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The Dismissal's 'third man' drawn from the shades of history
Gough Whitlam and Sir John Kerr at Government House.
SIR John Kerr had been governor-general for just eight months when, in March 1975, he approached the vice-chancellor of the Australian National University with a confidential request. Kerr put forward an unusual proposition - the formation of a group within the university to meet with him, in confidence and without the knowledge of the prime minister, and to advise him on the nature and extent of his powers as governor-general.
Kerr did not tell prime minister Gough Whitlam he had sought advice from this hand-picked advisory group - or indeed that he harboured any doubts about his role and powers - and Kerr never revealed the role played in the formation of this group by its most senior judicial figure, Sir Anthony Mason.
Mason was at that time a sitting judge of the High Court of Australia and a pro-chancellor of the ANU. He and Kerr had been close friends since Mason first appeared as a junior counsel to Kerr in the 1950s, and it was Mason who drove the discussions with Kerr on the establishment of this advisory group, conferring directly and confidentially with the governor-general about ''constitutional problems''.
The 'third man' in the Dismissal drama, Sir Anthony Mason.
Kerr's request for confidential advice posed ''some difficulty'' for Mason, since the matters that the group was likely to consider were the same controversial political and legal points that were the subject of intense political debate and were also likely to go before the High Court.
Mason acknowledged his dilemma to Kerr: ''I have felt some difficulty as to my own participation in the discussions, for it may appear to some that we are engaged in the consideration of important questions which may sooner or later come before the High Court for decision,'' he wrote.
''No doubt the questions which you have in mind are presently hypothetical. Unfortunately the hypothetical questions of today have a distressing habit of becoming the actual questions of tomorrow. I therefore doubt whether it would be proper for me to become a member of the group on a continuing basis.''
While expressing some doubt over his own involvement, Mason told Kerr he would attend the initial meeting and ''refrain from expressing my opinion on questions which might become controversial''.
The group, variously described as a ''seminar'' or a ''tutorial'' for the governor-general, met twice at the ANU during September 1975. Sir John Kerr attended with his official secretary, David Smith.
By October, with the opposition senators refusing to vote on the government's appropriation bills in a bid to force a general election, it was clear the ANU was involving itself in matters of partisan political controversy of the highest dimension with the governor-general - a fact that was creating unease among some members of this curious group. Kerr was told that their ''tutorials'' would have to cease. Professor Geoffrey Sawer, ANU's first law professor, recalled: ''My thumbs pricked a warning that the university shouldn't get actively involved in a situation involving actual rather than academic problems, and Sir John gracefully agreed to ceasing our tutorials.''
The end of his private tutorials did not signal the end of Kerr's solicitations to Mason. Before the opposition had taken action in the Senate against the government's budget, Kerr had initiated, according to his records, what he termed a ''running conversation'' with Mason to discuss ''probable future events and discretionary alternatives open to me''.
These records describe a series of strategic and undisclosed exchanges that continued throughout the period of mounting political crisis, marked by the extraordinarily close involvement of both Mason and the Chief Justice, Sir Garfield Barwick, in Kerr's final actions, and which ended only with the end of the Whitlam government itself.
Kerr later set out a detailed archival record of what had transpired between himself and Mason, without which ''his part in my thinking in October-November 1975 will not … be known to history''.
He wrote: ''In the light of the enormous and vicious criticism of myself, I should have dearly liked to have had the public evidence during my lifetime of what Mason had said and done during October-November 1975 [but] he would be happier … if history never came to know of his role.
''I shall keep the whole matter alive in my mind till the end, and if this document is found among my archives, it will mean that my final decision is that truth must prevail, and, as he played a most significant part in my thinking at that critical time, and as he will be in the shades of history when this is read, his role should be known.''
The scenario depicted in Kerr's record dramatically recasts our understanding of these events and of the role of key individuals within them. This remarkable document presents a hidden history, now left for archival posterity, as much for personal vindication as public illumination.
Kerr records that at every stage in the painstaking, strategically fraught, politically acute and apparently confidential discussions between the governor-general and the prime minister during the critical month from October 12 to November 11, 1975, he was confiding every meeting and recounting every detail to Mason, ''to fortify myself for the action I was to take''.
Mason has steadfastly refused to speak on these matters, despite repeated requests to do so.
Whitlam meanwhile, was oblivious to it all.
The precise nature of Mason's role in Kerr's deliberations has never been revealed, either by Kerr or by Mason. In his memoirs, Kerr referred cryptically to ''conversation with one person only other than the Chief Justice''.
Although speculation soon emerged that Mason was this unidentified ''third man'' in conversation with Kerr, it would be another 20 years before he was identified as such and as having spoken to Kerr during that time.
But Kerr's records suggest Mason was not merely the third man: he was, in many ways, the man. From their earliest discussions, months before there was even any supply crisis in the Senate, Kerr records that it was Mason who met, talked with, planned for and counselled him, guiding him through his deliberations and advising him on the action he should take.
Of equal significance from Kerr's detailed record is his depiction of Mason as providing a necessary bridge between Kerr and Chief Justice Barwick.
In the years to follow, the more his own actions were questioned, the more eager Kerr became that Mason's opinions and advice to him should be revealed. ''From my point of view it is unfortunate that they are unknown,'' Kerr wrote.
Five years after these events, Kerr noted in his journal that he had renewed his plea to Mason to make his involvement public, and that Mason had again refused. Mason's view, as he still maintained when pressed on these matters nearly 40 years later was, ''I owe history nothing''.
What is clear from Kerr's detailed archival record of these discussions is that, even before supply had been blocked, he had already reached a decision on the critical element fundamental to the resolution of the political crisis that would engulf Parliament and occupy much of his negotiations with both the leader of the opposition and the prime minister in the coming weeks.
Kerr accepted without question the existence of ''the reserve powers'' - powers that, although unspecified in the constitution and subject to intense debate, would, if presumed to exist, enable the governor-general to act independently, even against the advice of ministers.
But the question of the existence of the reserve powers was not only the subject of intense legal debate, it lay at the heart of the political differences over the role of the governor-general. The advice proffered by opposition shadow attorney-general Robert Ellicott, which Kerr had dismissed to Whitlam as ''bullshit'', was that the reserve powers not only existed but that Kerr should act on them immediately and remove Whitlam from office from the moment supply was blocked.
The government's chief law officers and formal legal advisers to the governor-general - the solicitor-general, Maurice Byers, and the attorney-general, Kep Enderby - firmly rejected Ellicott's approach. ''Mr Ellicott's expressed views are wrong,'' they advised the governor-general.
But from his own record of their conversations over this time, Kerr had not even received the advice of his legal advisers when he declared to Mason that he would ignore it anyway, in favour of the advice of the shadow attorney-general.
Kerr had already decided that he could act against Whitlam and his government as early as October 12, 1975, at the time of the very first of his discussions with Mason when, Kerr's archival record states, they considered ''probabilities, options and timing''.
On that day, when there was no crisis, no block in the Senate and, as Kerr himself noted, ''no conceivable ground for action on my part, supply not having been blocked'', Kerr resolved that he should not act yet, but that he should ''await further developments''.
By October 17, with supply blocked for barely two days, Kerr was even more certain in his decision to act against the government. It was just a question of when. ''The real question at this time is whether I should act before the money runs out and whilst the Senate is still only deferring,'' he noted.
The next week, as Kerr's archival record presents it, he again met with Mason, and on October 20 resolved to ''still follow the same line'' and do nothing for the moment. According to Kerr's records, it was at this meeting and again by phone the following day that he and Mason discussed for the first time ''the desirability … of seeking Barwick's formal advice''.
The notion of the governor-general seeking ''formal advice'' from the chief justice, against the advice of the prime minister, was an exercise of unilateral vice-regal power, since the governor-general's formal adviser is the prime minister and his formal legal advisers are the solicitor-general and the attorney-general.
At this point, as Kerr recorded it, Mason advised that he should approach Barwick only when he knew ''what he would be likely to advise''. Barwick believed, as Ellicott did also, that Kerr should move immediately against Whitlam. ''Barwick … would advise immediate radical action - dismissal,'' Kerr noted. Barwick therefore should be approached only once Kerr was ready to act.
The timing of this exercise was crucial and, according to Kerr's record of their conversation, Mason cautioned that ''such advice [immediate dismissal] would be disastrous at this time''. Kerr would continue to ''follow the same line'' as previously determined upon, Barwick's advice could wait.
The next day Whitlam reminded Kerr that he was not entitled to seek outside advice, that ''I could get advice only through him''. Kerr ignored the directive and, according to his records, told Mason of it and continued to seek outside guidance.
Kerr's actions represented a dramatic subversion of the role of the governor-general in a parliamentary democracy, as an appointed official who acted on the advice of ministers. In seeking external advice without the knowledge, much less the approval, of the prime minister, Kerr had stepped away from the office of the governor-general defined in terms of its relationship with elected government.
Through this circular, self-referential process, Kerr was constructing an entirely new notion of an independent, unelected governor-general with literal and extensive powers, a view that was at odds with the democratic understanding of the role and certainly at odds with Whitlam's unstinting trust and belief in him - personally and as governor-general.
Like Kerr's dealings with Mason, the interaction between Kerr and Barwick on this political struggle stretched back several weeks, to September 20 when Kerr was guest of honour at the annual dinner in Sydney of the Order of St Michael and St George, a British order conferred for distinguished service overseas or in foreign affairs.
Kerr was seated next to Barwick, and they discussed the possible role of the governor-general should the opposition senators refuse to vote on the government's appropriation bills. Kerr asked Barwick whether he would be prepared to advise him on his own position and actions. The chief justice agreed.
The fear of his own dismissal, which Kerr repeatedly expressed with alarm and indiscretion, had been raised with him by Sir Geoffrey Yeend, deputy head of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet and former principal private secretary to Sir Robert Menzies.
Kerr later recorded in his journal that Yeend had asked him in September whether, in the event of supply being denied, he had given any thought ''to what could happen if you were to consider taking action yourself? Your own position could be in doubt'', and suggested, ''It could be a race to the Palace''.
Kerr disagreed, telling Yeend that if he decided to act, there would be no race to the Palace because ''I do not have to go to the Palace''.
Kerr's consistent and repeated concern was for his own security, that the prime minister might advise the Queen to dismiss him as governor-general if he knew that his own dismissal was being contemplated.
Kerr was presented with an unexpected opportunity to canvass his concerns directly with ''the Palace'' in the unlikely setting of Port Moresby in September. The occasion was the achievement of one of the Whitlam government's earliest foreign affairs commitments, the transition to an independent Papua New Guinea.
During Prince Charles' 1974 visit to Australia, Kerr had discussed with him the possibility of Charles' own future appointment as governor-general, a proposal seriously considered in light of the lengthy time the prince was likely to wait before becoming king.
Kerr took this previous interaction to suggest a personal connection to the Prince of Wales and now, as the two met again in Port Moresby, the governor-general took the extreme step of raising with the prince the possible dismissal of the Whitlam government and his grave fears that he would himself be dismissed by Whitlam should he do so.
Apparently oblivious to constitutional expectations, Charles replied, according to Kerr's notes of their exchange, ''But surely, Sir John, the Queen should not have to accept advice that you should be recalled at the very time, should this happen when you were considering having to dismiss the government''.
On his return to England, Charles took up Kerr's concern with the Queen's private secretary, Sir Martin Charteris. Unknown to Whitlam, who considered Charteris a friend, Charteris then wrote to the governor-general just one week before the supply crisis began, with equally remarkable advice.
Charteris told Kerr that, should what he euphemistically termed ''the contingency to which you refer'' arise, the Queen would ''try to delay things'', although, Charteris acknowledged, in the end the Queen would have to take the advice of the prime minister.
Neither Kerr nor the Palace ever revealed that, weeks before any action in the Senate had been taken, the governor-general had already conferred with the Palace on the possibility of the future dismissal of the prime minister, securing in advance the response of the Palace to it.
Kerr's letter dismissing Whitlam would be accompanied by a statement ostensibly from the governor-general, setting out the reasons for his decision. According to Kerr's archival record, Justice Anthony Mason's role in the dismissal of the Whitlam government was complete with his authorship of this statement.
Kerr states that at their final meeting in Sydney on November 10, Mason handed him ''a document … in his own handwriting'', to which Kerr added some material but otherwise used as his own words: ''that sheet as added to by me became incorporated in my final public statement''.
Thirty-five years later, when asked specifically about his authorship of one of these key dismissal documents, Mason refused to comment.
Kerr's archival notes record that after warning his wife, Anne, of his intentions on November 9, he called Mason and arranged to have another ''private talk'' with him later that day. ''I began the conversation by saying that I had decided to dismiss the government, commission Fraser as a caretaker prime minister and get Parliament dissolved on Tuesday the 11th if the crisis was not resolved by then,'' Kerr wrote.
According to Kerr, Mason replied spontaneously and with genuine relief, saying: ''I am glad of that. I thought that I might this afternoon have to urge that course upon you.''
This is an edited extract from Gough Whitlam: His Time by Jenny Hocking (The Miegunyah Press), RRP $49.99, available September 28. | <urn:uuid:8950c406-c83a-48e2-99fc-9714017db9b6> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.theage.com.au/opinion/political-news/the-dismissals-third-man-drawn-from-the-shades-of-history-20120824-24rwk.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700264179/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516103104-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.983921 | 3,425 | 1.679688 | 2 |
There are numerous hurdles, big and small, in front of President Obama and lawmakers on Capitol Hill as they seek a budget and tax agreement to avoid economy-rattling tax increases and automatic spending cuts known as the "fiscal cliff.'' They include:
• Taxes. Obama insists on increasing taxes on upper-income earners and he's proposed raising the rates paid on family income over $250,000, with a boost in the top rate from 35 percent to 39.6 percent. GOP leaders vow to block any increase in tax rates but say they could support revenue increases as part of a tax reform plan that curbs tax breaks and uses the resulting revenue to both lower rates and defray the deficit. That approach, however, is opposed by many tea party GOP conservatives who have signed a pledge to oppose any tax increase.
• Entitlements. Big benefit programs like Medicare, Social Security and the Medicaid health program for the poor -- called entitlements because participation is based on eligibility criteria -- are major flash points. As a condition of voting for higher revenues, Republicans are demanding fundamental entitlement reforms such as increasing the Medicare eligibility age from 65 to 67, making wealthier seniors pay more for Medicare, and a less generous inflation adjustment for Social Security. Those ideas were discussed in negotiations in the summer of 2011 but Democrats seem to be signaling a harder line now.
• War spending. Obama and Capitol Hill Democrats want to claim $1 trillion or so in savings from the drawdown of troops in Iraq and Afghanistan as budget cuts. Many Republicans see the attempt as a gimmick since the savings are occurring anyway.
• Defense budget. Some Democrats want further cuts to the Pentagon on top of a 10-year $487 billion cut taken as part of last summer's budget and debt pact. Obama, however, has not proposed further cuts and GOP budget hawks swear they would hold the line against any further attempt to squeeze the military budget. | <urn:uuid:09aaf44d-caee-4d8c-9023-d5ad8f8f0a68> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wvgazette.com/News/201211180044 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.96612 | 387 | 1.75 | 2 |
One of the key justifications that Republicans use to support extending the Bush tax cuts for the richest two percent of Americans (at a ten-year cost of $830 billion) is that allowing those particular tax breaks to expire will disproportionately harm small business and job creation. “This is about stopping a job-killing tax hike on small businesses during tough economic times,” argued Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-UT).
This is a phony argument, as just three percent of people with income from a business large or small would be affected if the Bush tax cuts for the rich expire. Republicans eventually conceded this point, only to begin disingenuously arguing that half of small business income would be affected by the tax increase. Today, CNBC host Joe Kernen helped Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) spread this falsehood, and threw in the incorrect Republican assumption that extending the Bush tax cuts for the rich would spur job creation:
KERNEN: They say it every time, because only two percent of small businesses fall into that. So they say that and they know through their teeth, that they know they’re dissembling…Half the income of small businesses is hit by it!
RYAN: Drive to any town in Wisconsin, go to the outskirts and you’ll see an industrial park. And in that industrial park, nine times out of ten it’s going to be a sub-S corporations that has 50 to 250 employees, who are all in this category of making $250,000 or higher. They’re pass-through entities, they’re partnerships, sub-S’s, they’re the people who are creating the jobs. That’s where the economic engine rests, and that’s who’s getting the tax increases. [...]
KERNEN: But what I don’t understand is if they want jobs, if they want to help the country, with its 10 percent unemployment, why do they dissemble?
First, Kernen is flat-out wrong that half of small business income would be affected by the expiration of the Bush tax cuts for the rich. The Congressional Joint Economic Committee has estimated that half of net business income would be affected, and that its figures “do not imply that all of the income is from entities that might be considered ‘small.’”
As The Wonk Room explained, a lot of these “small businesses” are simply large businesses that are organized as “pass-through” entities, which means they don’t pay the corporate income tax, but “pass-through” their profits to the owners, who then claim the profits on their personal income tax returns. These include the Bechtel Corporation, which is the fifth-largest privately owned company in the United States, posting gross revenue in 2008 of $31.4 billion; the Wall Street buyout firm Kohlberg, Kravis and Roberts, which has more than $54 billion in assets and 14 offices around the globe; as well as every partner in a law firm, every passive investor in an oil or gas venture, and anyone with a trust fund.
The GOP wants you to picture the local dry cleaners and hardware store as facing a crushing tax increase, but the fact remains that exceedingly few small businesses will be affected if the Bush tax cuts for the rich expire. And, contrary to Kernen’s assertion, such an extension is the least effective tax or spending step the government could take to boost the economy. | <urn:uuid:7e58469f-ae17-40c9-bd6d-021b92d6f3b9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://thinkprogress.org/media/2010/11/15/130307/cnbc-ryan/?mobile=nc | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.965945 | 728 | 1.757813 | 2 |
Voter ID rule seems to have hidden agenda
Editor, the Record:
Pennsylvania and other states with Republican governors are taking us back to a time when voter suppression was the norm; but back then it was based on sex and race.
See full article text
While attorney general, Tom Corbett prosecuted zero voter fraud cases. The current attorney general has prosecuted none. Where's the voter fraud? Registered voters have already provided the necessary documentation to prove they are American citizens and legal residents of Pennsylvania.
Is there a "hidden agenda" here? If the Democrats pulled this kind of manipulation to attempt to insure a Democrat in the White house, the Republicans would be screaming "foul" from the rooftops, on TV, through filibustering and through lobbyists. "We the people. . ." and "...of the people, by the people and for the people"... are not words to ignore.
Most of the 758,939 people without a photo ID are elderly, minority or infirm. Where is the "justice for all" and the need to protect voters from voter fraud?
I hope registered voters of both parties, as well as Independents, see through the smoke and mirrors, and it backfires in the faces of corrupt politicians who believe "might makes right" and not "right makes might." This goes against the foundation of this country, and I believe it goes against the U.S. Constitution such as women's suffrage, and the 15th Amendment: Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.
Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
Fight, or things will get worse. My point: If these kinds of sneaky political maneuvers occur, no one is exempt.
JANET S. BUTCHKO | <urn:uuid:a34e557b-8b77-43d5-9b5a-b32606d53992> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://m.poconorecord.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20120803/NEWS04/208030319/-1/WAP&template=wapart | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.9534 | 399 | 1.609375 | 2 |
Despite what all the talking heads are saying, no one really knows, maybe not even Henry Paulson, what a bailout will actually look like. But there are ways that a bailout could be structured to both protect senior bond holders and help prevent the need for another bailout in the future. Now is a good time for people with good ideas to come forward.
First we have to consider what the goal of a bailout should be. In this case, its very simple: ensure liquidity to the mortgage market. This protects banks which have committed to home loans assuming one of the GSEs would buy them. This also keeps mortgage borrowing rates stable.
Beyond that though, there needs to also be some long-term solution to the GSE situation. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac cannot return to business as usual. Another structure needs to be devised that reduces the systemic risk surrounding the mortgage GSEs. On the other hand, a simple "demonstrable privatization" is not a near-term solution either. Currently Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and Ginnie Mae are the only thing standing between here and absolutely zero market for home loans.
Many solutions being bandied about presume the long-term model for mortgage securitization remains in tact. But why? A big part of the inherent problem in the GSEs' current business model is that it requires substantial leverage to generate a reasonable return on equity. Think about it. They collect a relatively small fee in exchange for guaranteeing MBS. The de facto leverage created is huge, evidenced by the fact that foreclosure rates in Fannie and Freddie's guarantee portfolio remain fairly low, and yet both GSEs are facing capital problems. There is just no way around the leverage issue if the current business model remains in tact.
Covered bonds have been advanced as a long-term solution for the mortgage market. But covered bonds, as currently conceived, would not be a good replacement for agency MBS. This is because covered bonds would not trade generically, meaning that a covered bond from smaller banks would trade as well as those from larger banks. We'd wind up with large banks dominating the mortgage market, which has its own systemic risk problems.
So what if in the future the GSEs provided some limited guarantee on covered bonds? Remember that a covered bond is backed both by the credit of the issuing bank as well as a pledged pool of mortgages. So in order for anyone to take a loss on a covered bond, the bank would have to be bankrupt and mortgages would have to be defaulting.
Let's say the newly recapitalized GSEs are restructured more like an insurance company, where the GSEs would guarantee to investors some percentage of par, say 95%. Banks would remain on the hook for losses within the pledged pool as long as the bank itself remained solvent. But in the event that the bank goes under, covered bond investors would have a known limit on their losses. The GSE would also have contained costs, since in most cases the pool of mortgages which had originally secured the covered bond would have some residual value.
This a plan combines the best parts of both the covered bond idea (alignment of incentives) and the original mission of the GSEs (lowering mortgage rates). It would also kick-start the emergence of a covered bond market, because it would give investors a known set of outcomes when buying the new bond sector.
That leaves what to do with the old GSE guarantee portfolio. Assuming the Treasury has infused Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac with new capital, those portfolios could simply be allowed to run off. Alternatively, the Treasury could require the new GSE to buy preferred shares of the old Fannie and Freddie, helping to offset tax payers costs. Eventually this new GSE could be "demonstrably privatized" as market confidence is regained. | <urn:uuid:8bc79f10-abed-4242-8660-ad0211e51b27> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://accruedint.blogspot.com/2008/08/gse-bailout-alternative-forms-of.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.97435 | 784 | 1.78125 | 2 |
Designer: Howard Siegel
Published: March 3, 2008
Howard Siegel offers this tutorial on an affordable way to make your own jump rings with 18g wire. The rings he makes in this tutorial were used to make the Chinese Stretched Knot Chain that can be found in Step by Step Wire Jewelry's Spring 2008 issue. Note: this file has been updated to include a short tutorial on fusing silver at the end of the project. This will help you finish the project. | <urn:uuid:7c18cb04-5ae4-43cb-8eea-934adf2783f4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.beadingdaily.com/media/p/3675.aspx | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706890813/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516122130-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.950522 | 99 | 1.523438 | 2 |
Echo One was the first subspace amplifier deployed by the United Earth starship Enterprise. It was deployed in July of 2151.
In September of 2151, Echo One was destroyed, along with Echo Two, by an unknown alien vessel. (ENT: "Silent Enemy")
Echo One was used by Vice Admiral Forrest to relay a Vulcan request for assistance at Paan Mokar to Enterprise in 2152, suggesting it had been replaced. (ENT: "Cease Fire") | <urn:uuid:adae4d9e-965d-4e40-b431-818caa33b2c4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://en.memory-alpha.org/wiki/Echo_One?oldid=1435227 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.984326 | 101 | 1.757813 | 2 |
If you want to stand above all the other websites, aim for excellent search engine optimization. In order to be successful, you need some tricks up your sleeve. The below article will not only provide some excellent tips in order to help you get noticed by the search engines, it will also show you which methods should be avoided.
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You need to get more visitors to your website and keep them there to increase your page rank. Some evidence shows that people spending more time on your site is better. It has an influence on your site’s PageRank. Discussion areas are a wonderful way to hold onto your visitors.
Create descriptive, short title tags to make it easier for search engines to understand and index your page’s content. Your title tag should be 60 characters or less, because search engines won’t display more content than that. After 60 characters, search engines also weigh terms less highly.
Creating a site map can really have a positive impact on your business, as search engines are able to index your pages more easily. Also known as a navigation bar, a site map allows search engines to find pages from any other page of your site. You will increase your search engine rankings by including a site map, no matter how large or small your site.
Proofreading is a vital part of every website, but it usually is neglected. You need to make sure that you website is easy to read for visitors and for search engine spiders. A good search engine will be less inclined to include a site if it is loaded with grammatical errors and misspelled words.
It is important to produce and add new content frequently. Set weekly goals and keep the promise to yourself to publish a certain amount of content. Search engines value websites that update their pages with new and relevant information over websites that are mostly stagnant and contain the same old content. Sites that continuously update their content will earn a higher rank.
Putting your website in a prime place to be found is what search engine optimization is all about. The article you have just read gave you multiple tips on how to make this happen for you. Applying these simple tricks will get your website noticed in no time, so increase your traffic today! | <urn:uuid:0c2020a7-dffa-426d-9df0-4e4979be1a7e> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://aboutseo.ac/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.934412 | 678 | 1.609375 | 2 |
This week on Q&A, our guest is Andrew Kaczynski. He is a reporter for BuzzFeed, an internet based social news organization which delivers original reporting, opinion and viral content. Kaczynski discusses his work for the newly expanded politics section of the website. He describes his role as finding, researching and releasing old video clips of politicians. He notes that some statements from a person’s early career do not reflect their current positions. He admits there is an element of “gotcha” in searching through archival videos. He points out that some of the clips he has uncovered have “taken over” the news cycle by being shown on all the major news and cable outlets. He talks about the role of social media in reporting news and jokes about the difficulty of explaining the website BuzzFeed to his own parents. Kaczynski explains where he turns for news on a daily basis, and talks about what made him pursue reporting as a career.
Andrew Kaczynski was born and grew up in Cleveland, Ohio and went to school at Ohio University. In 2010, he had an internship with the Republican National Committee. He is currently taking classes towards a degree in history from St. John’s University in New York. He joined BuzzFeed in January, 2012 and works and lives in New York. | <urn:uuid:1c7c9dfd-db53-4ea6-9f1b-f42370d1203b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.c-span.org/History/Events/Q-amp-A-with-Andrew-Kaczynski/10737433976/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701852492/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105732-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.980075 | 268 | 1.679688 | 2 |
Women also do need their bodies to be lean and with low fat indexes, unfortunately the nature of the woman’s physique will have some say on that. Men have a different structure when compared to women, and this can be attributed to the growth patterns as well as the male hormone in them. Most body builders, men and women, have a given shape that should be acquired and it will require a lot of bending over for a woman to get the physique of a man or vice versa. Body building programs can be unisex, but the results will be quite different in both sexes.
Women have different goals when it comes to body building programs, and this shows in the intensity of their programs. Women are generally lighter in weight when compared to men of the same age and due to that the programs usually do have lower weights and strains on the muscles. It is possible for women to have body builders’ bodies, but they do still maintain their feminine look. The woman usually has less defined muscles compared to the men. Read our reviews of the Kyle Leon Muscle Maximizer program for men.
Women should also plan their meals in order to acquire their given body building goals. Regulating the amount of sugars and proteins that one puts in their diet will go a long way in helping the woman acquire their set body building goals. It is also advisable that one does simple exercises at home to help in body building, the most advised exercises are the cardiovascular exercises. Getting a workout plan from an expert will help one in achieving their goals.
Just as men the women should also account for time to rest. A work out plan should incorporate this and thus one might need to choose an expert that offers one home services as opposed to working out in a gym or health club. | <urn:uuid:6508061a-d764-483b-baf4-10758d125c17> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://wyomingstar.com/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698207393/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095647-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975654 | 356 | 1.539063 | 2 |
My Story With Streaming Media
- A Kid with a Computer
When I was a kid my dad used to talk about the way things would be in the future. He wasn’t talking about any of the far out things that I saw in Back to the Future like hovercars or self drying jackets, but the real things that we saw the fledgling stages of in the 80′s. Once, he told me that the phones that rich people had in their cars would be available to everyone, but instead of them being in our cars we would be able to carry them around in our pockets.
See, my dad has always had his eye on technology, wanting to see what the latest and greatest product had in store, and as they say, like father like son. Since I was a young boy I was exposed to technology (I believe we got the Apple II e in 1985 or 86. I would have been around 3.) and as a result,I was involved with computers during the fledgeling stages of the internet. My brother and I first connected to some bulletin board systems (or BBSes) in the early 90′s. I’m pretty sure the first modem we used was a 2400 baud. That’s 2400 bits per second. For comparison, if you have a 20 Mb download speed, your speed is 8738 times faster than mine was back then.
- Early File Sharing and the Advent of Napster
My involvement with computers was always pretty strong, all the way through high school, the late 2000′s. At that point the peer-to-peer file sharing craze was beginning, and being a teenager with little to no money, free music definitely appealed to me. I was downloading music directly from other people on my 56k modem in 1997, searching through peoples files in chat rooms. And then came Napster.
Napster allowed you to search thousands, if not millions of users computers for the mp3 file they were looking for. Although there were other services out there that did the same or similar things, Napster changed the game because of the scope that it had from a massive amount of exposure.
Napster ran into some troubles pretty early in it’s existence and I can’t say anyone was surprised. The fact of the matter is that piracy is illegal and Napster (and other peer-to-peer networks) allowed an incredibly simple and effective way to get all that free music.
Of course, the game evolved (and continues to evolve to this day. More on that later.) Napster gave way to a host of other peer-to-peer networks, each with new ways to protect both the network and user from getting in trouble.
- Downloading South Park Movie
And, of course, the types of media being downloaded evolved as well. Low quality mp3s became better, and we started downloading video content as well. One day I decided to download South Park: Bigger, Longer, Uncut.
This was eye-opening for me. I downloaded an entire movie and saved it on my hard drive. No VHS tape, no DVD yet I could watch this movie any time I wanted. Of course, there was a downside.
After downloading the movie I didn’t have enough space for anything else on my hard drive. I had to burn the movie to a CD and keep it there. That’s not to mention, of course, that it took over a month to download the thing.
But it helped me to see what was possible. One day we would be able to watch movies over the internet.
- bittorrent and the MPAA
Jump to today. File sharing still continues but it happens differently. Nowadays the preferred method of file sharing is bittorrenting. If you talked to me a few years ago I would have told you all about how to do it.
Yep, until not too long ago I continued to download mp3s and videos illegally. I’d like to go on record and say:
I do not condone illegal file sharing.
I had a reason (I won’t speculate on whether the reason was good or bad) to share files illegally before. I couldn’t afford to buy the music and movies I wanted to watch, so I would download them instead. My justification was that if I did or didn’t, it didn’t matter; the company wasn’t getting my money.
But then, affordable ways to get what I wanted came into existence. Spotify, for music, provides me a virtual music collection available to me at all times and places for under $ 10 a month. I used to buy two CDs a month when I was a teenager (before I started stealing music)… meaning I would spend more than 3 times what I spend on music per month now.
How I Watch TV Today
And that goes for TV and movies too. There are subscription services that allow me access to a lot of the stuff I was downloading, and rental services for the brand new stuff the subscription services don’t have.
Personally, I watch all my TV either through the internet on Hulu+, Netflix or a sports content provider like ESPN3 or mlb.tv or on a basic antenna if I want to watch local networks.
I get the internet to my TV through a computer. Well, really, to my TVs, plural. I have a 42 inch flat panel and a 32 inch flat panel both mounted to the wall. One is connected to the computer by HDMI, the other by a VGA cable. If those terms confuse you, don’t worry. I’ll talk more about those later.
I can hear some gripes forming already.
There’s no way I want a computer in my living room. This won’t work for me.
Don’t worry. There are plenty of ways to get the content to your screen. I choose to use a computer because 1.) it’s the most powerful way to get internet to your TV and 2.) I’m really nerdy.
There probably is a better option for you. For example, many video game systems will get the job done. Blu-ray players generally have the ability to stream content. And of course, there are dedicated players like Apple TV, Roku and Boxee that are cheap and easy to set up.
With all these options available, have you seriously considered how internet content can help you lighten your cable bill?
For more information, please visit http://streamyourmedia.org/
Movies & TV
Recently retired from the adult film industry, superstar Elektra Luxx (Carla Gugino) is pregnant with the child of late rock star Nick Chapel. She is trying to make ends meet by teaching a community college sex education class aimed at housewives when a figure from her past, flight attendant Cora (Marley Shelton), approaches her with a proposition. In exchange for the (stolen) lyrics to Nick Chapel’s last record, all of which is about Elektra, Cora needs Elektra to seduce her fiancée. Elektra reluctantly agrees to do this favor, setting in motion a series of hilarious events which will see her come face to face with detectives, sex bloggers, emotionally unstable neighbors and the Virgin Mary herself as she wrestles with the prospect of motherhood and tries to become a person of substance. Watch ELEKTRA LUXX and hundreds of other free full-length streaming movies and TV shows on www.crackle.com Crackle Twitter twitter.com Be a Facebook Fan! www.facebook.com
movie trailers Video Rating: 4 / 5
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Why do we fight so hard to cling on to life each day? And do you actually know the purpose for your existence? In short, do you believe that you have been born for a particular reason, and if so, what exactly is it?
Some people may belong to a belief system and they do their best to live by the rules of that particular group. They state they have a strong desire to become leaders, preachers, counsellors or Imams etc within those groups, and that is their main purpose in life.
Others have no belief system but also feel they have a burning ambition to become a doctor, fireman, engineer or politician, and will dedicate their life to gaining the relevant qualifications and training to do what they feel they have been called to. Some of those people will tell you that they had that strong sense or desire since they were a child, and they are now achieving their goal. They wake up every morning and can't wait to seize the day.
