (gmt 0)|
|Actually social bookmarks are a big spam link problem because of the number of automated tools endlessy creating these links |
Such automated submission tools are for articles and directories also. Just only because of automated tools G can't take it negative. many of us are doing these activities manually also.
How G can differentiate between manual and auto submission?
| 1:10 pm on May 16, 2012 (gmt 0)|
It seems that Google is not only counting the social bookmarks but also the social activity on your website in order to detect unnatural bookmarks and bookmarks artificially generated with automated tools. Google can also detect the date of the social bookmark (as it is normally shown on almost all bookmarking sites) so maybe it works by building a small number of bookmarks each day but you can't really generate activity from these bookmarks.
| 2:12 pm on May 16, 2012 (gmt 0)|
You need to understand what looks natural and possible, if you are in a niche with say 1000 uniques per day - a smallish area then is is possible for dozens of 'social networkers' to create links to your site all with the same anchor text - nope.
These tools which you are using - which I also used to use do more harm than good today.
| 2:37 pm on May 16, 2012 (gmt 0)|
My sites are mostly seasonal, and tend to get a ton of links in a very short window. I make no attempt to influence anchor text (and in fact a bunch of them are just "click here" type links) Google seems to be pretty good at figuring this out (so far - we'll see what happens this year) the links tend to be from tourism blogs, municipal government sites and local TV station and newspaper websites. Some of them disappear after a month, and some of them stick around forever, long after the freshness of the page (and the relevance) has expired.
As I said, so far, Google seems to consider that "natural linking" at least I've not been dinged for it so far. My republishing policy does say that anyone can use my content as long as they source it back to me and that a link is preferred, but not required. Obviously that sort of thing isn't going to work for everybody.
| 3:21 pm on May 16, 2012 (gmt 0)|
I think people are over-thinking this thing - worried if a link will appear "natural" enough. I think what gets a lot of people caught up has to do more with HOW they build links not what type of links.
I'd bet that there were a lot of sites that bought up links in blocks - IE a couple hundred in a month and then stopped. This is a sure sign of unnatural link building.
But if you do it right - buy links from reputable link builders using Google criteria (unique IPs, unique domains, IPs spread around (not all in the same block), on different pages (not all on a links or resources page), and so on) they will tend to look more natural and therefore harder for Google to disqualify. Add on top of this doing it gradually over time and consistently and not a big bunches and this is one of the keys to effective link building. | <urn:uuid:80f2e593-045d-4898-a777-7ff40ac11f6e> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.webmasterworld.com/google/4454020.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.954421 | 783 | 1.601563 | 2 |
SAN FRANCISCO (CBS 5) — The Annual Milk-Moscone Memorial March was held Saturday night in San Francisco’s Castro District.
The march commemorated the assassination of San Francisco Supervisor Harvey Milk and Mayor George Moscone on November 27, 1978.
The event has been a community tradition annually since the assassinations.
Milk was the first openly gay politician to be elected to public office in San Francisco.
This year’s speakers included Milk’s longtime friend Cleve Jones, San Francisco Supervisor David Campos, former State Senator Carol Migden and State Assembly member Tom Ammiano.
(© CBS Broadcasting Inc. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.) | <urn:uuid:4e34a38c-db4a-4086-97ee-71797aff3fbe> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://sanfrancisco.cbslocal.com/2010/11/27/41471/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696381249/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092621-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.933184 | 153 | 1.671875 | 2 |
Stephen Harper is so relentlessly disciplined and careful with his words that he’s far less prone to verbal slips than, say, former U. S. President George W. Bush. However, he recently said something pretty strange in the course of answering a question about when it would be appropriate to address the “root cause” of terrorism, during a press conference he held with the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago.
“I think, though, this is not a time to commit sociology, if I can use an expression,” Harper said. “These things are serious threats, global terrorist attacks, people who have agendas of violence that are deep and abiding threats to all the values our society stands for.”
Commit sociology? As if sociology were some sort of crime? Perhaps if he’d been speaking from a prepared text he would have said “indulge in sociology”, or something else that didn’t imply sociologists belonged in jail. Or perhaps he really did mean that sociological investigation of the causes of terrorism, if not of other matters, was morally suspect. It’s hard to know.
The rest of Harper’s answer, though, was all too clear:
“I don’t think we want to convey any view to the Canadian public other than our utter condemnation of this kind of violence, contemplation of this violence and our utter determination through our laws and our activities to do everything we can to prevent it and counter it,” Harper said.
Apparently Harper’s view is that terrorists don’t need to be understood, but only opposed. He really seems to believe that thinking at an analytical level, rather than a tactical one, is at best a waste of time and at worst a sin that one must not “commit”. I suppose this could be the result of being so wedded to a moralistic rather than pragmatic view of human affairs that attempting to understand the motivations behind a terrorist attack seems equivalent to justifying or at least excusing it: the idea of dispassionate analysis divorced from praise and blame may simply not compute as far as Harper is concerned.
To me the idea that condemnation is the only worthwhile response to a terrorist attack seems wretchedly myopic and anti-intellectual, not to mention simply foolish. How are Harper’s beloved RCMP supposed to adequately “counter” terrorists without understanding their motivations? It’s shallow and unskeptical to think that terrorists attack simply because they have “agendas of violence” (or, for that matter, simply because they feel “excluded”, although feelings of alienation must often be part of the mix). Those “agendas” arise for intelligible if sometimes eccentric reasons, and the grievances that ultimately drive them are generally real enough. The view that Harper should be conveying to the Canadian public is that root causes are well worth trying to untangle, if only to stand a better chance of nipping terrorist attacks in the bud.
Unfortunately, Harper doesn’t seem capable of appreciating that sort of logic. His natural combativeness, his seemingly instinctive desire to divide the world into “us” and “them” and fight hard against “them” until they finally collapse, gets in the way. This is why, even though I actually approve of some decisions that have been taken under Harper’s watch, I consider him temperamentally and attitudinally unfit for office. A man who can deal with the complexities of the world only in such Manichaean terms shouldn’t be making decisions that affect tens of millions of people. | <urn:uuid:8578b0c5-c21f-40c5-8980-464f90b2cdcb> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://canadianatheist.com/category/politics/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968596 | 760 | 1.609375 | 2 |
It’s hard to stay grounded in the wake of Egypt’s uprising: there are too many issues demanding attention, too many dissonant energies and unfortunate events, sectarian violence the most disturbing among them. In recent years, scandals have emerged surrounding Christian women who allegedly left their husbands and converted to Islam, having fallen for Muslim men. The details are never clear: ask a Christian, and they will say the woman was kidnapped and forced to convert. Ask a Muslim, and they will say the woman was imprisoned by her family and priests before the romance could be consummated. Such stories are fuelled by rumour and a penchant for melodrama – a titillating combo of taboo sex, viral machismo and religious pride.
It happened again in May. The protagonist’s name, Kamelia, echoed throughout the nation, heralding another distraction from more urgent matters, including the parliamentary elections scheduled for September, where religious factions are manœuvring for position. The polemic approached the danger point with angry protests by Muslims, demanding the woman be allowed to convert, and Christians (a minority in Egypt) saying she never wanted to in the first place. I discussed the matter with a group of well-heeled Egyptian friends. ‘Who cares about Kamelia, or who she sleeps with? We never bothered with such things before,’ said one woman. ‘No siren,’ I remarked of Kamelia’s nondescript appearance. ‘And yet,’ one man noted, ‘this was the face that launched a thousand beards.’ The situation wasn’t funny, but we all laughed like mad. The next day 15 people were killed in a poor Cairo neighbourhood, where purportedly fundamentalist Muslims attacked a church in Kamelia’s name.
I’ve since asked friends and strangers to share their thoughts on the increase in sectarian strife: a church bombing in Alexandria on New Year’s Eve, lethal religious riots in another poor quarter of Cairo in March, and now this. They mostly said the same thing: haram, the Arabic word for ‘forbidden’ but meaning in this case ‘for shame’.
Everyone wondered how this could happen. True Egyptians would never do this – launch a murderous rampage on their compatriots. It’s ignorance, some said; people are too easily influenced by rumour. It’s the media, said others; extremists should not be given column space/air time. It’s the army (currently overseeing an interim government), for failing to protect us properly. It’s the old regime, sowing discord from behind the scenes. Some blamed the undercurrent of anger the uprising has brought to the fore, and were themselves angry that this has proved to be the case. Many were frightened about how things might go, should Egypt miss its shot at a secular democracy. I felt detached from this insidious reality where religious divisiveness overcomes custom and common sense.
A ‘true Egyptian’ would never do this, so what is a true Egyptian? Someone who would never wantonly attack another human on the basis of faith or anything else; someone who shoulders their burdens, and expects nothing from the state but ineptitude and belligerence. ‘True Egyptians’ are aware of personal and societal shortcomings; indeed, accepting to a fault. Having accepted their exclusion from power for so long, they are uncertain how to use what little the uprising has given them, unacquainted with the responsibilities that power entails. Swept along by events, people have little time to spare for self-questioning. Virtually every aspect of institutional and civic life demands revision. Where to begin?
It is enough to attend a demonstration in Liberation Square to see how desperately focus is needed. The last one I went to was conducted in typical fashion, with ear-splitting rants issuing from five stages at once. There were at least as many people there for the outing (children in tow) as with the intention of taking a stand on a particular issue or making a show of collective strength. Local media reported attendance in the tens of thousands, an optimistic exaggeration reminiscent of the state’s flubbing of figures (GDP, unemployment, etc) to make things seem better than they were. In the afternoon, news of former first lady Suzanne Mubarak’s detention swept the crowd, making Kamelia and the killing of Christians old news. Here was yet another distraction, something to wave a flag about. Buffeted by the winds of change, Egypt is awash in emotions – anger, fear, pride – and sailing blindly into the future.
This first appeared in our award-winning magazine - to read more, subscribe from just £7 | <urn:uuid:160ac414-d52b-48f5-a8c3-d350292d824f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://newint.org/columns/letters-from/2011/07/01/true-egyptians-protest/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.96303 | 980 | 1.734375 | 2 |
Laura Sullivan is a NPR News investigative correspondent whose work has cast a light on some of the country's most disadvantaged people.
Sullivan is one of NPR's most decorated journalists, with three Peabody Awards and two Alfred I. duPont-Columbia University Silver Batons. She joined NPR in 2004 as a correspondent on the National Desk. For six years she covered crime and punishment issues, with reports airing regularly on Morning Edition, All Things Considered and other NPR programs before joining NPR's investigations unit.
Her unflinching series "Native Foster Care," which aired in three parts on All Things Considered in October 2011, examined how lack of knowledge about Native culture and traditions and federal financial funding all influence the decision to remove so many Native-American children from homes in South Dakota. Through more than 150 interviews with state and federal officials, tribal representatives and families from eight South Dakota tribes, plus a review of thousands of records, Sullivan and NPR producers pieced together a narrative of inequality in the foster care system across the state. In addition to her third Peabody, the series also won Sullivan her second Robert F. Kennedy Award.
"Bonding for Profit" – a three-part investigative series that aired on Morning Edition and All Things Considered in 2010 – earned Sullivan her second duPont and Peabody, as well as awards from the Scripps Howard Foundation, Harvard University's Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, and the American Bar Association. Working with editor Steve Drummond, Sullivan's stories in this series revealed deep and costly flaws in one of the most common – and commonly misunderstood – elements of the US criminal justice system.
Also in 2011, Sullivan was honored for the second time by Investigative Reporters and Editors for her two part series examining the origins of Arizona's controversial immigration law SB 1070.
For the three-part series, "36 Years of Solitary: Murder, Death and Justice on Angola," she was honored with a 2008 George Foster Peabody Award, a 2008 Investigative Reporters and Editors Award, and her first Robert F. Kennedy Award.
In 2007, Sullivan exposed the epidemic of rape on Native American reservations, which are committed largely by non-Native men, and examined how tribal and federal authorities have failed to investigate those crimes. In addition to a duPont, this two-part series earned Sullivan a DART Award for outstanding reporting, an Edward R. Murrow and her second Gracie Award from the Alliance for Women in Media.
Her first Gracie was for a three-part series examining of the state of solitary confinement in this country. She was also awarded the 2007 Daniel Schorr Journalism Prize for this series.
Before coming to NPR, Sullivan was a Washington correspondent for The Baltimore Sun, where she covered the Justice Department, the FBI and terrorism.
As a student at Northwestern University in 1996, Sullivan worked with two fellow students on a project that ultimately freed four men, including two death-row inmates, who had been wrongfully convicted of an 18-year-old murder on the south side of Chicago. The case led to a review of Illinois' death row and a moratorium on capital punishment in the state, and received several awards.
Outside of her career as a reporter, Sullivan once spent a summer gutting fish in Alaska, and another summer cutting trails outside Yosemite National Park. She says these experiences gave her "a sense of adventure" that comes through in her reporting. Sullivan, who was born and raised in San Francisco, loves traveling the country to report radio stories that "come to life in a way that was never possible in print." | <urn:uuid:1b5a776a-4d2e-4406-be7e-91d6f27f5e7d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wmot.org/people/laura-sullivan | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.962024 | 738 | 1.507813 | 2 |
Cllr Ian Ward.
THE Isle of Wight Council has pledged to support members of the armed forces and their families, by signing up to a community covenant.
More than 200 authorities across the country have signed up to the covenant, which encourages communities to support the servicemen and women, past and present, living in their area.
It includes a pledge to help service personnel, families and veterans to access services provided by the government, the council and charities.
Cllr Ian Ward, a former army major, told the council: "It’s our duty to look after our men, especially those who are disabled, injured, sick or have just fallen on hard times. The community covenant is recognition the whole community owes a debt to those men."
Cllr Reg Barry and Arthur Taylor expressed disappointment the merchant navy had not been included. | <urn:uuid:6c869463-28c8-44c0-b06e-6e63bcb264b7> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.iwcp.co.uk/news/news/isle-of-wight-signs-up-to-support-armed-forces-and-families-46739.aspx?mn=4 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700958435/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516104238-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968484 | 175 | 1.546875 | 2 |
- Posted September 10, 2012 by
What Do Women Really Want? Birth Control, Abortion or Jobs?
Both presidential candidates see the necessity of garnering the vote of the American female this election cycle. Each convention seemed to say to women, I hear you and I am the party that has your interests in mind.
What is interesting is what each party thinks is most important to women.
It seemed to me that the Republicans seemed to say that what women need most is a stable economy and more opportunity to find employment and to start new businesses.
In contrast it seemed to me that the Democrats think abortion and low cost contraceptives are what will sway women voters.
I can see why Republicans want to direct their attention to providing more opportunity for women in the workplace since there are 780,000 more women unemployed today than when the president took office. Women’s unemployment rates are about 8.2%.
I have read some stories here on I-reports that demonstrate that a hard line against abortion can have devastating effects, so I can see how the Democrats are targeting this issue.
So ladies, which is it?
Economic opportunity or stronger reproductive assistance and rights? | <urn:uuid:610a41dc-4832-46ca-a2fa-aae746063bab> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://ireport.cnn.com/docs/DOC-839876?ref=feeds/latest | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.967139 | 237 | 1.546875 | 2 |
The Taliban announced the opening of a political office in Doha, Qatar, on Tuesday and said they were prepared to talk, raising hopes for a break in long-stalled peace efforts.
A long-awaited analysis by the Congressional Budget Office found that the benefits of an increase in legal residents would outweigh the costs.
Gen. Keith B. Alexander said on Tuesday that American surveillance had helped prevent “potential terrorist events over 50 times since 9/11.”
| You may know Martha Rose Shulman as the Recipes for Health columnist, but in her kitchen she leads a double life as a ghost-writer of pastry cookbooks.
An aide to President Dilma Rousseff said officials were hoping to start a dialogue with an increasingly powerful protest movement set off by complaints about bus fares. | <urn:uuid:6d6d924f-2735-4f10-9248-7ce56360dae2> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://mobile.nytimes.com/?a=944903&f=23 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.976612 | 163 | 1.5 | 2 |
Chipping is equal parts technique and creativity. It requires touch and imagination to land in the proper spot on the green and roll the ball out to a close proximity to the pin. It requires a solid understanding of trajectory and release. You have to be able to estimate how far a ball will fly and then how far it will role with a given club. Seeing as it is such a short shot we don’t want to be throwing away strokes by flubbing and topping our way to the hole. Hopefully these tips and drills will help you get up and down more often.
Here are a couple of key points to think about when setting up and executing a chip shot.
For this months article I wanted to speak to the topic of practice. The concept of practice is to work on a skill using correct technique. When practicing with correct technique the results will be much more consistent. If your time is limited then I would recommend spending your precious time on the short game: chipping, pitching and putting. This area will help to improve your scores more than any other. The short swing is a “mini” full swing. If the “mini swing is completed with proper alignment and path then it bodes well for full swing mechanics. Any new golfer or seasoned golfer would be doing themselves a favour by practicing the short swing. I’m a firm believer that golf should be learned from the green back to the tee.
Having a sequence to your swing is very important. Everyone’s game can benefit when following a proper sequence of triggers in their golf swing. The following are four separate swing triggers to be aware of.
With summer having ended just a little while ago we are now in the “shoulder season” at golf courses across Canada. Here are a few reasons why fall golf should be a top priority for all golfers.
Some of the best golf can occur this time of year especially if you are a fan of scenery and the outdoors. At Caledon Country Club we happen to have some very nice vistas and views particularly because of our many elevation changes. With the changing of the colours of the many trees it can be a sight to behold. And, having played all season you should also be hitting the ball your best so why stop playing?
For this months tip I was thinking about the changing of the weather and the increasingly windy conditions we are experiencing. I thought it might be beneficial to talk about keeping the ball low and how to play smart golf in high winds. Something that we must understand about playing into strong winds is that a slightly less than straight shot will be exaggerated further by the wind. So it is far more beneficial to swing slower, use more club and keep the ball lower in order to help keep the shot in play. This is especially true when hitting directly into the wind. Many golfers swing out of their shoes trying to make up for the loss of distance that the wind represents and then actually end up losing their ball!! Instead of trying to swing for the fences in high winds try these tips:
This month I wanted to discuss the importance of balance as it pertains to the golf swing.
Outside of the static fundamentals (grip, stance, posture, alignment and ball position) which all take place before the swing even starts I think that balance is probably the most important factor in making a sound stroke. So many times we see a golfer make a nice smooth practice swing and then they fall completely off balance and swing out of control when they hit their shot. This usually results in a shot that goes offline or nowhere at
all. I say usually because sometimes the ball can still fly towards its intended target. I think it goes without saying that every golfer wants to have that beautifully balanced smooth “tour swing” with the “held” follow through. The only way this can happen is if there is balance at address and throughout the entire swing. Here are a few tips to help improve your chances of making a balanced swing:
Here are some strategies to walk you through playing the golf course at Caledon Country Club. There is much to be said about playing a course with strategy instead of teeing up and swinging for the fences with driver every par 4 and 5 and hoping for the best. If we don’t have a plan, we are putting ourselves in potentially tough situations by ending up behind trees, in bunkers, out of bounds and in water hazards. Unless driver is needed in order to hit over 200 yards then there is some thought and strategy which can highly benefit your scores. If you play thoughtful golf then you are giving yourself the opportunity to take out the “high scores” in your round. This isn’t to say that strategic golf guarantees no more bad shots just that it helps average out scores and provides more consistency during your round. A hole by hole overview of how I would recommend you play the course follows: Continue reading
I want to talk about the importance of catching the “Sweet Spot” on the golf club. When the ball is struck with the middle of the face we can achieve consistent distance. The ball feels like we have just hit a marshmallow because there is virtually no vibration or twisting happening in the club head. The three main keys to distance are club head speed, centeredness of contact and launch angle. If we swing with a consistent effort and a consistent swing plane (angle of attack) then we can conclude that impact position will be our primary distance factor. Here are some key points which should help with that consistency. | <urn:uuid:4e716f64-6922-4b93-afd9-ada6c9a63290> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.golfcaledon.com/golf-blog/pro-tips/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.956671 | 1,136 | 1.757813 | 2 |
August 6th, 2010
The Associated Press is reporting today that China will soon be ready to deploy their new “Aircraft Carrier Killer” missile, a weapon specifically designed to destroy our super aircraft carriers in case of a conflict with China.
Here is the article: http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20100805/ap_on_re_as/as_china_us_carrier_killer
Since WWII, our navel strategy around the globe has depended on our ability to deploy large aircraft carriers around the globe. The planes they carry being able to challenge potential enemies within their home territory.
Rather than try to match us by building their own aircraft carriers, China is cleverly developing a specialized missile meant to attack our aircraft carriers. The Dong Fong 21D will be a serious deterrent when the missile’s accuracy is improved.
Even more seriously, this weapon could eventually be sold to countries like Iran and others.
We will need to develop much better defense systems if our carrier groups are to be secure.
In the meantime, as a low tech defense, it occurs to me that huge oil tanker ships could be filled with water and sail around our aircraft carriers. That would provide decoys and a shield around our sailors.
Founder of www.MadeinUSAForever.com | <urn:uuid:86303466-098e-43c0-b8e6-2e4c1bdd67cd> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://site.madeinusaforever.com/blog/2010/08/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703682988/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112802-00010-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.94656 | 276 | 1.523438 | 2 |
Box Tops and Labels for Education
How can I help?
1. Cut Box Tops and Labels.
2. Count the Box Tops and Labels.
3. Place in a baggie with the number of Box Tops and/or Labels and the teacher's name.
4. Turn in the bag to the teacher.
5. ENCOURAGE other parents to send in Box Tops!
Facts and Figures:
CURRENT BOX TOP TOTALS
Box Tops for Education
Box Tops for Education has helped America’s schools earn over $475 million since 1996. You can earn cash for Flagstaff Academy by clipping Box Tops coupons from hundreds of participating products. Flagstaff Academy PTO earns $0.10 for every Box Top, which helps fund our school. Box Tops also offers easy ways to earn even more cash for our school online at The Marketplace.
Are there contests?
There are various contests running concurrently throughout the year to motivate parents and kids to turn in Box Tops and Labels. Fall submission deadline is November 1st and Spring submission deadline is May 15th.
The elementary and middle school class/home room with the most Box Tops will earn a box of doughnuts. Contest ends October 31. Mrs. Lesters's class and Mrs. Bozanic's homeroom WON!
Inside Hall vs. Outside Hall:
Who will win lollipops? The inside of the U or the outside of the U? All the students are grouped in either the inner "U" (represented by Ms. Long) or outer "U" (represented by Dr. Warren), depending on classroom location in the building. All the students in winning part of the "U" will get lollipops delivered by the "loser" riding a tricycle! Ms. Long vs. Dr. Warren! Contest expires October Dec 14. Outside hallway is the winner!
Middle School Only Contest:
Any middle schooler who brings in 5 Box Tops during Middle School dance on May 11th will be entered into a drawing to win a $10 iTunes gift card. The more Box Tops you bring, the more entries into the drawing! This is the last MS contest this year.
The classroom with the most Box Tops from January 3 until March 29 wins a box of doughnuts for their class. Ms. McGannon is the winner with 1,119 Box Tops!
Which teacher will win the grand prize of a pizza party with either Ms. Long or Principal Moore for their classroom? Mrs. Lester & Mrs. Staehly lead this contest with very few Box Tops separating them. Another class could easily pull in the lead! Let's rally to win PIZZA! This contest runs through May 15.
Who runs it?
Labels for Education
Labels for Education® is a fun and easy program where families and members of the community work together towards a common goal — “Earn Free Stuff” for their school!
By collecting UPCs and beverage caps/sauce caps from over 2,500 participating products, supplementing earnings through the eLabels for Education program and with bonus offers, Flagstaff Academy earns points that can be redeemed for Arts, Athletics, and Academics merchandise.