But this is not the case for everyone. Regardless of what group you belong to in society, what if you have absolutely no idea what your purpose in life is? You may be employed or unemployed, rich or poor, sick or healthy, but you feel like a rolling stone gathering no moss. You feel that, like a needle in a haystack, your purpose just cannot be found.
You just simply bounce in and out of each day with a sense that you have nothing to show for it.
As a wild thought, could this be one reason why so many people suffer from illnesses such as depression, anxiety, loneliness, and even end up committing suicide because they cannot see any purpose for their life? Could it be that having a 'purpose' would govern how we behave today? I'm not saying that troubles won't come up and bite us in the posterior at times, knocking us off our course, but at least we have an aim.
Sometimes we are thrown further off course because others try to force us into what they think our purpose in life should be. Ever felt your parents, peers, school or workplace or other outside pressures were molding you to be something other than who you feel yourself to be from the inside?
It doesn’t seem to me that previous generations suffered so much from this. Could it be that this purposelessness is a symptom of modern living?
Can you relate to the experience of having a strong sense of purpose?
Or is it the opposite for you?
What impact do you see your sense of purpose, or lack of it have on your life?
Please share your views and experiences. | <urn:uuid:6a23cc42-d1df-4880-8a54-a04ac3f417a9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://rumpunchdrunk.blogspot.com/2012/05/what-is-your-purpose-in-life.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.976665 | 535 | 1.710938 | 2 |
NEW YORK (AP) — A Bangladeshi man snared in an FBI terror sting considered targeting a high-ranking government official and the New York Stock Exchange before authorities say he raised the bar by picking one New York City's most fortified sites: The Federal Reserve.
In a September meeting with an undercover agent posing as a fellow jihadist, Quazi Mohammad Rezwanul Ahsan Nafis explained he chose the Federal reserve as his car bomb target "for operational reasons," according to a criminal complaint. Nafis also indicated he knew that choice would "cause a large number of civilian casualties, including women and children," the complaint said.
The bomb was phony, but authorities alleged that Nafis' admiration of Osama bin Laden and aspirations for martyrdom were not.
FBI agents grabbed the 21-year-old Nafis — armed with a cellphone he believed was rigged as a detonator — after he made several attempts to blow up a fake 1,000-pound the bomb inside a vehicle parked next to the Federal Reserve Wednesday in lower Manhattan, the complaint said.
The bank in New York, located at 33 Liberty St., is one of 12 branches around the country that, along with the Board of Governors in Washington, make up the Federal Reserve System that serves as the central bank of the United States. It sets interest rates.
Dozens of governments and central banks store a portion of their gold reserves in high-security vaults deep beneath the building. In recent years, it held 216 million troy ounces of gold, or more than a fifth of all global monetary gold reserves, making it a bigger bullion depository than Fort Knox.
As a result, the Federal Reserve is one of the most fortified buildings in the city, smack in the middle of a massive security effort headed by the New York Police Department, where a network of thousands of private and police cameras watch for suspicious activity.
Authorities emphasized that the plot never posed an actual risk. There was no allegation that Nafis actually received training or direction from a real terrorist group.
However, they claimed the case demonstrated the value of using sting operations to neutralize young extremists eager to harm Americans.
"Attempting to destroy a landmark building and kill or maim untold numbers of innocent bystanders is about as serious as the imagination can conjure," said Mary Galligan, acting head of the FBI's New York office. "The defendant faces appropriately severe consequences."
Prosecutors say Nafis traveled to the U.S. on a student visa in January to carry out an attack. In July, he contacted a confidential informant, telling him he wanted to form a terror cell and that he admired "Sheikh 'O'" — a reference to bin Laden, the criminal complaint said. Nafis was living in Queens at the time.
The defendant later sought assurances from an undercover agent posing as an al-Qaida contact that the terrorist group would support the operation.
"The thing that I want to ... ask you about is that, the thing I'm doing, it's under al-Qaida?" he was recorded saying during a meeting in bugged hotel room in Queens, according to the complaint.
In a September meeting in the same hotel room, Nafis "confirmed he was ready to kill himself during the course of the attack, but indicated he wanted to return to Bangladesh to see his family one last time to set his affairs in order," the complaint said.
Before trying to carry out the alleged plot, Nafis went to a warehouse to help assemble the bomb using inert material, according to a criminal complaint. He told the undercover agent he was influenced by radical U.S.-born cleric Anwar al-Awlaki.
He also asked an undercover agent to videotape him saying, "We will not stop until we attain victory or martyrdom," the complaint said.
Nafis appeared in federal court in Brooklyn on Wednesday to face charges of attempting to use a weapon of mass destruction and attempting to provide material support to al-Qaida. Wearing a brown T-shirt and black jeans, he was ordered held without bail and did not enter a plea. His defense attorney had no comment outside court.
The federal case was the latest where a terrorism plot against the city turned out to be a sting operation.
Four men were convicted in 2009 in a plot to bomb synagogues and shoot down military planes with missiles — a case that began after an FBI informant was assigned to infiltrate a mosque in Newburgh, about 70 miles north of New York City. The federal judge hearing the case said she was not proud of the government's role in nurturing the plot.
In 2004, a Pakistani immigrant was arrested and convicted for a scheme to blow up the subway station at Herald Square in midtown Manhattan. His lawyers argued that their client had been set up by a police informant who showed him pictures of Iraq abuse to get him involved in an attack against civilians. | <urn:uuid:014ebad2-a815-4060-931f-e0c32c830bf4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.woodtv.com/dpps/news/national/man-arrested-after-federal-reserve-bank-bomb-plot-nd12-jos_4803224 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708142388/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516124222-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.973871 | 1,007 | 1.59375 | 2 |
The story itself is based on the Egyptian leader, Ramses II. He was the ruler of Egypt from 1304 to 1237 B.C. He is 60 years old and dying, but he does not want to perish or renounce his magnificent kingdom. The Egyptian god Amon-Re has agreed to grant him health and prolong his reign as Pharaoh… but under the condition that Ramses reconstructs Amon-Re's temple - the most colossal obelisk ever constructed by man.
Throughout the game, the player must use ancient Egyptian rituals and concoct potions to heal those afflicted by the malediction and conquer evil entities. They must also enlist the help of various people and gods to unravel this mystery, save the Pharaoh and rescue Egypt. As well as an engaging and compelling story, gamers will also get to experience some of the wonders of ancient Egypt as they travel along the Nile and explore locations and monuments such as: Pi-Ramses, Memphis, and the labyrinth of Ptah.
Equally compelling, intrepid adventurers must also scour the in-game encyclopedia for historically accurate information on rituals, ancient monuments and artifacts, and Egyptian mythology to aid their progress.
The game's rating is still pending and it ships on March 26th, 2004 for $19.99. | <urn:uuid:149de148-1e96-4db2-920a-01a8261103a3> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://worthplaying.com/article/2004/3/5/news/15656/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969545 | 261 | 1.640625 | 2 |
Here is an interview with Michael Rex written by Mellisa Eisen Azarian that I received for Sprouts.
Melissa Eisen Azarian is a freelance writer and co-chair of her PTO’s Visiting Authors Committee. Her first children’s book, The Amistad Mutiny: From the Court Case to the Movie, was released by Enslow Publishers in 2009. Azarian14L@aol.com
Michael Rex is the author/illustrator of Goodnight Goon, which reached #1 on the New York Times Best Sellers List. He has written and illustrated over twenty books. He grew up in Chatham, New Jersey and is a graduate of the School of Visual Arts. Recently, he moved to Leonia, New Jersey, where he is busy working on Fangbone! Third Grade Barbarian! In January, Putnam released the first two books in this new graphic novel series for elementary readers.
Here is the Interview:
Your mom is the Administrative Director at a library. How much did her working at a library influence your career choice?
I was there often as a kid and she brought home lots of books for me. However, I remember more art books than novels. Collections of cartoons, “How To” books and books on movie making.
She could buy books at a good discount, so she bought me “How To Draw Comics The Marvel Way” when it first came out. I was never a big superhero guy, but I did learn many basic drawing techniques from that book.
What other factors influenced your decision to become an author/illustrator for children?
After graduating from SVA, I was interested in cartooning, and I was working as a video editor and I was always drawing. My work was getting silly, and kind of cute. It dawned on me that children’s illustration might work for me. I began to spend time at libraries in Manhattan and in bookstores. What grabbed me was that there was no one style that was popular. Every book looked different. Each book had its own feel. It seemed to be a genre, or format, that let an artist use their visual style to support, and add to a story.
What were your biggest obstacles, either academically or professionally?
Biggest hurdle academically? That’s easy. I hated school. Hated it every day from fifth grade to eleventh. In twelfth grade I went to Morris County Vo-Tech half a day to study commercial art. I loved it.
I hated school because I was very unorganized and that translated into being a “bad student” and being a bad student meant you were dumb. I was terrible at math and kept doing the same math classes over and over until I was a Junior and I still hadn’t passed algebra.
Professionally, I think the biggest hurdle is getting that first book. After that, I think the biggest hurdle is to convince editors and art directors that you can do more than one thing.
Can you describe the path of your career leading up to your success with Goodnight Goon?
I worked pretty steadily on picture books from 1995 to 2003. I had done well as a freelancer, but some years were better than others. I think it was 2002 that was kind of a bad year financially, and I began to think about other options. After I got married, I started going to grad school for a degree in Visual Arts Education. My goal was to get a teaching job and still do one book a year.
I had known Tim Travaglini for years and he was now at Putnam. We were having lunch and I mentioned Goodnight Goon to him and he started laughing right away. He signed the book up quickly, and about that time I started teaching art full time at Lehman High School in the Bronx.
I worked on Goon all through my first year. (Some of the pencil sketches were done while waiting to be picked for jury duty!) When it came out, I was starting my third year of teaching, and it hit the best seller list pretty fast. I was shocked. Here I had given this up as my day job, and now I was finally “successful.”
When you reach #1 on the New York Times Best Sellers List, does someone official notify you or do you find out the same way as the rest of us shlubs, by seeing it in the newspaper?
I found out while in a grad school class. Tim texted me ”#1.” For about a half hour I participated in class, but my head was spinning. I just figured that’s not what he’d meant. Finally, during a break I called him and he let me know. It was quite a moment.
Sir Anthony Hopkins once said that after he won the Oscar, he thought, “Oh good, now I can make really bad movies.” After making #1, did you feel any similar sense of relief, or was it the reverse? Did you feel more pressure?
Actually, I figured I should just go on doing what I’m doing. Having a best seller really means that you connected with an audience, and if there was a science to it, we could all do it.
What it did do, was give me confidence to pitch ideas that were a little less traditional. I realized that I’d been self-editing myself for years, making sure my stuff had as wide appeal as possible. And I think I might have made my work a little bland.
Right now I’m doing stuff that is totally “me,” warts and all….which brings me to a big point. We are all told to write what we know. That’s great advice. But we should also write who we are. Goon is a equal parts snarky and sincere, and I think that’s how my wife might describe me.
Be yourself. If you find it funny, write it. If you get good enough, your writing will communicate what you find funny about something, and others will see it that way too.
Tell us about your new series and what inspired it.
For a very long time I’d wanted to do something a little older, and action oriented. I had some different ideas…one was Third Grade Hercules…one was Third Grade Zombie…but none of them clicked. Out of frustration one night I made a list of every genre type that I’d like to draw. Mummies, Vampires, Robots…and connected them to the “Third Grade” title…barbarian appeared on the list and that was it. I immediately started laughing, and the situations and jokes just started to roll.
The idea was to have this barbarian kid stuck in the modern world, and he has to go to school.
When I pitched it to Tim, he got it right away, and he suggested the comic book approach.
Have you switched from picture books to graphic novels now, or are you going to keep doing both?
I’m going to work on some books aimed at older readers for a while. One reason being that I’ve had more than one school tell me they have to bring in an author who will appeal to kids up to, say, fifth grade.
The other reason is now that my boys are a little older (in 2nd grade and K), I’m being inspired by the situations they get into. So it just seems like a natural progression. Also, marketwise picture books are having a tough time, and readers and librarians are looking for more books for young children who read well.
I do love picture books, and would like to do some more, but it really comes down to time.
Do you still teach full-time?
When I pitched Fangbone they came back with a three-book deal. I either had to pass on it, or leave teaching. Oddly, of all people, my wife was the first to suggest going back to freelancing full-time.
How did it go when you visited 3,000 kids in Vegas in one week?
Vegas was great! I went to five schools in five days. I did big assemblies, and five presentations a day. I even did a middle school that went over really well. At night, I sat around in my hotel and wrote. Really.
On an episode of Celebrity Apprentice that aired last March, you illustrated a picture book created by the women’s team. How did this opportunity come about?
I’ve known Margery Cuyler for years, and she was approached to be on the show and act as a judge. They asked her for artists who worked on computers and who were fast. She suggested me and Vincent Nguyen.
When the celebrities were brainstorming picture book ideas, did any of them do or say anything that would make a roomful of SCBWI members cringe?
Yeah. It was tough not to step and in and point them in the right direction. But I wasn’t allowed to. I had to do what they told me. I could say, “Well, if we do that, this will happen” if they were really going off on odd/unworkable ideas. But that was it. But I really did draw and color a 24 page book in under 10 hours, and they were actually all very nice to me.
And yes, they were making all the first time author mistakes. At one point, they had this neat little idea that would have made a good little book and was very simple…but they thought it wasn’t a “story” so they chucked it. I really wanted to chime in and say…that’s a decent idea.
All in all, it was a fun experience, and gives me something to talk about at parties.
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The Near Assassination of Ronald Reagan
By Del Quentin Wilber
(Henry Holt and Co., Hardcover, 9780805093469, 320pp.)
Publication Date: March 15, 2011
A Washington Post Notable Nonfiction Book for 2011
A Richmond Times Dispatch Top Book for 2011
A minute-by-minute account of the attempted assassination of Ronald Reagan, to coincide with the thirtieth anniversary
On March 30, 1981, President Ronald Reagan was just seventy days into his first term of office when John Hinckley Jr. opened fire outside the Washington Hilton Hotel, wounding the president, press secretary James Brady, a Secret Service agent, and a D.C. police officer. For years, few people knew the truth about how close the president came to dying, and no one has ever written a detailed narrative of that harrowing day. Now, drawing on exclusive new interviews and never-before-seen documents, photos, and videos, Del Quentin Wilber tells the electrifying story of a moment when the nation faced a terrifying crisis that it had experienced less than twenty years before, the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.
With cinematic clarity, we see Secret Service agent Jerry Parr, whose fast reflexes saved the president's life; the brilliant surgeons who operated on Reagan as he was losing half his blood; and the small group of White House officials frantically trying to determine whether the country was under attack. Most especially, we encounter the man code-named "Rawhide," a leader of uncommon grace who inspired affection and awe in everyone who worked with him.
Ronald Reagan was the only serving U.S. president to survive being shot in an assassination attempt.* Rawhide Down is the first true record of the day and events that literally shaped Reagan's presidency and sealed his image in the modern American political firmament.
*There have been many assassination attempts on U.S. presidents, four of which were successful: Abraham Lincoln, James A. Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy. President Theodore Roosevelt was injured in an assassination attempt after leaving office.
Del Quentin Wilber is an award-winning reporter for The Washington Post. He has spent most of his career covering law enforcement and sensitive security issues, and his work has been a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize. He lives in Washington, D.C., with his wife and two sons. Visit the website for Rawhide Down at www.RawhideDown.com.
In Rawhide Down, journalist Del Quentin Wilber offers new information about the March 1981 day that President Ronald Reagan was shot in Washington, D.C. Wilber and Jerry Parr, the head of Reagan's Secret Service detail at the time of the shooting, speak with NPR's Ari Shapiro. More at NPR.org
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"Newly revealing… Mr. Wilber reconstructs an episode much more serious and dire than it has been made to seem. The courage of the president, the delicacy of the situation faced by his doctors and the sloppiness of security measures are all given new attention… A fast-paced book that captures many points of view."—The New York Times (one of Janet Maslin’s Recommended Books for 2011)
"The chapters that detail the assassination attempt and its immediate aftermath read like a thriller. In clear prose, we learn that Reagan was far closer to death than was previously thought."—David Baldacci, The Washington Post
"A page-turner from beginning to end… You will learn a lot about an event that came razor-close to changing America forever."—Bill O’Reilly, author of the forthcoming Killing Lincoln: The Assassination that Changed America Forever
"A harrowing story, more so than it seemed at the time, and Wilber, a reporter for the Washington Post, has tracked down virtually everyone who had anything to do with protecting the President or with saving his life at the hospital."—The New Yorker
"In this eye-opening book of solid journalism, we learn just how close Ronald Reagan, code-named 'Rawhide' by the Secret Service, came to being the president with the second shortest time in office."—Bob Hoover, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette
"With a reporter's eye for detail and a screenwriter's talent for the cinematic, he invests such immediacy in Rawhide Down that the reader is thrust back 30 years in time."—Richmond Times-Dispatch
"A tense, riveting account of that day."— Dallas Morning News
"Detailed and dramatic… Mr. Wilber, a Washington Post crime reporter who writes clear, crisp prose, fleshes out his gripping narrative with a number of well-told side stories."—The Washington Times
"A riveting minute-by-minute account of the shooting and reveals that Reagan came closer to death than the public knew."—New York Post
"This intensely researched account yields an almost moment-by-moment account of the crisis."—New York Daily News
"A fast-paced read that draws well-crafted characters and gives a vivid sense of the history that brought the story’s heroes and Hinckley together that day."—The Washingtonian
"Gripping … A fascinating glimpse of a pivotal moment in history."—Publishers Weekly (Starred Review)
"This mesmerizing rendition of the event can be read in one sitting, as Wilber’s accuracy and craft provoke rapt interest."—Booklist
"Del Quentin Wilber has written a compelling and multi-layered examination of the near-assassination of President Ronald Reagan on March 30, 1981. As a biographer of Reagan who was at the Washington Hilton Hotel that fateful day, I was fascinated by Wilber’s meticulous reconstruction. He properly credits the valor and judgment of the Secret Service agents who saved Reagan’s life but also analyzes the security deficiencies that made the assassination attempt possible. Wilber reminds us of how close we were to losing Reagan little more than two months into his presidency. His detailed and readable accounts of the surgeries performed on Reagan and Press Secretary James Brady are of particular historical value."—Lou Cannon, author of President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime
"Rawhide Down is full of spectacular, original reporting."—Bob Woodward
"The 96 months of Ronald Reagan’s presidency changed the nation and the world. Del Quentin Wilber’s gripping account of the ‘near assassination’ of the 40th president shows how close the country—and the world—came to missing more than 93 of those months."—George F. Will
"Rawhide Down is a stunning work. Del Quentin Wilber, with the world-class reporting skills he honed on the police beat and a fine sense of narrative, has taken a story we thought we knew and rendered it wholly fresh, vibrant, and revealing."—David Maraniss, author of When Pride Still Mattered | <urn:uuid:6ad1399d-50dc-4cf7-a917-48da9892804f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.indiebound.org/book/9780805093469?aff=NYT | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696381249/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092621-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.944295 | 1,442 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Winter driving is inconvenient and can be supremely hazardous, but a little bit of preparation and a big pinch of patience can make winter driving a reasonably painless experience.
While winter can be dangerous for those behind the wheel, drivers can avoid accidents by following some basic rules of the road when it comes to driving in the winter elements.
While many people know that choosing an oil with the proper viscosity is critical, they might not know that winter puts added strain on other parts of their car's lubrication system.
If a yellow or red light suddenly appears on your dashboard, do you know how to react?
The only person to drive 2.8 million miles in the same car shares his thoughts on making your winter outings safe ones.
The halcyon days of summer are over. Now is the time to fix your car for the harsher conditions coming this fall and winter.
While a stall in the summer might leave you irritated, it's much less likely to be life-threatening than a stall in midwinter. Here's what to check before you set out in winter weather.
High-tech safety innovations continue to proliferate in today's cars and utility vehicles. Here's how the latest cars keep you safe and what you can expect from them.
Fixing your car correctly isn't brain surgery, but your life does depend on it.
Playing a computer game to keep your driving skills sharp as you age seems like science fiction, but it is one of several activities gaining attention as older drivers fill the roads.
Storm damage is one of the reasons you need auto insurance. To make sure you are covered and get what you need, follow these steps.
As the summer driving season gets under way, many motorists find themselves staring at a dashboard warning lamp they don't recognize.
With warmer weather, more motorcycles are on the road, so drive nice, look twice and see the riders.
The battery in your car needs proper treatment, so avoid doing things it doesn't like.
You don't want your car to be stolen, so what can you do to protect yourself from the huge and organized hazard that car thieves pose? Here are some suggestions. | <urn:uuid:20acc133-84a1-4052-a2ca-072063be7264> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.myfoxdetroit.com/category/125657/driving-today-safety | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696382584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092622-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.965156 | 442 | 1.6875 | 2 |
Are the left and the right in this country pretty much the same except for ideology? Are liberals and conservatives basically two sides of the same coin? One side you have one opinion, the other side an opposing view. Are the parties in America symmetrical?
Only the right wing will say yes.
It’s a go-to (think lazy) response to any criticism of the right: The left does it too. Even more so, probably.
If you say the right is still utilizing the Southern Strategy while trying to disenfranchise African-Americans, they’ll say the left are the real racists. James Taranto of WSJ.com wrote, “To keep blacks voting Democratic, it is necessary for the party and its supporters to keep alive the idea that racism is prevalent in America and to portray the Republican Party … as racist.” According to conservatives, liberals are the ones who really have a war on women. (Republicans just want to nationalize their wombs.) Democrats are the ones who really don’t want diversity. (All the old white men in the Republican Party are just a coincidence.) It’s not Mitt Romney who was shockingly untethered from facts in the most suspended-reality campaign in modern history; Obama lied about closing Guantanamo!
Yes, Republicans are rubber, Democrats are glue…
Whatever you say about Republicans they’ll try to pin that tail on the donkey.
This false equivalency benefits the right. A pox on both your houses disengages people from the political process and that helps Republicans. As we’ve seen in the midterms: When fewer people vote, more Republicans get into office.
The two parties are not, as we say in math, opposite equals. At all. Especially in math. As Bill Clinton said in his 2012 DNC speech, “Now, people ask me all the time how we got four surplus budgets in a row. What new ideas did we bring to Washington? I always give a one-word answer: Arithmetic.”
When Republicans were in charge they started two unfunded wars and took the unprecedented (for a reason) step of giving deep tax cuts — also unfunded — during a time of war(s). They spent like proverbial (and literal) drunken sailors. They increased the size of government (Department of Homeland Security) and increased the deficit while decreasing revenue. That’s what Republicans did when they could do everything they’d always hoped for: They made a mess of the place.
Now Republicans are shocked! Shocked by the state of their beloved country! It’s a disaster!
Republicans are aghast and determined to find someone (non-Republican) to blame: illegal immigrants, single mothers, “Washington,” Pelosi, Obama, ACORN, New Black Panthers, Old Black Panthers, Planned Parenthood. Maybe if they just habitually say “Benghazi” no one will pay attention to what Republicans do when they’re in power.
Oh and all this spending — it’s akin to sin and treason and everything distasteful now that Republicans no longer in the Oval Office. The phony outrage is palpable. As Speaker of the House John Boehner tweeted, “Too many Americans are still out of work & Washington still spends too much, taxes too much & borrows too much.”
If you ask a Republican, Democrats are responsible too. Yes, Democrats didn’t shut down the government when the first and second unpaid-for Bush tax cuts were up for a vote. They didn’t abuse the filibuster to stop Republicans from passing (the also unpaid-for) Medicare Part D. They didn’t impeach Bush when they had the votes. In short: Democrats didn’t act like Republicans act when they’re in the minority so they didn’t try hard enough to keep Republicans from melting the world’s economy.
See? Democrats had the power to be just as disruptive, cantankerous and disrespectful of the process when they were in the minority. Therefore, both parties (can) do it.
Six of one, half a dozen of the other. The whole thing is disgusting. They’re all crooks. You shouldn’t even bother to vote or be involved. You should just look away. That’s how Republicans like it.
© Copyright 2013 TinaDupuy.com, distributed exclusively by Cagle Cartoons newspaper syndicate.
Tina Dupuy is an award-winning writer and the editor-in-chief of TheContributor.com. Tina can be reached at firstname.lastname@example.org. | <urn:uuid:3d474f46-76c6-4ae6-a13b-3656a1f80512> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.cagle.com/2013/01/left-and-right-are-not-opposite-equals/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953725 | 968 | 1.59375 | 2 |
Its interesting that early into the article on this strike, the NYTIMES quickly reiterates the slimy attack on public workers that is often used here in the U.S. against public sector workers. The charge? They accuse the public sector workers of being “privileged”.
In Greece, commentators said the economic problems had exposed a general ignorance about the harsh realities of the global economy, while laying bare the strong sense of entitlement in a country where one out of three Greeks is employed in a civil service that guarantees jobs for life.
What does that mean though? With the price of living in Greece having skyrocketed so badly with the inflation and introduction of the Euro, these wages are not liveable wages. And why shouldn’t people have guaranteed jobs for life?
“People in other countries like Germany, France and the United States learned about the workings of the economy the hard way, by seeing their jobs on the line,” said Babis Papadimitriou, an economic analyst at the Skai radio and television group. “This hasn’t been the case in Greece.”
Yeah so this guy, Papadimitriou, says that Greek workers have not “learned” the workings of the economy. But this quote tells me otherwise:
But the Greek government’s proposals for deep spending cuts to rein in the deficit have met significant resistance.
“We won’t pay for their crisis!” loudspeakers blared from Klafthmonos Square, otherwise known as “the square of the crying people,” where disenchanted Greek workers have come for centuries to express their discontent. “Not one euro to be sacrificed to the bankers!”
This tells me that the Greek workers actually HAVE learned how the economy works, and that’s why they are shutting ‘ish down! What lesson haven’t they learned? That the economic crisis forces the government to cut vital services while bailing out banks to the tune of trillions of dollars? The lesson that when workers cede concessions, they only get asked to take more concessions?
So far workers in the U.S. have largely not resisted the budget cuts and bailouts to banks. But I think that March 4th (hopefully) and the weeks after, might be the beginning of a movement that will show Papadimitriou (and the rest of the world) otherwise. | <urn:uuid:9fd8e056-3345-4fff-9743-22ea0a0f88ed> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://shesamarxist.tumblr.com/post/382214500/greek-public-sector-on-strike | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706153698/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120913-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.94487 | 507 | 1.6875 | 2 |
Bradley Secker, a U.K based photojournalist, spent two months living in Damascus, Syria in autumn 2010. He spent his time locating LGBT individuals that had fled Iraq in fear of being persecuted because of their sexuality. Gaining the trust of these individuals meant Bradley could see inside the closed diaspora of Iraqi LGBT refugees first hand. His primary aim was to create a photo essay with written, first hand testimonies.
On return to the U.K, Bradley started work on ‘Iraq’s unwanted people’, a short documentary highlighting the problems faced by Iraqi LGBT individuals. The film shows two personal accounts of men living in fear as refugees in Syria. Through photos, interviews and moving image, the film hopes to pose the question as to how, and why, such acts of violence and brutality can be overlooked in a new ‘free’ Iraq.
Film edited and produced by Spindle Films
For more information visit bradleysecker.com.
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Hmm…it looks like things are taking a while to load. Try again? | <urn:uuid:e2d68e86-efc4-4aeb-8e7d-d98305adbd0b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://vimeo.com/31597174 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.961397 | 224 | 1.6875 | 2 |
Have you ever wondered how we at Global Voices do what we do? Here's a behind-the-scenes look at how the 700-plus members of our diverse, global and entirely virtual community pull together stories. Every day our section leaders, editors and volunteer authors and translators work together across borders, time zones and language barriers to amplify the best of citizen and social media, report on online freedom of expression and support others in joining the global conversation.
To kick off this year's holiday fundraising campaign, this breakdown of how one article came into being shows how the coordinated efforts of many people combine to make GV so unique.
October 23, 2012: João Miguel, from his home in Fortaleza, Brazil, e-mails his fellow volunteers on the Portuguese language team mailing list about an incident involving the Guaraní Kaiowá, the second largest indigenous ethnic group in Brazil, who are under threat of eviction from their ancestral lands in the Brazilian state of Mato Grosso do Sul. Janet, in the UK, quickly writes up a short post in English, while six other members of the group in five different cities in Brazil, Portugal and Spain get to work researching the story.
October 25, 2012: Janet begins translating the piece into English, leaning on our Multilingual Editor Paula in London and João Miguel in Fortaleza for help with subtitling the embedded video. The English version is sent to the sub-editor mailing list, where it's picked up by Kevin in Melbourne, Australia. Kevin proofreads the post, and it's published on the Global Voices in English site.
In just a few hours, nine people on three continents, five countries and seven cities have collaborated to spread the story of “The Cry of Resistance of the Guarani Kaiowa” to the world in Portuguese and English.
Right now, other Global Voices teams are doing exactly the same, across borders and time zones and languages, to amplify important citizen-driven stories the mainstream media doesn't have the time or interest to cover.
We're thankful for the funding we receive from the foundations who've supported us over the years, but in order to keep doing what we do, and to stay independent, free and sustainable, we also depend on the generous support of independent friends and readers like you. Your donations help cover the cost of server space, administrative costs, our microgrant programs and Global Voices staff.
This holiday season, please consider a gift to Global Voices. | <urn:uuid:2f2fe836-9c31-47b3-9272-e04898db41f4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://globalvoicesonline.org/2012/12/13/global-voices-and-the-power-of-we/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703682988/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112802-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.934852 | 506 | 1.609375 | 2 |
Garnett states the findings of the Special Investigative Counsel, which includes the statement "...the total and consistent disregard by the most senior leaders at Penn State for the safety and welfare of Sandusky's child victims...." He then looks at reactions to the report, and the controversy around whether or not to remove a statue of Paterno:
On ESPN Radio, Corey Giger, a guest on Colin Cowherd's "The Herd" show, spoke of the "cult-like worship" of Joe Paterno, the saintly "Joepa," and called him a false god, which indeed, he and Penn State football were (and for many, still are).
The Hebrew Testament proscriptions against false gods often strike us these days as ridiculous and archaic. We don't worship statues or graven images, do we?
But the fact of the matter-as suggested by what has led to the controversy over the Paterno statue-is that we often chase after false gods, try to find our meaning, our community, in places where the true God is not.
Garnett considers why Paterno seemed worthy of adulation, and yet why this scandal forever defines him:
Joe Paterno spoke throughout his career of winning with honor, of living a life of integrity, of the importance of education, of giving back to the institutions that you love, of hard work.
Those who worshiped at the altar of Paterno believed they had found a place where they were called to something higher, where they in their love and allegiance joined others, just as passionate, where they themselves were somehow better and finer for their worship.
And now what they have is this, a legacy forever stained by the suggestion that Mr. Paterno was not simply duped by a trusted friend, did not even simply stand aside and let evil continue, but was complicit in a criminal cover up. The Freeh report concludes that Mr. Paterno worked actively to preserve his reputation, the reputation of his football program, and the reputation of his school by closing the door on closer investigation of Mr. Sandusky. As Bob Costas put it, "He was among those who enabled Sandusky, not only to let him get away with what he had already done, but to continue to victimize other children."
Someone on CNN asked the other day if it's fair to characterize someone based on their worst mistake; I've preached on the fact that it seems unfair to Doubting Thomas to name him for a moment of weakness. But this is different: Mr. Paterno preached one thing, and lived another, and it is for this hypocrisy that he deserves to be condemned.
Instead of the sense of justice and compassion he evinced in his Penn State commencement speech, Mr. Paterno permitted those who were weaker and less fortunate to be victimized so he could maintain his position. | <urn:uuid:531dea58-bb37-4160-b5a9-81ee6cfb9bfc> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.episcopalcafe.com/lead/society/worshiping_false_gods_joe_pate.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.984807 | 595 | 1.523438 | 2 |
19:1 Better is the poor that walketh in his integrity Than he that is perverse in his lips and is a fool.
19:2 Also, that the soul be without knowledge is not good; And he that hasteth with his feet sinneth.
19:3 The foolishness of man subverteth his way; And his heart fretteth against Jehovah.
19:4 Wealth addeth many friends; But the poor is separated from his friend.
19:5 A false witness shall not be unpunished; And he that uttereth lies shall not escape.
19:6 Many will entreat the favor of the liberal man; And every man is a friend to him that giveth gifts.
19:7 All the brethren of the poor do hate him: How much more do his friends go far from him! He pursueth `them with' words, `but' they are gone.
19:8 He that getteth wisdom loveth his own soul: He that keepeth understanding shall find good.
19:9 A false witness shall not be unpunished; And he that uttereth lies shall perish.
19:10 Delicate living is not seemly for a fool; Much less for a servant to have rule over princes.
19:11 The discretion of a man maketh him slow to anger; And it is his glory to pass over a transgression.
19:12 The king's wrath is as the roaring of a lion; But his favor is as dew upon the grass.
19:13 A foolish son is the calamity of his father; And the contentions of a wife are a continual dropping.
19:14 House and riches are an inheritance from fathers; But a prudent wife is from Jehovah.
19:15 Slothfulness casteth into a deep sleep; And the idle soul shall suffer hunger.
19:16 He that keepeth the commandment keepeth his soul; `But' he that is careless of his ways shall die.
19:17 He that hath pity upon the poor lendeth unto Jehovah, And his good deed will he pay him again.
19:18 Chasten thy son, seeing there is hope; nd set not thy heart on his destruction.
19:19 A man of great wrath shall bear the penalty; For if thou deliver `him', thou must do it yet again.