LONGMONT DAIRY's MILK CAPS for MOOOLA
This is a program sponsored by Longmont Dairy that helps students earn money for their school and students. Longmont Dairy milk caps are worth 5¢ each and are redeemable for cash.
How does the program work?
Box Tops for Education Samples
Labels for Education Samples | <urn:uuid:c602959b-3890-4071-b1fc-a8d04a1d49fa> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.flagstaffacademypto.org/box-tops-and-labels.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.944934 | 764 | 1.773438 | 2 |
Republicans in the Minnesota House passed a proposed constitutional amendment early Wednesday morning that would require all voters to show photo identification at the polls.
The party line vote of 72-62 came after a nine-hour debate. The Senate could pass the same bill in coming days, which would then place the issue on the statewide ballot in November.
All the votes to date, in committee and on the floor, have been party-line, with Republicans supporting the measure. That suggests the measure is likely to pass the GOP-led Senate, which puts it on the ballot.
If we are heading for a vote this fall with a voter ID amendment on the ballot, what would that campaign look like? And how would that campaign compare with the campaign that will be had for the marriage amendment that is already on the ballot?
Ed Schiappa, chairman of the Communications Studies department at the University of Minnesota, said supporters of voter ID will likely use what he calls a campaign of fear about voter abuse and fraud.
"They're going to present it as a common-sense sort of thing," he said, that "it's just common sense that people should present a photo ID to vote, and that will be their message... to make it seem as reasonable as possible."
Those opposed to the amendment will use a two-fold approach, Schiappa said.
They will argue "that it's unnecessary and there's no evidence of voter fraud requiring dramatic new action," he said. "And secondly, that it would be counterproductive in that it will decrease certain people's ability to vote - people who are elderly or poor or other populations that historically don't carry the ID that the voter ID law is required. They might add the argument that Minnesota traditionally has been to make it easy as possible to vote - same-day registration is a good example of that."
Schiappa also said more emotional appeals -- those that use personal stories -- are better used on broadcast media, while the more matter-of-fact, informational appeals work best in print. | <urn:uuid:f802f824-0f66-4d4f-9f49-36ec3f50e9a8> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://minnesota.publicradio.org/display/web/2012/03/21/daily-cricuit-voter-id-campaign?refid=0 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696381249/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092621-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.976428 | 414 | 1.570313 | 2 |
Union City Mayor Brian Stack responded last week to controversy over a $2.875 million grant given to the city by the Port Authority of New York and New Jersey that was included in the $104.8 million 2013 fiscal year city budget.
The money was to be given by the transit agency for the purpose of renovating New York Avenue from 19th Street to 48th Street. Controversy arose over the grant in recent weeks after the Union City Concerned Citizens Group (UCCCG) made allegations that the grant didn’t really exist.
“This grant absolutely exists,” said Stack in an interview on Wednesday morning. “We applied for it over a year ago and included it in the budget as anticipated revenue.”
The rationale for the Port Authority awarding such a grant is that the roads in question are leading to and from the Lincoln Tunnel area. The agency gave Union City two $500,000 grants in 2010 to rehabilitate other sections of the same street.
There have been various concerns about the grant. Stack’s critics have questioned the fact that the Port Authority and the city failed to provide documentation to citizens and journalists when they asked for it, but last week The Jersey Journal reported that an unnamed source at the Port Authority confirmed its existence. Multiple calls to the Port Authority’s press office were not returned by press time last week.
“Union City suffers the overflow from the Lincoln Tunnel, which the Port Authority manages, so why shouldn’t we get help?” – Union City Mayor Brian Stack
“Union City suffers the overflow from the Lincoln Tunnel, which the Port Authority manages,” Stack said, “so why shouldn’t we get aid?”
Weehawken Mayor Richard Turner said it is not uncommon for Hudson County municipalities to receive grants to combat damage to roads and streets caused by traffic overflow.
In a press release, Dixon charged that if the grant is not received, the city will fail to balance its budget. However, Rich Cahill, Union City’s chief financial officer, disagreed. He said the grant appears on both sides of the budget (revenue and appropriations). It can only be used for the project for which it is earmarked; it cannot be used to cover any other expenses in the budget.
“These grants are not meant to balance the budget,” said Cahill. “If they were, they would only appear on one side of it. Clearly, they do not.”
Stack explained that the grant is anything but unrestricted, as critics have suggested, pointing out that the city actually only receives the money through reimbursement from the Port Authority upon completion of the project.
“If we don’t spend as much as the grant is for, then we don’t get to keep the rest of that money,” he said. “And [New York Avenue] is the only thing we can use the money for.”
Stack’s critics have suggested that the grant’s size is connected to his support of New Jersey Gov. Christopher Christie. Christie urged the Port Authority in a June 2012 letter to award the grant to Union City “to rehabilitate New York Avenue, which serves as an approach roadway for the Lincoln Tunnel” and last week he and Stack praised each other at the ribbon cutting ceremony for the new state-funded Colin Powell Elementary School.
However, Stack said this week he has not spoken to the governor regarding the Port Authority’s grant.
According to Christie’s letter, the funds will be broken between two projects, one rehabilitating New York Avenue from 19th Street to 30th Street ($1.6 million) and another from 31st to 48th Street ($1.275 million).
Stack confirmed that the project will be done in the two phases, citing timing as a reason. Both projects are expected to get underway in April and will hopefully be completed by October. The city will award two separate bids to construction companies, one for each phase of the project.
“If we were doing the project with just one company, it would take much longer,” he said.
He added that splitting the project between two firms will have a positive effect on the local economy.
“Companies are hungry for business right now,” he said.
The project, which City Engineer Ralph Tango described as “keeping with the city government’s aesthetic vision” of Union City, is part of a larger plan to improve New York Avenue, which has been underway since 2010. The first phase of the project, completed in 2010, improved sections of 30th and 31st streets, parts of which run parallel to Route 495, while the second phase, which stretched from 19th to 30th Street, was completed last September.
The major components of the project include newly paved roads and sidewalks, the installation of a decorative street light approximately every 35 feet, and the planting of hundreds of trees.
“I love trees, and I want to be able to provide some shade along the street,” Stack said. “We’re looking at around 600 or 700 trees.”
Dean DeChiaro may be reached at email@example.com | <urn:uuid:5087f25e-baae-448b-aafe-a72f65ea82e5> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://hudsonreporter.com/pages/full_story/push?article-Stack+responds+to+controversy+over+-2-9M+grant-Port+Authority+money+can+only+be+used+for+New+York+Avenue%E2%80%99s+rehabilitation-%20&id=21728808&instance=secondary_stories_left_column | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.962202 | 1,096 | 1.515625 | 2 |
New accounting system promises radical change
KERRY O'BRIEN: The accounting industry is not one normally associated with radical change.
But a new system pioneered in Australia has turned the rules of accounting upside down.
Soon, everything from grapevines and pine trees to possums and parakeets will be audited and added to business balance sheets as living assets.
But, as Mike Sexton reports, accountants are divided over the practicalities of this new system.
PETER GREGG, ACCOUNTANT: I've been called a bean counter all my life and I suppose they have to start calling me a bilby counter, now, instead.
MIKE SEXTON: Peter Gregg is an accountant for Australia's largest private conservation park, Earth Sanctuaries in the Adelaide Hills.
His last audit showed in one financial year, a staggering seven-fold leap in the company's value from $160,000 to $1.15 million.
It's all thanks to a new industry accounting standard.
Previously, profit or loss was based mostly on how many people came through the gate to see the animals.
Now their profit includes the value of every bilby, wombat or quoll.
JOHN WAMSLEY, EARTH SANCTUARIES LIMITED: This is a quoll, an eastern quoll.
this is an endangered animal, classed as an endangered animal, an extinct animal in South Australia.
So, the value of this now -- I suppose whatever value you put on it, but, officially, this is a $5,000 animal.
MIKE SEXTON: The Australian accounting industry has led the world by adopting this value for living assets.
PETER BUBNER, GROUP ACCOUNTANT: We had no way of doing it before.
We had all these wonderful animals around the place valued at zero, which is absurd.
MIKE SEXTON: Is it quite a radical change?
GARY SAVAGE, KPMG ACCOUNTANTS: It is radical.
MIKE SEXTON: The new standard troubles many in the traditional conservative world of accounting.
Gary Savage, from KPMG, believes, for better or worse, Australia is leading the introduction of 'market value accounting'.
GARY SAVAGE: Our view is, certainly, we're encouraging our clients not to rush ahead and perhaps wait and see what happens with the international standard.
MIKE SEXTON: Many of Mr Savage's clients are in the multimillion-dollar wine industry which will be deeply affected by the new standard.
Traditionally, profits or losses are based on wine and grape sales, but now the vines themselves could be listed as living assets.
Normans Wines have already started using the new system.
STEPHEN HARVEY, NORMANS WINES' ACCOUNTANTS: Normans had looked at the standard and formed a view that the standard best reflected the nature of the Normans business.
I think it's fair to say not every wine business is exactly identical and they felt, having reviewed the standard and the way it would be applied to their business, that it best reflected the way they conducted their business.
MIKE SEXTON: However, critics argue the value of a wine is easily measured, but the value of a vine isn't.
GARY SAVAGE: The location of where the vine's based, the climate, the soil, it's integral, the vine's integral to the soil and the land that it's grown on.
So, sure, it's going to be a tough task.
MIKE SEXTON: But where do investors stand?
It depends on how you read the balance sheet and what you want to invest in.
At Earth Sanctuaries, they believe their true company performance, that is, breeding endangered species, is now reflected on their books.
PETER GREGG: For the first time now I've actually got a set of accounts that will benchmark each year's breeding program, the increase or decrease in the wildlife that it actually holds.
From my point of view as a shareholder, or from a shareholder's point of view, it does become more meaningful and, hopefully, will reach the objective of what I want to do.
MIKE SEXTON: However, under the new standard, the living asset value is recorded through the profit and loss.
But they can't sell their animals, so the profit won't be realised and couldn't be used as collateral for loans.
PETER GREGG: It doesn't mean that there will be cash surpluses.
There will be an accounting profit but certainly not in a cash sense.
MIKE SEXTON: In the wine business, again, a vine itself isn't easily sold and some large profits may return little to shareholders.
But some argue the new accounting reflects accurately the state of the business.
PETER GREGG: The shareholders may be able to look at either profit and loss or the balance sheet and have a look at debtors, etc, but you really don't know if the underlying asset, which is the vines -- if they're increasing, if there's good replanting program, if they're buying and acquiring more crops and what those values are placed on them -- for the first time, you can actually see the underlying asset being the vines, either decreasing or increasing because of age, etc.
GARY SAVAGE: The standard says value it at net market value but there's no framework in the accounting standards at the moment that gives guidance on how to determine net market value.
MIKE SEXTON: The standard is optional this financial year, but after that, significant animals, trees or plants across the country will hold much more interest for accountants.
PETER BUBNER: We're very happy and very excited about it that finally the world is coming around to our way of thinking.
Transcripts on this website are created by an independent transcription service. The ABC does not warrant the accuracy of the transcripts. | <urn:uuid:5779f44d-90d0-498a-b2c4-2aa1312ad7be> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.abc.net.au/7.30/stories/s65893.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.946748 | 1,255 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Facebook Glitch Exposes Private Information
The glitch allowed users to to see friends' chat boxes and friend requests.
However, the issue has prompted many users to question the security of their information on the social networking site. The New York Times quotes Augie Ray, an analyst with Forrester Research, as saying:
While this breach appears to be relatively small, it's inopportunely timed. It threatens to undermine what Facebook hopes to achieve with its network over the next few years, because users have to ask whether it is a platform worthy of their trust.
The incident occurred on the same day that 15 consumer groups complained about Facebook in a filing with the Federal Trade Commission, reports BusinessWeek. The complaint urged the FTC to probe Facebook's privacy practices and make it take steps to better guard against security breaches. | <urn:uuid:1994ce12-6d72-4013-a1ed-ffca5eeadfd4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.enterprisenetworkingplanet.com/netsecur/facebook-glitch-exposes-private-information | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701852492/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105732-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.945213 | 168 | 1.71875 | 2 |
From NBC's Athena Jones
NEW YORK, N.Y. -- President Obama used his remarks at a memorial service for a legendary newsman to share his thoughts on the current state of the news media and to make the case for improving standards.
The president hailed CBS's Walter Cronkite for the high standards, honesty and objectivity he applied to the pursuit of journalism and said that he had benefited as a citizen from the anchor's "dogged pursuit of the truth."
"He never dared compromise his integrity," Obama said as spoke of the man who came to be known as "the most trusted man in news," a man he said he was sorry he did not know personally.
Obama has often lamented the consequences of an increasingly rapid, profit-driven news business. Today, he said the new model meant that Cronkite's high standard of responsibility was "a little bit harder to find today." Cronkite was a man who saw journalism as a public good vital to American democracy, who "calmly and authoritatively" told the American people what they needed to know, Obama said, adding that his "trusted" title was not given to him by a network or an advertising campaign, it was earned.
"It was earned by year after year and decade after decade of painstaking effort; a commitment to fundamental values; his belief that the American people were hungry for the truth, unvarnished and unaccompanied by theater or spectacle," Obama said. "He didn't believe in dumbing down. He trusted us."
"Instant commentary and celebrity gossip" and stories about who's up and who's down too often replaced hard news and investigative journalism these days, the president said, cheapening public debate even as the future of American society depends on objective reporting.
He called on journalists and the public to renew their commitment to high journalistic standards.
"The simple values Walter Cronkite set out in pursuit of -- to seek the truth, to keep us honest, to explore our world the best he could -- they are as vital today as they ever were," he said. "If we choose to live up to Walter's example, if we realize that the kind of journalism he embodied will not simply rekindle itself as part of a natural cycle, but will come alive only if we stand up and demand it and resolve to value it once again, then I'm convinced that the choice between profit and progress is a false one -- and that the golden days of journalism still lie ahead."
Tension between the media and any administration is to be expected, but Obama and his aides have made no secret of their disdain for some of the coverage the White House has received; in fact, "cable chatter" is a favorite phrase of White House officials.
White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs has frequently criticized the media's focus on what the administration deems "silly" issues and for covering distortions of policy matters rather than acting responsibly to clarify the record and disprove obvious lies. He repeatedly lambasted broadcasters for coverage of town hall protests during the month of August that he argued blew the events out of proportion and misrepresented what were in the vast majority of cases calm, serious, respectful discussions.
The president has been consistently vocal on the issue as well. At a speech at Georgetown University in April, he spoke of an "impatience that characterizes" Washington and of attention spans shortened by the 24-hour news cycle. At Notre Dame's commencement in May he again criticized cable news.
"Whether as a person drawn to public service, or simply someone who insists on being an active citizen, you will be exposed to more opinions and ideas broadcast through more means of communication than ever existed before," he told the graduates. "You'll hear talking heads scream on cable, and you'll read blogs that claim definitive knowledge, and you will watch politicians pretend they know what they're talking about. Occasionally, you may have the great fortune of actually seeing important issues debated by people who do know what they're talking about -- by well-intentioned people with brilliant minds and mastery of the facts." | <urn:uuid:aad365f9-0727-4cdf-bcef-010349cb6783> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://firstread.nbcnews.com/_news/2009/09/09/4423897-obama-on-cronkite?lite | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.981378 | 832 | 1.609375 | 2 |
(CNN) -- The United States should use the "utmost caution" as it makes the Asia-Pacific region a key focus of its newly announced military strategy, China's state-run Xinhua news agency said in a commentary published Friday.
On Thursday, President Barack Obama and top defense officials unveiled a new U.S. defense strategy that focuses heavily on the Asia-Pacific region, a fast-growing economic powerhouse with numerous potential flashpoints that the administration has identified as crucial to U.S. interests.
While resulting in a leaner force, the new strategy also calls for the U.S. to increase its military's "institutional weight and focus on enhanced presence, power projection, and deterrence in Asia-Pacific," Defense Secretary Leon Panetta said Thursday.
While welcoming a peaceful U.S. role in the region, Xinhua's commentary Friday warned the United States against acting like a "bull in a china shop."
"The U.S. role, if fulfilled with a positive attitude and free from a Cold War-style zero-sum mentality, will not only be conducive to regional stability and prosperity, but be good for China, which needs a peaceful environment to continue its economic development," the Xinhua editorial said.
"However, while boosting its military presence in the Asia-Pacific, the United States should abstain from flexing its muscles, as this won't help solve regional disputes."
The new defense strategy, which still lacks many specifics, is meant to pare U.S. defense spending by at least $487 billion over the next decade and drops a long-standing doctrine calling for the ability to fight to simultaneous ground wars.
The result will be a more "agile, flexible, ready-to-deploy, innovative and technologically advanced" force prepared to counter terrorists, rogue states and the threat of nuclear weapons worldwide, Panetta said Thursday.
Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said the focus on the Asia-Pacific region is crucial.
"The strategy talks about a shift to the future," he said Thursday. "And all of the trends -- demographic trends, geopolitical trends, economic trends and military trends -- are shifting toward the Pacific."
With U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan winding down, the focus on the Asia-Pacific region has become a key theme of the administration's foreign policy commentary in recent months.
In November, Obama toured the region to highlight its economic and strategic importance to U.S. interests and announced plans to eventually station a task force of up to 2,500 Marines in Australia
"The United States is a Pacific power, and we are here to stay," he said at the time, pledging that the coming defense cuts would not affect the country's military posture in the region.
He reiterated that pledge Thursday.
"As I made clear in Australia, we will be strengthening our presence in the Asia Pacific, and budget reductions will not come at the expense of that critical region,," he said. | <urn:uuid:0a8dff8b-df70-4ab2-bb2e-512de2488eab> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://ghanapolitics.net/asia/china-state-media-warns-on-us-pacific-focus.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953126 | 617 | 1.765625 | 2 |
We New Yorkers have dueling psyches. We're worried about the state of the economy, but we are also hopeful about the future and excited about the role of government and citizens in making things better. We know that we are in for lean times. But we also believe that some things are too precious to lose.
Clearly the mayor has to cut the budget somewhere. But there are three reasons why, despite the fiscal constraints, we need to maintain community board funding at its current level.
First, the 59 community boards are the people's most direct line to city government, the most effective way to participate in discussions about public policy and quality of life issues -- the closest thing to direct democracy that we have in the city. The public's participation in government is becoming increasingly circumscribed, as important decisions on questions like extending term limits for city officials and appointing replacements for U.S. senators are made essentially behind closed doors, by small groups of officials. This makes it all the more essential to preserve New Yorkers' ability to have their say.
Second, the community boards deal with grassroots issues that directly affect the city's disparate neighborhoods. These include questions as varied as affordable housing, school overcrowding, real estate development, noise, sidewalk cafes and liquor licenses. Often, citizens themselves raise these matters and are intimately involved in shaping the recommendations the boards eventually make. In the recent discussions between Fordham University and the city over Fordham's proposed expansion near Lincoln Center, for example, my community board -- Community Board 7 in Manhattan -- was instrumental in addressing citizens' very real concerns about density, parking garages, open space, design approval and the like. We served as a link between the residents and the city.
And last, while New York City's budget is stretched thinner than ever, community boards provide a significant "bang for their buck." Using the mayor's "business" model, the 50- member volunteer boards, each served by just a few city-paid staffers, are pretty lean structures. The average New York community board receives$220,000 a year -- less than the cost of a subway ride for every person it represents. Together spending on the boards accounts for a total of $15 million in a $60 billion budget. The mayor's proposed cuts -- which would be distributed evenly among the boards -- to an already efficient budget would cripple the boards, all but eliminating their ability to function effectively.
Where the Money Goes
Roughly 70 percent of community board spending is on staff and the remainder goes to "other than personnel services" such as rent, office supplies, postage, equipment and repairs. While the community boards would try to take the cuts as carefully as possible, there is little room to maneuver.
More than likely, the cuts will have a significant impact in two areas: They would diminish the boards' ability to develop zoning and infrastructure plans, and to analyze and conduct public review of development proposals. They also would reduce the boards' ability to communicate with and involve residents, businesses and institutions.
The impact of the cuts to community board budgets are further compounded by di minimus historical increases compared to citywide spending. On average, the rate of annual growth for all city agencies is over twice that of the increases to community boards. According to the Independent Budget Office, since 1980 city spending on community boards decreased over time from .04 percent to .03 percent of total annual city funds.
When the mayor says that the 2010 budget imposes the same budget decrease on all city agencies, it does not take into account the fact that, unlike the other agencies, community boards have received no meaningful increases in their budgets since 1980 making it impossible for them to build up a cushion or keep up with rising costs. In fact, with the historic rising cost of supplies and rent, the community boards have already had to significantly trim their budgets every year.
We are at a delicate juncture when the urgent need for savings can sometimes result in too-hasty decisions. President Barack Obama has brought with him a renewed interest in participatory democracy and a desire for transparency in government. People are more motivated to make a difference in their communities, and New Yorkers need their community boards more than ever. Bloomberg must maintain the current funding level for community boards. It's economical and it's good government. What more can we ask for?
Helen Rosenthal is serving her second term as chair of Community Board 7 on Manhattan's Upper West Side. She has been a member of the Board for nearly a decade. Previously, she worked as an assistant director in the Office of Management and Budget during the Koch, Dinkins and Giuliani administrations where she oversaw the budgets of the city's health care agencies. Until the city passed the term limit extension bill, she was a candidate for New York City Council.
Last Updated (May 25, 2012) | <urn:uuid:ad3f849c-a954-4636-8f86-d2c182bfb5f9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.gothamgazette.com/index.php/opinions/162-cutting-back-on-democracy | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.972039 | 979 | 1.601563 | 2 |
Early results from South Korea’s December 19 presidential election show the conservative front-runner candidate, Lee Myung-bak, winning by a sizeable margin (Korea Times) over his two opponents. Despite allegations that he was involved in a corruption scandal, Lee gained over 50 percent of the total vote. The Financial Times says the landslide represents a clear mandate for policy change in a country that has been dominated by left-wing parties for the past decade.
Specifically, South Koreans seem to have turned on the “sunshine” policy of presidents Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun—a policy of engaging North Korea that the Guardian says will face tough opposition now that Lee is in office. An analysis from the Wall Street Journal argues that South Korea’s vote could potentially fray ties with Pyongyang, particularly if Lee decides to cut back on South Korean aid to North Korea in an attempt to spur more straightforward economic ties.
Taking a tough stance toward Pyongyang was a hallmark of Lee’s campaign. In the run-up to the election, he said he would be less tolerant (Reuters) of communist North Korea if it fails to give up its nuclear weapons. His conservative Grand National Party seeks greater economic openness from North Korea, as well as concrete evidence that it is disarming its nuclear weapons program. Lee also has said he wants to reinvigorate military cooperation (Economist) with the United States. Forcing modernization of North Korea’s economy also resonates as a major goal within the party. North Korea ranks as the world’s least free economy on the Heritage Foundation’s 2007 Index of Freedom. In an interview, David C. Kang, a professor at Dartmouth’s Tuck Business School, says North-South economic engagement will be a slow process but could reshape the region economically, particularly if rail traffic is allowed to cross through North Korea.
Support for Lee stemmed in large part from frustration with the current administration of President Roh. Roh’s critics claim Seoul has been too soft on North Korea. Writing in the New York Sun, longtime Korea watcher Donald Kirk calls the peace treaty reached at the recent inter-Korean summit a “gimmick” by the North to “receive enormous quantities of aid while giving very little in return.” According to Andy Jackson, a professor at Ansan College in South Korea, the state-run Korean Development Bank estimates the cost of Roh’s proposed economic package at over $50 billion. He writes in the Wall Street Journal: “It's unlikely that major Korea corporations will want to risk more money in North Korea, despite Seoul's encouragement...That means that either way—through corporate spending or tax hikes—the South Korean taxpayers would likely foot the bill.”