19:20 Hear counsel, and receive instruction, That thou mayest be wise in thy latter end.
19:21 There are many devices in a man's heart; But the counsel of Jehovah, that shall stand.
19:22 That which maketh a man to be desired is his kindness; And a poor man is better than a liar.
19:23 The fear of Jehovah `tendeth' to life; And he `that hath it' shall abide satisfied; He shall not be visited with evil.
19:24 The sluggard burieth his hand in the dish, And will not so much as bring it to his mouth again.
19:25 Smite a scoffer, and the simple will learn prudence; And reprove one that hath understanding, `and' he will understand knowledge.
19:26 He that doeth violence to his father, and chaseth away his mother, Is a son that causeth shame and bringeth reproach.
19:27 Cease, my son, to hear instruction `Only' to err from the words of knowledge.
19:28 A worthless witness mocketh at justice; And the mouth of the wicked swalloweth iniquity.
19:29 Judgments are prepared for scoffers, And stripes for the back of fools.
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Here are a couple of good questions I received from David (newsgroup user):
1. [David] when I go to trash wouldn't I just look for entries between 12-3
and 12-6 ? or could other dates have been deleted?
[Anton] If you are looking at last date Accessed (as opposed to Create,
Modified), then the dates should be between 12/3 and 12/6. However, because
we were unable to verify this 100%, the safest thing is still to look
through all the files you have in your trash folder.
2. [David] when a file looks like this "~$squito magnet revision rtf ( one
of my docs) is that considered and foreign symbol to look for ?
[Anton] No. That is not considered a special symbol. These files are usually
temp files created by applications for backup and changes tracking purposes.
When you close the corresponding word / rtf file, that temp file will often
be deleted from your system. FolderShare will notice that deletion and mark
that file deleted on other computers as well.
3. [David] when i have two computers i trust i have to check each or is
there one trash can per acct that all things feed into?
[Anton] FolderShare keeps files in sync between your different computers so
usually, when you restore files on one computer, they will be replicated to
the other computers as well. Having said that, because your computers might
not have been connected at the same time, it is possible that some files
will not be restored so the best way would be
1. restore on one computer
2. wait until your computers are synced
3. Look through other computers' trash folders
4. [David] I understand foldershare picks up any changes and updates both
files( great), but if remove a block of docs will it construe that as
deleting- and thus delete them from the other computer?
[Anton] If you move files away from a shared library, these files will be
deleted on other computers as well, as FolderShare attempts to keep your
latest changed in sync with the other folders.
Hope this helps,
Program Manager - Windows Live FolderShare | <urn:uuid:03d7dd7d-d8fc-414d-891b-2cb9e1ad310f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.vistax64.com/live-folder-share/129454-several-good-questions.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953664 | 474 | 1.804688 | 2 |
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Letter from Rina Deych Concerning Judaism and Kosher Slaughter - 3 Dec 2004
Dear Fellow Jewish Vegetarians,
I have just received disturbing news about one of the biggest "glatt kosher" slaughterhouses in this country.
Please read the story:
My grandfather was an ultra-orthodox kosher butcher who loved animals (and, interestingly, became a vegetarian in the last year of his life). I know he would roll over in his grave if he saw this footage.
Many people (even non-Jews) buy kosher meat because they think it is more humane. If it is done as per the Torah, and animals were treated as encouraged in the Talmud, it would be more humane (or should I say less brutal). But watching this footage it is clear that by no means could this brutality be considered "kosher."
Through the years I have seen other disturbing footage taken in kosher slaughterhouses, but when I have tried to tell rabbis and other orthodox people, they dismiss it and refuse to watch, stating, "Oh, but that is not done anymore." This footage (shot in the summer of '04) is proof that those brutal practices are STILL being done.
Many Jews are afraid to speak up against it, because those who remain in denial will allege that they are self-hating Jews. Or, chas veh chalilah, a goy mentions it, they will allege anti-Semitism.
As good Jews who believe in the tenets of the Torah, we MUST scream out against this horrible, barbaric behavior which goes against the holy teachings.
Aren't we, as Jews, supposed to be more compassionate and evolved? Aren't we supposed to exemplify gentleness and humaneness toward our fellow creatures - human and non-human?
Please let me know what you think about this issue.
Thank you and Shabbat Shalom,
We welcome your comments:
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Richard Kouchoo replies:
>However the "two headed" snake scenario is just an example of the
>duplication of 'code' by error (mutation). To create a "wing", a
>totally NEW structure, NEW code is needed. I think this is where
>Johnson and others are coming from.
I think that is why Johnson et al. are not taken seriously.
The wing is not an entirely "new" structure per se, but an
adaptation of a previous one. Yes, there is "new" information
involved in wing evolution, and the source could well have been
"error (mutation)". Assuming that "two-headedness" in snakes
arose from mutations then that certainly is "new" code.
Johnson et al (and I include Lee Spetner here) have NOT properly
defined what they mean by biological information -- certainly not
in any consistent or quantifiable way. I've been through this before
with Spetner and have seen nothing added by Johnson (see the
evolution reflector @ Calvin for past exchanges on the subject)
Given that Johnson couldn't get the AIDS/HIV connection right, I
have little trust in his ability to evaluate information theory as
applied to molecular genetics.
email@example.com (despam address before use) | <urn:uuid:f0531c0a-9f50-4c2c-9821-f9810f560dfe> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www2.asa3.org/archive/asa/199911/0175.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699881956/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102441-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.939329 | 291 | 1.632813 | 2 |
Bipartisan Policy Center
||This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page.
|Type||Public policy think tank|
|Headquarters||Washington, D.C., United States|
The Bipartisan Policy Center (BPC) is a non-profit organization that "drives principled solutions through rigorous analysis, reasoned negotiation, and respectful dialogue". It considers itself a think tank characterized by "politically balanced policy making with strong, proactive advocacy and outreach". The Center was founded in 2007 by former Senate Majority Leaders Howard Baker, Tom Daschle, Bob Dole, and George J. Mitchell.
BPC currently has projects focused on economic policy, energy, health care and nutrition, housing, national security, and transportation. Actively promoting bipartisanship, BPC hosts events like "Bridge-Builder Breakfasts", political summits, and policy discussions to foster an ongoing conversation about how to overcome political divides.
Jason Grumet serves as president of BPC. Prior to helping found the organization in 2007, Grumet directed the National Commission on Energy Policy (NCEP). He was also an adviser on energy and the environment for the 2008 presidential campaign of then-Senator Barack Obama.
While BPC was formally launched in March 2007, the organization’s roots trace back to 2002, when the National Commission on Energy Policy (NCEP), predecessor to BPC's current Energy Project, was founded.
On June 17, 2009, BPC's "Leaders' Project on the State of American Health Care" (now an inactive project) released a report, Crossing Our Lines: Working Together to Reform the U.S. Health System'] The report, which came at the height of the health care reform debate in the United States, laid out plans to help states establish insurance exchanges and lower costs. Former Senate Majority Leaders and BPC Co-Founders Howard Baker, Tom Daschle, and Bob Dole crafted the report.
On February 16, 2010, BPC hosted "Cyber ShockWave", a simulated cyber attack on the United States. The simulation, which was moderated by Wolf Blitzer and broadcast as a special on CNN, provided a look at how the government would respond to a large-scale cyber crisis affecting much of the nation. The simulation was created by former CIA Director General Michael Hayden (general) and BPC's National Security Preparedness Group, led by the co-chairs of the 9/11 Commission, Governor Thomas Kean and Congressman Lee H. Hamilton.
Former senior administration officials and national security experts participating in the event included: Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff as National Security Advisor; Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte as Secretary of State; White House Homeland Security Advisor Fran Townsend as Secretary of Homeland Security; Director of Central Intelligence John E. McLaughlin as Director of National Intelligence; Senator Bennett Johnston as Secretary of Energy; Director of the National Economic Council Stephen Friedman (PFIAB) as Secretary of Treasury; Deputy Attorney General Jamie Gorelick as Attorney General, White House Press Secretary Joe Lockhart as Counselor to the President; General Counsel of the National Security Agency Stewart Baker as Cyber Coordinator; and Deputy Commander U.S. European Command Charles F. Wald as Secretary of Defense. BPC released a report summarizing the findings and recommendations from the simulation.
On June 16, 2010, in conjunction with the United States Association of Former Members of Congress, BPC hosted a day-long conference entitled, "Breaking the Stalemate: Renewing a Bipartisan Dialogue", at the National Archives. Participants included Senator Ron Wyden, Secretary of Transportation Ray LaHood, BPC Senior Fellow and former Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott, former Speaker of the House Tom Foley, former Minority Leader Bob Michel, and former Representative Martin Frost.
On November 17, 2010, BPC's "Debt Reduction Task Force" released its report, Restoring America's Future, in an effort to influence the debate over the national debt. The Task Force, led by former Senate Budget Committee Chairman Pete Domenici and former White House Budget Director and Federal Reserve Vice Chair Alice Rivlin, was a bipartisan group of former White House and Cabinet officials, Senate and House members, governors and mayors, and business and labor leaders. Their report was released two weeks prior to that of President Obama's National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform.
On May 11, 2011, former President of Colombia Álvaro Uribe spoke at BPC during an event to release a new report, Stabilizing Fragile States, by BPC's National Security Project. He highlighted his administration's efforts to reform the country's security services to combat extremist groups and gain the trust of the citizenry.
On May 23, 2011, House Minority Whip Steny Hoyer called for a balanced approach to deficit reduction in a speech at BPC. Hoyer said that both the White House's National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform and BPC's Debt Reduction Task Force "place a high priority on fairness, and strike a...more even balance between cutting spending and raising revenue."
On October 26, 2011, BPC launched the Housing Commission, a bipartisan effort led by Kit Bond, Henry Cisneros, Mel Martinez, and George J. Mitchell. The Commission will draft recommendations to reform the nation’s housing policy, including views on the most effective role of the federal government in helping to shape the nation’s future housing landscape.
In October 2011, an 18-member panel convened by the Center issued a report urging immediate researching and testing of geoengineering ideas in case "the climate system reaches a 'tipping point' and swift remedial action is required" regarding climate change mitigation of global warming.
On March 21, 2012, BPC hosted "A Century of Service" at the Andrew W. Mellon Auditorium in Washington, D.C. The event was a tribute to BPC founders and former Senate Majority Leaders Howard Baker and Bob Dole. Speakers included Vice President Joe Biden, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, Republican Leader Mitch McConnell, and Senators Pat Roberts and Lamar Alexander. Former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, a BPC founder, and former Leaders Trent Lott and Bill Frist, both BPC Senior Fellows, also made remarks. To highlight the accomplishments and contributions of the honorees, BPC unveiled two short films that offer a glimpse into the respective careers of Baker and Dole.
Policy programs and projects
Economic Policy Program
Economic Policy Project (EPP)
In April 2011, the Economic Policy Project (EPP) released a federal budget enforcement mechanism called "Save-as-you-Go" or SAVEGO. The plan is modeled on various legislative efforts of the 1980s and 1990s, including PAYGO, the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Balanced Budget Act, and the Budget Enforcement Act of 1990.
In June 2011, amid ongoing negotiations on a debt reduction deal between the US Congress and the White House, EPP released their Debt Limit Analysis, which provided a look at the consequences of a delay in raising the debt ceiling and the economic uncertainty that would ensue if the United States Department of the Treasury was forced to prioritize spending. BPC's analysis revealed that at some point in early August 2011, unless the debt ceiling was raised, the federal government would have been unable to meet all of its spending obligations. After that date, federal spending would have been reduced by as much as 44% for the remainder of August. Many media outlets, including USA Today, Wall Street Journal, The Washington Post, NPR, The Los Angeles Times, and MSNBC, cited the analysis in news and opinion articles.
Restoring America's Future
The Debt Reduction Task Force (DRTF) is co-chaired by former Senator Pete V. Domenici and former OMB and CBO Director Dr. Alice Rivlin. The task force staff is led by Senior Director Steve Bell, former staff director of the Senate Budget Committee under Pete Domenici.
DTRF's November 2010 report analyzed the entire federal budget in detail and presented specific policy changes to stabilize the nation's projected debt, which were formally presented to Congress through a variety of hearings and meetings. The report received widespread attention and established BPC as one of the major voices in the national debate over America’s fiscal future.
The Debt Reduction Task Force released its report Restoring America's Future report on November 17, 2010. The group was led by Co-Chairs Pete Domenici and Alice Rivlin. The Task Force's members were Robert Bixby of the Concord Coalition, former Michigan Governor James Blanchard, former Chief of Staff to Bob Dole and Secretary of the Senate Sheila Burke, Leonard Burman of the Urban Institute and the Tax Policy Center, Deloitte Vice Chairman Robert N. Campbell III, former United States Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Henry Cisneros, former United States Secretary of Commerce Carlos Gutierrez, former staff director of the Senate Budget Committee G. William Hoagland, former Oklahoma Governor Frank Keating, Karen Kerrigan of the Small Business and Entrepreneurship Council, Maya MacGuineas of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, Donald B. Marron Jr. of the Tax Policy Center, former president of the American Federation of Teachers Edward J. McElroy, Joe Minarik of the Committee for Economic Development, former National Urban League president and former New Orleans Mayor Marc Morial, former AARP CEO William D. Novelli, and former Washington, D.C. Mayor Anthony A. Williams.
The plan reduces and stabilizes the debt at 60 percent of the economy, freezes discretionary spending, ends tax deductions, and raises new taxes. Federal tax revenue would rise to 23.1 percent of GDP by 2035 and the tax code would be simplified to two brackets, with rates of 15 and 27 percent. Defense spending would shrink to 2.4 percent of GDP and spending on health and Social Security programs would be held at 15.4 percent of GDP in 2035. The plan maintains the traditional Medicare program and introduces a market-based premium support alternative.
Housing commission
The housing finance system played a significant role in the recent U.S. financial crisis and the resulting economic recession. This fragile infrastructure, along with continuing market affordability challenges, impedes a robust economic recovery. The Housing Commission, launched in October 2011, aims to reform the nation’s housing policy by reexamining the role of the federal government in helping to shape the nation’s future housing landscape. Led by former U.S. Secretaries of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) Henry Cisneros and Mel Martinez, also a former U.S. Senator, former U.S. Senator Kit Bond and former U.S. Senate Majority Leader and BPC Co-Founder George Mitchell, the Commission plans to put forth a package of policy recommendations for consideration by the administration and Congress in early 2013.
Energy and infrastructure program
Energy project
The Energy Project was launched in April 2011. The project is led by Co-Chairs Byron Dorgan, James L. Jones, Trent Lott, and William K. Reilly. Margot Anderson, previously of the United States Department of Energy, serves as project director. The Energy Project, which evolved from the structure of the National Commission on Energy Policy, focuses on energy security, supply, reliability, cost and sustainability. The project's membership includes energy industry CEOs, top NGO and labor officials, and senior former political figures from both major parties.
To date, the project has released reports on regulation ("Environmental Regulation and Electric System Reliability"), renewable subsidies ("Reassessing Renewable Energy Subsidies: Issue Brief"), and natural gas ("Task Force on Ensuring Stable Natural Gas Markets").
In December 2012, the Energy Project plans to issue a report on Energy Opportunities for the President and New Congress.
The American Energy Innovation Council, launched in June 2010, is co-staffed by BPC and the ClimateWorks Foundation. AEIC is a group of business leaders who promote a more vigorous public and private sector commitment to energy technology innovation. The group, led by Chad Holliday, Norman R. Augustine, Ursula Burns, John Doerr, Bill Gates, Jeff Immelt, and Tim Solso, released a report, A Business Plan for America's Energy Future, outlining actionable steps to boost the nation's technology potential.
National Transportation Policy Project (NTPP)
NTPP was launched in February 2008 with the aim of bringing new approaches and fresh thinking to transportation issues. The project is led by former Detroit Mayor Dennis Archer, former Representative Sherwood Boehlert, former Senator Slade Gorton, and former Representative Martin Sabo.
The first phase of the project's work resulted in a report, Performance Driven: A New Vision for U.S. Transportation Policy, proposing a variety of ideas and recommendations for reforming transportation policy. The report addresses both a long-term vision for transportation policy as well as a number of ideas and reforms that can be incorporated in a future authorization bill. In the report, NTPP calls for adequate and targeted investment in transportation infrastructure, ensuring that any expenditure sets out to achieve maximum returns and benefits in terms of national economic, energy, safety, and environmental goals.
On June 23, 2010, NTPP released a report, Transitioning to Performance-Based Federal Surface Transportation Policy, based on insights gleaned from a BPC-sponsored workshop led by national experts, congressional staff, and administration officials. The project hosted briefings for the administration and members of Congress and their staff to educate them on the report's findings.
On January 21, 2011, NTPP members Douglas Holtz-Eakin and Martin Wachs called on the White House and Congress to change their approach to transportation policy saying that "the nation can no longer afford to support poorly targeted investments when the needs are so great and public resources are so constrained". The report Strengthening Connections Between Transportation Investments and Economic Growth, outlines three specific policy changes the White House and Congress can make to ensure that scarce public dollars are spent wisely and, at the same time, create employment opportunities in the short term and contribute to the nation’s economic recovery in the long term.
On June 16, 2011, NTPP released Performance Driven: Achieving Wiser Investment in Transportation, a report that lays out near-term actions that can be taken to restructure the nation's surface transportation program. The recommended framework would streamline and consolidate over 100 existing transportation programs into 10 core programs, make transportation spending more sustainable by authorizing a program at existing revenue levels, and begin the transition to a performance-based system that is better able to leverage non-federal resources. The focus of the plan is to reform, consolidate and scale back the existing federal transportation program and make it targeted toward a set of specific national goals, including economic growth, national connectivity, metropolitan accessibility, energy security and environmental protection, and safety.
Governance program
Democracy project
Launched in November 2010, the Democracy Project is a bipartisan initiative that analyzes and advocates for improvements to America's democratic institutions. Co-chaired by BPC Senior Fellow Dan Glickman, Dirk Kempthorne, and Steve Case, the Democracy Project focuses on two issue areas for reform: strengthening civil discourse in government, and Congressional redistricting or reapportionment. The project highlights potential infrastructure changes that promote a more efficient and effective government and issues recommendations with the aim of improving the national debate. The Democracy Project's Advisory Committee consists of government, business, civic, military, and academic leaders. John Fortier, a political scientist and former research fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, serves as project director.
Health program
Health project
The Health Project, launched in January 2011, is headed by Co-Leaders Tom Daschle, Bill Frist, Ted Strickland, and Mike Rounds. Julie Barnes, former acting director of the Healthy Policy Program at the New America Foundation, is the director of the project. In response to the passage of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010, BPC turned to developing a bipartisan approach to help states meet their ongoing budgetary, demographic, and health reform challenges. The Health Project focuses on four major areas of health reform policy: insurance reform and exchange development, implementation and innovation; options for state flexibility in the management and financing of Medicaid programs; the coordination and most effective use of information technology as a critically important tool for success in every aspect of health care delivery and financing; and the issues confronting the health professional workforce and how best to respond to these challenges.
Nutrition and Physical Activity Initiative
The Nutrition and Physical Activity Initiative was formed in March 2011 to help enhance the physical activity and nutritional opportunities for all Americans. The initiative brings together key experts, policy makers, and stakeholders to identify opportunities for action on these issues. Led by BPC Senior Fellow Dan Glickman, former Utah Governor and Health and Human Services Secretary Mike Leavitt, University of Miami President and former Health and Human Services Secretary Donna Shalala, and former Agriculture Secretary Ann Veneman, the initiative focuses on four priority areasty areas: investing in children’s health; creating healthy schools; improving the health of communities; and developing healthy institutions.
The initiative held its first public forum on nutrition information and education at the University of Miami on April 20, 2011. In August 2011, the initiative's leadership traveled to Salt Lake City, Utah to hold a roundtable discussion with local leaders on affordable and accessible physical activity programs. The group also toured various fitness sites throughout the city.
National Security Program
Foreign Policy Project
The Foreign Policy Project (FPP) develops policy recommendations for pressing foreign policy issues by collaborating with respected civilian and military experts from the right and the left. FPP initiatives range in focus from determining appropriate policy responses to specific international situations to considering more broadly the shape and direction of global politics in the 21st century. FPP monitors national security and diplomatic challenges facing the U.S. and conducts research and analysis to support the development of concrete proposals for new policy structures, tools, and systems that can help the U.S. achieve its immediate and long-term foreign policy goals. The project is headed by Co-Leaders Gregory G. Johnson, Charles Robb, and Charles Wald. Michael Makovsky, who worked as special assistant for Iraqi energy policy in the Washington office of the Coalition Provisional Authority, serves as FPP's project director.
The project is divided into four initiatives: the Iran Initiative, the Russia Initiative, the Stabilizing Fragile States Initiative and the Strategic Public Diplomacy Initiative.
In June 2010, the Iran Initiative published its third report on Iran's nuclear weapons program, Meeting the Challenge: When Time Runs Out. The report highlighted the immediate need for the U.S. to halt Iran's rapid progress toward nuclear weapons capability and laid out the dangers of alternative outcomes. It supported the U.S.‑led diplomatic outreach and sanctions against Iran, but recommended a more comprehensive triple-track approach involving the simultaneous pursuit of diplomacy, sanctions, and visible, credible preparations for U.S. military action.
The Russia Initiative is headed by Donald Evans, former United States secretary of commerce, and FPP Co-Leader Charles Robb. The initiative works to develop a cohesive U.S. strategy toward Russia that better advances U.S. security and economic interests while fostering better cooperation between the two countries. The project offers ways to construct an improved bilateral relationship in the energy, business, trade and investment sectors.
The Stabilizing Fragile States Initiative develops proposals for U.S. action to prevent failing states. The initiative is led by Paula Dobriansky, former under secretary of state for global affairs, and FPP Co-Leader Gregory Johnson. In March 2011, responding to growing unrest in the region, the initiative released Fragility and Extremism in Yemen, a case study that detailed the underlying causes of increasing insecurity and radicalism in Yemen, and showed why the United States should build security and governing capacities and encourage civic resilience in fragile states.
The Strategic Public Diplomacy Initiative is an effort to develop a framework for a modern public diplomacy strategy that is technologically savvy, leverages the potential of the private sector, and is tightly coordinated with U.S. national security goals. Led by James K. Glassman, former under secretary of state for public diplomacy, and BPC Senior Fellow Dan Glickman, the initiative will look at how the U.S. should conduct public diplomacy around the globe, specifically toward countries with Muslim majorities, while leveraging new media opportunities.
Homeland Security Project
The Homeland Security Project (HSP), co-chaired by Congressman Lee H. Hamilton and Governor Thomas Kean, is the successor to the 9/11 Commission. Its mission is to be a bipartisan voice on homeland and national security issues. "With the terrorist threat to the U.S. more complex and diverse than at any time in the last decade, HSP works to foster public discourse, provide expert analysis, and develop proactive policy solutions on how best to respond." The project will continue to monitor the implementation of the 9/11 Commission’s recommendations and develop solutions to respond to both emerging and evolving threats.
On April 6, 2010, HSP hosted a day-long conference, "The State of Intelligence Reform", marking the fifth anniversary of the creation of the Director of National Intelligence (DNI). Speakers, who included then-Representative Jane Harman, former CIA Director General Michael Hayden, and then-DNI Dennis C. Blair, assessed the progress that has been made in reforming the intelligence community since 9/11. On October 6, 2010, HSP held a follow-on event that focused on reform of the domestic intelligence agencies. The conference brought together FBI Director Robert Mueller, Representative Mike Rogers (Michigan politician), former Secretary of Homeland Security Michael Chertoff and others for a dialogue about how to ensure the U.S. intelligence agencies have the best information available to aid them in the fight against terrorism.
Assessing the Terrorist Threat, authored by project members Peter Bergen and Bruce Hoffman, explores the development of homegrown networks and the increasingly diverse and decentralized nature of terrorism. The report was released by project co-chairs Hamilton and Kean at a major press conference on September 10, 2010. Preventing Violent Radicalization in America, a follow-up to Assessing the Terrorist Threat, was released on June 23, 2011. The report, written by Peter Neumann (academic) of The International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence at King's College London, provides guidance on ongoing efforts aimed at developing a coherent approach towards domestic counter-radicalization.
In the wake of the attempted Christmas Day 2010 bombing attempt (Northwest Airlines Flight 253), Hamilton and Kean provided testimony before the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs and the House Committee on Homeland Security about ongoing reform efforts in the intelligence community.
On August 31, 2011, HSP released their Tenth Anniversary Report Card: The Status of the 9/11 Commission Recommendations. During a press conference to report their findings, Commission Co-Chairs Kean and Hamilton, along with Commission members Fred Fielding, Senator Slade Gorton, Secretary John Lehman and Governor James R. Thompson, cited nine of the 41 Commission recommendations that have not been sufficiently implemented in the decade since the attacks.
Annual Political Summit
Since 2009, BPC has brought together Democratic and Republican political strategists for its annual political summit at Tulane University in New Orleans, LA. Hosted by James Carville and Mary Matalin, the summit creates a forum to exchange ideas on how the two parties can effectively work together to tackle the problems facing the nation.
The 2010 summit kicked off with the release of the first independent post-election poll to gauge voters' attitudes and the challenges facing the next Congress. The bipartisan survey, conducted by Republicans Ed Gillespie and Whit Ayres and Democrat Stan Greenberg, highlighted voters frustration with the current partisan tone in Washington, D.C. and the important role independents played in driving the election’s outcome.
In 2011, co-hosts Carville and Matalin welcomed a cast of newsmakers and politicos, including John Avlon, Greenberg, Karen Hughes, Walter Isaacson, New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu, Melissa Harris-Perry, Richard Wolffe, BPC Senior Fellows Senators Bob Bennett, Trent Lott, Secretary Dan Glickman and many more.
Senior Fellows
- Bob Bennett (politician), former U.S. Senator from Utah
- Pete Domenici, former U.S. Senator from New Mexico
- Byron Dorgan, former U.S. Senator from North Dakota
- Bill Frist, former U.S. Senator from Tennessee and Senate Majority Leader
- Dan Glickman, former United States Secretary of Agriculture
- James L. Jones, former National Security Advisor and Supreme Allied Commander Europe
- Trent Lott, former U.S. Senator from Mississippi and Senate Majority Leader
Governors' Council
- Phil Bredesen, former Governor of Tennessee
- Jim Douglas, former Governor of Vermont
- Brad Henry, former Governor of Oklahoma
- Linda Lingle, former Governor of Hawaii
- Mike Rounds, former Governor of South Dakota
- Ted Strickland, former Governor of Ohio
See also
- "About the Bipartisan Policy Center"
- "Jason Grumet"
- "The New Team - Jason S. Grumet"
- About the National Commission on Energy Policy
- "Crossing Our Lines: Working Together to Reform the U.S. Health System"
- "Cyber ShockWave Shows U.S. Unprepared For Cyber Threats"
- "Cyber ShockWave: Simulation Report and Findings"
- Obama Deficit Panel Gets Some Competition, The New York Times
- Debt Reduction Task Force members
- "Rethinking America's Approach Toward Fragile States"
- "House Minority Whip Steny Hoyer Calls for Balanced Approach to Deficit Reduction"
- Group Urges Research Into Aggressive Efforts to Fight Climate Change, October 4, 2011
- BPC Presents "A Century of Service"
- "Bipartisan Policy Center Releases New Analysis on Debt Limit" Bipartisan Policy Center, June 28, 2011
- "Failure to raise debt limit could limit Social Security" USA Today, June 28, 2011
- "Obama Pushes for a Deficit Deal by July 22" The Wall Street Journal, July 1, 2011
- "What failure to raise the debt ceiling will look like" The Washington Post, July 1, 2011
- "What A Debt Default Would Really Mean For The U.S." National Public Radio, July 5, 2011
- "Debt-limit delay in the real world" The Los Angeles Times, July 1, 2011
- "The debt debate, by the numbers" MSNBC, July 7, 2011
- "Restoring America's Future"
- "Domenici-Rivlin Protect Medicare Act"
- "About the Housing Commission"
- "BPC Energy Project Announces Membership"
- "BPC Announces New Energy Project Led by Former Sens. Trent Lott, Byron Dorgan, Gen. Jim Jones and William K. Reilly"
- "American Energy Innovation Council"
- "National Transportation Policy Project"
- "Bipartisan Policy Center Report Outlines Specific Strategies for Moving to a Performance-Based Federal Surface Transportation Policy"
- "Bipartisan Policy Center's National Transportation Policy Project Issues Innovative Reform Proposal for Near-Term Federal Transportation Reauthorization"
- "Democracy Project"
- "Health Project"
- "Nutrition and Physical Activity Initiative"
- "Nutrition and Physical Activity Initiative Leadership Tours Salt Lake City"
- "National Security Project"
- "Meeting the Challenge: When Time Runs Out"
- "Russia Initiative"
- "Stabilizing Fragile States Initiative"
- "Strategic Public Diplomacy Initiative"
- "National Security Preparedness Group"
- "The State of Domestic Intelligence Reform"
- "Former 9/11 Commission Chairman Tom Kean and Members of the Bipartisan Policy Center's National Security Preparedness Group to Make Recommendations on Preventing Violent Radicalization in America"
- "Governor Tom Kean and Congressman Lee Hamilton Testimony before the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs"
- "Congressman Lee Hamilton's Testimony before the U.S. House Committee on Homeland Security Hearing on “Threats to the American Homeland after Killing Bin Laden: An Assessment”
- "Bipartisan Policy Center Report Card Finds that Nine Unfinished 9/11 Commission Recommendations Leave U.S. Vulnerable"
- "NOLA 2009"
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We need better atheist death counselling
I’m not suggesting we go to fantasies and mythological, “comfort” mixed with terror about the tempter and hell as this website does. None the less Christian websites like the one above can speak directly to dying people, note how the site says,
“The author was going through what you are going through when he wrote that hymn.”
Websites like that probably benefit any amount from legacies as well.
We need to improve our death counselling. Proxima Centauri 04:17, 4 April 2010 (CDT)
I was looking for an explanation of death from a christian perspective. According to Christians death is required to pay for sin. Jesus died so Christians don't have to die (John 3). Christians still die. Death means separation from God not the death of our body. Jesus is not separated from God. Did he die? Why does death mean death of our body when Jesus dies for our sins but not when we die?
Along the same lines I would point out that according to the Bible Jesus rose from the dead so his sacrifice was only torture for about a day, not death of any type. I think most people would be willing to suffer torture for one day to save a family member. --Nathanschroeder1 15:35, 7 May 2010 (CDT)
I removed this section because it didn't really say anything. If consciousness can someday be transferred to machines, so what? That obviously has implications on the legal definition of death, but it doesn't require a redefinition of death as a whole.
And if it has implications on the definition of life (the necessity of a homeostatic system), which I don't necessarily agree that it does since we can already define biological life separately from life if we want, then that should go in a different article. | <urn:uuid:fc4a8587-a27d-4846-abec-b88badf12754> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://wiki.ironchariots.org/index.php?title=Talk:Death&oldid=13400 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696381249/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092621-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.965463 | 387 | 1.65625 | 2 |
In the New York Times, a writer with personal experience of lifelong disability warns against the spreading legalization of assisted suicide:
Perhaps, as advocates contend, you can’t understand why anyone would push for assisted-suicide legislation until you’ve seen a loved one suffer. But you also can’t truly conceive of the many subtle forces — invariably well meaning, kindhearted, even gentle, yet as persuasive as a tsunami — that emerge when your physical autonomy is hopelessly compromised.
Advocates of Death With Dignity laws who say that patients themselves should decide whether to live or die are fantasizing. Who chooses suicide in a vacuum? We are inexorably affected by our immediate environment. The deck is stacked.
This is eloquent and disturbing first-hand testimony of our society’s growing tendency to define and prize “quality of life” at the expense of life itself.
Filed under: CNS | <urn:uuid:f898d3b2-2765-4ac5-8153-4b39b446f636> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://cnsblog.wordpress.com/2012/11/02/forces-of-coercion-and-the-right-to-die/?like=1&source=post_flair&_wpnonce=8099f58e7f | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.933785 | 192 | 1.609375 | 2 |
Mckinney Courier-gazette > News
Perfectly Green Corporation launches innovative energy product in McKinney
Chris Beattie/Staff Photo - Perfectly Green Corporation CEO Eric Barger explains his company's technology Thursday at its ribbon-cutting launch in McKinney. The corporation will soon install units that combine energy sources to provide "perfectly green" power and electricity to area businesses.
What do you get when you put biomass, natural gas, waste vegetable oil, sun and wind all in one? A very effective energy source - seemingly a perfect one.
And that source is spreading its energy waves in McKinney. Perfectly Green Corporation unveiled its innovative technology this week.
"With sun or wind (powered energy) and those technologies, the problem is it's never running all the time," said John Monteiro, Perfectly Green chief operating officer. "What our unit does is blend all those different fuel sources so it's a constant flow of energy."
Outside interest in that blend peaked Thursday at a ribbon-cutting ceremony, when city officials welcomed the corporation with open eyes and ears. Representatives from McKinney's Franconia Brewery, its first client, served beer as others admired the unit that in a few weeks will begin pumping "perfectly green" electricity through its facility.
Other energy sources, like those powered by sun or wind, rely on certain weather and times of day for efficiency. Depending on the building to which they're attached, Perfectly Green units will use a combination of sources and provide ever-steady, on-site energy.
Eric Barger, Perfectly Green co-founder and CEO, compared the unit to a "CPU of energy" that processes the sources at the same time and subsidizes them as they're needed on demand, as a computer processor does with different applications. "It's not just reuse or repurpose; we recycle, recover, redistribute pure energy," he said.
"All that is done with algorithms; it's all Internet-based," said John Buxbaum, the corporation's sales director. "Nobody's ever done it."
Which is what Barger and co-founder VJ Patel realized a few years after crossing paths. With Barger's background in the HVAC (heating, ventilation and air conditioning) industry and Patel's engineering and IT experience, the soon-to-be visionaries started cranking out ideas on how to fix the inefficiencies in energy production happening all around, Patel said.
"I was still working at Southwest Airlines at the time, he was still doing HVAC contracting on the site, but we scraped together and got it going," Patel said. "I've always been about theory, building sophisticated machines, he's always been hands-on and tinkering, so together we had enough to pull this thing off in his garage."
As they perfected the concept, the McKinney Economic Development Corporation gave them a monetary push through its emerging technologies fund, and Perfectly Green spent the past four years doing research and development.
"This is the type of project that we are really looking for in McKinney as we bring new companies to our city," Mayor Brian Loughmiller said Thursday, mentioning recent accolades the city's received from Forbes and Money Magazine. "The reason we get that type of recognition is we have companies like Perfectly Green Corporation who are also state of the art, and they're bringing new technologies not just to McKinney, but to the world."
The first commercial unit will operate at Franconia Brewery, which will use it for a supplemental power source. After piping is put in, it will take just a couple of hours to install the Intelligent Energy Allocation (IEA) unit that will blend solar PV with waste vegetable oil to make electricity. Perfectly Green is building a car port for parking topped with solar PV to work with the unit.
"It's kind of hard to make a generating system sexy, but we were able to pull it off," Barger said.
Perfectly Green covers the equipment and installation costs, and in return, users like Franconia sign a power purchase agreement, through which they'll pay Perfectly Green up to 20 percent less than the market price for power. "Our goal is to provide supplemental power at a discounted rate, saving the business money," Monteiro said.
Perfectly Green plans to expand as it continues its partnership with the city. It hopes to install similar units in city facilities. Monteiro said the corporation and MEDC have discussed eventually building a central manufacturing and assembly plant to keep the jobs in McKinney.
All in one unit and, for now, in one city - a perfect fit.
"We're ready to go," Patel said. "We've done enough tinkering. It's time to start deploying them in mass quantities." | <urn:uuid:f7225305-0d60-4072-bbfb-78934a1595c9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.mesquitenews.com/articles/2012/11/30/mckinney_courier-gazette/news/8874.prt | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00010-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964747 | 992 | 1.578125 | 2 |
Heineman signs Keystone bill, vetoes pre-natal bill
LINCOLN, Neb. (AP) _ Gov. Dave Heineman has confirmed he will sign a bill allowing Nebraska to restart its review of the proposed Keystone XL pipeline.
Heineman told reporters Friday that he wanted the oil pipeline project to move forward, as long as it avoids Nebraska's environmentally sensitive Sandhills.
The bill would authorize the state to continue its analysis of new possible routes. Officials stopped the review after President Barack Obama denied a federal permit for the project.
(Lincoln, Neb.) Gov. Dave Heineman Friday vetoed LB 599, a bill that would provide taxpayer-funded benefits to illegal immigrants. Gov. Heineman is opposed to taxpayer-funded benefits for illegals on the basis of fairness to legal citizens, as well as potentially providing taxpayer dollars to pay vendors that perform or promote abortions, including Planned Parenthood.
Heineman has long said he supported the pipeline, but opposed its original route through the groundwater-rich Sandhills.
He made the comment in Grand Island, while urging lawmakers to uphold his veto of a city sales tax bill. Heineman appeared alongside Grand Island Mayor Jay Vavricek, who opposes the sales tax measure.
© 2013 Rural Radio Network. All rights reserved. Republishing, rebroadcasting, rewriting, redistributing prohibited. Copyright Information | <urn:uuid:b8a5346c-a8f7-4df4-84ce-6a2ad45d77ac> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://kticradio.com/news/index.php?more=xgvvfykw | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705953421/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120553-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.937107 | 287 | 1.578125 | 2 |
Written by PETA
Road trips remind me of a better decade, when poodle skirts and pompadours were in fashion. So when I'm on the open road, Elvis croons from my stereo and the iconic Sonic drive-thru diner is a must on the list of pit stops.
And now I have another reason to cruise on up to Sonic besides its seriously addictive limeade. The company just agreed to begin purchasing eggs and to double the amount of meat it purchases from suppliers that use less cruel production methods. Under its new animal welfare policy, Sonic will take the following actions:
With the new policy, Sonic adds its voice to those calling for less cruel slaughter methods that will prevent thousands of chickens from suffering broken bones and dying in scalding-hot defeathering tanks—and it will mean more humane living conditions for sows. The company has set an example that we hope other chains will follow. Of course, our offers to meet with execs from McDonald's and KFC still stand.
Written by Karin Bennett
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animal and if the abuse is taking place right now, please call your local
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Almost all of us grew up eating meat, wearing leather, and going to circuses and zoos. We never considered the impact of these actions on the animals involved. For whatever reason, you are now asking the question: Why should animals have rights? Read more. | <urn:uuid:6be8870d-3b38-4d6e-bdda-ca0f73f0ba39> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.peta.org/b/thepetafiles/archive/2010/01/15/Super-Sonic-Makes-Important-Decision-to-Help-Animals.aspx?PageIndex=2 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708766848/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125246-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.948529 | 376 | 1.78125 | 2 |
HOUSE REPUBLICAN LEADER JOHN BOEHNER:
Good morning everyone. We had a joint meeting of the House and Senate Conference to talk about the moment that we find ourselves in. The budget that we have before the Congress spends too much, it taxes too much and it borrows too much from our kids and grandkids. Short term this will hurt our economy and hurt jobs. In the long term, the consequences of this budget will be more grave for our children and grandchildren tripling us into unsustainable debt that will be on their backs. And I think it is unconscionable for us to deal with the challenges we’re dealing with by doing nothing more than mortgaging the future of our kids and our grandkids.
You know, the Greatest Generation is called the Greatest Generation because it met the challenge that America faced. It was willing to make the sacrifices for our country so that our country could enjoy the blessings of liberty. This budget puts all the sacrifice, not on this generation, but on our kids and our grandkids. Republicans in the House will offer a better solution. A better solution that will be less on spending, less on taxes, and a lot less on debt for our kids and grandkids.
SENATE REPUBLICAN LEADER MITCH MCCONNELL:
Thank you very much. Good morning everyone. What we are facing here is a mountain of debt. The Democratic budget will double the national debt in five years and triple it in ten. Looking at it another way, they will accumulate more debt than all of the Presidents from George Washington up to and through George W. Bush.
This is indeed an explosion of taxation and debt and spending. And as Leader Boehner has indicated, obviously this will have to be paid for by our children. Every American generation from the very beginning, right up to the present, has always felt that it could and in fact did leave the country in better shape for its children than it was for themselves. If this budget passes, that American dream is in serious doubt. That’s why you see Senate and House Republicans behind us in virtual unity in opposition to this plan which spends too much, taxes too much and borrows too much. | <urn:uuid:7e7d19a6-7abd-4fde-873d-80a01c22faf2> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.gop.gov/blog/09/04/01/words-from-the-bicameral-republican | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696382584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092622-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.96098 | 456 | 1.539063 | 2 |
By Sasha Aslanian, MPR News 91.3 FM
MINNEAPOLIS — Every Sunday, hundreds of people gather for the 9 a.m. Mass at St. Stephen’s Catholic Church in south Minneapolis, one of two the church holds in Spanish.
A new part of the service is a marriage prayer distributed in December by Archbishop John Nienstedt and added to the liturgy at St. Stephen’s this summer.
It reads in part:
“Grant to us all the gift of courage to proclaim and defend your plan for marriage, which is the union of one man and one woman in a lifelong, exclusive relationship of loving trust, compassion, and generosity, open to the conception of children.”
The parishioners are part of an important audience for both sides of the marriage amendment debate. Latinos are overwhelmingly Catholic, and the Catholic Church has made passage of the amendment a top political priority.
But Minnesota voters are deeply divided over the proposed amendment on the November ballot that would define marriage as only between a man and a woman, a restriction already in state law. In a tight race, every demographic group counts and the state’s roughly 100,000 Latino voters are being courted by both sides.
Luis Rubi, a deacon at St. Stephen’s, said the prayer and homilies on marriage have found a receptive audience at the parish.
“I think there’s broad support for the amendment,” said Rubi, a native of Cuba who came to the United States in 1962 as an infant. “The question is, ‘how many people are even going to be able to participate in that?’ That’s the unique nature of our parish.”
Although 60 percent of Minnesota’s Hispanics were born in the United States, St. Stephen’s has many new arrivals who aren’t citizens and won’t be eligible to vote.
But prayer, Rubi said, is a powerful thing anyone can offer.
Pro-amendment groups are chiefly organizing support through evangelical and Catholic churches. St. Stephen’s has trained parish captains Maria and Jon Doty to lead the effort.
“We’re just kind of heading the front, trying to promote education and prayer around the marriage amendment,” Maria Doty said.
The Dotys,recently married at St. Stephen’s, get teary talking about their own wedding day. They’re staunch supporters of the amendment because they believe children should be raised by a mother and father. They’re not Spanish speakers, so when they gave a talk to Hispanic parishioners about the amendment earlier this year, they needed an interpreter.
Other than the language, Jon Doty said, the strategy for reaching Latinos is the same. “At first I didn’t know what to expect being a parish captain,” he said. “I know a lot of people have very strong emotions about this issue. And I’ve been surprised. People have received our message very well.”
While Latinos are predominantly Catholic and family-oriented, amendment opponents say the community’s acceptance of same-sex marriage is increasing. They’ve also been working to get their message out to the Latino community.
On a Wednesday night in late July, Minnesotans United for All Families held its first weekly phone bank targeting Latino voters. Bilingual young professionals made calls for Minnesota United, the coalition working to defeat the amendment.
Some people hung up. One man told a volunteer that the Bible is against homosexuality. Others listened. But volunteer Marlene Rojas found a woman who was sympathetic.
“She was saying ‘I support all gays and lesbians so I will vote yes!’ “ said Rojas. “And I said, ‘no, no no, make sure you vote no.’ “
Rojas told the woman that a yes vote will prevent gays and lesbians from being able to marry, while a no vote keeps open the possibility.
The pro-amendment side also is using phone banks to get out its message but isn’t making a targeted effort to reach Latinos.
Winnie Okafor, community relations coordinator for Minnesota for Marriage, said mobilizing people through churches is far more effective in turning out “Yes” votes.
“Leadership in the Latino community has opened the doors to us and I would say that we reach more Latinos in a 10-minute announcement at church than the other side can reach in an hour or more of phone banking,” she said. “We know that the Latino people are a church-going people and so that’s where we find them. And not only do we find them there but we get not just our message, but support from pastors. So after we give the announcement, we have pastors kind of hammer it home.”
Amendment supporters are mindful of a 2008 effort in California, where 53 percent Latinos voted for Proposition 8, which repealed same-sex marriage in that state.
Minnesotans United for All Families also draws lessons from California and doesn’t want to risk losing the Latino vote here. Christian Ucles, the group’s Latino outreach coordinator, said the Catholic Church’s firm support of the marriage amendment is a hurdle, but not an insurmountable one.
“Folks have their own independence,” said Ucles, a naturalized U.S. citizen from Honduras. “I feel that they feel that they have this independence in this country, perhaps not so much in our countries, but in the United States they have the freedom and independence to make up their own mind.”
Ucles, who came to the U.S. at 7, has been a Democratic Party organizer on statewide and presidential campaigns. He joined the campaign in May. At 30, he sees a powerful connection between the immigrant experience of Latinos and the inclusion gay and lesbian people are seeking.
“What we’re finding is slowly but surely, we will have a large contingency of the Latino community who are going to vote no on this amendment,” he said.
The Minnesotans United campaign is tapping Latino leaders in the Legislature, immigrant rights groups and the business community who oppose the amendment, and also reaching out to voters through Spanish-language media.
Before the Twin Cities Pride Festival in June, Ucles was a guest on Alberto Monserrate’s show on La Invasora, a Spanish-language a.m. radio station in Minneapolis. Monserrate is president CEO of the Latino Communications Network, the largest Latino publishing company in Minnesota. He’s also chairman of the Minneapolis School Board.
Monserrate said his company strongly supports equality for gay and lesbian people.
“We’ve been active on GLBT causes ... almost since the beginning of the business,” he said “We do have a number of staff, one of my business partners is openly gay and so it’s been a cause that’s been very near and dear to us.”
That support is good business, he said. When a special gay pride edition of one of their newspapers sparked threats of a boycott from evangelical Christians a few years ago, advertisers increased their ad buys to support the company.
These days, when La Invasora does live call-in shows about the amendment, the programs don’t spark negative reactions from callers, Monserrate said. Instead, the station receives calls from appreciative mothers of gay sons.
Monserrate, who is from Puerto Rico, thinks attitudes in the Latino community are evolving rapidly. First, he said, Latin American and Spanish-language media are changing how they portray gays and lesbians. He gives the example of a popular Mexican soap opera that now includes a gay grandpa.
“I think the second issue is that Latinos are coming out of the closet,” Monserrate said. “And I think that’s probably in the end been the biggest factor. Latinos being very family oriented, when their son, their daughter, their cousin, their brother, their sister comes out of the closet, I’m seeing a lot more changes.”
By Sasha Aslanian, MPR News 91.3 FM | <urn:uuid:a62e5f95-3205-4ee5-a444-8ee340706b7b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.bemidjipioneer.com/content/both-sides-marriage-amendment-debate-court-latino-voters | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.965926 | 1,754 | 1.773438 | 2 |
Let’s imagine we could do an experiment, and we took a hundred people and made them happy, and actually the context in which we made them happy is economic collapse. That’s a really bad thing to do, frankly! You know, I think we need to be preparing people psychologically for something different. Not disaster – I’m not sure I think that we’re on the edge of that necessarily – but something that is more realistic or existential, you know, much more! If we could face our day-to-day trials in ways that are grounded and realistic, then we’d probably be better off on that path.
Extract 1 from a conversation with Jeppe Graugaard, from his wonderful blog - The pattern that connects | <urn:uuid:1bc6273b-090c-49f1-bf99-3af074ba96c5> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://psycho-bubble.tumblr.com/post/27345337205/soul-making-wildness-and-the-psychology-of-collapse-1 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696382584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092622-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970115 | 158 | 1.84375 | 2 |
With the PM’s talk of a global financial crisis worse than that of 2008; and with three of the four presidential canidates having financial credentials (one an ex- banker, finance minister and SWF executive director; another an actuary and retired insurance CEO, and the third an “investment adviser”, I tot it would be fun to analyse their presidential election performance in terms of one indicator of financial savviness: see table below).
Tan Jee Say (the “investment adviser”, previously a senior civil servant with a background in economic policy, investment banker and fund manager, who, when he first entered politics this year, called himself an “investor”) was the most effective campaigner in $ terms in the presidential election. But among the four candidates, he flunked badly the first rule of high finance: “use other people’s money”. He had the most self-funding to do percentage-wise, 78.41%. He only got donations amounting to 21.59% of what he spent. TJS had the courage to spend what it takes to run an effective campaign, but he sure is no expert in using other people’s money.
The People’s Voice ,Tan Kin Lian (actuary and retired CEO of an insurer), wanted $2m a year in presidential salary, but was only willing to spend other people’s money, not his own to campaign. He was even trying to get donors to fund his deposit (Knew would lose deposit?). But he ended up in second place to TJS when it came to self-funding, percentage-wise. Right attitude, incompetent execution.
Tony Tan has his presidential salary to console himself for having to spend the most (in absolute terms) from his own pocket,$165070. His many endorsements (especially from the unions) didn’t result in much money. Could this show the meanness and insincerity of those S’poreans who ”endorsed” him? Or that they are a bunch of cheap skates?
Tan Cheng Bock MD can console himself for his very narrow loss by congratulating himself for doing better than the financial experts. He outspent everybody else by a big margin, but did it largely on other people’s money. He spent $60424.65 of his own money, only 10.33% of his total campaign expenses. TKL spent more of his own money (in absolute terms) than TCB.
“Tan Cheng Bock Ho Say Le”. Read the rest of this entry » | <urn:uuid:61f8ba42-287c-4615-9f6c-5e17a44ef5dd> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://atans1.wordpress.com/tag/tan-kin-lian/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697974692/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095254-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.97967 | 547 | 1.507813 | 2 |
BUSHRA REHMAN (1974– ) is a poet, essayist, and fiction writer. She was born in Brooklyn, New York, and grew up in Queens. She was educated at the College of New Rochelle, New York; Dominican University of California; and she earned her MFA from Brooklyn College. Her family is originally from the North-West Frontier Province of Pakistan but her father and his relatives lost their land and livelihood when the huge Tarbela Dam was built. Her family moved to the United States, returning briefly and unsuccessfully to Pakistan when Rehman was in her teens.
Rehman is a coeditor of Colonize This! Young Women of Color on Today's Feminism (Seal Press, 2002), and her poetry has been collected in the chapbook Marianna's Beauty Salon (Vagabond Press, 2001). Her work has appeared in ColorLines, Mizna, Curve, SAMAR, Voices of Resistance: Muslim Women on War, Faith and Sexuality (Seal Press, 2006), and Stories of Illness and Healing: Women Write Their Bodies (Kent State University Press, 2007). She has been featured on BBC Radio 4 and in the New York Times and NY Newsday. | <urn:uuid:b793c04d-58ca-46e1-92ad-7bc5f1c1f4d4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.feministpress.org/books/bushra-rehman | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700958435/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516104238-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.973669 | 252 | 1.53125 | 2 |
A lot of companies have tried to imitate Apple’s trackpads because they kind of just melt into the rest of computer. They’re one of the most underrated features of the MacBook, but it’s going to be harder for companies to completely ripoff the feature now that Apple has a patent on it.
The U.S. Patent and Trademark Office has awarded Apple a patent for the design of their glass-on-metal trackpads. Titled “Portable Computer,” U.S. Patent No. D674382 was given to Apple and includes illustrations on their trackpad design.
The patent explains that the surface of Apple’s MacBooks are metallic while the glass track pad is glass. Apple has been using the glass-on-metal trackpads since the new MacBook Pros debuted in 2008. Both Steve Jobs and Jony Ive are listed as designers on the patent. | <urn:uuid:ced11378-e28a-449b-aa2f-eaf300c48ea9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.cultofmac.com/210380/apple-wins-patent-for-glass-on-metal-trackpads/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.962793 | 192 | 1.578125 | 2 |
Protector, welcome aboard.
I think most of us here are always glad to see musicians who are willing to come down from the clouds and discuss their music and beliefs, regardless of whether they fall in line with what many of us believe.
We could spend all year arguing about the provenance of the various instruments or the exact ethnic lineage of the blues and get no closer to the truth. Scholars have kicked these questions back and forth for decades, but no one really has an answer that is satisfactory: too much has simply been lost in the mists of time.
In any event, the reality is that, whatever the origins of the guitar and other instruments may be, they have been central to European musical culture for centuries, so the use of guitar hardly calls into question the 'Europeaness' (for lack of a better word) of metal. The blues seem even less relevant, because, in my view, metal emerged as a form distinct from rock precisely because metal moved away from the blues tradition - away from blues-based tonality; away from blues-based structures; away from the party hearty hedonism rock had inherited from the blues (which isn't to say that metalheads don't party, just that hedonism is subordinated to and sublimated within a Will-to-Power warrior ethos that is clearly modelled on a form of European martial idealism). Instead, metal increasingly adopted the ideals and techniques of the European classical tradition, making epic, structuralist music celebrating a martial idealism that is peculiarly European.
Now, I've certainly never been privy to the inner workings of your creative process, but I have to admit that when I listen to Summoning what I hear (and I have a fairly vast lexicon of musical history to draw on) is a thousand years of Germanic musical culture condensed (if that word can be fairly applied to a band famed for albums consisting of 10+ minute epics) into a new musical mythology celebrating a world that has passed and looking to a world that could be again. You might just as well try to hold back the wind as try to demand that 'nazis' not like your music. And, let's be honest, nobody but an idiot is going to assume that Summoning is a National Socialist outfit because they saw a video on YouTube. Do you really care all that much what morons think?
Just as a curiosity, who would you say your primary influences are? I hear Burzum, mid-period Bathory, Wagner, medieval/Renaissance polyphony and, on occasion, darkwave or maybe even Dead Can Dance, but it's always possible that what I'm hearing is parallel evolution. | <urn:uuid:970782dc-5583-4d6c-8483-dfb4fc78f77d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.deathmetal.org/forum/index.php/topic,1958.msg13569.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969588 | 550 | 1.515625 | 2 |
Infinite Hero Funds Innovative Counseling Program for Military Children
Proceeds from the Oakley Infinite Hero product collection and Infinite Hero fundraising events have positioned the foundation to make its first grant last week. Through a partnership with the Armed Forces Foundation (AFF), Infinite Hero is funding the training and placement of the program’s first school counselor specially trained to address the challenges faced by military dependents.
Three Oakley employees, Erick Poston, Dane Howell and Juliana Williams, had the privilege of traveling to Washington, D.C. to formally launch the school counseling program at Ft. Belvoir and attend the AFF 8th annual Congressional Gala where the program was announced.
Held at the Ronald Reagan Building in downtown D.C. on March 27, the AFF Gala was a great opportunity to show support for our military families and gain exposure for Infinite Hero Foundation’s work to address the impact of deployment stress and mental health issues on military families, particularly children. More than 600 Congressional Representatives, Department of Defense leaders, celebrities and corporate sponsors were in attendance, but the real guests of honor were the wounded members of our Armed Forces and their families. The AFF’s latest initiative to develop a comprehensive school-counseling program was highlighted several times throughout the night.
Later in the week, Ft. Belvoir Elementary School hosted a reception to celebrate the partnership between the school, the district, the local government, Ft. Belvoir, the AFF and Infinite Hero Foundation. Representatives from each group spoke about the importance of this program and the depth and breadth of impact that it will make on the lives of the students.
The demand for school counseling at Fort Belvoir Elementary School, where 98% of the students are military dependents, exceeds the capacity and expertise of most school counseling staff. These students face challenges due to their parent’s service that most American’s never experience. Frequent moves, long deployments and the mental health challenges that their parents sometimes encounter can lead to problems such as school absenteeism, failing grades and social isolation. The program’s counselor, Monica Crossley joined the counseling staff at Ft. Belvoir one month ago. Her strong background in school counseling, teaching, and innovative therapies are proving to impeccably suit this important role.
“I am excited about the opportunity to engage students in an area of need that is overlooked far too often. I look forward to supporting the needs of our military families and helping them find empowerment through the life-altering challenges they face,” said Crossley. “Of course, we could not address these fundamental changes without the incredible support and leadership of the Armed Forces Foundation and Infinite Hero Foundation.”
The intent of this groundbreaking school counseling program is to demonstrate the need for specialized counseling services for military dependents throughout our nation, especially in schools that are substantially militarily impacted. Because the state of Virginia has the second largest population of active duty service members in the country, it is the ultimate location to provide this major development in the treatment of PTSD/TBI for the entire family. | <urn:uuid:bf9f1774-c59a-4902-a88f-5a56393a907c> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://fr.oakley.com/community/posts/3449 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700958435/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516104238-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.950609 | 642 | 1.53125 | 2 |
I was not going to mention the sad early departure of Steve Jobs, the media and the blogosphere are already saturated with coverage of his death. Of all the words uttered in the last few days, I think that xkcd’s tribute (pictured) is the most adequate. The coverage has been incredibly over the top in most instances. I have to admit that the tone has left me rather baffled, almost thinking that I am missing an important clue, or perhaps that I was born without the empathy gene. I don’t think that Mr Jobs made the world more beautiful, was a muse, or that he shaped or changed my life. He might have changed some business practices, but reports that he changed capitalism are wildly exaggerated. Presented with such barrage of praise, satire may be the only refuge, and The Onion expresses exactly how I felt by commenting that it was as if some people had lost their father.
However, on the other side the reaction has been insensitive at best, and perhaps even rather ugly. Richard Stallman has been making the rounds in the blogosphere as he posted a rather tactless comment about Steve jobs.
“Steve Jobs, the pioneer of the computer as a jail made cool, designed to sever fools from their freedom, has died.
As Chicago Mayor Harold Washington said of the corrupt former Mayor Daley, “I’m not glad he’s dead, but I’m glad he’s gone.” Nobody deserves to have to die – not Jobs, not Mr. Bill, not even people guilty of bigger evils than theirs. But we all deserve the end of Jobs’ malign influence on people’s computing.
Unfortunately, that influence continues despite his absence. We can only hope his successors, as they attempt to carry on his legacy, will be less effective.”
I think that the above quote was insensitive and needlessly harsh. Several people have jumped to Stallman’s defence, in some cases, with laughable and over the top accounts of their own. Although I share some of the sentiment expressed by Stallman, I cannot condone the way in which it was written. Nonetheless, one thing is clear, Apple inspires strong sentiments in the tech community. From cult-like status to unequivocal declaration of evil, there is little middle ground when it comes to Jobs.
The reason for such polarisation of opinions is perhaps the very same reason we have been observing a battle for the direction in which technology in general, and the Internet in particular, are heading. Those who tend to be against Jobs and are willing to decry his legacy are the advocates of openness, while his staunchest defenders are the utilitarians, those who are less concerned with the freedom to tinker and more with the look and feel of their devices. Needless to say, these two positions are incompatible with one another.
This is an important debate. Apple has been pushing a business model based on locking-in its customers, so you will live your life within the gated community of iTunes, iPod and iPad. Interoperability is at the bottom of the priority list, just think how we have become used to having our music lists locked into one gadget, and how difficult it is to have the same versions of your music in different devices. Apple treats us like children, and naughty children at that. We are penned in for our own good.
My two favourite pieces of the last week are both complimentary and critical, perhaps reflecting the duality of the Apple experience. Mike Daisey wrote in the New York Times:
“Mr. Jobs’s magic has its costs. We can admire the design perfection and business acumen while acknowledging the truth: with Apple’s immense resources at his command he could have revolutionized the industry to make devices more humanely and more openly, and chose not to. If we view him unsparingly, without nostalgia, we would see a great man whose genius in design, showmanship and stewardship of the tech world will not be seen again in our lifetime. We would also see a man who in the end failed to “think different,” in the deepest way, about the human needs of both his users and his workers. “
And Eric Raymond wrote in his blog:
“Commerce is powerful, but culture is even more persistent. The lure of high profits from secrecy rent can slow down the long-term trend towards open source and user-controlled computing, but not really stop it. Jobs’s success at hypnotizing millions of people into a perverse love for the walled garden is more dangerous to freedom in the long term than Bill Gates’s efficient but brutal and unattractive corporatism. People feared and respected Microsoft, but they love and worship Apple – and that is precisely the problem, precisely the reason Jobs may in the end have done more harm than good.”
I hope that the death of Steve Jobs gives us the chance to think more about these important points. We are learning a lot about the power of marketing, showmanship and design. People do not want freedom and openness, they want shiny devices that work adequately. Unless we understand this very important concept, open source is doomed to irrelevancy. | <urn:uuid:b798342a-4ffd-4674-81f0-89d754cb44cb> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.technollama.co.uk/a-week-to-reflect-on-openness-versus-walled-gardens?wpmp_switcher=mobile | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706499548/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516121459-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.978758 | 1,079 | 1.78125 | 2 |
A little girl in my family got a typewriter for Christmas.
Not a laptop. Nothing with a screen. A typewriter. The old-fashioned manual kind with a smeary ribbon and keys that stick.
Typewriters had pretty much gone the way of dodo birds, car tail fins and cigar-chomping editors who yell “Stop the Presses” quite some years before my granddaughter was born. But it was the typewriter used by the school-age, aspiring journalist in the movie “Kit Kittredge: An American Girl" that captivated her.
Or maybe it was the way the typewriter was used. In the movie, a tween-ish girl, played winningly by Abigail Breslin ("Little Miss Sunshine"), does old-fashioned journalism and writes stories that help right a wrong in Depression-era Cincinnati. Kit may be young, but in a challenging environment she keeps her wits—and a strong sense of ethics—about her.
In today’s rapidly realigning media landscape, typewriters have long since given way to laptops, BlackBerries, camera phones, video phones and Twitter. But here at Thomson Reuters, and in the media as a whole, the need for a strong sense of ethics has never been more necessary. | <urn:uuid:76d9177b-f667-4d6d-9aed-03fdfb6c3dee> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://blogs.reuters.com/great-debate/tag/typewriter/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.948263 | 269 | 1.703125 | 2 |
Gene Marks, Contributor
I cover technologies helping companies be quicker, better, wiser.
“I was watching Animal Planet and did you know that the male seahorse has the baby? And I was thinking, “Why don’t they just call that the female seahorse?”"
That line was from Jim Gaffigan. And today is a scary day for the comedian.
Today he’s releasing his newest, 75 minute performance to the public, called Mr. Universe. But it’s not a typical release. There’s no DVD. It’s all online.
Years ago comedians didn’t have these choices. The big names, like Bob Newhart, Bill Cosby and Redd Foxx would have their performances recorded, mixed and sold as records. Or cassette or 8-track tapes. Although TV helped comedians reach a wider audience, the bread and butter of their earnings still came from their concert performances and record sales. Even as the technology changed, the products were still pretty much the same: records and tapes turned into videos which turned into DVDs. All made by production companies who then paid the performer a royalty.
But recently, technology taken a huge jump forward. A jump that affects not only comedians like Jim Gaffigan, but anyone who produces content that they want to mass deliver to a large audience. For many of us, this is intimidating. We don’t want to miss the boat. Gaffigan is by no means a technology guy. He spends his time thinking up things like “why doesn’t every fortune cookie say ‘you’re about to eat a stale cookie?’”
And Gaffigan, like most comedians, does not consider himself to be a business person either. Like many entrepreneurs, he has little desire to be rich and famous. All he wants to do is create great content and deliver that content to as many people as possible who enjoy it. He’s unable to do this for free, so of course he’s going to try and earn the best living that he can doing it. To accomplish this he must create a business. And he has to use technology. So he has. And he does.
Chew seemed to be caught between sessions at a conference, so the video quality is not great. In fact, you can skip the first three and a half minutes. But then pay special attention. That’s when Chew talks about Google+ Hangouts. More particularly what they call Hangouts “On Air.”
For those of you not familiar with Google+ it’s Google’s own social networking community which competes (and currently struggles) against Facebook. The company’s intention is to entice many of its hundreds of zillions of daily visitors away from Facebook into Google’s community. Social media pundit Chris Brogan thinks the platform will ultimately be a hit, saying recently: “ I’m nuts about Google+. (It’s) the next big thing. (And I don’t make such predictions lightly.) Why? The platform is more than just a boon for networking and marketing–you can also put it to work to boost your revenues, online and off.”
A big part of Google + is Google + Hangouts, which is nothing more than their video chat service. Nothing more…for now. For now, up to nine users can chat with each other like Skype or iChat. But that’s about to change. In a big way. With Hangouts On Air. Chee Chew hinted at bigger plans. And these plans will affect entrepreneurs like Jim Gaffigan. | <urn:uuid:b3f136f6-fda8-4534-afd0-877e0fb5b32b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.forbes.com/sites/quickerbettertech/2012/04/11/why-google-is-about-to-make-us-laugh/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964628 | 769 | 1.679688 | 2 |
320 U.S. 118
Reargued March 12, 1943.
Decided June 21, 1943.
Rehearing Denied Oct. 11, 1943
See 320 U.S. --, 64 S.Ct. 24, 88 L.Ed. --. [320 U.S. 118, 119] Mr. Wendell L. Willkie, of New York City, for petitioner.
Mr. Chas. Fahy, Sol. Gen., of Washington, D.C., for respondent.
Mr. Justice MURPHY delivered the opinion of the Court.
We brought this case here on certiorari, 314 U.S. 597 , 62 S.Ct. 98, because of its importance and its possible relation to freedom of thought. The question is whether the naturalization of petitioner, an admitted member of the Communist Party of the United States, was properly set aside by the courts below some twelve years after it was granted. We agree with our brethren of the minority that our relations with Russia, as well as our views regarding its government and the merits of Communism are immaterial to a decision of this case. Our concern is with what Congress [320 U.S. 118, 120] meant by certain statutes and whether the Government has proved its case under them.
While it is our high duty to carry out the will of Congress in the performance of this duty we should have a jealous regard for the rights of petitioner. We should let our judgment be guided so far as the law permits by the spirit of freedom and tolerance in which our nation was founded, and by a desire to secure the blessings of liberty in thought and action to all those upon whom the right of American citizenship has been conferred by statute, as well as to the native born. And we certainly should presume that Congress was motivated by these lofty principles.
We are directly concerned only with the rights of this petitioner and the circumstances surrounding his naturalizati n, but we should not overlook the fact that we are a heterogeneous people. In some of our larger cities a majority of the school children are the offspring of parents only one generation, if that far, removed from the steerage of the immigrant ship, children of those who sought refuge in the new world from the cruelty and oppression of the old, where men have been burned at the stake, imprisoned, and driven into exile in countless numbers for their political and religious beliefs. Here they ahve hoped to achieve a political status as citizens in a free world in which men are privileged to think and act and speak according to their convictions, without fear of punishment or further exile so long as they keep the peace and obey the law.