Other South Koreans remain disgruntled about the state of their country’s economy (Thomson Financial). Over the past decade, South Korea’s growth rate has fallen to an annual average of 4.4 percent, down from a torrid 8 percent pace for much of the 1990s. While many see the lower rate as a more realistic long-term trajectory, inflation has been on the rise, real estate prices have increased, and income gaps have widened. Lee, the former mayor of Seoul and Hyundai’s top executive, capitalized on these concerns by pledging 7 per cent economic growth, raising income per capita from the current $18,000 to $40,000, and aiming to make Korea the world’s seventh-largest economy.
What Lee's election might mean for North Korea's denuclearization process remains unclear. According to the February 2007 agreement in the Six-Party Talks, North Korea has until the end of the year to disable its Yongbyon reactor and make a complete declaration of all its nuclear facilities. But Seoul says the North may miss its deadline (Reuters). Don Oberdorfer, chairman of the U.S.-Korea Institute at Johns Hopkins University, is optimistic nonetheless. In this interview with CFR.org, he says even with a conservative leader at the helm “rapprochement between the two Koreas will go ahead,” though it may go a little more slowly than now “unless there are some basically North-generated problems.” | <urn:uuid:25e9ed93-020f-4ebd-95a7-acfd5df3e9a5> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.cfr.org/proliferation/seoul-tilts-right/p15016 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953061 | 883 | 1.84375 | 2 |
Marco Rubio Doesn’t Want Immigration Reform to be a Gay Rights Issue
Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, the charismatic young gun of the Republican Party, said in a recent interview he hopes the bipartisan immigration overhaul plan doesn’t become a gay rights issue.
"The immigration issue has so many landmines and pitfalls that it’s going to be hard enough to do, as is," Rubio, who was dubbed the Party’s "savior" in the latest cover of Time Magazine, told BuzzFeed.
Adding in reference to bi-national gay couples: "I think if that issue becomes a central issue in the debate, it’s just going to make it harder to get it done because there’s going to be a lot of strong feelings about it on both sides."
The Defense of Marriage Act, which defines marriage as the union between a man and a woman, prohibits a gay American legally married to an immigrant from seeking a permanent resident visa for his foreign partner.
President Obama said he intended to include gay bi-national couples in his immigration plan, according to the Associated Press. He has even met with several immigration groups at the White House, including Immigration Equality, a group advocating for equality in immigration laws for LGBT people.
If passed, the immigration reform could affect an estimated 11-million illegal immigrants living in the U.S.
Rubio has kept a conservative outlook on gay rights.
Last year, he sat down with Christianity Today discuss his faith and said that while he condemns gay marriage from a religious point of view, he left the door open about the issue from a legislative standpoint.
"It’s not a discriminatory thing. I’m not angry at anyone because of it, but I also have to be honest about what I believe marriage should be in our laws," he said.
During the last election in November, he joined other conservative party leaders like Mike Huckabee and Minister James Dobson recording robocalls to help sway people into voting against gay marriage referendums in Maine, Maryland and Washington. | <urn:uuid:32d03e41-da33-43e7-a273-854833eb2763> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.edgesandiego.com/news/politics/141513/marco_rubio_doesn’t_want_immigration_reform_to_be_a_gay_rights_issue | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708766848/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125246-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964837 | 423 | 1.664063 | 2 |
At the end of February, Strata returns to Santa Clara for the third year. In addition to our focus on the burgeoning field of Big Data, this year Strata is diving deep into the role of design and our inexorable march towards a connected world of ubiquitous computing.
In this free online conference, we'll be showcasing some of the hot topics and thought-provoking speakers who will be joining us for the event. It's your chance to see what we're covering and to find those can't-miss tracks and sessions.
The Business Singularity
A singularity is a point at which a function takes an infinite value. If you dust off your high school math, you'll remember that certain functions curve gradually upwards until a particular number—a limit, or an asymptote. You may have heard the more popular example of the singularity: the moment when we make smart machines able to make even smarter successors. After that, the machines won't need us. Ray Kurzweil says this'll happen in roughly 2045.
Modern business is on the edge of a Singularity, albeit a less dramatic one. We're changing the engines of growth as a society, and switching from a world in which scale wins to one in which connectedness wins. Old models like broadcast and mass production are slowly, inexorably crumbling in the face of data and connectivity, giving way to interactivity and customization. Companies that live on the other side of this business singularity are unknowable, and impossible for today's businesses to anticipate. Traditional businesses look to them as humans might to sentient machines: unthinkably outdated, disconnected, and sluggish.
In this session, Alistair Croll looks at how organizations that favour cycle time over scale are edging towards a singularity, and what that means for incumbents across a wide swath of industry.
About Alistair Croll
Alistair Croll has been an entrepreneur, author, and public speaker for nearly 20 years. He's worked on a variety of topics, from web performance, to big data, to cloud computing, to startups, in that time.
In 2001, he co-founded web performance startup Coradiant, and since that time has also launched Rednod, CloudOps, Bitcurrent, Year One Labs, the Bitnorth conference, the International Startup Festival and several other early-stage companies.
Alistair is the author of three books on web performance, analytics, and IT operations, and is currently working on a forthcoming book about data-driven startups. He lives in Montreal, Canada and tries to mitigate chronic ADD by writing about far too many things at Solve For Interesting.
Zombie Diaries and Walking Vampires
Now we know who won the presidential election and the battle between red and blue states, but a more important battle is raging throughout the world. Will the blue blooded zombies beat out the red hot blooded vampires in the war for our souls and wallets? Hear Argus Insights CEO John Feland preview his Strata talk, understand the true nature of the threats haunting our homes, and learn what you can do to prepare for the coming Zompire Apocalypse.
About John Feland
John Feland is the award winning founder and CEO of Argus Insights. With background in both industrial and component-level design, carrier influences, and OEM collaboration, Feland brings his expert knowledge and perspective on product design to to Argus Insights.
In 2009-2010, Feland was the Executive Director for Stanford University's ME310 Design Innovation course. In 2008, Feland served as Chief Technologist for SK Telecom America's R&D Group. Prior to SKTA, Feland led Synaptics' marketing division to help handset manufacturers integrate next-generation capabilities. Feland was the principle architect for the Onyx Concept Phone, the world's first capacitive multi-touch mobile experience. Feland holds an S.B. in Mechanical Engineering from MIT, an M.S. in Mechanical Engineering from Stanford University, and a PhD in Mechanical Engineering from Stanford University.
How Operational Research Meets Artificial Intelligence
Every month, Birchbox fills boxes with a mixture of beauty and lifestyle product samples. It then sends these products to its subscribers. But who gets what? In addition to physical constraints (i.e. size) and historical requirements (nobody should get the same thing twice), the company needs to maximize the reward and happiness of each box recipient. Birchbox CTO Elisabeth Crawford joins Strata chair Alistair Croll for a discussion of the challenges in product discovery, and how operational research meets artificial intelligence.
About Elisabeth Crawford
Liz is the CTO at Birchbox an ecommere company that is changing the way people discover products. She has published papers on topics ranging from Machine Learning and Natural Language Processing to Intelligent Tutoring Systems and Robotics. Liz has a PhD in Computer Science from Carnegie Mellon and is a co-organizer of CTO School.
The Recursive Approach to Visualization
This webcast session will discuss the manifestation of the split-apply-combine principle in both data visualization and data stores. Vadim Ogievetsky will discuss the possibility of unifying the two within the same declarative language in the hopes that such an approach will produce an efficient way to explore huge datasets.
About Vadim Ogievetsky
Vadim Ogievetsky is a frontend developer at Metamarkets where he uses D3.js in a production, client-facing environment. Prior to Metamarkets, in 2008, he received a BA degree in Mathematics and Computer Science from Oxford University and, in 2011, graduated from Stanford University with a Master's degree in Computer Science specializing in Human Computer Interaction. While at Stanford he was part of the Data Visualization group where he contributed to Protovis. His open-source development is now focused on DVL, a reactive data flow library for dynamic data visualization built on top of D3.js.
Wake Up and Smell the Data
Business intelligence and data warehousing have been a going concern for 25 years. They were designed in a world of scarce resources and no computer mediated communications. They were designed for a particular use case: answering well-framed questions. There's been a renaissance in the market for these technologies, but it hasn't come from the traditional market players. It's come from new companies and outsiders.
Big data is a big part of the disruption hitting this market, but not in the way most people think. It's not replacing the data warehouse, but it is changing the technology stack. It doesn't eliminate data management, but it does redefine enterprise data architecture. Big data is and isn't many things. It's important to understand which information uses are well supported and which have yet to be addressed. Otherwise you risk replacing one set of problems with another. Come to this session to hear some observations on what big data is, isn't and aspires to be.
About Mark Madsen
Mark spent the past two decades working on analysis and decision support projects in many industries. He is the founder of Third Nature, a research and consulting firm focused on emerging technology and practices in analytics, BI and information management. Mark is also an award-winning former CTO and consultant who frequently speaks at US and European conferences.
SQL and the Future of Big Data
While the world adjusts to the realities of Big Data and NoSQL, there's an emerging trend to return toward SQL as an expressive query language. In this webcast presentation, Tim O'Brien explores some of the projects and products that are helping people scale without having to move entire applications to novel databases. Databases like Translattice, NuoDB, and Akiban along with Google's high-profile, internal database Spanner, point towards a larger trend of scale data without throwing away the standard features of a database. The provocative question: is NoSQL simply a temporary way point, a momentary break, as the relational database adapts and underlying concepts like consensus algorithms adapt to new realities?
About Tim O'Brien
Tim has authored and co-authored a number of books for O'Reilly including: Maven: The Definitive Guide, The Jakarta Commons Cookbook, Maven: A Developer's Notebook, and Harnessing Hibernate. He has also written a number of popular open source books including: Maven by Example, Maven: The Complete Reference, Repository Management with Nexus, and The Maven Cookbook.
Tim focuses on helping developers understand various topics including development infrastructure, general architecture, and emerging approaches to persistence. He has contributed to open source projects at Apache.
A Model Strategy for Data Journalism in a Country Without Open Data
Sandra Crucianelli and Angélica Peralta Ramos
In a country where there is no open data nor a law like FOIA, there is a Data Team that is creating tools to help reporters and also citizens to analyze material and investigate important stories such as the use of public money.
At La Nación, one of Argentina's leading daily newspapers, we have created a data model of journalism, based on teamwork, involving reporters and editors, to take an interest in writing stories based on data. But this is not all the story.
There is something that we believe is the starting point. There is a Data Team that is creating the boundary conditions that are present in other countries and not ours. So we are searching data on the deep web, scraping and opening them. With this information, the journalists are writing data-driven stories and invite the public to respond and engage. But we are also designing public data catalogs, where anyone can access them and download them to their computer.
Things are changing in Argentina because of these actions. By creating new ways to access and use data, we are improving transparency and accountability throughout our country. We believe that this could be a way to inspire another media in Latin American countries where there are no open government policies, even within provinces of our country, to open data and expose them under the light of public opinion.
About Sandra Crucianelli
Sandra Crucianelli is a Knight International Journalism Fellow who is an investigative journalist and instructor. She specializes in digital resources and data journalism. She is the founder and editor of Sololocal.Info, an online magazine that provides hyper-local news in Bahía Blanca City, Argentina, and has been an instructor and consultant for the Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas at the University of Texas, Austin, since 2004. Crucianelli also is an instructor for Florida International University's International Media Center and the author of Digital Tools for Journalists, a Spanish- and Portuguese-language resource. She is on the advisory board of the Digital Journalism Center at the University of Guadalajara, Mexico. She was one of the first journalists working outside Argentina's capital to focus on investigative reporting. Crucianelli also worked at Channel 7, where she was a news analyst and launched an investigative-journalism team.