This proceeding was begun on June 30, 1939, under the provisions of 15 of the Act of June 29, 1906, 34 Stat. 596, 601, to cancel petitioner's certificate of citizenship granted in 1927. This section gives the United States the right and the duty to set aside and cancel certificates of citizenship on the ground of 'fraud' or on the ground that [320 U.S. 118, 121] they were 'illegally procured.' 1 The complaint charged that the certificate had been illegally procured in that petitioner was not, at the time of his naturalization, and during the five years proceding his naturalization 'had not behaved as, a person attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States,2 but in truth and in fact during all of said times, respondent (petitioner) was a member of and affiliated with and believed in and supported the principles of certain or- [320 U.S. 118, 122] ganizations then known as the Workers (Communist) Party of America and the Young Workers (Communist) League of America, whose principles were opposed to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and advised, advocated and taught the overthrow of the Government, Constitution and laws of the United States by force and violence.' The complaint also charged frandulent procurement in that petitioner concealed his Communist affiliation from the naturalization court. The Government proceeds here not upon the charge of fraud but upon the charge of illegal procurement.
This is not a naturalization proceeding in which the Government is being asked to confer the privilege of citizenship upon an applicant. Instead the Government seeks to turn the clock back twelve years after full citizenship was conferred upon petitioner by a judicial decree, and to deprive him of the priceless benefits that derive from that status. In its consequences it is more serious than a taking of one's property, or the imposition of a fine or other penalty. For it is safe to assert that nowhere in the world today is the right of citizenship of greater worth to an individual than it is in this country. It would be difficult to exaggerate its value and importance. By many it is regarded as the highest hope of civilized men. This does not mean that once granted to an alien, citizenship cannot be revoked or cancelled on legal grounds under appropriate proof. But such a right once conferred should not be taken away without the clearest sort of justification and proof. So, whatever may be the rule in a naturalization proceeding (see United States v. Manzi, 276 U.S. 463, 467 , 48 S.Ct. 328, 329), in an action instituted under 15 for the purpose of depriving one of the precious right of citizenship previously conferred we believe the facts and the law should be construed as far as is reasonably possible in favor of the citizen. Especially is this so when the attack is made long after the time when the certificate of [320 U.S. 118, 123] citizenship was granted and the citizen has meanwhile met his obligations and has committed no act of lawlessness. It is not denied that the burden of proof is on the Government in this case. For reasons presently to be stated this burden must be met with evidence of a clear and convincing character that when citizenship was conferred upon petitioner in 1927 it was not done in accordance with strict legal requirements.
We are dealing here with a court decree entered after an opportunity to be heard. At the time petitioner secured his certificate of citizenship from the federal district court for the Southern District of California notice of the filing of the naturalization petition was required to be given ninety days before the petition was acted on ( 6 of the Act of 1906 ), the hearing on the petition was to take place in open court ( 9), and the United States had the right to appear, to cross-examine petitioner and his witnesses, to introduce evidence, and to oppose the petition ( 11). In acting upon the petition the district court exercised the judicial power conferred by Article III of the Constitution, and the Government had the right to appeal from the decision granting naturalization. Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568 , 46 S.Ct. 425. The record before us does not reveal the circumstances under which petitioner was naturalized except that it took place in open court. We do not know whether or not the Government exercised its right to appear and to appeal. Whether it did or not, the hard fact remains that we are here re-examining a judgment, and the rights solemnly conferred under it.
This is the first case to come before us in which the Government has sought to set aside a decree of naturalization years after it was granted on a charge that the finding of attachment was erroneous. Accordingly for the first time we have had to consider the nature and scope of the Government's right in a denaturalization proceeding to re-examine a finding and judgment of attachment [320 U.S. 118, 124] upon a charge of illegal procurement. Because of the view we take of this case we do not reach, and therefore do not consider, two questions which have been raised concerning the scope of that right.
The first question is whether, aside from grounds such as lack of jurisdiction or the kind of fraud which traditionally vitiates judgments, cf. United States v. Throckmorton, 98 U.S. 61 ; Kibbe v. Benson, 17 Wall. 624, Congress can constitutionally attach to the exercise of the judicial power under rticle III of the Constitution, authority to re-examine a judgment granting a certificate of citizenship after that judgment has become final by exhaustion of the appellate process or by a failure to invoke it. 3
The second question is whether under the Act of 1906 as it was in 1927 the Government, in the absence of a claim of fraud and relying wholly upon a charge of illegal procurement, can secure a de novo re-examination of a naturalization court's finding and judgment that an applicant for citizenship was attacked to the principles of the Constitution.
We do not consider these questions. For though we assume, without deciding, that in the absence of fraud a certificate of naturalization can be set aside under 15 as 'illegally procured' because the finding as to attachment would later seem to be erroneous, we are of the [320 U.S. 118, 125] opinion that this judgment should be reversed. If a finding of attachment can be so reconsidered in a denaturalization suit, our decisions make it plain that the Government needs more than a bare preponderance of the evidence to prevail. The remedy afforded the Government by the denaturalization statute has been said to be a narrower one than that of direct appeal from the granting of a petition. Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568, 579 , 46 S.Ct. 425, 427; cf. United States v. Ness, 245 U.S. 319, 325 , 38 S.Ct. 118, 121. Johannessen v. United States states that a certificate of citizenship is 'an instrument granting political privileges, and open like other public grants to be revoked if and when it shall be found to have been unlawfully or fraudulently procured. It is in this respect closely analogous to a public grant of land ....' 225 U.S. 227, 238 , 32 S.Ct. 613, 615. See, also, Tutun v. United States, supra. To set aside such a grant the evidence must be 'clear, unequivocal, and convincing'-'it cannot be done upon a bare preponderance of evidence which leaves the issue in doubt'. Maxwell Land-Grant Case (United States v. Maxwell Land-Grant Co.), 121 U.S. 325, 381 , 7 S.Ct. 1015, 1029; United States v. San Jacinto Tin Co., 125 U.S. 273, 300 , 8 S.Ct. 850, 864; cf. United States v. Rovin, D.C., 12 F.2d 942, 944. See Wigmore, Evidence, (3d Ed.) 2498. This is so because rights once conferred should not be lightly revoked. And more especially is this true when the rights are precious and when they are conferred by solemn adjudication, as is the situation when citizenship is granted. The Government's evidence in this case does not measure up to this exacting standard.
Certain facts are undisputed. Petitioner came to this country from Russia in 1907 or 1908 when he was approximately three. In 1922, at the age of sixteen, he became a charter member of the Young Workers (now Communist) League in Los Angeles and remained a member until 1929 or 1930. In 1924, at the age of eighteen, he filed his declaration of intention to become a citizen. Later in the same year or early in 1925 he became a member of the [320 U.S. 118, 126] Workers Party, the predecessor of the Communist Party of the United States. That membership has continued to the present. His petition for naturalization was filed on January 18, 1927, and his certificate of citizenship was issued on June 10, 1927, by the United States District Court for the Southern District of California. He had not been arrested or subjected to censure prior to 19274 and there is nothing in the record indicating that he was ever connected with any overt illegal or violent action or with any disturbance of any sort.
For its case the United States called petitioner, one Humphreys, a former member of the Communist Party, and one Hynes, a Los Angeles police officer formerly in charge of the radical squad, as witnesses, and introduced in evidence a number of documents. Petitioner testified on his own behalf, introduced some documentary evidence, and read into the record transcripts of the testimony of two university professors given in another proceeding.
Petitioner testified to the following: As a boy he lived in Los Angeles in poverty stricken circumstances and joined the Young Workers League to study what the principles of Communism had to say about the conditions of society. He considered his membership and activities in the League and the Party during the five-year period between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one before he was naturalized, as an attempt to investigate and study the causes and reasons behind social and economic conditions. Meanwhile he was working his way through night high school and college. From 1922 to about 1925 he was 'educational director' of the League. The duties of this non-salaried position were to organize classes, open to the public, for the study of Marxist theory, to register students and to send out notices for meetings; petitioner did no [320 U.S. 118, 127] teaching. During 1925 and 1926 he was corresponding secretary of the Party in Los Angeles; this was a clerical, not an executive position. In 1928 he became an organizer or official spokesman for the League. His first executive position with the Party came in 1930 when he was made an organizational secretary first in California, then in Connecticut and later in Minnesota where he was the Communist Party candidate for governor in 1932. Since 1934 he has been a member of the Party's National Committee. At present he is secretary of the Party in California.
Petitioner testified further that during all the time he has belonged to the League and the Party he has subscribed to the principles of those organizations. He stated that he 'believed in the essential correctness of the Marx theory as applied by the Communist Party of the United States', that he subscribed 'to the philosophy and principles of Socialism as manifested in the writings of Lenin', and that his understanding and interpretation of the program, principles and practice of the Party since he joined 'were and are essentially the same as those enunciated' in the Party's 1938 Constitution. He denied the charges of the complaint and specifically denied that he or the Party advocated the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and violence, and that he was not attached to the principles of the Constitution. He considered membership in the Party compatible with the obligations of American citizenship. He stated that he believed in retention of personal property for personal use but advocated social ownership of the means of production and exchange, with compensation to the owners. He believed and hoped that socialization could be achieved here by democratic processes but history showed that the ruling minority has always used force against the majority before surrendering power. By dictatorship of the proletariat petitioner meant that the 'majority of the people [320 U.S. 118, 128] shall really direct their own destinies and use the instrument of the state for these truly democratic ends.' He stated that he would bear arms against his native Russia if necessary.
Humphreys testified that he had been a member of the Communist Party and understood he was expelled because he refused to take orders from petitioner. e had been taught that present forms of government would have to be abolished 'through the dictatorship of the proletariat' which would be established by 'a revolutionary process'. He asserted that the program of the Party was the socialization of all property without compensation. With regard to advocacy of force and violence he said: 'the Communist Party took the defensive, and put the first users of force upon the capitalistic government; they claimed that the capitalistic government would resist the establishment of the Soviet system, through force and violence, and that the working class would be justified in using force and violence to establish the Soviet system of society'.
Hynes testified that he had been a member of the Party for eight months in 1922. He stated that the Communist method of bringing about a change in the form of government is one of force and violence; he based this statement upon: 'knowledge I have gained as a member in 1922 and from what further knowledge I have gained from reading various official publications, published and circulated by the Communist Party and from observation and actual contact with the activities of the Communist Party ....'5 On cross examination Hynes admitted that he never attempted a philosophic analysis of the literature he read, but only read it to secure evidence, reading and underscoring those portions which, in his opinion, [320 U.S. 118, 129] 'had to do with force or violence or overthrowing of this system of government other than by lawful means provided in the Constitution.' He testified that he never saw any behavior on petitioner's part that brought him into conflict with any law.
The testimony of the two professors discussed Marxian theory as evidenced by the writings of Marx, Engels and Lenin, and concluded that it did not advocate the use of force and violence as a method of attaining its objective.
In its written opinion the district court held that petitioner's certificate of naturalization was illegally procured because the organizations to which petitioner belonged were opposed to the principles of the Constitution and advised, taught and advocated the overthrow of the Government by force and violence, and therefore petitioner, 'by reason of his membership in such organizations and participation in their activities, was not 'attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same." 33 F.Supp. 510, 513.
The district court also made purported findings of facts to the effect that petitioner was not attached to the principles of the Constitution and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same, and was a disbeliever in organized government, that he fraudulently concealed his membership in the League and the Party from the naturalization court, and that his oath of allegiance was false. The conclusion of law was that the certificate was illegally and fraudulently procured. The pertinent findings of fact on these points, set forth in the margin,6 are but the most [320 U.S. 118, 130] general conclusions of ultimate fact. It is impossible to tell from them upon what underlying facts the court relied, and whether proper statutory standards were observed. If it were not rendered unnecessary by the broad view we take of this case, we would be inclined to reverse [320 U.S. 118, 131] and remand to the district court for the purpose of making adequate findings.
The Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed on the ground that the certificate was illegally procured, holding that the finding that petitioner's oath was false was not 'clearly erroneous'. 9 Cir., 119 F.2d 500.7 We granted certiorari, 314 U.S. 597 , 62 S.Ct. 98, and after having heard argument and reargument, now reverse the judgments below.
The Constitution authorizes Congress 'to establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization' (Art. I, 8, cl. 4), and we may assume that naturalization is a privilege, to be given or withheld on such conditions as Congress sees fit. Cf. [320 U.S. 118, 132] United States v. Macintosh, 283 U.S. 605, 615 , 51 S.Ct. 570, 572, and the dissenting opinion of Chief Justice Hughes, 283 U.S. at page 627, 51 S.Ct. at page 576. See also Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568, 578 , 46 S.Ct. 425, 427; Turner v. Williams, 194 U.S. 279 , 24 S.Ct. 719. But because of our firmly rooted tradition of freedom of belief, we certainly will not presume in construing the naturalization and denaturalization acts that Congress meant to circumscribe liberty of political thought by general phrases in those statutes. As Chief Justice Hughes said in dissent in the Macintosh case, such general phrases 'should be construed, not in opposition to, but in accord with, the theory and practice of our Government in relation to freedom of conscience.' 283 U.S. at page 635, 51 S.Ct. at page 579. See also Holmes, J., dissenting in United States v. Schwimmer, 279 U.S. 644 , 653-655, 49 S.Ct. 448, 451.
When petitioner was naturalized in 1927, the applicable statutes did not proscribe Communist beliefs or affiliation as such. 8 They did forbid the naturalization of disbelievers in organized government or members of organizations teaching such disbelief. Polygamists and advocates of political assassination were also barred. 9 Applicants for citizenship were required to take an oath to support the Constitution, to bear true faith and allegiance to the same and the laws of the United States, and to renounce all allegiance to any foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty. 10 And, it was to 'be made to appear to the [320 U.S. 118, 133] satisfaction of the court' of naturalization that immediately preceding the application, the applicant 'has resided continuously within the United States five years at least, ... and that during that time he has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same.' 11 Whether petitioner satisfied this last requirement is the crucial issue in this case.
To apply the statutory requirement of attachment correctly to the proof adduced, it is necessary to ascertain its meaning. On its face the statutory criterion is not attachment to the Constitution, but behavior for a period of five years as a man attached to its principles and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States. Since the normal connotation of behavior is conduct, there is something to be said for the proposition that the 1906 Act created a purely objective qualification, limiting inquiry to an applicant's previous conduct. 12 If this [320 U.S. 118, 134] objective standard is the requirement, petitioner satisfied the statute. His conduct has been law abiding in al respects. According to the record he has never been arrested, or connected with any disorder, and not a single written or spoken statement of his, during the relevant period from 1922 to 1927 or thereafter, advocating violent overthrow of the Government, or indeed even a statement, apart from his testimony in this proceeding, that he desired any change in the Constitution has been produced. The sole possible criticism is petitioner's membership and activity in the League and the Party, but those memberships qua memberships, were immaterial under the 1906 Act. [320 U.S. 118, 135] In United States v. Schwimmer, 279 U.S. 644 , 49 S.Ct. 448, and United States v. Macintosh, 283 U.S. 605 , 51 S.Ct. 570, however, it was held that the statute created a test of belief-that an applicant under the 1906 Act must not only behave as a man attached to the principles of the Constitution, but must be so attached in fact at the time of naturalization. We do not stop to reexamine this construction for even if it is accepted the result is not changed. As mentioned before, we agree with the statement of Chief Justice Hughes in dissent in Macintosh's case that the behavior requirement is 'a general phrase which should be construed, not in opposition to, but in accord with, the theory and practice of our government in relation to freedom of conscience.' 283 U.S. at page 635, 51 S.Ct. at page 579. See also, the dissenting opinion of Justice Holmes in the Schwimmer case, supra, 279 U.S. 653 -655, 49 S.Ct. 451. As pointed out before, this is a denaturalization proceeding, and it is a judgment, not merely a claim or a grant, which is being attacked. Assuming as we have that the United States is entitled to attack a finding of attachment upon a charge of illegality, it must sustain the heavy burden which then rests upon it to prove lack of attachment by 'clear, unequivocal, and convincing' evidence which does not leave the issue in doubt. When the attachment requirement is construed as indicated above, we do not think the Government has carried its burden of proof.
The claim that petitioner was not in fact attached to the Constitution and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States at the time of his naturalization and for the previous five year period is twofold: First, that he believed in such sweeping changes in the Constitution that he simply could not be attached to it; Second, that he believed in and advocated the overthrow by force and violence of the Government, Constitution and laws of the United States.
In support of its position that petitioner was not in fact attached to the principles of the Constitution because of [320 U.S. 118, 136] his membership in the League and the Party, the Government has directed our attention first to petitioner's testimony that he subscribed to the principles of those organizations, and then to certain alleged Party principles and statements by Party Leaders which are said to be fundamentally at variance with the principles of the Constitution. At this point it is appropriate to mention what will be more fully developed later- that under our traditions beliefs are personal and not a matter of mere association, and that men in adhering to a political party or other organization notoriously do not subscribe unqualifiedly to all of its platforms or asserted principles. Said to be among those Communist principles in 1927 are: the abolition of private property without compensation; the erection of a new proletarian state upon the ruins of the old bourgeois state; the creation of a dictatorship of the proletariat; denial of political rights to others than members of the Party or of the proletariat; and the creation of a world union of soviet republics. Statements that American democracy 'is a fraud'13 and that the purposes of the Party are 'utterly antagonistic to the purposes for which the American democracy, so called, was formed,14 are stressed.
Those principles and views are not generally accepted-in fact they are distasteful to most of us-and they call for considerable change in our present form of government and society. But we do not think the government has carried its burden of proving by evidence which does not leave the issue in doubt that petitioner was not in fact attached to the principles of the Constitution and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States when he was naturalized in 1927. [320 U.S. 118, 137] The constitutional fathers, fresh from a revolution, did not forge a political strait-jacket for the generations to come. 15 Instead they wrote Article V and the First Amendment, guaranteeing freedom of thought, soon followed. Article V contains procedural provisions for constitutional change by amendment without any present limitation whatsoever except that no State may be deprived of equal representation in the Senate without its consent. Cf. National Prohibition Cases (State of Rhode I land v. Palmer), 253 U.S. 350 , 40 S.Ct. 486, 588. This provision and the many important and far-reaching changes made in the Constitution since 1787 refute the idea that attachment to any particular provision or provisions is essential, or that one who advocates radical changes is necessarily not attached to the Constitution. [320 U.S. 118, 138] United States v. Rovin, D.C., 12 F.2d 942, 944, 945.16 As Justice Holmes said, 'Surely it cannot show lack of attachment to the principles of the Constitution that (one) thinks that it can be improved.' United States v. Schwimmer, supra ( 279 U.S. 644 , 49 S.Ct. 451) (dissent). Criticism of, and the sincerity of desires to improve the Constitution should not be judged by conformity to prevailing thought because, 'if there is any principle of the Constitution that more imperatively calls for attachment than any other it is the principle of free thought-not free thought for those who agree with us but freedom for the thought that we hate.' Id. See, also, [320 U.S. 118, 139] Chief Justice Hughes dissenting in United States v. Macintosh, supra, 283 U.S. at page 635, 51 S.Ct. at page 579. Whatever attitude we may individually hold toward persons and organizations that believe in or advocate extensive changes in our existing order, it should be our desire and concern at all times to uphold the right of free discussion and free thinking to which we as a people claim primary attachment. To neglect this duty in a proceeding in which we are called upon to judge whether a particular individual has failed to manifest attachment to the Constitution would be ironical indeed.
Our concern is with what Congress meant to be the extent of the area of allowable thought under the statute. By the very generality of the terms employed it is evident that Congress intended an elastic test, one which should not be circumscribed by attempts at precise definition. In view of our tradition of freedom of thought, it is not to be presumed that Congress in the Act of 1906, or its predecessors of 1795 and 1802,17 intended to offer naturalization only to those whose political views coincide with those considered best by the founders in 1787 or by the majority in this country today. Especially is this so since the language used, posing the general test of 'attachment' is not necessarily susceptible of so repressive a construction. 18 The Government agrees that an alien 'may think that the laws and the Constitution should be amended in some or many respects' and still be attached to the principles of the Constitution within the meaning of the statute. [320 U.S. 118, 140] Without discussing the nature and extent of those permissible changes, the Government insists that an alien must believe in and sincerely adhere to the 'general political philosophy' of the Constitution. 19 Petitioner is said to be opposed to that 'political philosophy', the minimum requirements of which are set forth in the margin. 20 It was argued at the bar that since Article V contains no limitations, a person can be attached to the Constitution no matter how extensive the changes are that he desires, so long as he seeks to achieve his ends within the framework of Article V. But we need not consider the validity of this extreme position for if the Government's construction is accepted, it has not carried its burden of proof even under its own test.
The district court did not state in its findings what principles held by petitioner or by the Communist Party were opposed to the Constitution and indicated lack of attachment. See Note 6, ante. In its opinion that court merely relied upon In re Saralieff, D.C., 59 F.2d 436, and United States v. Tapolcsanyi, 3 Cir., 40 F.2d 255, without fresh examination of the question in the light of the present record. [320 U.S. 118, 141] 33 F.Supp. 510. The Circuit Court of Appeals deduced as Party principles roughly the same ones which the Government here presses and stated 'these views are not those of our Constitution.' 119 F.2d at pages 503, 504.
With regard to the constitutional changes he desired petitioner testified that he believed in the nationalization of the means of production and exchange with compensation, and the preservation and utilization of our 'democratic structure ... as far as possible for the advantage of the working classes.' He stated that the 'dictatorship of the proletariat' to him meant 'not a government, but a state of things' in which 'the majority of the people shall really direct their own destinies and use the instrument of the state for these truly democratic ends.' None of this is necessarily incompatible with the 'general political philosophy' of the Constitution as outlined above by the Government. It is true that the Fifth Amendment protects private property, even against taking for public use without compensation. But throughout our history many sincere people whose attachment to the general constitutional scheme cannot be doubted have, for various and even divergent reasons, urged differing degrees of governmental ownership and control of natural resources, basic means of production, and banks and the media of exchange, either with or without compensation. And something once regarded as a species of private property was abolished without compensating the owners when the institution of slavery was forbidden. 21 Can it be said that the author of the Emancipation Proclamation and the supporters of the Thirteenth Amendment were not attached to the Constitution? We conclude that lack of attachment to the Constitution is not shown on the basis of [320 U.S. 118, 142] the changes which petitioner testified he desired in the Constitution.
Turning now to a seriatim consideration of what the Government asserts are principles of the Communist Party, which petitioner believed and which are opposed to our Constitution, our conclusion remains the same- the Government has not proved by 'clear, unequivocal and convincing' evidence that the naturalization court could not have been satisfied that petitioner was attached to the principles of the Constitution when he was naturalized.
We have already disposed of the principle of nationalization of the agents of production and exchange with or without compensation. The erection of a new proletariat state upon the ruins of the old bourgeois state, and the creation of a dictatorship of the proletariat may be considered together. The concept of the dictatorship of the proletariat is one loosely used, upon which more words than light have been shed. Much argument has been directed as to how it is to be achieved, but we have been offered no precise definition here. In the general sense the term may be taken to describe a state in which the workers or the masses, rather than the bourgeoisie or capitalists are the dominant class. Theoretically it is control by a class, not a dictatorship in the sense of absolute and total rule by one individual. So far as the record before us indicates, the concept is a fluid one, capable of adjustment to different conditions in different countries. There are only meager indications of t e form the 'dictatorship' would take in this country. It does not appear that it would necessarily mean the end of representative government or the federal system. The Program and Constitution of the Workers Party (1921-24) criticized the constitutional system of checks and balances, the Senate's power to pass on legislation, and the involved procedure [320 U.S. 118, 143] for amending the Constitution, characterizing them as devices designed to frustrate the will of the majority. 22 The 1928 platform of the Communist Party of the United States, adopted after petitioner's naturalization and hence not strictly relevant, advocated the abolition of the Senate, of the Supreme Court, and of the veto power of the President, and replacement of congressional districts with 'councils of workers' in which legislative and executive power would be united. These would indeed be significant changes in our present government structure-changes which it is safe to say are not desired by the majority of the people in this country-but whatever our personal views, as judges we cannot say that a person who advocates their adoption through peaceful and constitutional means is not in fact attached to the Constitution-those institutions are not enumerated as necessary in the Government's test of 'general political philosophy', and it is conceivable that 'ordered liberty' could be maintained without them. The Senate has not gone free of criticism and one object of the Seventeenth Amendment was to make it more responsive to the public will. 23 The unicameral legislature is not unknown in the country. 24 It is true that this Court has played a large part in the unfolding of the constitutional plan (sometimes too much so in the opinion of some observers), but we would be arrogant indeed if we presumed that a government of laws, with protection for minority groups, would be impossible without it. Like other agencies of government, this Court at various times in its existence has not escaped [320 U.S. 118, 144] the shafts of critics whose sincerity and attachment to the Constitution is beyond question-critics who have accused it of assuming functions of judicial review not intended to be conferred upon it, or of abusing those functions to thwart the popular will, and who have advocated various remedies taking a wide range. 24a And it is hardly conceivable that the consequence of freeing the legislative branch from the restraint of the executive veto would be the end of constitutional government.24b By this discussion we certainly do not mean to indicate that we would favor such changes. Our preference and aversions have no bearing here. Our concern is with the extent of the allowable area of thought under the statute. We decide only that it is possible to advocate such changes and still be attached to the Constitution within the meaning of the Government's minimum test.
If any provisions of the Constitution can be singled out as requiring unqualified attachment, they are the guaranties of the Bill of Rights and especially that of freedom of thought contained in the First Amendment. Cf. Justice Holmes' dissent in United States v. Schwimmer, supra. We do not reach, however the question whether petitioner was attached to the principles of the Co stitution if he believed in denying political and civil rights to persons not members of the Party or of the so-called proletariat, for on the basis of the record before us it has not been clearly shown that such denial was a principle of the organizations to which petitioner belonged. [320 U.S. 118, 145] Since it is doubtful that this was a principle of those organizations, it is certainly much more speculative whether this was part of petitioner's philosophy. Some of the documents in the record indicate that 'class enemies' of the proletariat should be deprived of their political rights. 25 Lenin, however, wrote that this was not necessary to realize the dictatorship of the proletariat. 26 The party's 1928 platform demanded the unrestricted right to organize, to strike and to picket and the unrestricted right of free speech, free press and free assemblage for the working class. The 1928 Program of the Communist International states that the proletarian State will grant religious freedom, while at the same time it will carry on anti-religious propaganda.
We should not hold that petitioner is not attached to the Constitution by reason of his possible belief in the creation of some form of world union of soviet republics unless we are willing so to hold with regard to those who believe in Pan-Americanism, the League of Nations, Union Now, or some other form of international collaboration [320 U.S. 118, 146] or collective security which may grow out of the present holocaust. A distinction here would be an invidious one based on the fact that we might agree with or tolerate the latter but dislike or disagree with the former.
If room is allowed, as we think Congress intended, for the free play of ideas, none of the foregoing principles which might be held to stand forth with sufficient clarity to be imputed to petitioner on the basis of his membership and activity in the League and the Party and his testimony that he subscribed to the principles of those organizations, is enough, whatever our opinion as to their merits, to prove that he was necessarily not attached to the Constitution when he was naturalized. The cumulative effect is no greater.
Apart from the question whether the alleged principles of the Party which petitioner assertedly believed were so fundamentally opposed to the Constitution that he was not attached to its principles in 1927, the Government contends that petitioner was not attached because he believed in the use of force and violence instead of peaceful democratic methods to achieve his desires. In support of this phase of its argument the Government asserts that the organizations with which petitioner was actively affiliated advised, advocated and taught the overthrow of the Government, Constitution and laws of the United States by force and violence, and that petitioner therefore believed in that method of governmental change.
Apart from his membership in the League and the Party, the recor is barren of any conduct or statement on petitioner's part which indicates in the slightest that he believed in and advocated the employment of force and violence, instead of peaceful persuasion, as a means of attaining political ends. To find that he so believed and advocated it is necessary, therefore, to find that such was a principle of the organizations to which he belonged and then impute that principle to him on the basis of his [320 U.S. 118, 147] activity in those organizations and his statement that he subscribed to their principles. The Government frankly concedes that 'it is normally true ... that it is unsound to impute to an organization the views expressed in the writings of all its members, or to impute such writings to each member ....'27 But the Government contends, however, that it is proper to impute to petitioner certain excerpts from the documents in evidence upon which it particularly relies to show that advocacy of force and violence was a principle of the Communist Party of the United States in 1927, because those documents were official publications carefully supervised by the Party, because of the Party's notorious discipline over its members, and because petitioner was not a mere 'rank and file or accidental member of the Party', but 'an intelligent and educated individual' who 'became a leader of these organizations as an intellectual revolutionary.' 28 Since the immediate problem is the determination with certainty of petitioner's beliefs from 1922 to 1927, events and writings since that time have little relevance, and both parties have attempted to confine themselves within the limits of that critical period.
For some time the question whether advocacy of governmental overthrow by force and violence is a principle of the Communist Party of the United States has perplexed courts, administrators, legislators, and students. On varying records in deportation proceedings some courts have held that administrative findings that the Party did so advocate was not so wanting in evidential support as to amount to a denial of due process,29 others have held [320 U.S. 118, 148] to the contrary on different records,30 and some seem to have taken the position that they will judicially notice that force and violence is a Party Principle. 31 This Court has never passed upon the question whether the Party does so advocate, and it is unnecessary for us to do so now.
With commendable candor the Government admits the presence of sharply conflicting views on the issue of force and violence as a Party principle, 32 and it also concedes that 'some communist literature in respect of force and violence is susceptible of an interpretation more rhetorical than literal'. 33 It insists, however, that excerpts from the documents on which it particularly relies, are enough o show that the trial court's finding that the Communist Party advocated violent overthrow of the Government was not 'clearly erroneous', and hence can not be set aside. 34 As previously pointed out, the trial court's findings do not indicate the bases for its conclusions, but the documents published prior to 1927 stressed by the Government, with the pertinent excerpts noted in the margin, [320 U.S. 118, 149] are: The Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels;35 The State and Revolution of Lenin;36 The Statutes, [320 U.S. 118, 150] Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International;37 and The Theory and Practice of Lenin- [320 U.S. 118, 151] ism, written by Stalin. 38 The Government also sets forth excerpts from other documents which are entitled to little [320 U.S. 118, 152] weight because they were published after the critical period. 39 [320 U.S. 118, 153] The bombastic excerpts set forth in Notes 35 to 38 inclusive, upon which the Government particularly relies, lend considerable support to the charge. We do not say that a reasonable man could not possibly have found, as the district court did, that the Communist Party in 1927 actively urged the overthrow of the Government by force and violence. 40 But that is not the issue here. We are not concerned with the question whether a reasonable man might so conclude, nor with the narrow issue whether ad- [320 U.S. 118, 154] ministrative findings to that effect are so lacking in evidentiary support as to amount to a denial of due process. As pointed out before, this is a denaturalization proceeding in which, if the Government is entitled to attack a finding of attachment as we have assumed, the burden rests upon it to prove the alleged lack of attachment by 'clear, unequivocal and convincing' evidence. That burden has not been carried. The Government has not proved that petitioner's beliefs on the subject of force and violence were such that he was not attached to the Constitution in 1927.
In the first place this phase of the Government's case is subject to the admitted infirmities of proof by imputation. 41 The difficulties of this method of proof are here increased by the fact that there is, unfortunately, no absolutely accurate test of what a political party's principles are. 42 Political writings are often over-exaggerated polemics bearing the imprint of the period and the place in which written. 43 Philosophies cannot generally be studied in vacuo. Meaning may be wholly distorted by lifting sentences out of context, instead of construing them as part of an organic whole. Every utterance of party leaders is not taken as party gospel. And we would deny our experience as men if we did not recognize that official party programs are unfortunately often opportunistic de- [320 U.S. 118, 155] vices as much honored in the breach as in the observance. 44 On the basis of the present record we cannot say that the Communist Party is so different in this respect that its principles stand forth with perfect clarity, and especially is this so with relation to the crucial issue of advocacy of force and violence, upon which the Government admits the evidence is sharply conflicting. The presence of this conflict is the second weakness in the Government's chain of proof. It is not eliminated by assiduously adding further excerpts from the documents in evidence to those culled out by the Government.
The reality of the conflict in the record before us can be pointed out quickly. Of the relevant prior to 1927 documents relied upon by the Government three are writings of outstanding Marxist philosophers, and leaders, the fourth is a world program. 45 The Manifesto of 1848 was proclaimed in an autocratic Europe engaged in suppressing the abortive liberal revolutions of that year. With this background, its tone is not surprising. 46 Its authors later stated, however, that there were certain countries, 'such as the United States and England in which the workers may hope to secure their ends by peaceful means.' 47 Lenin doubted this in his militant work, The State and Revolution, but this was written on the eve of the Bolshevist revolution in Russia and may be interpreted as intended in part to justify the Bolshevist [320 U.S. 118, 156] course and refute the anarchists and social democrats. 48 Stalin declared that Marx's exemption for the United States and England was no longer valid. 49 He wrote, however, that 'the proposition that the prestige of the Party can be built upon violence ... is absurd and absolutely incompatible with Leninism. 50 And Lenin wrote 'In order to obtain the power of the state the class conscious workers must win the majority to their side. As long as no violence is used against the masses, there is no other road to power. We are not Blanquists, we are not in favor of the seizure of power by a minority.' 51 The 1938 Constitution of the Communist Party of the United States, which petitioner claimed to be the first and only written constitution ever officially adopted by the Party and which he asserted enunciated the principles of the Party as he understood them from the beginning [320 U.S. 118, 157] of his membership, ostensibly eschews resort to force and violence as an element of Party tactics. 52
A tenable conclusion from the foregoing is that the Party in 1927 desired to achieve its purpose by peaceful and democratic means, and as a theoretical matter justified the use of force and violence only as a method of preventing an attempted forcible counter-overthrow once the Party had obtained control in a peaceful manner, or as a method of last resort to enforce the majority will if at some indefinite future time because of peculiar circumstances constitutional or peaceful channels were no longer open.
There is a material difference between agitation and exhortation calling for present violent action which creates a clear and present danger of public disorder or other substantive evil, and mere doctrineal justification or prediction of the use of force under hypothetical conditions at some indefinite future time-prediction that is not calculated or intended to be presently acted upon, thus [320 U.S. 118, 158] leaving opportunity for general discussion and the calm processes of thought and reason. Cf. Bridges v. California, 314 U.S. 252 , 62 S.Ct. 190, and Justice Brandeis' concurring opinion in Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357 , 372-380, 47 S.Ct. 641, 647-650. See also Taylor v. Mississippi, 319 U.S. 583 , 63 S.Ct. 1200, 87 L.Ed. --, this term. Because of this difference we may assume that Congress intended, by the general test of 'attachment' in the 1906 Act, to deny naturalization to persons falling into the first category but not to those in the second. Such a construction of the statute is to be favored because it preserves for novitiates as well as citizens the full benefit of that freedom of thought which is a fundamental feature of our political institutions. Under the conflicting evidence in this case we cannot say that the Government has proved by such a preponderance of the evidence that the issue is not in doubt, that the attitude of the Communist Party of the United States in 1927 towards force and violence was not susceptible of classification in the second category. Petitioner testified that he subscribed to this interpretation of Party principles when he was naturalized, and nothing in his conduct is inconsistent with that testimony. We conclude that the Government has not carried its burden of proving by 'clear, unequivocal, and convincing' evidence which does not leave 'the issue in doubt', that petitioner obtained his citizenship illegally. In so holding we do not decide what interpretation of the Party's attitude toward force and violence is the most probable on the basis of the present record, or that petitioner's testimony is acceptable at face value. We hold only that where two interpretations of an organization's program are possible, the one reprehensible and a bar to naturalization and the other permissible, a court in a denaturalization proceeding, assuming that it can re-examine a finding of attachment upon a charge of illegal procurement, is not justified in canceling a certificate of citizenship by imputing the reprehensible interpretation to a [320 U.S. 118, 159] member of the organization in the absence of overt acts indicating that such was his interpretation. So uncertain a chain of proof does not add up to the requisite 'clear, unequivocal, and convincing' evidence for setting aside a naturalization decree. Were the law otherwise, valuable rights would rest upon a slender reed, and the security of the status of our naturalized citizens might depend in considerable degree upon the political temper of majority thought and the stresses of the times. Those are consequences foreign to the best traditions of this nation, and the characteristics of our institutions.
This disposes of the issues framed by the Government's complaint which are here pressed. As additional reasons for its conclusion that petitioner's naturalization was fraudulently and illegally procured the district court found, however, that petitioner was a disbeliever in, and a member of an organization teaching disbelief in organized government,53 and that his oath of allegiance, required by 8 U.S.C. 381, 8 U.S.C.A. 381, was false. These issues are outside the scope of the complaint,54 as is another ground urged [320 U.S. 118, 160] in support of the judgment below as to which the district court made no findings. 55 Because they are outside the scope of the complaint, we do not consider them. As we said in De Jonge v. Oregon, 'Conviction upon a charge not made would be sheer denial of due process.' 299 U.S. 353, 362 , 57 S.Ct. 255, 259. A denaturalization suit is not a criminal proceeding. But neither is it an ordinary civil action since it involves an important adjudication of status. Consequently we think the Government should be limited, as in a criminal proceeding, to the matters charged in its complaint.
One other ground advanced in support of the judgment below was not considered by the lower courts and does not merit detailed treatment. It is that petitioner was not entitled to naturalization because he was deportable in 1927 under the Immigration Act of 1918 (40 Stat. 1012, as amended by 41 Stat. 1008, 8 U.S.C. 137, 8 U.S.C.A. 137) as an alien member of an organization advocating overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and violence. This issue is answered by our prior discussion of the evidence in this record relating to force and violence. Assuming that deportability at the time of naturalization satisfies the requirement of illegality under 15 which governs this proceeding, the same failure to establish adequately the attitude toward force and violence of the [320 U.S. 118, 161] organizations to which petitioner belonged forbids his denaturalization on the ground of membership.
The judgment is reversed and the cause remanded to the Circuit Court of Appeals for further proceedings in conformity with this opinion.
It is so ordered.
Reversed and remanded with directions.
Mr. Justice DOUGLAS, concurring.
I join in the Court's opinion and agree that petitioner's want of attachment in 1927 to the principles of the Constitution has not been shown by 'clear, unequivocal and convincing' evidence. The United States, when it seeks to deprive a person of his American citizenship, carries a heavy burden of showing that he procured it unlawfully. That burden has not been sustained on the present record, as the opinion of the Court makes plain, unless the most extreme views within petitioner's party are to be imputed or attributed to him and unless all doubts which may exist concerning his beliefs in 1927 are to be resolved against him rather than in his favor. But there is another view of the problem raised by this type of case which is so basic to merit separate statement.
Sec. 15 of the Naturalization Act gives the United States the power and duty to institute actions to set aside and cancel certificates of citizenship on the ground of 'fraud' or on the ground that they were 'illegally procured'. Sec. 15 'makes nothing fraudulent or unlawful that was honest and lawful when it was done. It imposes no new penalty upon the wrongdoer. But if, after fair hearing, it is judicially determined that by wrongful conduct he has obtained a title to citizenship, the act provides that he shall be deprived of a privilege that was never rightfully his.' Johannessen v. United States, 225 U.S. 227, 242 , 243 S., 32 S.Ct. 613, 617. And see Luria v. United States, 231 U.S. 9, 24 , 34 S.Ct. 10, 13. 'Wrongful conduct'-like the statutory words 'fraud' or 'illegally procured'-are strong words. Fraud con- [320 U.S. 118, 162] notes perjury, concealment, falsification, misrepresentation or the like. But a certificate is illegally, as distinguished from fraudulently, procured when it is obtained without compliance with a 'condition precedent to the authority of the Court to grant a petition for naturalization.' Maney v. United States, 278 U.S. 17, 22 , 49 S.Ct. 15.
Under the Act in question, as under earlier and later Acts,1 Congress prescribed numerous conditions precedent to the issuance of a certificate. They included the requirement that the applicant not be an anarchist or polygamist ( 7), the presentation of a certificate of arrival (United States v. Ness, 245 U.S. 319 , 38 S.Ct. 118), the requirement that the final hearing be had in open court (United States v. Ginsberg, 243 U.S. 472 , 37 S.Ct. 422), the residence requirement (R.S . 2170), the general requirement that the applicant be able to speak the English language ( 8), etc. The foregoing are illustrative of one type of condition which Congress specified. Another type is illustrated by the required finding of attachment. Sec. 4, as it then read, stated that it 'shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the court' that the applicant 'has behaved as a man of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same.' 2 It is my view that Congress by that provision made the finding the condition preced- [320 U.S. 118, 163] ent, not the weight of the evidence underlying the finding. Such a finding can of course be set aside under 15 on grounds of fraud. But so far as certificates 'illegally procured' are concerned, this Court has heretofore permitted 15 to be used merely to enforce the express conditions specified in the Act. It is of course true that an applicant for citizenship was required to come forward and make the showing necessary for the required findings. 4. But under this earlier Act, it was not that showing but the finding of the court which Congress expressed in the form of a condition. If 15 should be broadened by judicial construction to permit the findings of attachment to be set aside for reasons other than fraud, then the issue of illegality would be made to turn not on the judge being satisfied as to applicant's attachment but on the evidence underlying that finding. Such a condition should not be readily implied.
If an anarchist is naturalized, the United States may bring an action under 15 to set aside the certificate on the grounds of illegality. Since Congress by 7 of the Act forbids the naturalization of anarchists, the alien anarchist who obtains the certificate has procured it illegally whatever the naturalization court might find. The same would be true of communists if Congress declared they should be ineligible for citizenship. Then proof that one was not a communist and did not adhere to that party or its belief would become like the other express conditions in the Act a so-called 'jurisdictional' fact 'upon which the grant is predicated.' Johannessen v. United States, supra, 225 U.S. at page 240, 32 S.Ct. at page 616. But under this Act Congress did not treat communists like anarchists. Neither the statute nor the official forms used by applicants called for an expression by petitioner of his attitude on, or his relationship to, communism, or any other foreign political creed except anarchy and the like. [320 U.S. 118, 164] The findings of attachment are entrusted to the naturalization court with only the most general standard to guide it. That court has before it, however, not only the applicant but at least two witnesses. It makes its appraisal of the applicant and it weighs the evidence. Its conclusion must often rest on imponderable factors. In the present case we do not know how far the naturalization court probed into petitioner's political beliefs and affiliations. We do not know what inquiry it made. All we do know is that it was satisfied that petitioner was 'attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States.' But we must assume that that finding which underlies the judgment granting citizenship (Cf. Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568 , 46 S.Ct. 425) was supported by evidence. We must assume that the evidence embraced all relevant facts since no charge of concealment or misrepresentation is now made by respondent. And we must assume that the applicant and the judge both acted in utmost good faith.
If the applicant answers all questions required of him, if there is no concealment or misrepresentation, the findings of attachment cannot be set aside on the grounds of illegality in proceedings under 15. It does not comport with any accepted notion of illegality to say that in spite of the utmost good faith on the part of applicant and judge and in spite of full compliance with the express statutory conditions a certificate was illegally procured because another judge would appraise the evidence differently. That would mean that the United States at any time could obtain a trial de novo on the political faith of the applicant.
It is hardly conceivable that Congress intended that result under this earlier Act except for the narrow group of political creeds such as anarchy for which it specially provided. Chief Justice Hughes stated in his dissent in United States v. Macintosh, 283 U.S. 605, 635 , 51 S.Ct. 570, 579, that the [320 U.S. 118, 165] phrase 'attachment to the principles of the Constitution' is a general one 'which should be construed, not in opposition to, but in accord with, the theory and practice of our government in relation to freedom of conscience.' We should be mindful of that criterion in our construction of 15. If findings of attachment which underly certificates may be set aside years later on the evidence, then the citizenship of those whose political faiths become unpopular with the passage of time becomes vulnerable. It is one thing to agree that Congress could take that step if it chose. See Turner v. Williams, 194 U.S. 279 , 24 S.Ct. 719. But where it has not done so in plain words, we should be loathe to imply that Congress sanctioned a procedure which in absence of fraud permitted a man's citizenship to be attacked years after the grant because of his political beliefs, social philosophy, or economic theories. We should not tread o close to the domain of freedom of conscience without an explicit mandate from those who specify the conditions on which citizenship is granted to or withheld from aliens. At least when two interpretations of the Naturalization Act are possible we should choose the one which is the more hospitable to that ideal for which American citizenship itself stands.
Citizenship can be granted only on the basis of the statutory right which Congress has created. Tutun v. United States, supra. But where it is granted and where all the express statutory conditions precedent are satisfied we should adhere to the view that the judgment of naturalization is final and conclusive except for fraud. Since the United States does not now contend that fraud vitiates this certificate the judgment below must be reversed.
Mr. Justice RUTLEDGE, concurring.
I join in the Court's opinion. I add what follows only to emphasize what I think is at the bottom of this case.
Immediately we are concerned with only one man, William Schneiderman. Actually, though indirectly, the [320 U.S. 118, 166] decision affects millions. If, seventeen years after a federal court adjudged him entitled to be a citizen, that judgment can be nullified and he can be stripped of this most precious right, by nothing more than reexamination upon the merits of the very facts the judgment established, no naturalized person's citizenship is or can be secure. If this can be done after that length of time, it can be done after thirty or fifty years. If it can be done for Schneiderman, it can be done for thousands or tens of thousands of others.
For all that would be needed would be to produce some evidence from which any one of the federal district judges could draw a conclusion, concerning one of the ultimate facts in issue, opposite from that drawn by the judge decreeing admission. The statute does not in terms prescribe 'jurisdictional' facts. 1 But all of the important ones are 'jurisdictional,' or have that effect, if by merely drawing contrary conclusion from the same, though conflicting, evidence at any later time a court can overturn the judgment. An applicant might be admitted today upon evidence satisfying the court he had complied with all requirements. That judgment might be affirmed on appeal and again on certiorari here. Yet the day after, or ten years later any district judge could overthrow it, on the same evidence, if it was conflicting or gave room for contrary inferences, or on different evidence all of which might have been presented to the first court. 2
If this is the law and the right the naturalized citizen acquires, his admission creates nothing more than citizenship in attenuated, if not suspended, animation. He acquires but prima facie status, if that. Until the Gov- [320 U.S. 118, 167] ernment moves to cancel his certificate and he knows the outcome, he cannot know whether he is in or out. And when that is done, nothing forbids repeating the harrowing process again and again, unless the weariness of the courts should lead them finally to speak res judicata.
No citizen with such a threat hanging over his head could be free. If he belonged to 'off-color' organizations or held too radical or, perhaps, too reactionary views, for some segment of the judicial palate, when his admission took place, he could not open his mouth without fear his words would be held against him. For whatever he might say or whatever any such organization might advocate could be hauled forth at any time to show 'continuity' of belief from the day of his admission, or 'concealment' at that time. Such a citizen would not be admitted to liberty. His best course would be silence or hypocrisy. This is not citizenship. Nor is it adjudication.
It may be doubted that the framers of the Constitution intended to create two classes of citizens, one free nd independent, one haltered with a lifetime string tied to its status. However that may be, and conceding that the power to revoke exists and rightly should exist to some extent, the question remains whether the power to admit can be delegated to the courts in such a way that their determination, once made, determines and concludes nothing with finality.
If every fact in issue going to the right to be a citizen, can be reexamined, upon the same or different proof, years or decades later; and if this can be done de novo, as if no judgment had been entered, whether with respect to the burden of proof required to reach a different decision or otherwise, what does the judgment determine? What does it settle with finality? If review is had and the admission is affirmed, what fact is adjudicated, if next day any or all involved can be redecided to the contrary? Can [320 U.S. 118, 168] Congress, when it has empowered a court to determine and others to review and confirm, at the same time or later authorize any trial court to overturn their decrees, for causes other than such as have been held sufficient to overturn other decrees?3
I do not undertake now to decide these questions. Nor does the Court. But they have a bearing on the one which is decided. It is a judgment which is being attacked. Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568 , 46 S.Ct. 425. Accordingly, it will not do to say the issue is identical with what is presented in a naturalization proceeding, is merely one of fact, upon which therefore the finding of the trial court concludes, and consequently we have no business to speak or our speaking is appellate intermeddling. That ignores the vital fact that it is a judgment, rendered in the exercise of the judicial power created by Article III, which it is sought to overthrow,4 not merely a grant like a patent to land or for invention. 5 Congress has plenary power over naturalization. That no one disputes. Nor that this power, for its application, can be delegated to the courts. But this is not to say, when Congress has so placed it, that body can decree in the same breath that the judgment rendered shall have no conclusive effect. Limits it may place. But that is another matter from making an adjudication under Article III merely an advisory opinion or prima facie evidence of the fact or all the facts determined. Congress has, with limited exceptions, plenary power over the jurisdiction of the federal courts. 6 But to confer the jurisdiction and at the same time nullify entirely the effects of its exercise are not matters heretofore thought, [320 U.S. 118, 169] when squarely faced, within its authority. 7 To say therefore that the trial court's function in this case is the same as was that of the admitting court is to ignore the vast difference between overturning a judgment, with its adjudicated facts, and deciding initially upon facts which have not been adjudged. The argument made from the deportation statutes likewise ignores this difference.
It is no answer to say that Congress provided for the redetermination as a part of the statute conferring the right to admission and therefore as a condition of it. For that too ignores the question whether Congress can so condition the judgment and is but another way of saying that a determinatio , made by an exercise of judicial power under Article III, can be conditioned by legislative mandate so as not to determine finally any ultimate fact in issue.
The effect of cancellation is to nullify the judgment of admission. If it is a judgment, and no one disputes that it is, that quality in itself requires the burden of proof the court has held that Congress intended in order to overturn it. That it is a judgment, and one of at least a coordinate court, which the cancellation proceeding attacks and seeks to overthrow, requires this much at least, that solemn decrees may not be lightly overturned and that citizens may not be deprived of their status merely because one judge views their political and other beliefs with a more critical eye or a different slant, however, honestly and sincerely, than another. Beyond this we need not go now in decision. But we do not go beyond our function or usurp another tribunal's when we go this far. [320 U.S. 118, 170] The danger, implicit in finding too easily the purpose of Congress to denaturalize Communists, is that by doing so the status of all or many other naturalized citizens may be put in jeopardy. The other and underlying questions need not be determined unless or until necessity compels it.
Mr. Chief Justice STONE, dissenting.
The two courts below have found that petitioner, at the time he was naturalized, belonged to Communist Party organizations which were opposed to the principles of the Constitution, and which advised, advocated and taught the overthrow of the Government by force and violence. They have found that petitioner believed in and supported the principles of those organizations. They have found also that petitioner 'was not, at the time of his naturalization ..., and during the period of five years immediately preceding the filing of his petition for naturalization had not behaved as, a person attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same'.
I think these findings are abundantly supported by the evidence, and hence that it is not within our judicial competence to set them aside-even though, sitting as trial judges, we might have made some other finding. The judgment below, cancelling petitioner's citizenship on the ground that it was illegally obtained, should therefore be affirmed. The finality which attaches to the trial court's determinations of fact from evidence heard in open court, and which ordinarily saves them from an appellate court's intermeddling, should not be remembered in every case save this one alone.
It is important to emphasize that the question for decision is much simpler than it has been made to appear. It is whether petitioner, in securing his citizenship by naturalization, has fulfilled a condition which Congress [320 U.S. 118, 171] has imposed on every applicant for naturalization-that during the five years preceding his application 'he has behaved as a man ... attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same.' 1 Decision whether he was lawfully entitled to the citizenship which he procured, and consequently whether he is now entitled to retain it, must turn on the existence of his attachment to the principles of the Constitution when he applied for citizenship, and that must be inferred by the trier of fact from his conduct during the five-year period. We must decide not whether the district court was compelled to find want of attachment, but whether the record warrants such a finding.
The question then is not of petitioner's opinions or beliefs-save as they may have influenced or may explain his conduct showing attachment, or want of it, to the principles of the Constitution. It is not a question of freedom of thought, of speech or of opinion, or of present imminent danger to the United States from our acceptance as citizens of those who are not attached to the principles of our form of government. The case obviously has nothing to do with our relations with Russia, where petitioner [320 U.S. 118, 172] was born, or with our past or present views of the Russian political or social system. The United States has the same interest as other nations in demanding of those who seek its citizenship some measure of attachment to its institutions. Our concern is only that the declared will of Congress shall prevail-that no man shall become a citizen or retain his citizenship whose behavior for five years before his application does not show attachment to the principles of the Constitution.
The Constitution has conferred on Congress the exclusive authority to prescribe uniform rules governing naturalization. Article I, 8, cl. 4. Congress has exercised that power by prescribing the conditions, in conformity to which aliens may obtain the privilege of citizenship. Under the laws and Constitution of the United States, no person is given any right to demand citizenship, save upon compliance with those conditions. 'An alien who seeks political rights as a member of this nation can rightfully obtain them only upon terms and conditions specified by Congress. Courts are without authority to sanction changes or modifications; their duty is rigidly to enforce the legislative will in respect of a matter so vital to the public welfare.' United States v. Ginsberg, 243 U.S. 472, 474 , 37 S.Ct. 422, 425. And whenever a person's right to citizenship is drawn in question, it is the judge's duty loyally to see to it that those conditions have not been disregarded.
The present suit by the United States, to cancel petitioner's previously granted certificate of citizenship, was brought pursuant to an Act of Congress (Section 15 of the Act of June 29, 1906, 34 Stat. 601), enacted long prior to petitioner's naturalization. Section 15 authorizes any court by a suit instituted by the United States Attorney to set aside a certificate of naturalization 'on the ground of fraud or on the ground that such certificate of citizenship was illegally procured'. Until now this Court, with- [320 U.S. 118, 173] out a dissenting voice, has many times held that in a suit under this statute it is the duty of the court to render a judgment cancelling the certificate of naturalization if the court finds upon evidence that the applicant did not satisfy the conditions which Congress had made prerequisite to the award of citizenship. Johannessen v. United States, 225 U.S. 227 , 32 S.Ct. 613; Luria v. United States, 231 U.S. 9 , 34 S.Ct. 10; Maibaum v. United States, 232 U.S. 714 , 34 S. Ct. 330; United States v. Ginsberg, 243 U.S. 472 , 37 S.Ct. 422; United States v. Ness, 245 U.S. 319 , 38 S.Ct. 118; Maney v. United States, 278 U.S. 17, 23 , 49 S.Ct. 15, 16; Schwinn v. United States, 311 U.S. 616 , 61 S.Ct. 70.
Provision for such a review of the judgment awarding citizenship is within the legislative power of Congress and plainly is subject to no constitutional infirmity, Johannessen v. United States, supra, 225 U.S. 236 -240, 2 S.Ct. 614-616, especially where, as here, the statute antedated petitioner's citizenship and the review was thus a condition of its award. Luria v. United States, supra, 231 U.S. 24 , 34 S. Ct. 13. Our decisions have uniformly recognized that Congress, which has power to deny citizenship to aliens altogether, may safeguard the grant of this privilege, precious to the individual and vital to the country's welfare, by such procedure for determining the existence of indispensable requisites to citizenship as has been established in 15. 'No alien has the slightest right to naturalization unless all statutory requirements are complied with; and every certificate of citizenship must be treated as granted upon condition that the government may challenge it, as provided in 15, and demand its cancellation unless issued in accordance with such requirements. If procured when prescribed qualifications have no existence in fact it is illegally procured; a manifest mistake by the judge cannot supply these nor render their existence nonessential.' United States v. Ginsberg, supra, 243 U.S. 475 , 37 S.Ct. 422, 425. Speaking for a unanimous Court, Mr. Justice Brandeis thus stated what was, until today, the settled law: 'If a certificate is procured when the pre- [320 U.S. 118, 174] scribed qualifications have no existence in fact, it may be cancelled by suit.' Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568, 578 , 46 S.Ct. 425, 427. Congress has not seen fit to interpose any statute of limitations. And there is no suggestion that the Government was derelict in not bringing the suit earlier or that petitioner has been prejudiced by delay. Hence the issue before us is whether petitioner, when naturalized, satisfied the statutory requirements. It is the same issue as would be presented by an appeal from a judgment granting or denying naturalization upon the evidence here presented, although it may be assumed that in this proceeding the burden of proof rests on the Government which has brought the suit, to establish petitioner's want of qualifications.
We need not stop to consider whether petitioner's failure, in his naturalization proceeding, to disclose facts which could have resulted in a denial of his application, constituted fraud within the meaning of the statute. For present purposes it is enough that the evidence supports the conclusion of the courts below as to petitioner's want of attachment to the principles of the Constitution, and that 15 has, ever since its enactment in 1906, been construed by this Court as requiring certificates of citizenship to be cancelled as illegally procured whenever the court finds on evidence that at the time of naturalization the applicant did not in fact satisfy the statutory prerequisites.
To meet the exigencies of this case, it is now for the first time proposed by the concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas that a new construction be given to the statute which would preclude any inquiry concerning the fact of petitioner's attachment to the Constitution. It is said that in a 15 proceeding the only inquiry permitted, apart from fraud, is as to the regularity of the naturalization proceedings on their face; that-however [320 U.S. 118, 175] much petitioner fell short of meeting the statutory requirements for citizenship-if he filed, as he did, pro forma affidavits of two persons, barely stating that he met the statutory requirements of residence, moral character and attachment to the Constitution, and if the court on the basis of the affidavits made the requisite findings and order, then all further inquiry is foreclosed.
To this easy proposal for the emasculation of the statute there are several plain and obvious answers.
Section 15 authorizes and directs the Government to institute the suit to cancel the certificate of naturalization on the ground of fraud or on the ground that the certificate was illegally procured. Until now it has never been thought that a certificate of citizenship procured by one who has not satisfied the statutory conditions for citizenship, is nevertheless lawfully procured. But the concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas suggests that, for purposes of 15, 'attachment to the principles of the Constitution' is not a condition of becoming a citizen. It suggests that the statute is satisfied, even though the applicant was never in fact attached to the principles of the Constitution, so long as such attachment was made to appear, from pro forma affidavits, to the satisfaction of the naturalization court. This is said to be the case regardless of whether in fact the affidavits, and the certificate of citizenship based on them, are wholly mistaken, and despite the fact that the naturalization proceeding, as apparently it was here, is an ex parte proceeding in which the Government is not represented.
It would seem passing strange that Congress-which authorized cancellation of citizenship under 15 for failure to hold the naturalization hearing in open court instead of in the judge's chambers ( United States v. Ginsberg, supra), or for failure to present the requisite certificate of arrival in this country (Maney v. United States, [320 U.S. 118, 176] supra)-should be thought less concerned with the applicant's attachment to the principles of the Constitution and that he be well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States. For what could be more important in the selection of citizens of the United States than that the prospective citizen be attached to the principles of the Constitution?
Moreover, if in the absence of fraud the finding of the naturalization court in this case is final and hence beyond the reach of a 15 proceeding, it would be equally final in the case of a finding, contrary to the actual fact, that the applicant had been for five years a continuous resident in the United States, since that requirement too is set forth in the sentence of 4 which provides that 'it shall be made to appear to the satisfaction of the court'. Yet it is settled that a certificate of citizenship based on a mistaken finding of five years residence is subject to revocation. United States v. Ginsberg, supra. And in Schwinn v. United States, supra, it appeared, from extrinsic evidence first offered in a 15 proceeding, that the witnesses at the naturalization hearing had been mistaken as to the length of time they had known the applicant, and that for a part of the five-year period no witness had been produced with actual knowledge of the applicant's residence or qualifications. We held, without dissent, 311 U.S. 616 , 61 S. Ct. 70, 'that the certificate of citizenship was illegally procured', and for that reason we affirmed a judgment cancelling it. 2 If we are to give effect to the language and purpose of Congress, it would seem that we must reach the same result in the case of the naturalization court's mistaken or unwarranted finding of attachment to the principles of the Constitution, even though [320 U.S. 118, 177] the conduct of the applicant and his witnesses at the naturalization hearing fell short of perjury.
The purpose of 15-like that of 11, which authorizes the Government to appear in a naturalization proceeding to contest the application-is not merely to insure the formal regularity of the proceeding, but to protect the United States from the injury which would result from the acceptance as citizens of any who are not lawfully entitled to become citizens. Congress left the naturalization proceeding simple and inexpensive, by permitting it ordinarily to be conducted ex parte. Thus approximately 200,000 certificates of naturalization were issued during the year in which petitioner became a citizen. Annual Report of the Secretary of Labor, 1940, p. 115. But, by 15 Congress afforded the Government an independent oppor unity to inquire into any naturalization if upon later scrutiny it appeared that the certificate of citizenship had not been lawfully procured. As the Court declared in United States v. Ness, supra, 245 U.S. 327 , 38 S.Ct. 121, 'Section 11 and Section 15 were designed to afford cumulative protection against fraudulent or illegal naturalization'. All this was made abundantly clear by decisions of this Court more than twenty-five years ago. See Johannessen v. United States, supra; Luria v. United States, supra; United States v. Ginsberg, supra; United States v. Ness, supra, 245 U.S. 325 -327, 38 S.Ct. 120, 121. In the intervening years Congress has often revised the naturalization laws, but it has not thought it appropriate to modify this Court's interpretation of the function of 15 in the naturalization procedure.
This is persuasive that the interpretation of 15 now proposed defies the purpose and will of Congress. It is inconceivable that Congress should have intended that a naturalized citizen's attachment to the principles of the Constitution-the most fundamental requirement for citizenship-should be the one issue which, in the absence [320 U.S. 118, 178] of fraud, the Government is foreclosed from examining. To limit the Government to proof of fraud in such cases is to read 'illegality' out of the statute in every instance where an alien demonstrably not attached to the principles of the Constitution has procured a certificate of citizenship. Even if we were to recast an Act of Congress in accordance with our own notions of policy, it would be difficult to discover any considerations warranting the adoption of a device whose only effect would be to make certain that persons never entitled to the benefits of citizenship could secure and retain them. That could not have been the object of Congress in enacting 15.
As we are not here considering whether petitioner's certificate of naturalization was procured by fraud, there is no occasion, and indeed no justification, for importing into this case the rule, derived from land fraud cases, that fraud, which involves personal moral obliquity, must be proved by clear and convincing evidence. The issue is not whether petitioner committed a crime but whether he should be permitted to enjoy citizenship when he has never satisfied the basic conditions which Congress required for the grant of that privilege. We are concerned only with the question whether petitioner's qualifications were so lacking that he was not lawfully entitled to the privilege of citizenship which he has procured. There is nothing in 15, nor in any of our numerous decisions under it, to suggest that such an issue is to be tried as fraud is tried, or that it is not to be resolved, as are other cases, by the weight of evidence. No plausible reason has been advanced why it should not be. But the point need not be labored, for no matter how it is determined it can give no aid or comfort to petitioner. The evidence in this case to which I shall refer and on which the courts below were entitled to rely is clear, not speculative; and since petitioner himself has not challenged it, the trial court was [320 U.S. 118, 179] entitled to accept it as convincing, which it evidently did.
The statute does not, as seems to be suggested, require as a condition of citizenship that a man merely be capable of attachment to the principles of the Constitution-a requirement which presumably all mankind could satisfy. It requires instead that the applicant be in fact attached to those principles when he seeks naturalization, and 15 makes provision for the Government to institute an independent suit, subsequent to naturalization, to inquire whether that condition was then in fact fulfilled. Congress had exhibited no interest in petitioner's capabilities. Nor did Congress require only that it be not impossible for petitioner to have an attachment to the principles of the Constitution. The Act specifies the fact of attachment as the test, requiring this to be af irmatively shown by the applicant; and by 15 Congress provided a means for the United States to ascertain that fact by a judicial determination.
The prescribed conditions for the award of citizenship by naturalization are few and readily understood, and we must accept them as the expression of the Congressional judgment that aliens not satisfying those requirements are not worthy to be admitted to the privilege of citizenship. Congress has declared that before one is entitled to that privilege he must take the oath of allegiance 'that he will support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and bear true faith and allegiance to the same'. Act of June 29, 1906, 4 (Third), 34 Stat. 597. And as I have said, the applicant must make it appear to the court admitting him to citizenship that for the five years preceding the date of his application he has resided continuously within the United States and 'that during that time he has behaved as a man of good [320 U.S. 118, 180] moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same.'
Moreover, at the time of petitioner's naturalization, the statutes of the United States excluded from admission into this country 'aliens who believe in, advise, advocate, or teach, or who are members of or affiliated with any organization, association, society, or group, that believes in, advises, advocates, or teaches: (1) the overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States ...'. Act of October 16, 1918, 1, 40 Stat. 1012, as amended by subsection (c) of the Act of June 5, 1920, 41 Stat. 1008, 1009, 8 U.S.C.A. 137. The statutes also barred admission to the United States of 'aliens who ... knowingly circulate, distribute, print, or display, or knowingly cause to be circulated, distributed, printed, published, or displayed ... any written or printed matter ... advising, advocating, or teaching: (1) the overthrow by force or violence of the Government of the United States ...'. Ibid., subsection (d). And by 2 of the Act of October 16, 1918, it was provided that any alien who, after entering the United States, 'is found ... to have become thereafter, a member of any one of the classes of aliens' just enumerated, shall be taken into custody and deported. See Kessler v. Strecker, 307 U.S. 22 , 59 S.Ct. 694. Quite apart from the want of attachment to the Constitution and the consequent disqualification of such aliens for citizenship, their belonging to any of these classes would disqualify them for citizenship since their presence in the United States, without which they cannot apply for citizenship, would be unlawful. And in the light of the evidence-presently to be discussed-even the Court's opinion concedes (63 S.Ct. at page 1350) 'We do not say that a reasonable man could not possibly have found, as the district court did, that the Communist Party in 1927 actively urged the overthrow of the Government by [320 U.S. 118, 181] force and violence.' In addition, the evidence makes it clear beyond all reasonable doubt that petitioner, up to the time of his naturalization, was an alien who knowingly circulated or distributed, or caused to be circulated or distributed, printed matter advocating the overthrow of the Government by force or violence.
Wholly apart from the deportation statute, the judgment should be affirmed because the trial court was justified in finding that petitioner, in 1927, was not and had not been attached to the principles of the Constitution. My brethren of the majority do not deny that there are principles of the Constitution. The Congress of 1795, which passed the statute requiring an applicant for naturalization to establish that he has 'behaved as a man ... attached to the principles of the constitution' (1 Stat. 414), evidently did not doubt that there were. For some of its members had sat in the Constitutional Convention. In the ab ence of any disclaimer I shall assume that there are such principles and that among them are at least the principle of constitutional protection of civil rights and of life, liberty and property, the principle of representative government, and the principle that constitutional laws are not to be broken down by planned disobedience. I assume also that all the principles of the Constitution are hostile to dictatorship and minority rule; and that it is a principle of our Constitution that change in the organization of our government is to be effected by the orderly procedures ordained by the Constitution and not by force or fraud. With these in mind, we may examine petitioner's behavior as disclosed by the record, during the five years which preceded his naturalization, in order to ascertain whether there was basis in the evidence for the trial judge's findings. In determining whether there was evidence supporting the finding of petitioner's want of attachment to constitutional principles, courts must look, as the statute admonishes, to see whether in the five [320 U.S. 118, 182] year period petitioner behaved as a man attached to the principles of the Constitution. And we must recognize that such attachment or want of it is a personal attribute to be inferred from all the relevant facts and circumstances which tend to reveal petitioner's attitude toward those principles.