About Angélica Peralta Ramos
Leader of La Nacion Multimedia & Interactive Developement Process. Data Journalism Project Manager. She launched the digital edition of La Nacion in 1994 (lanacion.com.ar) 2 award-winning edition: ONA 2010 and ONA 2011 | <urn:uuid:016350ab-50a5-43a9-bc1b-052d3e8439fb> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://oreillynet.com/pub/e/2587?intcmp=il-strata-stny12-franchise-page | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703682988/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112802-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.936594 | 2,333 | 1.507813 | 2 |
Jorhat, Nov. 24: Assam Agricultural University is organising a two-day workshop on Prioritisation of Research and Education for Fisheries Development in North East India on its campus here from Monday, in collaboration with Central Institute of Fisheries Education, Mumbai.
Bibha Chetia Borah, senior scientist, fisheries research centre of the university and local convener of the workshop’s organising committee, said the region had enormous potential for development of the fisheries sector, as it has vast water resources and rich bio-diversity.
Borah said it was expected that the workshop would help develop a road map for sustainable development of the fisheries sector. Basanta Das, state minister of fisheries, is scheduled to inaugurate the workshop. K.M. Bujarbaruah, vice-chancellor, Assam Agricultural University, will also be present. | <urn:uuid:2659066a-3669-4598-804e-b0f89ded41ba> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.telegraphindia.com/1121125/jsp/northeast/story_16235871.jsp | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698924319/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516100844-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.933538 | 176 | 1.835938 | 2 |
Mark Zuckerberg, has detailed the company’s mission and vision in his letter. He said that at first, Facebook was created not to be a company; it was built to fulfill the social mission of making the world more open and connected. He wrote: ”People sharing more – even if just with their close friends or families – creates a more open culture and leads to a better understanding of the lives and perspectives of others. We believe that this creates a greater number of stronger relationships between people, and that it helps people get exposed to a greater number of diverse perspectives... Simply put: we don’t build services to make money; we make money to build better services.”
Several years ago, we were often thinking of Facebook's power over private consumers’ data, and questioning its ability to monetize the site. So the IPO event gives investors the chance to look closer into its financial details. In its IPO filing with the SEC, it is reported to have 845 million monthly active users, 2.7 billion Likes & Comments per day, 250 million photos uploaded per day and 100 billion friendships. It generates rapidly increasing revenue for the last three years, from $777 million up to more than $3.7 billion. The large part of revenue has come from advertising, where it increased from $764 million up to more than $3.1 billion. For the bottom line, the net income grew very fast in three years, from $230 million to $1 billion for now. In terms of cash generation, as fiscal year of 2011, the cash flow from operations is more than $1.5 billion along with the free cash flow of $940 million.
So in terms of multiple valuation, at $100 billion valuation, Facebook is valued at 100x P/E, 106x free cash flow, 67x operating cash flow and 15.8x its book value. The valuation seems extremely high. But is that so? Then we should try to do the inverse discounted free cash flow for Facebook. The valuation of $100 billion would be equivalent to the assumption of 50% growth in its free cash flow for the next five years, and then 5% growth to infinity afterwards, with the discount rate of 10%. Comparing those assumption with the past operating data, the site has generated the consistent rapid increasing free cash flow over time, with the past three years annualized growth of 97.5%, so the assumption of growth for the next five years is nearly half of the past reality.
Nevertheless, in technology field, nobody knows what would happen right in the next day. Before, nobody knew Facebook would come along to successfully compete and surpass MySpace. As long as Facebook kept innovating to make better products to keep users coming back in their already built strong network background, it would continue to grow, very fast and gradually becoming the larger and larger social network site and owns larger amount of private users’ data around the world. | <urn:uuid:45852aa6-d406-4053-8f75-1f16eb34ee05> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.gurufocus.com/news/160123/facebook-ipo-100-billion-valuation-is-not-so-overpriced | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703298047/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112138-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.961909 | 600 | 1.734375 | 2 |
This article was originally distributed via PRWeb. PRWeb, WorldNow and this Site make no warranties or representations in connection therewith.
SOURCE: Fine Treatment
The Thermobalancing therapy eases chronic conditions slowly but surely: it terminates prostate enlargement gradually and provides lower back pain relief without medications and other procedures, whereas surgeries often harm general health. New concerns are voiced over partial disclosure, while doctors confirm that, when fully informed of the risks, many people opt out of surgery, reports Fine Treatment.
London, UK (PRWEB) November 25, 2012
Al Mulley, Director of the Dartmouth Centre for Health Care Delivery Science in the U.S. says, patients often change their minds about treatment when fully informed of risks, while Dr. Allen’s therapeutic devices are completely risk-free and able to improve chronic health conditions naturally by treating affected organs locally, underlines Fine Treatment.
The article on Doctors 'not telling patients the pitfalls of surgery', of 8 November 2012, by S. Adams, medical correspondent for The Telegraph, quotes Al Mulley saying: “Many men are offered prostate surgery for relief from urinary problems, but 40% fewer choose an operation after being told it could cause impotence. Furthermore, back pain patients with slipped discs are a third less likely to choose surgery when told it can alleviate pain in the short term but lead to worse problems later.”
It helps to remember that prostate enlargement is a common ageing-related condition, and there is no urgency for a man to stick to a long-term intake of BPH drugs or prostate removal procedures just as the first symptoms of urinary dysfunction occur. The damaging conventional treatments can now be replaced with the Thermobalancing therapy. Watch a video testimonial recorded by the Oxford Innovation Centre that demonstrates how to use the therapy-enabling Dr. Allen's Device and its benefits: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V5xidswhxJM.
Many men have shared their personal experiences on Men’s-Health Forum on Retrograde Ejaculation after Prostate Surgery. For instance, a message posted on 29 December 2011 reveals, “I was misled by my doctor in 2009. Expected one thing and was incontinent 2 years after TURP. No warning from the doctor.” Another one posted on 4 January 2012 says, "After my TURP (2009) I experienced problems about which were not told by the doctors, 2 years at least incontinence. No orgasms.”
According to a study titled “Unnecessary” spinal surgery: A prospective 1-year study of one surgeon's experience, supported by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) in 2011, many back surgeries can be avoided: “Of the 274 consults, 45 patients were told they needed surgery by outside surgeons, although their neurological and radiographic findings were not abnormal. An additional 2 patients were told they needed lumbar operations, when in fact the findings indicated a cervical operation was necessary.”
“People have got to be very careful, while choosing surgical treatment options as most of them are likely to damage their general health,” says Dr. Simon Allen. “Dr. Allen’s therapeutic devices treat the prostate and chronic back pain safely, helping their users to maintain a normal life and, moreover, avoid unnecessary surgical risks and costs.”
For details on the therapy with Dr. Allen's Devices, please visit Fine Treatment at http://finetreatment.com/bph-treatment-prostate-enlargement.
About Dr. Simon Allen and Fine Treatment:
Dr. Simon Allen is a highly experienced medical professional. His specialty is in the internal medicine and cardio-vascular field. He has treated a wide range of chronic diseases, including patients after a heart attack, with kidneys problems, including kidney stones disease, prostate and spine conditions, as well as metabolic disorders. Fine Treatment exclusively offers Dr. Allen’s devices for chronic prostatitis and BPH treatment, coronary heart disease, dissolving kidney stones, as well as lower back pain relief and sciatica treatment.
For the original version on PRWeb visit: http://www.prweb.com/releases/prwebbph_back_pain_treatment/enlargedprostatetreatment/prweb10165121.htm
Links to the FCC website to view WTHR and/or WALV’s on-line public inspection files:
WTHR: https://stations.fcc.gov/station-profile/WTHR || WALV: https://stations.fcc.gov/station-profile/WALV
Individuals with disabilities may contact Jill Pursell at email@example.com, or 317.655.5602, for assistance with access to the public inspection files. | <urn:uuid:43da48f1-d7bb-4d15-b19e-abbe67c377d2> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wthr.com/story/20177988/surgical-treatments-can-harm-while-risk-free-dr-allens-devices-terminate-prostate-enlargement-and-back-pain-naturally-states-fine-treatment | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703298047/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112138-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.937907 | 1,015 | 1.664063 | 2 |
Published: 10:00 GMT Daylight Time - Wednesday 18 April 2012
Christian children threatened and abused in series of attacks in India
Country/Region: India, South and East Asia
Christian children were chased by knife-wielding Muslims who threatened to kill them, and a pastor had chilli powder thrown in his eyes by Hindu extremists who gagged and bound his son.
These are just two of a number of violent anti-Christian incidents that took place in India over the last three weeks.
|Christian children in India
are vulnerable to persecution
Around 100 radical Muslims forced their way into a prayer meeting at a Christian couple’s home in Nutangram village, West Bengal state on 30 March. They beat up a number of the Christian men and women, and chased them all, along with their children, carrying a knife. The Muslims threatened to kill the Christians, and as the latter ran for their lives, the children were crying in fear; their attempts to escape were blocked by the Muslims, who physically and verbally assaulted them. A crowd of around 500 Muslims watched in amusement as the Christians were tormented in this manner for around an hour and a half.
On Easter Sunday, the Rev. Ratnababu and his family were attacked in their home in Andhra Pradesh by Hindu extremists. Some gagged and bound his son, Madhu, while others threw chilli powder in the pastor’s eyes before assaulting him and his wife. Rev. Ratnababu has previously been subjected to persecution, including numerous death threats and three attempts to torch his church. Despite his being the victim, Hindu extremists have prompted the police to arrest him twice.
In another recent incident, school children were used by Hindu extremists to trace families who had been attending church services in Akkarapettai, Tamil Nadu. The radicals were angered by a noticeable drop in the numbers of people attending a Hindu festival, and found out that they had been going to church instead.
On 2 April, the Hindus went to a government school and announced a reward for children who had Christian literature in their homes. They then harassed the children who said that they did, and summoned their parents, threatening to expel them from the village if they continued going to church. The next day, they searched houses for Bibles and Christian literature, tearing up the texts that they found. The offenders told one family who boldly said that they were worshipping Christ to vacate their house, and locked twelve Christian families out of their homes for three days.
The Indian police are often complicit in acts of anti-Christian persecution by others, and sometimes they harass Christians directly themselves.
This happened to the Rev. Rajesh on Easter Sunday. He had just finished conducting a prayer service at his home in Chamrajnagar, Karnataka, when the police turned up. They asked him under what authority he had conducted a service at his home before insulting him and ordering him to vacate the property.
Later that day, the pastor along with five other church leaders and a parishioner, Babu, went to the local police station to file a complaint. As they were speaking to a police officer, around 100 Hindu extremists burst into the police station and attacked the Christians. Babu received head injuries that required 24 stitches. The police failed to intervene while the assault took place.
Elsewhere, in Maharanjganj, Uttar Pradesh, Hindu extremists armed with iron rods raided a Christian meeting on 7 April. They accused the leaders of carrying out forced conversions and started to beat them up. They also attacked a recent convert who had given the church land worth 1.2 million rupees (£14,700; US$23,200). Pastor Ram Chander Vish Prasad and his wife were injured, along with some other believers. Four people were arrested but released without charge on the same day.
Sajan George, President of the Global Council of Indian Christians, said that the country’s Christian minority was living in a “climate of terror”. | <urn:uuid:48688e05-1cbd-451e-8c7b-f3f16808e1cf> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://barnabasaid.org/US/News/Archives/Christian-children-threatened-and-abused-in-series-of-attacks-in-India.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701459211/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105059-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.98838 | 823 | 1.59375 | 2 |
Dorothy Alling Library has been awarded a grant it will use to fund outreach programs, boost music and video offerings and even reupholster furniture.
The grant was announced last week by State Librarian Sybil Brigham McShane on behalf of the Freeman Foundation and the Vermont Public Library Foundation. It represents the second and third years of a three-year grant totaling $236,000. Dorothy Alling Library received its first year of grant funding in 2002.
This year, Williston’s public library will use the funding to purchase DVDs and music CDs, as well as shelving on which to store them. The library will also use the funding to pay the salary of the outreach librarian, reupholster furniture in the adult reading room and purchase pamphlet racks for the lobby.