Petitioner, who is an educated and intelligent man, took out his first papers in 1924, when he was eighteen years of age, and was admitted to citizenship on June 10, 1927, when nearly twenty-two. Since his sixteenth year he has been continuously and actively engaged in promoting in one way or another the interests of various Communist Party organizations affiliated with and controlled as to their policy and action by the Third International, the parent Communist organization, which had its headquarters and its Executive Committee in Moscow. 3 [320 U.S. 118, 183] The evidence shows petitioner's loyalty to the Communist Party organizations; that as a member of the Party he was subject to and accepted its political control, and that as a Party member his adherence to its political principles and tactics was required by its constitution.
Petitioner was born in Russia on August 1, 1905, and came to the United States in 1907 or 1908. In 1922, when a 16-year old student at a night high school in Los Angeles, he became one of the organizers and charter members of the Young Workers League of California. For two or three years-and during the five-year period which we are examining-he was educational director of the League; it was his duty 'to organize forums and studies for classes'. 'My job was to register students in the classes and send out notices for meeting; in other words, to organize the educational activities of the League for which instructors were supplied'. The outlines of the curriculum of this educational program were established by the League's national committee. The League (whose name was later changed to the Young Communist League) was affiliated with the Communist International. 4 In 1928, just after he was naturalized, petitioner became 'organizer' or 'director' of the League-'I was the official spokesman for the League and directed its administrative and political affairs and educational affairs'. Petitioner was a delegate to the League's National Con- [320 U.S. 118, 184] vention in 1922, and again in 1925. Meanwhile, on February 8, 1924, he had filed a declaration of intention to become a citizen of the United States.
At the end of 1924, petitioner joined the Workers Party (which later changed its name to the Workers Communist Party and still later to the Communist Party of the United States of America). The Party was a section of the Third International. The Party constitution, at the time petitioner became a member, provided (Article III, 1) that 'every person who accepts the principles and tactics of the Workers Party of America and agrees to submit to its discipline and engage actively in its work shall be eligible to membership'. Applicants for membership were required ( Article III, 2) to sign an application card reading as follows: 'The undersigned declares his adherence to the principles and tactics of the Workers Party of America as expressed in its program and constitution and agrees to submit to the discipline of the party and to engage actively in its work.' It was likewise provided (Article X, 1, 2) that 'all decisions of the governing bodies of the Party shall be binding upon the membership and subordinate units of the organization', and that 'any member or organization violating the decisions of the Party shall be subject to suspension or expulsion'.5 During 1925 and 1926 petitioner was 'cor- [320 U.S. 118, 185] responding secretary' of the Workers Party in Los Angeles. As such, he wrote down the minutes and sent out communications for meetings; and a letter which he signed in his capacity as 'city central secretary' indicates that he was in charge of outgoing correspondence with affiliates of the Party. In 1925 he attended the Party convention.
After his naturalization, petitioner attended the Sixth World Congress of the Communist Inte national, at Moscow, in 1928; and from 1929 to 1930 he was district organizational secretary of the Party for a district which included Arizona, Nevada and California. At various subsequent times he was district organizer in Connecticut, in Minnesota, and in California. He ran twice as the Party's candidate for governor of Minnesota. He held other official positions in the Party, and at the time of the hearing in the district court was California State Secretary of the Party and a member of the State Central Committee. These facts, while not directly probative of his behavior during the five-year period 1922-1927, at least establish that his early devotion to the Party organizations was not transitory, nor inconsistent with his genuine and settled convictions.
The evidence shows and it is not denied that the Communist Party organization at the time in question was a revolutionary party having as its ultimate aim generally, and particularly in England and the United States, the overthrow of capitalistic government, and the substitution for it of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It sought to accomplish this through persistent indoctrination of the people in capitalistic countries with Party principles, by the organization in those countries of sections of the [320 U.S. 118, 186] Third International, by systematic teaching of Party principles at meetings and classes held under Party auspices, and by the publication and distribution of Communist literature which constituted one of the basic principles of Party action.
In accordance with the policy established at its Second World Congress in 1920, the Party press was brought under Party control through ownership of the various publication agencies. Strict adherence to Party principles was demanded of all publications, which were required to be edited by Party members of proved loyalty to the proletarian revolution. Propaganda was required to conform to the program and decisions of the Third International. Editors were removed and Party members expelled for non-compliance. Publications not conforming to Party principles were barred from Party classes.
Many such Communist Party publications were introduced at the trial and constitute a large part of the evidence in this case. Perusal of the record can leave no doubt of petitioner's unqualified loyalty to the Communist Party. His continuous services to the Party for twenty years in a great variety of capacities, and his familiarity with Party programs and literature, are convincing proof of his complete devotion to Communist Party principles, and his desire to advance them. Throughout he has been a diligent student of Party publications. Many of them were used in the Communist classes of which he was educational director in the years immediately preceding his naturalization. All were particularly brought to his attention as they were introduced in evidence and excerpts relative to the issues were discussed in open court. Except as may be later noted, he did not deny familiarity with them or disavow their teachings. They were the official exposition of the doctrines of the Party to which he had formally pledged his alle- [320 U.S. 118, 187] giance, diligently disseminated by him for the indoctrination of his fellow countrymen, especially the members of the Youth organizations of the Party. In the circumstances, and especially in the absence of any disavowal by petitioner or the assertion by him of ignorance of the principles which they proclaimed, they are persuasive evidence of the nature and extent of his want of attachment to the principles of the Constitution. In appraising them in this aspect it will be most useful to state in somewhat summary form some of the teachings of these publications, classified with reference to principles of the Constitution to which they relate, and to give a few typical examples, of which many more could be given from the evidence.
Unless otherwise noted, I shall refer only to those with which petitioner was familiar and which were published under the auspices of the Party a d by its official publication agencies.
As I have said, it is not questioned that the ultimate aim of the Communist Party in 1927 and the years preceding was the triumph of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the consequent overthrow of capitalistic or bourgeois government and society. Attachment to such dictatorship can hardly be thought to indicate attachment to the principles of an instrument of government which forbids dictatorship and precludes the rule of the minority or the suppression of minority rights by dictatorial government. But the Government points especially to the methods by which that end was to be achieved to show that those who pursue or advocate such methods exhibit their want of attachment to the principles of the Constitution. Methods repeatedly and systematically advocated, in the Communist Party literature to which I have referred, include first a softening up process by which the breakdown and disintegration of capitalistic governments was to be achieved by systematic [320 U.S. 118, 188] and general resort to violation of the laws, and second, the overthrow of capitalistic governments by force and violence.
It was proclaimed that 'For all countries, even for most free 'legal' and 'peaceful' ones in the sense of a lesser acuteness in the class struggle, the period has arrived, when it has become absolutely necessary for every Communist party to join systematically lawful and unlawful work, lawful and unlawful organization. ... The class struggle in almost every country of Europe and America is entering the phase of civil war. Under such conditions the Communists can have no confidence in bourgeois laws. They should create everywhere a parallel illegal apparatus, which at the decisive moment should do its duty by the party, and in every way possible assist the revolution. In every country where, in consequence of martial law or of other exceptional laws, the Communists are unable to carry on their work lawfully, a combination of lawful and unlawful work is absolutely necessary.' 6 'Opposition [320 U.S. 118, 189] in principle to underground (illegal) work and an unwillingness to understand the absolute necessity for a Communist Party of combining legal with illegal work' was in fact one ground for expulsion from the Party of a minority faction. 7 Advocacy of illegal conduct generally was accompanied by advocacy of particular types of illegality. The Party was instructed to arouse workers to 'mass violation' of an injunction 'whenever and wherever an injunction is issued by courts against strikers'8 In the literature of the period now in question unlawful tactics were particularly to be directed toward government armed forces. In addition to 'systematic unlawful work', 'it is especially necessary to carry on unlawful work in the army, navy, and police'.9 Refusal to participate in 'persistent and systematic propaganda and agitation' in the army was 'equal to treason to the revo- [320 U.S. 118, 190] lutionary cause, and incompatible with affiliation with the Third International',10 and this because 'it is necessary, above all things, to undermine and destroy the army in order to overcome the bourgeoisie'.11
There is abundant documentary evidence of the character already described to support the court's finding that the Communist Party organizations, of which petitioner was a member, diligently circulated printed matter which advocated the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and violence, and that petitioner aided in that circulation and advocacy. From the beginning, and during all times relevant to this inquiry, there is evidence that the Communist Party organizations advocated the overthrow of capitalistic governments by revolution to be accomplished, if need be, by force of arms. We need not stop to consider the much discussed question whether this meant more than that force was to be used if established governments should be so misguided as to refuse to make themselves over into proletarian dictatorships by amendment of their governmental structures, or should have the effrontery to defend themselves from lawless or subversive attacks. For in any case the end contemplated was the overthrow of government, and the measures advocated were force and violence. [320 U.S. 118, 191] The fountain head of Communist principles, the Communist Manifesto, published by Marx and Engels in 1848, had openly proclaimed that Communist ends could be attained 'only by the forcible overthrow of all existing socal conditions'. After 1920 these teachings were revived and restated in Party publications which, in the period we are now considering, were used in the Communist educational program that petitioner was directing. They recognized that 'the prol tarian revolution is impossible without the violent destruction of the bourgeois governmental machine and the putting of a new one in its place'; that 'the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be the result of the peaceful development of bourgeois society and democracy; it can be the result only of the destruction of the bourgeois army and State machine, the bourgeois administrative apparatus and the whole bourgeois political system'; that 'the dictatorship of the proletariat is born not of the bourgeois state of things, but of its destruction after the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, of the expropriation of landed proprietors and capitalists, of the socialization of the essential instruments and means of production, of the development of the proletarian revolution through violence. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the revolutionary power resting on violence against the bourgeoisie.' 12
Petitioner testified that at the time of his naturalization he subscribed to the philosophy and principles of socialism as manifested in the writings of Lenin. The State [320 U.S. 118, 192] and Revolution, by Lenin, with which petitioner was familiar, and which was circulated by the Literature Department of the Communist Party in 1924 and 1925 and used by Communist Party classes, declared: 'The necessity of systematically fostering among the masses this and only this point of view about violent revolution lies at the root of the whole of Marx's and Engels' teaching, and it is just the neglect of such propaganda and agitation both by the present predominant Social-Chauvinists and the Kautskian schools that brings their betrayal of it into prominent relief.' 13 And in order that there might be no misunderstanding of the term 'revolution', Engels' definition of revolution was revived and restated as follows: 'Revolution is an act in which part of the population forces its will on the other parts by means of rifles, bayonets, cannon, i.e., by most authoritative means. And the conquering party is inevitably forced to maintain its supremacy by means of that fear which its arms inspire in the reactionaries.' 14 'That which before the victory of the proletariat seems but a theoretical difference of opinion on the question of 'democracy', becomes inevitably on the morrow of the victory, a question which can only be decided by force of arms.' 15 'The working class cannot achieve victory over the bourgeois by means of the general strike alone, and by the policy of folded arms. The proletariat must resort to an armed uprising.' 16 'To say that the revolution can be achieved without civil war is to say that a 'peaceful' revolution is possible. ... Marx was a believer in civil war- that is, the armed struggle of [320 U.S. 118, 193] the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. ... The teachers of Socialism took the revolution very seriously. It was clear to them that the proletariat could not convert the bourgeoisie, and that the workers would have to impose their will upon their enemies through a war carried on by guns and bayonets.' 17
The Party teachings in this and other publications were that revolution by force of arms was a universal principle and consequently one which embraced the United States, and obviously was intended to do so when taught in C mmunist classes in the United States. Communist publications in evidence were at pains to point out that 'Marx's limitation with regard to the 'continent' has furnished the opportunists and mensheviks of every country with a pretext for asserting that Marx admitted the possibility of a peaceful transformation of bourgeois democracy into proletariat democracy at least (in) some countries (England and America). ... But now the situation in these countries is radically different. Imperialism has reached its apogee there, and there militarism and bureaucracy are sovereign. In consequence Marx's restriction no longer applies.' 18
In order to determine whether petitioner's behavior established his attachment to the principles of the Constitution, we are entitled to consider the political system which his Party proposed to establish and toward which his own efforts in promoting the Communist cause were directed. About this there is and can be no serious dispute. Under the new system existing constitutional principles were to be abandoned. In the new government to be established by the Communists, the freedoms guaran- [320 U.S. 118, 194] teed by the Bill of Rights were to be ended. '... There can be no talk of 'freedom' for everybody. The dictatorship of the proletariat is incompatible with the freedom of the bourgeoisie. The dictatorship is, in fact, necessary to deprive the bourgeoisie of their freedom, to chain them hand and foot in order to make it absolutely impossible for them to fight the revolutionary proletariat.' 19 There was to be 'immediate and unconditional confiscation of the estates of the landowners and big landlords' and 'no propaganda can be admitted in the ranks of the Communist parties in favor of an indemnity to be paid to the owners of large estates for their expropriation.' 20 The new state was not to include 'representatives of the former ruling classes'.21 'The dictatorship of the proletariat cannot be a 'complete democracy, a democracy for all, for rich and poor alike; it has to be a State that is democratic, but only for the proletariat and the propertyless, a State that is dictatorial, but only against the bourgeoisie,' ... Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, democracy is proletarian: it is democracy for the exploited majority, based on the limitation of the rights of the exploiting minority and directed against this minority.' 22
The aims of the Communists could be achieved only by 'the annihilation of the entire bourgeois governmental apparatus, parliamentary, judicial, military, bureaucratic, administrative, municipal', and it was necessary for the Communists 'to break and destroy' the 'apparatus'.23 The annihilation of the existing political structure was [320 U.S. 118, 195] deemed as necessary in the United States as elsewhere. 24 If elected to public office the Communist was directed to 'facilitate this task of destruction' of the existing 'apparatus', since the 'bourgeois State organizations' were to be utilized only 'with the object of destroying them.' 25
It is unnecessary to give further examples of the teachings of Communist Party organizations with which the documentary evidence is shot through and through. Appended to this opinion are excerpts from two exhibits. These have been chosen, not because they prove more than other but only because they express in short form ideas which permeate all. The evidence, as a whole, and the exhibits which we have especially mentioned, show a basis for finding in the Party teachings, during the period in question, an unqualified hostility to the most fundamental and universally recognized principles of the Constitution. On the argument we were admonished that petitioner favored change in our form of government, which is itself a principle of the Constitution, since the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and that in any case the Communist Party had greatly modified its aims in more recent years. It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment by an orderly procedure but not through the breakdown of our governmental system by lawless conduct and by force. It can hardly satisfy the requirement of 'attachment to the principles of the Constitution' that one is attached to the means for its destruction. And whether at some time after 1927 the Party may have abandoned these doctrines is immaterial.
It would be little short of preposterous to assert that vigorous aid knowingly given by a pledged Party member [320 U.S. 118, 196] in disseminating the Party teachings, to which reference has been made, is compatible with attachment to the principles of the Constitution. On the record before us it would be difficult for a trial judge to conclude that petitioner was not well aware that he was a member of and aiding a party which taught and advocated the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force and violence. It would be difficult also to find as a fact that petitioner behaved as a man attached to the principles of the Constitution. The trial judge found that he did not. And the same evidence would seem to furnish plain enough support for the trial judge's further finding that petitioner did not behave as a man attached 'to the good order and happiness' of the United States.
Petitioner's pledge of adherence to Communist Party principles and tactics, and his membership in the Communist organizations, were neither passive nor indolent. His testimony shows clearly that during the crucial years he was a young man of vigorous intellect and strong convictions. He spent his time actively arranging for the dissemination of a gospel of which he never has asserted either ignorance or disbelief. His wide acquaintance with Party literature, and his zealous promotion of Party interests for many years, preclude the supposition that he did not know the character of its teachings and did not aid in their advocacy. They are persuasive that he was without attachment to the constitutional principles which those teachings aimed to destroy. Yet the Court's opinion seems to tell us that the trier of fact must not examine petitioner's gospel to find out what kind of man he was, or even what his gospel was; that the trier of fact could not 'impute' to petitioner any genuine attachment to the doctrines of these organizations whose teachings he so assiduously spread. It might as well be said that it is impossible to infer that a man is attached to the principles of a religious movement from the fact that he conducts [320 U.S. 118, 197] its prayer meetings, or, to take a more sinister example, that it could not be inferred that a man is a Nazi and consequently not attached to constitutional principles who, for more than five years, had diligently circulated the doctrines of Mein Kampf.
In neither case of course is the inference inevitable. It is possible, though not probable or normal, for one to be attached to principles diametrically opposed to those, to the dissemination of which he has given his life's best effort. But it is a normal and sensible inference which the trier of fact is free to make that his attachment is to those principles rather than to constitutional principles with which they are at war. A man can be known by the ideas he spreads as well as by the company he keeps. And when one does not challenge the proof that he has given his life to spreadi g a particular class of well-defined ideas, it is convincing evidence that his attachment is to them rather than their opposites. In this case it is convincing evidence that petitioner, at the time of his naturalization, was not entitled to the citizenship he procured because he was not attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and because he was not well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same.
Mr. Justice ROBERTS and Mr. Justice FRANKFURTER join in this dissent.
Excerpts from Exhibit 26-Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (see note 6, supra):
Excerpts from Exhibit 8-The State and Revolution, by Lenin (see note 13, supra):
Mr. Justice JACKSON.
I do not participate in this decision. This case was instituted in June of 1939 and tried in December of that year. In January 1940, I became Attorney General of the United States and succeeded to official responsibility for it. 309 U.S. iii, 60 S.Ct. v. This I have considered a cause for disqualification, and I desire the reason to be a matter of record.
[ Footnote 1 ] At the time this proceeding was started this section read in part as follows:
This provision is continued in substance by 338 of the Nationality Act of 1940, 54 Stat. 1137, 1158, 8 U.S.C. 738, 8 U.S.C.A. 738.
[ Footnote 2 ] Section 4 of the Act of 1906 provided:
[ Footnote 3 ] Since 1790 Congress has conferred the function of admitting aliens to citizenship exclusively upon the courts. In exercising their authority under this mandate the federal courts are exercising the judicial power of the United States, conferred upon them by Article III of the Constitution. Tutun v. United States, 270 U.S. 568 , 46 S.Ct. 425. For this reason it has been suggested that a decree of naturalization, even though the United States does not appear, cannot be compared (as was done in Johannessen v. United States, 225 U.S. 227, 238 , 32 S.Ct. 613, 615) to an administrative grant of land or of letters patent for invention, and that the permissible area of re-examination is different in the two situations.
[ Footnote 4 ] The record contains nothing to indicate that the same is not true for the period after 1927.
[ Footnote 5 ] For a discussion of the adequacy of somewhat similar testimony by Hynes see Ex parte Fierstein, 9 Cir., 41 F.2d 53.
[ Footnote 6 ] IV. 'The Court finds that it is true that said decree and certificate of naturalization were illegally procured and obtained in this: That respondent (petitioner) was not, at the time of his naturalization by said Court, and during the period of five years immediately preceding the filing of his petition for naturalization had not behaved as, a person attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same.
V. 'The Court further finds that during all of said times the respondent has been and now is a member of said organizations and has continued to believe in, advocate and support the said principles of said organizations.'
VI. (The substance of this finding is that petitioner fraudulently concealed his Communist affiliation from the naturalization court. It is not set forth because it is not an issue here. See Note 7, infra.
VII. 'The court further finds that it is true that said decree and certificate of naturalization were illegally and fraudulently procured and obtained in this: That before respondent (petitioner) was admitted to citizenship as aforesaid, he declared on oath in open court that he would support the Constitution of the United States, and that he absolutely and entirely renounced and abjured all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, and that he would support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and bear true faith and allegiance to the same, whereas in truth and in fact, at the time of making such declarations on oath in open court, respondent (petitioner) did not intend to support the Constitution of the United States, and did not intend absolutely and entirely to renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state, or sovereignty, and did not intend to support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and/or to bear true faith and allegiance to the same, but respondent at said time intended to and did maintain allegiance and fidelity to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and to the said Third International, and intended to adhere to and support and defend and advocate the principles and teachings of said Third International, which principles and teachings were opposed to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and advised, advocated and taught the overthrow of the Government, Constitution and laws of the United States by force and violence.'
[ Footnote 7 ] That court said it was unnecessary to consider the charge of fraudulent procurement by concealment of petitioner's Communist affiliation. The Government has not pressed this charge here, and w do not consider it.
[ Footnote 8 ] The Nationality Act of 1940, while enlarging the category of beliefs disqualifying persons thereafter applying for citizenship, does not in terms make Communist beliefs or affiliation grounds for refusal of naturalization. 305, 54 Stat. 1137, 1141, 8 U.S.C. 705, 8 U.S.C.A. 705.
Bills to write a definition of 'communist' into the Immigration and Deportation Act of 1918, as amended, 40 Stat. 1012, 41 Stat. 1008, 8 U.S.C. A. 137, and to provide for the deportation of 'communists' failed to pass Congress in 1932 and again in 1935. See H.R. 12044, H.Rep. No. 1353, S.Rep. No. 808, 75 Cong.Rec. 12097-108, 72d Cong., 1st Sess. See also H.R. 7120, H.Rep. No. 1023, pts. 1 and 2, 74th Cong., 1st Sess.
[ Footnote 9 ] Section 7 of Act of June 26, 1906, 8 U.S.C. 364, 8 U.S.C.A. 364.
[ Footnote 10 ] Section 4 of Act of June 26, 1906, 8 U.S.C. 381, 8 U.S.C.A. 381.
[ Footnote 11 ] Section 4 of Act of June 26, 1906, 8 U.S.C. 382, 8 U.S.C.A. 382.
[ Footnote 12 ] The legislative history of the phrase gives some support to this view. The behavior requirement first appeared in the Naturalization Act of 1795, 1 Stat. 414, which was designed to tighten the Act of 1790, 1 Stat. 103. The discursive debates on the 1795 Act cast little light upon the meaning of 'behaved', but indicate that the purpose of the requirement was to provide a probationary period during which aliens could learn of our Constitutional plan. Some members were disturbed by the political ferment of the age and spoke accordingly, while others regarded the United States as an asylum for the oppressed and mistrusted efforts to probe minds for beliefs. It is perhaps significant that the oath, which was adopted over the protest of Madison, the sponsor of the bill, did not require the applicant to swear that he was attached to the Constitution, but only that he would support it. See 4 Annals of Congress, pp. 1004-09, 1021-23, 1026- 27, 1030-58, 1062, 1064-66. See also Franklin, Legislative History of Naturalization in the United States (1906), Chapter IV.
The behavior requirement was reenacted in 1802 (2 Stat. 153) at the recommendation of Jefferson for the repeal of the stringent Act of 1798, 1 Stat. 566. See Franklin, op. cit., Chapter VI. It continued unchanged until the Act of 1906 which for the first time imported the test of present belief into the naturalization laws when it provided in 7 that disbelievers in organized government and polygamists could not become citizens. The continuation of the behavior test for attachment is some indication that a less searching examination was intended in this field- that conduct and not belief (other than anarchist or polygamist) was the criterion. The Nationality Act of 1940 changed the behavior requirement to a provision that no person could be naturalized unless he 'has been and still is a person of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States', 54 Stat. 1142, 8 U.S.C. 707, 8 U.S. C.A. 707. The Report of the President's Committee to Revise the Nationality Laws (1939) indicates this change in language was not regarded as a change in substance, p. 23. The Congressional committee reports are silent on the question. The sponsors of the Act in the House, however, declared generally an intent to tighten and restrict the naturalization laws. See 86 Cong.Rec. 11939, 11942, 11947, 11949. The chairman of the sub- committee who had charge of the bill stated that 'substantive changes are necessary in connection with certain rights, with a view to preventing persons who have no real attachment to the United States from enjoying the high privilege of American nationality.' 86 Cong.Rec. 11948. This remark suggests that the change from 'behaved as a man attached' to 'has been and still is a person attached' was a change in meaning.
[ Footnote 13 ] Program and Constitution of the Workers Party (1921-24).
[ Footnote 14 ] Acceptance speech of William Z. Foster, the Party's nominee for the Presidency in 1928.
[ Footnote 15 ] Writing in 1816 Jefferson said: 'Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence and deem them like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well; I belonged to it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its country. It was very like the present, but without the experience of the present; and forty years of experience in government is worth a century of bookreading; and this they would say themselves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because, when once known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects. But I know also, that laws and institutions must go hand and hand with the progress of the human mind. If that becomes more developed, more enlightened, if any discoveries are made, any truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain as under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors.' Ford, Jefferson's Writings, vol. X, p. 42.
Compare his First Inaugural Address: 'And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long-lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others, and should divide opinions as to measures of safety. But every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by difference names brethern of the same principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union or to change its republican form, let them stand undist rbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong, that this Government is not strong enough; but would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a government which has so far kept us free and firm on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may by possibility want energy to preserve itself? I trust not.' Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. I, p. 310 (emphasis added).
[ Footnote 16 ] See, also, 18 Cornell Law Quarterly 251; Freund, United States v. Macintosh, A Symposium, 26 Illinois Law Review 375, 385; 46 Harvard Law Review 325.
As a matter of fact one very material change in the Constitution as it stood in 1927 when petitioner was naturalized has since been effected by the repeal of the Eighteenth Amendment.
[ Footnote 17 ] See note 12, ante.
[ Footnote 18 ] In 1938 Congress failed to pass a bill denying naturalization to any person 'who believes in any form of government for the United States contrary to that now existing in the United States, or who is a member of or affiliated with any organization which advocates any form of government for the United States contrary to that now existing in the United States.' H.R.9690, 75th Cong., 3d Sess.
[ Footnote 19 ] Brief, pp. 103-04. Supporting this view are In re Saralieff, D.C., 59 F.2d 436; In re Van Laeken, D.C., 22 F.Supp. 145; In re Shanin, D.C., 278 F. 739. See, also, United States v. Tapolcsanyi, 3 Cir., 40 F.2d 255; Ex parte Sauer, D.C., 81 F. 355, note; United States v. Olsson, D.C., 196 F. 562, reversed on stipulation, 9 Cir., 201 F. 1022.
[ Footnote 20 ] 'The test is ... whether he substitutes revolution for evolution, destruction for construction, whether he believes in an ordered society, a government of laws, under which the powers of government are granted by the people but under a grant which itself preserves to the individual and to minorities certain rights or freedoms which even the majority may not take away; whether, in sum, the events which began at least no further back than the Declaration of Independence, followed by the Revolutionary War and the adoption of the Constitution, established rinciples with respect to government, the individual, the minority and the majority, by which ordered liberty is replaced by disorganized liberty'. Brief, p. 105.
[ Footnote 21 ] See generally Thorpe, Constitutional History of the United States ( 1901), vol. III, book V.
Compare the effect of the Eighteenth Amendment.
[ Footnote 22 ] Petitioner testified that this was never adopted, but was merely a draft for study.
[ Footnote 23 ] See Haynes, The Senate of the United States (1938), pp. 11, 96-98, 106-115, 1068-74.
[ Footnote 24 ] Compare Nebraska's experiment with such a body. Nebraska Constitution, Article III, 1. See 13 Nebraska Law Bulletin 341.
24a E.g., the recall of judicial decisions. See Theodore Roosevelt, A Charter of Democracy, S.Doc. No. 348, 62d Cong., 2d Sess. For proposed constitutional amendments relating to the judiciary and this Court see H. Doc. No. 353, pt. 2, 54th Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 144-64; S.Doc. No. 93, 69th Cong., 1st Sess., pp. 83, 86, 93, 101, 111, 123, 133.
24b For an account of the attacks on the veto power see H.Doc. No. 353, pt. 2, 54th Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 129-34.
[ Footnote 25 ] ABC of Communism; Lenin, State and Revolution; Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International; Stalin, Theory and Practice of Leninism; 1928 Program of the Communist International.
[ Footnote 26 ] 'It should be observed that the question of depriving the exploiters of the franchise is purely a Russian question, and not a question of the dictatorship of the proletariat in general. ... It would be a mistake, however, to guarantee in advance that the impending proletarian revolutions in Europe will all, or for the most part, be necessarily accompanied by the restriction of the franchise for the bourgeoisie. Perhaps they will. After our experience of the war and of the Russian revolution we can say that it will probably be so; but it is not absolutely necessary for the purpose of realizing the dictatorship, it is not an essential symptom of the logical concept 'dictatorship', it does not enter as an essential condition in the historical and class concept 'dictatorship'.' Selected Works, vol. VII, pp. 142-3. (Placed in evidence by petitioner.)
[ Footnote 27 ] Brief, pp. 23, 24.
[ Footnote 28 ] Brief, pp. 25, 26.
[ Footnote 29 ] In re Saderquist, 11 F.Supp. 525; Skeffington v. Katzeff, 1 Cir., 277 F. 129; United States v. Curran, 2 Cir., 11 F.2d 683; Kenmotsu v. Nagle, 9 Cir., 44 F.2d 953; Sormunen v. Nagle, 9 Cir., 59 F.2d 398; Branch v. Cahill, 9 Cir., 88 F.2d 545; Ex parte Vilarino, 9 Cir., 50 F.2d 582; Kjar v. Doak, 7 Cir., 61 F.2d 566; Berkman v. Tillinghast, 1 Cir., 58 F.2d 621; United States v. Smith, D.C., 2 F.2d 90; United States v. Wallis, D.C ., 268 F. 413.
[ Footnote 30 ] Strecker v. Kessler, 5 Cir., 95 F.2d 976, Id., 5 Cir., 96 F.2d 1020, affirmed on other grounds, 307 U.S. 22 , 59 S.Ct. 694; Ex parte Fierstein, 9 Cir., 41 F.2d 53; Colyer v. Skeffington, D.C., 265 F. 17, reversed sub nom. Skeffington v. Katzeff, 1 Cir., 277 F. 129.
[ Footnote 31 ] United States ex rel. Yokinen v. Commissioner, 2 Cir., 57 F.2d 707; United States v. Perkins, 2 Cir., 79 F.2d 533; United States ex rel. Fernandas v. Commissioner, 2 Cir., 65 F.2d 593; Ungar v. Seaman, 8 Cir., 4 F.2d 80; Ex parte Jurgans, D.C., 17 F.2d 507; United States ex rel. Fortmueller v. Commissioner, D.C., 14 F.Supp. 484; Murdoch v. Clark, 1 Cir ., 53 F.2d 155; Wolck v. Weedin, 9 Cir., 58 F.2d 928.
[ Footnote 32 ] Brief, p. 60.
[ Footnote 33 ] Brief, p. 77. See, also, Colyer v. Skeffington, D.C., 265 F. 17, 59, reversed sub nom. Skeffington v. Katzeff, 1 Cir., 277 F. 129. And see Evatt, J., in the King v. Hush (Ex parte Devanny), 48 C.L.R. 487, 516, 518.
[ Footnote 34 ] Rule 52(a) of the Rules of Civil Procedure, 28 U.S.C.A. following section 723(c).
[ Footnote 35 ] The Manifesto was proclaimed in 1848. The edition in evidence was published by the International Publishers in 1932. Petitioner testified that he believed it to be an authorized publication, that he was familiar with the work, that it was used in classes, and that he thought its principles were correct 'particularly as they applied to the period in which they were written and the country about which they were written.'
The excerpts stressed are: 'The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.'
[ Footnote 36 ] This work was written in 1917 between the February and October Revolutions in Russia. The copy in evidence was published in 1924 by the Daily Worker Publishing Company. Petitioner testified that it was circulated by the Party and that it was probably used in the classes of which he was 'educational director'.
The excerpts are:
(Quoting Engels) "Revolution is an act in which part of the population forces its will on the other parts by means of rifles, bayonets, cannon, i.e., by most authoritative means. And the conquering party is inevitably forced to maintain its supremacy by means of that fear which its arms inspire in the reactionaries."
[ Footnote 37 ] Petitioner contends that this document was never introduced in evidence, and the record shows only that it was marked for identification. The view we take of the case makes it immaterial whether this document is in evidence or not. The copy furnished us was printed in 1923 under the auspices of the Workers Party. Hynes testified that it was an official publication, but not widely circulated. Petitioner had no recollection of the particular pamphlet and testified that the American party was not bound by it.
The excerpts are:
[ Footnote 38 ] The copy in evidence was printed by the Daily Worker Publishing Company either in 1924 or 1925. Petitioner was familiar with the work, but not the particular edition, and testified that it was probably circulated by the Party. He had read it, but probably after his naturalization. Hynes and Humphreys testified that it was used in communist classes.
The excerpts are:
[ Footnote 39 ] (a) Program of the Communist International, adopted in 1928 and published by the Workers Library Publishers, Inc., in 1929:
Petitioner 'agreed with the general theoretical conclusions stated in' this Program, but he regarded 'the application of that theory' as 'something else'.
(c) Why Communism, written by Olgin, and published first in 1933, by the Workers Library Publishers:
Petitioner testified that he had not read this book, but that it had been widely circulated by the Party.
[ Footnote 40 ] Since the district court did not specify upon what evidence its conclusory findings rested, it is well to mention the remaining documents published before 1927 which were introduced into evidence and excerpts from which were read into the record, but upon which the Government does not specifically rely with respect to the issue of force and violence. Those documents are: Lenin, Left Wing Communism, first published in English about 1920; Bucharin and Preobraschensky, ABC of Communism, written in 1919 and published around 1921 in this country (petitioner testified that this was never an accepted work and that its authors were later expelled from the International); International of Youth, a periodical published in 1925; The 4th National Convention of the Workers Party of America, published in 1925; The Second Year of the Workers Party in America (1924); and, T e Program and Constitution of the Workers Party of America, circulated around 1924. With the exception of these last two documents, the excerpts read into the record from these publications contain nothing exceptional on the issue of force and violence. The excerpts from the last two documents stress the necessity for Party participation in elections, but declare that the Party fosters no illusions that the workers can vote their way to power, the expulsion of the Socialist members of the New York Assembly (see Chafee, Free Speech in the United States (1941), pp. 269-82) being cited as an example in point. These statements are open to an interpretation of prediction, not advocacy of force and violence. Cf. Note 48, infra.