This grant is awarded as part of the $12 million program funded by the Freeman Foundation to improve library effectiveness and community outreach throughout the state. The grants supplement local, state and federal funding for Vermont's public libraries.
About 175 libraries, defined as "public libraries" under Vermont law, are eligible for the grants. | <urn:uuid:56b83fc3-cb1e-4c96-97d7-6feec2af5ec0> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.willistonobserver.com/library-get-grant-to-improve-services-and-offerings/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.959115 | 228 | 1.546875 | 2 |
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) has been the sole obstacle to passing a bipartisan bill to modernize the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. That bill, which passed the Senate by an overwhelming 68-29 margin (with both Clinton and Obama not voting), passed the Senate on February 12.
The Senate bill -- which provides retroactive civil immunity for telecommunications companies -- is vehemently opposed by the trial lawyers’ lobby because it would take their lucrative fees off the table and kill their political agenda. Speaker Pelosi, in thrall to the trial lawyers, has done everything possible to kill the legislation. After the bill passed the Senate, and because it would have passed the House by a simple majority, Pelosi blocked a House vote in mid-February.
A discharge petition to wrest the bill from Pelosi’s grip has yet to obtain the necessary 218 signatures, principally because her Blue Lapdogs -- the Democrats who were elected on promises to be strong on national security matters -- have refused to sign it. As of Friday, the petition was 28 signatures short of the number needed to force the bill to the floor.
Last year, an urgent fix to FISA -- dealing with the effects of a FISA court decision that extended the act’s coverage to foreign communications that passed through American computer systems -- was enacted and then extended. But the interim fix expired on February 16 because the House refused to act on a long-term fix that included the civil immunity for the telecom companies.
The damage to US intelligence gathering has accumulated, and in August will become overwhelming. The FISA court orders which have enabled some intelligence gathering to continue despite the expiration of the earlier bill will themselves expire in August. At that point, Usama bin Laden can begin using pay phones.
House Republicans are considering a new strategy to break the deadlock. A media shield bill -- introduced in the House by Cong. Mike Pence (R-In)d and Rick Boucher (D-Va.) -- passed the House in October by the overwhelming vote of 398-21.
The Pence-Boucher bill, though retaining some of the flaws in the Senate bill I wrote about last week is substantively better than the Senate version. For example, rather than demanding the government prove that the person who leaked classified information had lawful access, the Pence-Boucher bill enables the government to demand a reporter reveal a source when the disclosure would identify the source of the leak in a criminal investigation.
House sources say that the combination of the House bill and the Senate FISA bill could penetrate Pelosi’s wall around FISA. Those sources also said that the media shield bill is a “must pass” piece of legislation this year because the Democrats reportedly are under enormous pressure from their media pals to pass the bill.
One House source said that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-Nev.) has a veto-proof sixty votes lined up for the media shield bill.
Thus there are two ways for the House to pass the essential FISA legislation before the August expiration of existing FISA court orders blinds our signals intelligence gatherers altogether. First -- and best -- is for the discharge petition to obtain the needed 218 signatures to force the bill to a vote. Second -- and perhaps more likely -- is for House Republicans to combine the Senate FISA bill with an improved version of the Pence-Boucher bill and obtain Pelosi’s agreement to take the bill to the floor.
These are dangerous waters. Enactment of the Senate FISA legislation is an immediate national security need. A media shield --though a properly-crafted one would help insure freedom of the press -- is not. To compromise one for the sake of the other could imperil both.
Cong. Pete Hoekstra (D-Mich.) is the ranking Republican on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. Hoekstra voted for the Pence-Boucher bill. Given his expertise and commitment to FISA, that should be enough to assuage doubts about the Pence-Boucher bill. | <urn:uuid:932aa770-88dd-477e-9388-47116b8aafc5> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/Articles/New%20FISA%20Strategy%20May%20Pry%20Bill%20from.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.944241 | 813 | 1.5625 | 2 |
I think it is not anthropomorphic to interpret very basic emotions to animals. If you start saying your cat can do quadratic equations, then I might start to worry. But I have seen too much joy, satisfaction, boredom and worry on the animals in my life to think that for some reason our spoken language abilities make human animals more able to experience emotional states than can the nonhuman animals, who simply cannot communicate them to us except through their body language.
"What we want to change we curse and then
pick up a tool. Bless whatever you can
with eyes and hands and tongue. If you
can't less it, get ready to make it new."
--Marge Piercy, from "The Art of Blessing the Day" | <urn:uuid:cea0e3f2-421b-4c41-b895-a21d812e6d90> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.druidry.org/board/dhp/viewtopic.php?f=43&t=37892 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697974692/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095254-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.951114 | 153 | 1.546875 | 2 |
Vice President Joe Biden finally said Sunday what gay marriage supporters have been waiting for President Barack Obama to say — but his office’s immediate effort to walk back those comments provided another convoluted step in the White House’s evolution on the issue that’s already maddening the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community.
Biden’s comments come on the verge of North Carolina’s vote Tuesday over a gay marriage ban that was causing major frustration with Obama among gay marriage supporters: The president’s against the proposed state constitutional amendment even though he isn’t pro-gay marriage. They’ve also noticed that although his campaign issued a statement on that position in March and another one like it last month for a similar measure going before voters in Minnesota, the statement didn’t come from the president himself.
In other words, the moves meant to add to the president’s long list of statements and policies favoring gay rights have for many gay rights activists instead highlighted the biggest thing missing from that list: the president completing his self-described evolution and backing full marriage equality.
“You can see it like teasing,” said Kevin Cathcart, the executive director of Lambda Legal, which leads court cases to expand gay rights around the country. “There is sometimes a disconnect between the administration and the community, because I think they think they’re doing brave important things, and a lot of people on the ground think, ‘Oh, come on already.’”
Biden’s comments sounded like the impassioned position of someone endorsing gay marriage — he spoke of love and loyalty, recounted meeting two children being raised by a gay couple and wanting the whole country to see what he saw and talked about equality as a commonsense issue.
“I am absolutely comfortable with the fact that men marrying men, women marrying women and heterosexual men and women marrying another are entitled to the same exact rights, all the civil rights, all the civil liberties,” Biden said on “Meet the Press” in his first interview since Obama formally kicked off the reelection campaign. “And quite frankly, I don’t see much of a distinction beyond that.”
Within minutes, though, Biden’s office was insisting that the vice president hadn’t broken any new ground, telling POLITICO, “The vice president was saying what the president has said previously — that committed and loving same-sex couples deserve the same rights and protections enjoyed by all Americans and that we oppose any effort to roll back those rights.”
Biden’s spokesperson then put the vice president right back in Obama’s rhetorical balancing act, saying “the vice president was expressing that he, too, is evolving on the issue after meeting so many committed couples and families in this country.”
Obama is on record as being against marriage discrimination efforts since he opposed California’s Proposition 8 during the 2008 campaign. But as the conventional wisdom hardens that Obama personally supports gay marriage but has let politics keep him from saying so publicly, the latest statements from the campaign are turning impatience into anger.
The Obama campaign’s message on gay marriage reflects what’s already become a recognizable theme in messages to other parts of the base: He may not be all they want, but at least he’s better than the other guy. After all, goes the argument, look at Obama’s record versus the positions and signed pledge that earned Mitt Romney the endorsement of the traditionalist National Organization for Marriage last month.
Not exactly the stuff enthusiasm is made of for gay marriage advocates. As much as they applaud what the president’s done on gay rights since taking office, LGBT advocates say Obama’s opposition to gay marriage bans without backing gay marriage is the clearest example of not doing enough.
“It gives the people who are frustrated further proof to say, ‘That’s nice; he’s saying don’t amend the Constitution.’ But where is he?” Cathcart said. “I’m not saying it doesn’t matter where this vote goes, but at the end of each of those election days, no one is going to be able to get married in North Carolina and Minnesota.”
In addition to the North Carolina and Minnesota votes, there are legalization efforts under way in Washington state, Maryland and Maine — where, for the first time, voters will decide whether to grant equal marriage rights, rather than take them away.
Constantly through the campaign, Obama’s going to be in states where marriage is either on the ballot, in the courts, has been recently legalized or where past bans have left simmering anger.
Add in the brewing fight to include a marriage equality plank in the convention platform, and the calendar will be full of reminders to LGBT advocates of how they see Obama falling short on the issue — dampening their passion at the very moment Obama needs them and the rest of the base to turn out in force to compensate for losses elsewhere.
“It’s not enough to be against against-marriage. The president needs to be forthrightly for the freedom to marry,” said Freedom to Marry Executive Director Evan Wolfson, who’s helping lead the fight to get the marriage equality plank in the convention platform.
“It is a thin but stark line between being against discrimination and for equality,” said Rea Carey, executive director of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force. “It is very noticeable to same-sex couples that he has not clearly stated his support for our lives and our families.”
For the most part, LGBT advocates see Obama as the most supportive president they’ve ever had, the marriage question aside. And that’s the story Obama’s campaign will tell — without marriage and with many references to Romney.
“The president has done more to advance gay rights than any other — from keeping his word to repeal don’t ask, don’t tell to granting hospital visitation rights to gay partners to signing the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act into law. He has also called for repeal of the Defense of Marriage Act and stopped defending it in court until the time it can be repealed legislatively,” said Clo Ewing, a spokesperson for the Obama campaign.
“That record stands in stark contrast to Mitt Romney’s, who promised to be to the left of [Sen. Ted] Kennedy on gay rights and then made clear he would have left don’t ask, don’t tell in place and has endorsed divisive and discriminatory efforts that roll back rights and benefits for gay Americans.”
The Romney campaign did not respond to request for comment.
How and to which audiences the president will make that case is still being worked out by the campaign. But even his strong supporters in the LGBT community are eager to hear him talk openly and forcefully about not just what he’s done, but what he would do in a second term in areas such as workplace discrimination despite the president’s decision not to sign an executive order instituting a ban.
Obama’s overall gay rights record, rather than the president’s position on the Minnesota and North Carolina measures, should be driving the conversation, said Human Rights Campaign President Joe Solmonese.
“Members of the LGBT community all across this country want to continue to hear that the circumstances of their lives, the genuine inequities they face, are at the forefront of the president’s thinking. That goes beyond a particular statement around a particular ballot measure, although those things are enormously important,” Solmonese said.
Though most gay rights advocates have given up hope that the president will come out in favor of gay marriage — with, say, the kind of solemn, heartfelt speech he delivered in 2008 — they want him to know they’re on to what he’s doing, and they’re not impressed.
Obama’s perceived reluctance to say what’s in his heart is particularly grating for a community with a history of fearing being open.
“They are speaking in code. They are putting out these very nuanced statements, which come right up to the line but which don’t fully endorse marriage equality. It’s really hard to believe that this is sustainable,” said Richard Socarides, a New York attorney and who advised President Bill Clinton on gay rights issues.
The situation’s only likely to get thornier as November nears. Democratic National Convention Chairman Antonio Villaraigosa, who is mayor of Los Angeles, has said he’d like to see gay marriage support written in to the party platform, adding emphasis to an effort that’s picking up more support and attention. That’s a symbolic fight for a symbolic plank in a symbolic document but one with all the makings of a crackling cable news inferno in an otherwise drama-free convention — and one imbued with increasing significance now that the president is on record opposing a state ban that will have been decided by the time he accepts his party’s nomination there.
Socarides warned that he sees votes well beyond those in LGBT community at stake as Obama tries to press his careful logic on gay marriage to a nuance-adverse voting public.
“Voters like authenticity, and ‘evolving’ as a position is about as inauthentic as you can get,” Socarides said.
The people involved in the state campaigns say they’re focused on their own efforts and not the larger debate.
Jeremy Kennedy, campaign manager for The Coalition to Protect North Carolina Families, which is leading the opposition to the ban there, said he’s confident that the show of support from the Obama campaign has moved votes in their direction even though it wasn’t from the president himself.
“There’s what we’ve got, and there’s a lot of things in between all the way up to doing a personal appearance for the campaign in the state — of course, that’s what we would have loved,” Kennedy said. “But I think when it comes to voters, all voters hear is ‘President Obama opposes Amendment 1’ regardless of how it was said.”
Kennedy declined comment on the juxtaposition of the president opposing the ban while not supporting legalization but pointed out that he thinks the president is in line with many voters in hesitating on legalization even though they’re against official restrictions and for civil unions.
The attention from the Obama campaign’s support is helping anti-ban efforts in Minnesota, too, said Kate Brickman, press secretary for the anti-ban Minnesotans United for All Families.
“The great thing about it is it’s sparking the conversations here that Minnesotans are going to have with other Minnesotans,” Brickman said.
Meanwhile in Maine, which is reaching the culmination of a three-year effort to overturn a 2009 referendum that itself overturned the gay marriage legalization signed by the governor, the leaders of the legalization campaign aren’t counting on getting their own show of support from Obama.
Mainers United for Marriage campaign manager Matt McTighe acknowledged the difference between Obama’s position in the other states and what he’d have to do to back their campaign to legalize gay marriage. While he’d be eager to have an Obama campaign statement of his own, “It’s not a critical part of our plan to get the president to come out,” he said.
After all, Obama couldn’t support the effort in Maine — or in Maryland or Washington — without giving a stronger answer to the questions that the Minnesota and North Carolina actions brought up again.
“That,” Carey said, “would require him to put both feet on the path to marriage equality.”
Donovan Slack contributed to this report. | <urn:uuid:69339497-1541-4d5e-a0fe-09724f866556> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://dyn.politico.com/printstory.cfm?uuid=95E22989-34E0-44FA-83BE-3B6C651D2CB8 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705953421/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120553-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.96348 | 2,521 | 1.539063 | 2 |
In an age of instant everythingand especially a 24/7/365 news cyclethe world of aviation continues to be remarkably vulnerable to the slightest panic. Unaccounted for valise in B concourse? Shut the airport down. Bomb threat half a world away? Strip search passengers.
On Friday, the eighth anniversary of the September 11th, 2001 attacks, we got yet another lesson in this. Reagan National Airport in Washington, D.C. was all but paralyzed when CNN reportederroneously, it turned outthat the Coast Guard was trading gunfire with a boat in the Potomac River, a mile from the airport. CNN came by this information because someone was monitoring military radio traffic and heard what turned out to be a training drill. The "gunfire" turned out to be the Coasties warning a boatthe simulated terrorist boatthat it would be fired upon if it didn't halt. It evidently didn't, and "bang bang" announced over the frequency was the gunfire. CNN missed that part, since its anchors were busily breaking in for a news bulletin.
CNN also learned yet again a harsh lesson in the news business: The difference between being first and being right is usually directly proportional to the size of the story. If the story connects aviation and terrorism on the anniversary of 9/11, when everyone is already nervous, it just doesn't get any bigger. Why do CNN and other news outlets do this? Are they just idiots? Or lazy?
They may be both, but the larger issue is competitive pressure in information markets that want everything right now. Via cable, via Web, via text alerts, Twitter and on and on. These networks know that if a major story breaks, the network that gets it first will likely retain the largest audience. It's the news equivalent of shoot first, ask questions later. And before you sniff about ethics and professionalism, realize that audience behavior drives this sort of lunacy. If you're the type of person who high mindedly drives by the accident without even looking, congratulations, you have the rarest of DNA. None of this is to suggest CNN didn't screw up; it did. It should've taken an extra beat to verify the story.
At AVweb, we have the luxury of a slower-paced news cycleby design. We're sparing in pummeling you with breaking bulletins, thus we have a few hours if not a day to let the facts sort themselves before we publish. We do that because youthe audiencehave told us you prefer it that way.
If CNN's viewers would do the same or if editors would be less itchy fingered, those passengers at Reagan would have departed on time and made their connections. But they aren't and they didn't. | <urn:uuid:7a5adef1-6dbb-4b11-9656-27433397c748> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.avweb.com/blogs/insider/AVwebInsiderBlog_CNN_September11_CoastGuard_201151-1.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.966036 | 560 | 1.703125 | 2 |
Anger Swells As Indians Mourn For Rape Victim
Filed by KOSU News in World News.
December 29, 2012
By Saturday evening, more than a thousand candles glowed at a somber scene in a central Delhi park as India mourned the death of the young woman whose gang rape two weeks ago shocked the country.
What began 13 days ago with a handful of well-wishers holding a hospital vigil for the rape victim swelled into thousands as a young generation of Indians demanded an end to the culture of violence that produced more than 24,000 cases of rape last year alone.
The case of the young student, gang-raped on a bus as it passed through police checkpoints, was especially harrowing. Police said the victim had been beaten with an iron rod that assailants also inserted into her body.
She succumbed to multiple organ failure early Saturday morning at the Singapore medical center where she had been flown 10 days after treatment in a Delhi hospital failed to revive her. Dr. Kelvin Loh, chief executive officer of Mount Elizabeth Hospital in Singapore, said in a statement that the young woman “passed away peacefully” with her family and officials of the Indian embassy by her side.
The six men charged with the victim’s rape now stand accused of murder. Delhi police spokesman Rajan Bhagat said charges will be presented in court next week.
At a subdued assembly back in central Delhi, 19-year-old B. Shuharsan held up a sign: “Are the doctors in India inefficient?” He answered his own question, saying, “No, the decision to move her was political.”
Skepticism abounds over the government’s ability to curb the violence that has made Delhi the “rape capital” of India. Sealing protestors away from India Gate, a central Delhi landmark, has angered many, as has the failure of political leaders to publicly engage the demonstrators.
“The government has been trying to get a piece for itself of out this whole phenomenon, said Shrinkhla Agrawal, a pediatrician at today’s protests. “I’m not sure that they are really concerned about the issue.”
Congress Party leader Sonia Gandhi sought to address the criticism on Saturday in a rare television broadcast. “To all of you who have stood vigil, who have expressed your anger and anguish publicly,” she said, “I want to assure you that your voice has been heard.”
Novelist Chetan Bhagat wrote in The Times of India on Saturday, “The anger seen at India Gate was not just for one particular case or issue. It was an outpouring against an uncaring and indifferent government … The silent treatment doesn’t work with people in the digitally connected world.”
Late into the winter night, Indians continued their vigil, demanding speedy justice for the six accused. Hand-written signs read, “Hang Them ‘Til They Die.” The government says it is examining capital punishment for the crime of rape.
Candlelight protests were also held in Mumbai, Bangalore, Hyderabad and Kolkata.
From tear gas and water cannons one week ago, Delhi has come full circle. On this Saturday night there is quiet, sober reflection about the tragic end of a young woman who has come to symbolize violence against all women in India. [Copyright 2012 National Public Radio] | <urn:uuid:f6ee7e89-8060-4ed5-a10f-5d16f39500c4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://kosu.org/2012/12/anger-swells-as-indians-mourn-for-rape-victim/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968552 | 717 | 1.601563 | 2 |
Six-foot snake on the loose on Anna Maria
Published: Tuesday, February 26, 2013 at 2:41 p.m.
Last Modified: Tuesday, February 26, 2013 at 2:41 p.m.
ANNA MARIA - A woman walking her dog by The Birds Nest vacation apartments on Anna Maria Island got a shock when she saw an exotic snake slither from under a hot tub deck Monday. After her husband spotted the snake, the couple called Wildlife Inc., but the 6-foot creature with a large head was gone by the time representatives arrived.
“We don't know whether it's a Burmese python or not,” said Damen Hurd, of Wildlife Inc. “It sounds to me like it was a boa constrictor or a python, but we won't know until we find it.”
Hurd and two others searched for the snake for three hours Monday, but were unable to find it. They will wait for it to be spotted before searching again, he said Tuesday.
Exotic snakes are not native to Florida, but in past decades species like the Burmese python have overrun areas like the Everglades. Hurd said most likely the snake was a lost pet, because there have been few cases of exotic snakes found in Manatee County.
He instructed those who spot the snake to keep their distance and call the Wildlife Inc. hotline.
“We searched that entire area,” Hurd said. “It's somewhere out there still.” | <urn:uuid:19706587-d17a-435a-8257-b11ebcc0f2c1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.heraldtribune.com/article/20130226/ARTICLE/130229692/0/BUSINESS?Title=NEW-Six-foot-snake-loose-on-Anna-Maria | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696381249/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092621-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.973001 | 319 | 1.835938 | 2 |
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Hirsh Mohindra a financial outlook website offers updated information on the financial front. Along with brand name tools and services Hirsh Mohindra provides live feeds from known names in the finance world to forecast the expectations for how well the economy will perform during an upcoming quarter, year or other time period.
Los Angeles, California (PRWEB) January 31, 2013
Hirsh Mohindra is a news based website offering its users with updated content every day. It focuses on financial news and opinions as well as sheds light on topics related to politics, current affairs, reviews and articles. The benefits of the site can be reaped by individuals, businesses and investment managers alike.
Hirsh Mohindra Chicago supplies financial literacy through valuable resources including innumerable downloadable data for the current and prior fiscal year. The data will include broad summaries, easy to read charts and graphs.
As the economic conditions of the world take a turn for the better people wonder how to get their lives back on track, enter Hirsh Mohindra. Not only will they keep you updated with the financial on goings to be able to get out of the recession but they will make it easier for the users by providing live feeds from financial experts. Financial planning tools such materials on understanding income management, financial calculators, Roth IRA and working with an Advisor are some of the features that will be highlighted. Purchasing products and services at very affordable prices will be a piece of cake with Hirsh Mohindra.
Hirsh Mohindra provides the best solution by offering Outlook on financial laws, tips on staying debt free and up-to-date news about any financial matters. As an added bonus people will also be able to access financial Outlook for companies like Apple, Dell and more.
For the original version on PRWeb visit: http://www.prweb.com/releases/prweb2013/1/prweb10381724.htm | <urn:uuid:d8624b5d-769c-4dfa-b264-e11449cd9911> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.keyc.tv/story/20883081/hirshmohindra-launches-financial-blog | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699881956/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102441-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.930324 | 426 | 1.640625 | 2 |
|PMO move to speed up Project Clearance|
|One of the biggest hurdles to speedy implementation of projects is the delays faced by project implementing agencies and private firms with concessions, in obtaining security related clearances from many agencies. For example, progress in exploration work in over 70 oil blocks awarded under the NELP has slowed down due to lack of clearances. There are similar problems in other areas such as Ports and infrastructure sectors.|
Therefore, there is a need to have an institutionalised mechanism for issuing clearances in a time-bound manner. There is already a model for clearing foreign investments in the form of the Foreign Investment Promotion Board (FIPB) where foreign investment clearances are given through regular meetings of the FIPB under the Department of Economic Affairs. A need for a similar mechanism was felt for other clearances so that the issue of delayed clearances is resolved.
In a meeting held in PMO to review the status of clearances of Oil & Gas Blocks awarded under the NELP, it was decided that a Project Clearance Board along the lines of FIPB, would be constituted under the chairmanship of the Cabinet Secretary for review and issue of one-time clearances, including security clearance. This Board will include representatives from the Ministries of Home, Defence, Environment & Forests, Commerce, Coal, D/o Space and other infrastructure and energy related Ministries/ Departments.
It will meet regularly on a monthly basis to review the status of clearances for energy and infrastructure projects and expedite issuing of security and other clearances. Ministries would report to this Board the status of issuing of clearances after following their internal due diligence processes.
For the Petroleum & Natural Gas sector, the special cell for clearances being set up in DGH will act as the secretariat. A common mechanism for all sectors will be evolved soon and the Board will be set up in the coming weeks. | <urn:uuid:d47bd593-28ae-43ef-9011-f44a352a72a0> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://coresectorcommunique.blogspot.com/2012/07/pmo-move-to-speed-up-project-clearance.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.956788 | 395 | 1.734375 | 2 |
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