[ Footnote 41 ] As Chief Justice (then Mr.) Hughes said in opposing the expulsion of the Socialist members of the New York Assembly: '... it is of the essence of the institutions of liberty that it be recognized that guilt is personal and cannot be attributed to the holding of opinion or to mere intent in the absence of overt acts; ...' Memorial of the Special Committee Appointed by the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, New York Legislative Documents, vol. 5, 143d Session (1920), No. 30, p. 4.
[ Footnote 42 ] See Chafee, Free Speech in the United States (1941), pp. 219-234.
[ Footnote 43 ] See Note 33, ante.
[ Footnote 44 ] See Bryce, the American Commonwealth (1915) vol. II, p. 334; III Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, p. 164.
[ Footnote 45 ] See Notes 35 to 38 inclusive, ante.
[ Footnote 46 ] Petitioner testified that he believed its principles, particularly as they applied to the period and country in which written. See Note 35, ante.
[ Footnote 47 ] Marx, Amsterdam Speech of 1872; see also Engels' preface to the First English Translation of Capital (1886).
[ Footnote 48 ] Lenin's remarks on England have been interpreted as simply predicting, not advocating, the use of violence there. See the introduction to Strachey, The Coming Struggle for Power (1935).
[ Footnote 49 ] See Note 38, ante.
[ Footnote 50 ] Stalin, Leninism, Vol. I, pp. 282, 283. Put in evidence by petitioner.
[ Footnote 51 ] Lenin, Selected Works, Vol. VI. Put in evidence by petitioner. In the same work is the following:
[ Footnote 52 ] Article X, Section 5. Party members found to be strike-breakers, degenerates, habitual drunkards, betrayers of Party confidence, provocateurs, advocates of terrorism and violence as a method of Party procedure, or members whose actions are detrimental to the Party and the working class, shall be summarily dismissed from positions of responsibility, expelled from the Party and exposed before the general public.
[ Footnote 53 ] In 1927 naturalization was forbidden to such persons by 7 of the Act of 1906, 34 Stat. 598, 8 U.S.C. 364, 8 U.S.C.A. 364. Compare 305 of the Nationality Act of 1940, 54 Stat. 1141, 8 U.S.C. 705, 8 U.S.C.A. 705.
[ Footnote 54 ] The complaint did incorporate by reference an affidavit of cause, required by 8 U.S.C. 405, 8 U.S.C.A. 405, in which the affiant averred that petitioner's naturalization was illegally and fraudulently obtained in that he did not behave as a man, and was not a man attached to the Constitution but was a member of the Communist Party which was opposed to the Government and advocated its overthrow by force and violence, and in that: 'At the time he took oath of allegiance, he did not in fact intend to support and defend the Constitution and laws of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic, and bear true faith and allegiance to the same'.
While this affidavit is part of the complaint, we think it was not intended to be an additional charge, but was included only to show compliance with the statute. The attachment averment of the affidavit is elaborated and set forth as a specific charge in the complaint. The failure to do likewise with the averment of a false oath is persuasive that the issue was not intended to be raised. When petitioner moved for a non-suit at the close of the Government's case, the United States attorney did not contend, in stating what he conceived the issues were, that the question of a false oath was an issue.
[ Footnote 55 ] This contention is that petitioner was not well disposed to the good order and happiness of the United States because he believed in and advocated general resort to illegal action, other than force and violence, as a means of achieving political ends.
[ Footnote 1 ] For the Act in its present form see 8 U.S.C. 501 et seq., 8 U.S.C. A. 501 et seq.
[ Footnote 2 ] This provision was recast by the Act of March 2, 1929, 45 Stat. 1513, 1514; 8 U.S.C. 707(a)(3), 8 U.S.C.A. 707(a)(3), into substantially its present form. For the legislative history see 69 Cong. Rec. 841; S.Rep. No. 1504, 70th Cong., 2d Sess. The provision now reads: 'No person, except as hereinafter provided in this chapter, shall be naturalized unless such petitioner ... (3) during all the periods referred to in this subsection has been and still is a person of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order a d happiness of the United States.'
[ Footnote 1 ] Cf., however, the concurring opinion of Mr. Justice Douglas.
[ Footnote 2 ] There is no requirement that the evidence be different from what was presented on admission or 'newly discovered.'
[ Footnote 7 ] Cf. United States v. Ferreira, 13 How. 40; Gordon v. United States, 2 Wall. 561; Id., 117 U.S. 697 ; United States v. Jones, 119 U.S. 477 , 7 S.Ct. 283; Pocono Pines Assembly Hotels Co. v. United States, 73 Ct.Cl. 447; Id., 76 Ct.Cl. 334; Ex parte Pocono Pines Assembly Hotels Co., 285 U.S. 526 , 52 S.Ct. 392.
[ Footnote 1 ] By 4 of the Act of June 29, 1906, 34 Stat. 598, it is provided:
[ Footnote 2 ] The district court's decision was based on both fraud and illegality. The circuit court of appeals relied upon fraud alone, 112 F.2d 74, but our affirmance was rested 'on the sole ground' of illegality.
[ Footnote 3 ] During the whole period relevant to this litigation, the Communist Party was a world organization, known as the Third Communist International ( or Comintern), created in 1919, of which the Communist Parties in each country were sections. The supreme governing body of the Third Communist International-which exercised control of the Party program, tactics and organization-was the World Congress of the Communist International. Between meetings of the Congress its authority was vested in the Executive Committee of the Communist International. The resolutions of the Congress, and between meetings those of the Executive Committee, were binding on all sections. In the United States the Workers Party of America, a Communist organization, was established in 1921. It was affiliated with the Communist International, and had sent delegates to the Third World Congress of the International earlier in that year. The Workers Party of America has been since continued, and successively known as the Workers ( Communist) Party and as the Communist Party of the United States of America. The Party sent accredited representatives to the Communist International and recognized the leadership of the International. It was affiliated with the Third International, of which it constituted a section. All the events with which this litigation is concerned occurred long prior to the dissolution of the Comintern in May 1943.
[ Footnote 4 ] The Young Workers League was affiliated with the Young Communist International and the Communist International. It sent delegates to the Congress of the Young Communist International. It was also closely related to the Workers Party, and sent delegates to the Party Conventions. At its Third National Convention, the Party adopted the following resolution:
The Second Year of the Workers Party of America. Report of The Central Executive Committee to the Third National Convention. Held in Chicago, Illinois, Dec. 30, 31, 1923 and Jan. 1, 2, 1924. Theses, Program, Resolutions. Published by the Literature Department, Workers Party of America, 1009 N. State St., Chicago, Ill. (p. 122).
[ Footnote 5 ] Program and Constitution, Workers Party of America. Adopted at National Convention, New York City, December 24-25-26-27, 1921. Amended at National Convention, Chicago, Ill., December 30-31, 1923, and January 1, 1924. Published by Literature Department, Workers Party of America, 1113 W. Washington Boulevard, Chicago, Ill.
[ Footnote 6 ] See pp. 18, 28, of Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International. Adopted by the Second Congress of the Communist International, July 17 to August 7, 1920. The edition of this document in evidence in the present case was published in March, 1923, under the auspices of the Workers Party of America, and contained the following statement on the inside front cover:
Petitioner testified that he had no recollection of 'this particular edition' but that 'I have no d ubt that possibly a pamphlet' like it was sold in Party bookstores. This document was marked for identification and the court later denied a motion to exclude it and other exhibits from the evidence. During the trial petitioner's counsel twice referred to the document as having been put in evidence. Petitioner's counsel included it, with all other exhibits in evidence or offered for identification, in his designation of the record to be made up in the circuit court of appeals. It was so included by order of the court. Despite the Government's oversight in failing formally to say that the exhibit was being introduced in evidence, it obviously was deemed to be in evidence by both the parties and the trial court. The exhibit is unquestionably relevant and competent evidence, and it became a part of the record before the courts below.
[ Footnote 7 ] See p. 94 of The 4th National Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party of America. Held in Chicago, Ill., August 21-30, 1925. Published by the Daily Worker Publishing Co., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. The publisher's notice inside the back cover stated that this pamphlet was 'absolutely indispensable to any member of the party'. The pamphelt, which was the official report of the convention, was sold and circulated by the Party in Los Angeles in 1925. Petitioner disclaimed familiarity with the literature of this convention, but testified that he had attended the convention. He also testified he was in agreement with the general program and principles of the Workers (Communist) Party.
[ Footnote 8 ] Ibid. p. 107. This was part of a resolution, adopted unanimously by the Party Convention, relating to 'Party Policies for Trade Union Work'.
[ Footnote 9 ] Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (see note 6, supra), p. 19.
[ Footnote 10 ] Ibid. p. 28.
[ Footnote 11 ] A B C of Communism, p. 69. This was written by N. Bucharin & E. Preobraschensky, in 1919, translated into English in June, 1921, and published between 1920 and 1924 by the Lyceum-Literature Department, Workers Party of America, 799 Broadway, New York City. There was evidence that this pamphlet was a basic work of Party study classes in 1924 and 1925; that it was expressly designed for such purposes, was officially circulated by the Party, and was still advertised by the Workers Library Publishers in 1928. Petitioner testified that he had read the work and was familiar with it, although he said that the authors had later been expelled from the Russian Communist Party.
[ Footnote 12 ] The Theory and Practice of Leninism, by Stalin, pp. 33, 32, 30-31. Published for the Workers Party of America by the Daily Worker Publishing Co., Chicago, Ill. This pamphlet was used in Communist Party classes in 1924 and 1925, and was circulated by the Literature Department of the Communist Party and sold in Party bookshops. Five thousand copies were published between January 15 and August 1, 1925.
[ Footnote 13 ] P. 16, new edition, April, 1924. Published for the Workers Party of America by The Daily Worker Publishing Co., Chicago, Ill.
[ Footnote 14 ] Ibid., p. 44.
[ Footnote 15 ] Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (see note 6, supra), p. 15.
[ Footnote 16 ] Ibid., p. 36.
[ Footnote 17 ] A B C of Communism (see note 12, supra), pp. 109, 110.
[ Footnote 18 ] The Theory and Practice of Leninism, by Stalin (see note 12, supra ), p. 32. To the same effect see The State and Revolution, by Lenin (note 13, supra), p. 26.
[ Footnote 19 ] A B C of Communism (see note 11, supra), pp. 65, 66.
[ Footnote 20 ] Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (see note 6, supra), p. 82.
[ Footnote 21 ] Ibid., p. 46.
[ Footnote 22 ] The Theory and Practice of Leninism, by Stalin (see note 12, supra ), pp. 31, 32.
[ Footnote 23 ] Statutes, Theses and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (see note 6, supra), pp. 11, 44.
[ Footnote 24 ] See note 18, supra.
[ Footnote 25 ] Statutes, Theses, and Conditions of Admission to the Communist International (see note 6, supra), pp. 44, 45, 46. | <urn:uuid:fcac4f3e-f67a-4b43-bef0-f38b54141260> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/cgi-bin/getcase.pl?friend=oyez&court=us&vol=320&invol=118 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964877 | 31,823 | 1.789063 | 2 |
Congratulations to Louise Erdich and Katherine Boo, winners of The National Book Award. Erdich was awarded the prize for fiction for her novel, The Round House, a coming of age story about an Indian teen who wants to avenge a savage attack on his mother on a North Dakota reservation. Boo was awarded the prize for nonfiction for Behind the Beautiful Forevers, which chronicles three years in the life of a family in a Mumbai slum. Both books are available at your Community Library. See why these great books were awarded the nation's top book award! | <urn:uuid:e0a3e28e-3de6-45f1-b976-69ed2953976f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://mmscl-adultblog.blogspot.com/2012/11/national-book-award-winners.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700264179/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516103104-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.977851 | 113 | 1.5 | 2 |
Roelof van den Broek, Pseudo-Cyril of Jerusalem, On the Life and the Passion of Christ. A Coptic Apocryphon (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae, 118), Leiden-Boston: Brill 2013; 215 pp. Price: 101,- Euro; 140,- US Dollar.
In the early seventies of the last century I became acquainted with the homily On the Life and the Passion of Christ, contained in manuscript M610 of the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York, and attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem. It is an interesting text, in particular because of its many apocryphal stories. The work was accessible only in Hyvernat’s facsimile edition of the Pierpont Morgan Coptic codices, vol. 44, and I decided to ask the authorities of the Library to grant me permission to publish the text, with an introduction, translation and notes. I got the permission and began to work on the edition and announced its publication to the scholarly world. But then my career and my research took another direction and I had to leave the project unfinished for several decades. In 2010 I took up the work again and brought it to completion in the spring of 2012.
Some poor remains of another copy of Pseudo-Cyril’s homily have been preserved in Ms. E16262 of the University of Pennsylvania, as the underwriting of a palimpsest of which the overwriting contains parts of the homily On the Resurrection of Lazarus, attributed to Athanasius of Alexandria. Of the six pages of E16262 only four contain a part of Pseudo-Cyril’s text, but because of the overwriting and the bad state of the manuscript, only a few portions are legible. In my edition all indubitable variant readings of E 16262 have been recorded in the critical apparatus.
University of Pennsylvania Museum, E 16262 (SOURCE OF THE PHOTOGRAPH)
In my view, the edition and translation of a Coptic text is complete only if it is accompanied by a thorough commentary which clarifies the content of the text and puts it into a wider context. I have tried to do this in the long introduction and the notes to the translation.
The introduction encompasses three chapters. Chapter I deals with the two manuscripts. Chapter II discusses the most important apocryphal stories which Pseudo-Cyril has to offer: the discovery of ancient ‘Writings of the Apostles’, a list of the apostles with their worldly professions, a Pilate apocryphon, an unfamiliar chronology of Holy Week (Jesus arrested on Tuesday evening), stories about Jesus divine body and his physical appearance, the dreams of Pilate and Procla, etc. I have been able to trace the background of most of these apocryphal data, with the exception of the tradition that Moses killed the Egyptian with a papyrus scroll, the contents of the dreams of Pilate and Procla, and the story that Pilate and Jesus had a meal together on Thursday evening. On the basis of the occurrence of these apocryphal elements in other Coptic and Byzantine texts, it becomes clear that Pseudo-Cyril’s homily might had been written in the latter half of the eighth century, but that its composition in the first half of the ninth century seems more reasonable.
The third chapter of the Introduction deals with the relationship between On the Life and the Passion of Christ and the other seven Coptic homilies which are explicitly attributed to Cyril of Jerusalem. These homilies are analyzed and an attempt is made to put an end to the confusion with respect their titles (for instance, On New Sunday is often called On the Passion II, whereas the homily does not mention the Passion at all). The unmistakable relationship between some of the homilies is discussed, the conclusion being that the thesis of a whole cycle of Cyrillian homilies, produced by a homogenous literary school, is built on rather shaky grounds.
The book concludes with two appendices and three indexes (Graeco-Coptic words, sources, and names and subjects). The first appendix contains one Greek and two Coptic texts on the worldly professions of the apostles. The second appendix presents an English translation of Epiphanius’ Letter on the Chronology of Holy Week, the Greek text of which was published by Karl Holl in 1927.
With thanks to Alin Suciu for asking me to present my book on his blog, I may use this opportunity to announce another book of mine, which will be of interest to Coptologists who are engaged in the study of Coptic gnostic texts: Gnostic Religion in Antiquity, Cambridge University Press, 2013; 255 pp., Price ₤ 55,-
Roelof van den Broek | <urn:uuid:f9809695-c44f-408a-a5a5-55cc41255222> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://alinsuciu.com/2012/10/12/guest-post-roelof-van-den-broek-pseudo-cyril-of-jerusalem-on-the-life-and-the-passion-of-christ/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698924319/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516100844-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.943884 | 996 | 1.8125 | 2 |
The Water Patrol Division is responsible for law enforcement and to promote safety on all usable waterways within the county. This division is active year-round, with officers trading in their boats at the end of the summer in favor of snowmobiles. Whether on water or on ice, the division is responsible for law enforcement, safety instruction, and promotion of safe riding habits on the county’s lakes, rivers, and snowmobile/ATV trails.
The Water Patrol Division also has the responsibility of conducting investigations of boating accidents. They carry out searches for drowning victims or missing persons on the waterways. They also instruct classes on water safety. The Water Patrol Division is responsible for performing inspections of watercraft, including rentals and boats, which use the county lakes.
The Water Patrol Division is currently comprised of one full time deputy and two part time licensed peace officers. In addition, other officers with specialized training or experience are called into service for special patrols. Sherburne County Deputies also collaborate with the Department of Natural Resources Conservation Officers on occasion to provide a team effort regarding enforcement in the County. During the winter months, water patrol deputies take to the trails on snowmobiles to ensure compliance with snowmobile laws and also to promote safety. In addition, deputies conduct snowmobile safety classes and rider certification.
This division is also responsible for Commercial Vehicle Inspections (CVI) within the county, typically working in partnership with the State Patrol. As part of the CVI Division, deputies are involved in enforcing laws regarding Spring weight restriction compliance, performing commercial vehicle inspections to assure compliance with Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration rules and regulations, investigating commercial vehicle crashes, and performing accident mapping and reconstruction of serious and fatal incidents. When called by the Criminal Investigative Division, the division provides forensic crime scene mapping services as well.
The Water Patrol/Recreational Vehicle/Commercial Vehicle Inspection Division continues to be busy through out the seasons enforcing the laws within our county and upholding safety requirements to the highest degree in the hopes of keeping our residents and our visitors safe from harm. Photograph of Overweight Trailer; possibly put the road sign as an inset to show that was what the issue was? Photograph Caption In 2009, 143 commercial vehicle inspections were completed, resulting in 62 citations being issued for equipment and driver violations, 31 commercial vehicles placed out of service for equipment deficiencies, and 9 drivers placed out of service for logbook/hours violations. Photo of Deputy in Boat – Photograph Caption Whether on water or on ice, the division is responsible for law enforcement, safety instruction, and promotion of safe riding habits on the county’s lakes, rivers, and snowmobile/ATV trails. | <urn:uuid:dcc05680-9e5b-491b-ac17-a581a5749026> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.co.sherburne.mn.us/sheriff/services/water.php | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.950026 | 537 | 1.804688 | 2 |
It's a diversion for defendants who defended our country. Bucks County has a new program aimed at keeping veterans out of prison.
There are 60,000 veterans in the Lehigh Valley area. Statistics show all too often they fall into a trap of drugs, depression and prison. The Bucks County DA's office now has a program to keep combat vets out of jail.
On the battle field they're often heroes but on the home front many veterans become criminals.
"Over there it's all business, coming home is much different. It's boring it's mundane, it's a simple slow transition that is very hard," said veteran Jason Kamora.
For 6 months, Kamora, 37, was an explosives dog handler during the Gulf War.
"Biggest struggle for me was coming home because life in the military, especially on deployment, is so much faster than civilian life," Kamora recalled.
Kamora has never served time but isn't surprised that veterans make up 11% of Pennsylvania's prison population.
"Our goal is to keep these folks out of jail," Assistant District Attorney Bob James said.
To do that James, a Vet himself, has developed the Bucks County Veterans Treatment Program.
"Offering them an opportunity to get feet back on the ground to become productive members of society," James explained.
James says for combat vets who've broken the law but are eligible for veteran administration benefits and haven't been charged with a violent crime, a 6-9 month diversion program will be offered.
This includes everything from a victim apology note to mentoring from a fellow vet.
"Most often what see are people who are committing crimes in service of their addiction," Robert Csandl said.
Veteran Robert Csandl's Allentown Veteran Sanctuary offered similar rehabilitation programs but had to shut down over a lack of funding.
"Easier to talk vet to a vet. That's why these peer mentoring programs are so important. It's an easier adjustment," he said.
If vet's complete James' program they can plead to a reduced crime and or sentence.
For those with post combat related issue's Kamora says anything is better than being behind bars.
"We really don't understand exactly what is going on and how to make the transition. It's safer and helpful for them." Kamora contends.
This Tuesday two veterans are set to be Bucks County's first participants in the program. | <urn:uuid:94312960-5f91-423d-b444-aab138ffc11f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wfmz.com/news/news-regional-southeasternpa/Program-giving-Bucks-County-vets-a-second-chance/-/121434/17064200/-/1vu8q3z/-/index.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.972451 | 500 | 1.8125 | 2 |
A lot of “experts” will look you in the eye and assure you there are guaranteed ways to ace your job interview by giving the right interview answer to job interview questions. Well there are no absolutely guaranteed right answers. But luckily there are some practical job interview tips that can help a lot:
Job Interview Tips – Before the Interview:
- Take time to prepare – Find out all you can about the company. You aren’t expected to know everything, but if it’s a public company there is no excuse for at least not knowing their business line(s) and a little about their products.
- Read the job description CAREFULLY - It will help you aim your answers toward things they are actually looking for. Not that you should simply give them back what they asked for, but you can use the description to help guide you.
- Know your resume very well – This may sound obvious, but I’ve interviewed people who can’t quickly remember a job I referred to that was on their own resume. Review the order of your jobs, the tasks at each job, and the reason(s) you left. Also look through the resume to remind yourself of some stories where you found a problem and solved it, came up with a ways to save the company money, etc. A good story that rings true can make a big difference.
Job Interview Tips – Acing the Interview Itself
- First and foremost, walk into the room with good energy and a smile pleasantly, making eye contact with the interviewer(s) as you shake their hand firmly – but not painfully!
- Be yourself. Even if “yourself” is shy or a little awkward when you speak. Interviewers want to see the real person. They understand that you’re probably nervous, but it will help you be less nervous to know that it’s ok to just show them the nice person that you are.
- Interviewers are looking for the right fit. So even if you are great in every way, you might not get the job. But you have to trust them to know this. Trying to present the person you think they want rather than who you are won’t help anyone. Again..just be yourself. Emphasize those aspects of you that they are looking for, but don’t lay on the BS.
- Stay alert and interested. Don’t let your mind get lost in what you just said nor what they might ask next. As they say in Zen…be in the moment.
- Keep eye contact with the person asking the question while they are asking it. If there are others, as you answer, look at the questioner more often, but be sure to catch everyone else’s eyes too.
- Look for chances to use the stories you prepared that show why you’d be a real asset to the company.
- Don’t go on too long – as interesting as you may think you are. But also, don’t just give a one or two-word answer. They want to see who you are. Give them a chance to hear your voice, see how you think, and hopefully get to know you a bit.
- Interviewers are looking to see whether you’d be pleasant to work with and how you handle situations. They want to know you are a hard worker who sees problems as challenges and finds a way to solve them. They also want to know that in a crunch, you roll up your sleeves and pitch in. (Prepare stories about things you’ve done that show that.)
- Interviewers want to know you’ll be a good team player…but also able to think for yourself. You want to make sure they see both parts of you.
- Most of all, they want to know if you can handle the job. But since only they know exactly what they are looking for and what that means, you should let them guide you in the interview. Don’t try to lead them. Listen. Ask questions if you don’t understand. And show them you are able to respond to what they asked and not what you wish they asked.
- One contradiction to my last point: If they ask you an interview question and you only have a short uninteresting answer, if you can find a NATURAL way to throw in one of your strongest stories, then go for it. Just don’t take them on a long winding trip to nowhere.
- If it looks like you don’t have the required skills after all, try to figure out which skills you do have that show similar aptitude and then stress these. Make sure you let them know you are a quick learner and would be excited to add these new skills. (Give an example if you have one.) Work needs often change, and many employers know that a person who can easily and willingly change with the times is a real asset.
- Of course, if you don’t have the skills and they need them on day one, there’s not much you can do. But you are not only interviewing for this job, but for the possibility of a job they don’t even have yet or know they need. So continue to show them what you do have to offer and what makes you a person they’d like to have on their team. I recently interviewed someone who didn’t have the skills needed, but we liked her so much that the boss is thinking about a way to create a position for her. You never know!
- Stay focused right to the end. Even if you think it’s not going well, show them you can hang in and do your best no matter what. It’s true that interviewers get an impression within the first few minutes (which is why it’s so important to start with good energy), but you never know when you can recover a fumble.
- Leave with the same positive energy you started the job interview with. And remember after an interview to follow-up your interviews with thank you letters or e-mails. Job interview thank-you letters can’t hurt and they may very well help. Oh…keep them short and pleasant – and please check the grammar and spelling!
So in the end, no one can give you the exact words that will help you ace all those job interview questions with the absolutely perfect job interview answers. But I can tell you that a positive attitude, careful listening, resourcefulness, flexibility, willingness to learn, and good positive energy will get you far. Just give your job interview questions and answers your best shot. No one can ask more of you than that. And though not every job is a fit – yes…even if you ace all your interview questions – at the very least, each job interview is terrific practice for eventually nailing the right job. | <urn:uuid:83ee700b-77cb-4794-b3ae-64f2215bcc40> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.workcoachcafe.com/2007/08/03/18-practical-tips-to-help-you-ace-your-job-interview/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.962382 | 1,429 | 1.695313 | 2 |
The Millionaire Arsonist
Is a homeless felon really expected to pay $101 million?
A homeless man in California was sentenced Monday to four years in prison and ordered to pay $101 million for setting fires that burned down 160,000 acres of national forest. How's a guy who sleeps in a tent supposed to pay $101 million?
He isn't. Instead, he's expected to pay a tiny bit every month until he dies. The man, Steven Emory Butcher, currently receives $1,000 a month in Supplemental Security Income, which is basically welfare for the elderly, disabled, or blind. The federal court ordered that Butcher would pay $25 to Los Padres National Forest four times a year while in prison, and then $50 a month once he's released. No one expects him to deliver the entire $101 million—even a spokesman for the prosecutor acknowledged that the odds of Butcher paying it off were "extremely slim"—but they do expect him to pay what he can. If Butcher gets a job when he gets out of prison, the probation officer can modify the amount of monthly payments—the criminal equivalent of refinancing your mortgage.
So why fine him so much? It's the law. A federal judge is required by statute to make a defendant pay restitution when there's property damage incurred, even if he doesn't have the money. The amount of the restitution depends not on how much the criminal can afford to pay, but how much property the victim lost, as determined by the Federal Sentencing Guidelines. For example, the 2006 fire set by Butcher cost Los Padres National Forest more than $59 million in damages, plus fire suppression costs, according to an assessment by the U.S. Forest Service. Ultimately, the court settled on a $101 million price tag. Monetary loss can also be a factor in calculations of jail time—a practice that has proven controversial over the years. Loss-based sentencing is one reason Jeffrey Skilling and others convicted in financial fraud cases were sentenced to decades in prison.
There's a difference, though, between restitution fees and federal fines. Restitution goes to the victim of a crime—in this case, Los Padres National Forest. A fine goes to the state. If Butcher had deeper pockets, he might be ordered to pay the state up to $250,000 in fines as well. But the federal sentencing guidelines say that an individual defendant is off the hook if he "establishes that he is unable to pay and is not likely to become able to pay any fine."
Some foreign governments adjust punishments according to what criminals can pay. European countries including Finland and Germany have a system of "day-fines," in which judges take your income into account when assigning penalties. Instead of a flat rate, you're fined a certain portion of your daily disposable income. (In Finland it's usually about half, with a minimum fine of 6 euros.)
Got a question about today's news? Ask the Explainer.
Explainer thanks Marc Mauer of the Sentencing Project, Robert Weisberg of Stanford University, and attorney Mark Windsor.
Christopher Beam is a writer living in Beijing.
Photograph of homeless man by David McNew/Getty Images. | <urn:uuid:d2ba8ce6-2dd4-48d7-b6bb-da9bbf4d7543> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/explainer/2008/11/the_millionaire_arsonist.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960057 | 654 | 1.71875 | 2 |
(CNN) -- In a place that does not exist -- a black site -- Maya (Jessica Chastain) watches as her colleague Dan (Jason Clarke) interrogates an Arab prisoner. "If you lie to me, I hurt you," Dan says to the prisoner, who is bound, bruised, and not telling the Americans what they need to know.
Soon, the prisoner will be held down on the floor with a cloth over his face and will have water poured into his mouth until he is half-drowned. This is waterboarding, and it leaves the prisoner gasping like a dying fish. But he does not give up his secrets, and will not until later in the game.
We can imagine this scene played out in different ways. Imagine it, for example, with Eastern European heavies playing the interrogators and Scarlett Johansson as the prisoner. Or we could see it with Kiefer Sutherland demanding answers in "24." Scenes of torture are not rare in TV and movies, and it's not like the old days when the hero was always on the receiving end.
Yet even before "Zero Dark Thirty" opened, these scenes have stirred controversy, with outspoken critiques accusing director Kathryn Bigelow ("The Hurt Locker") of endorsing torture. And although controversy is nothing new to the director of "Strange Days" and "Near Dark," these complaints seem off base.
Bigelow has never shied away from violence or the vicarious pleasure of sadism, but that's not the same thing as condoning it. Look at how she filters the torture scenes through Maya's reactions: Maya is clearly out of place and uncomfortable with what she must witness, though she will also participate in it.
The movie -- which is utterly gripping -- is an authoritative, precise, largely dispassionate account of how a CIA analyst in Pakistan worked for a decade tracking down Osama bin Laden. That work involved torture in the years immediately following 9/11, as a matter of historical record.
Bigelow throws us in at the deep end, and rightly so. The scenes are painful to watch (but also impossible not to), and the intelligence gleaned is at best partial. Whether partial intelligence is better than none is an open question, but it's also evident in "Zero Dark Thirty" that it wasn't torture that eventually led us to bin Laden, but clear thinking, sophisticated surveillance and the determination and resources to follow every lead.
Bigelow has rarely focused on women as active protagonists ("Blue Steel" is the most notable exception), but it is significant that Maya is a woman in a predominantly masculine world, compelled to renounce her sexuality to get the job done. Maya's resolve, smarts and conviction that borders on obsessive make her a fascinating and impressive character, and Chastain delivers one of the must-see performances of the year.
Bigelow keeps the focus on process -- in a way it's like a police procedural or a detective story, but played out in foreign lands and interspersed with eruptions of violence and bomb blasts. The climax -- the SEALs raid -- is nail-biting stuff, even though we know the outcome, with exceptionally vivid nighttime photography by Greig Fraser.
What's striking is the absence of triumphalism -- Bigelow doesn't shy away from showing the victims shot down in cold blood in the compound -- and we come away with the overwhelming sense that this has been a grim, dark episode in our history, a rite of passage almost, but a passage into an unknowable future, leaving scars that may never heal. | <urn:uuid:219b19ac-921d-4f4f-bcac-9c3d8b3b99fb> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://edition.cnn.com/2012/12/19/showbiz/movies/zero-darkthirty-review/index.html?hpt=en_c2 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711005985/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133005-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963899 | 733 | 1.523438 | 2 |
At the memorial service Wednesday for Raymond V. Haysbert Sr., Kweisi Mfume recalled the frank advice handed to him by the respected statesman of the African-American business and political community.
"He said come to the house and led me into the sunroom," the former congressman said of a 1978 meeting. "He told me, 'Young man, if you want to get elected, lose all that jewelry, cut your hair and never wear a pink suit.' "
Mr. Mfume was one of those Mr. Haysbert counseled, coached and occasionally supported financially during his lengthy career that mixed business with politics.
"He also told me, 'Never forget, if you win the rat race, you are still a rat,' " said Mr. Mfume, who began his remarks with a vivid description of Mr. Haysbert calming those being arrested after riots broke out following the assassination of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in April 1968.
A long line of mourners waited more than 45 minutes at the Empowerment Temple in Northwest Baltimore to pay their respects to the family of Mr. Haysbert, who died May 24 at age 90.
"I think of all those he helped," said Baltimore City Council member Agnes Welch. "His life was a commitment to working for the people of Baltimore."
Family, friends and a who's who of Baltimore's black political leadership were present at the funeral. Mourners reflected on the legacy and impact of Mr. Haysbert, who had been chief executive officer of the Parks Sausage Co., one of the largest black-owned businesses in the country.
Roz Johnson, the granddaughter of the company's founder, Henry Parks, said he and Mr. Haysbert made a powerful team. "Those two were a duo," she said. "They had a vision to battle for civil rights. Ray had a dedication and a commitment to weather every storm."
Many visitors focused on Mr. Haysbert's accomplishments in life. "There's nothing sad about today when you live to be 90 and have a legacy as he did," said Baltimore State's Attorney Patricia C. Jessamy. "It's not a day for sorrow."
Mr. Haysbert moved to Baltimore in the 1950s, recruited by Mr. Parks, and helped turn the sausage company into a success. His business was a pioneering minority-owned company that went on the stock exchange and earned record financial profits. Later, he founded a family catering business, Forum Caterers.
"His work ethic was unmatched," said Gov. Martin O'Malley. "He was also a great mentor to the next generation." The governor recalled some classic Haysbert advice: "Success is always tied to someone else."
Mayor Stephanie C. Rawlings-Blake described Mr. Haysbert's accomplishments as "a living example of the grand possibilities in our lives." | <urn:uuid:443a1698-e32f-475f-9ef4-5b84aff94f2d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2010-06-02/news/bs-md-haysbert-20100602_1_raymond-haysbert-mr-haysbert-mourners | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.984318 | 601 | 1.78125 | 2 |
[Episcopal News Service]
Rhode Island bishop Geralyn Wolf spent the first month of this year as 'Aly,' a homeless woman, in shelters and soup kitchens across the northeast United States. She revealed her story in an article published in the Providence Journal in February, and spoke to Jan Nunley of Episcopal News Service.
ENS: When did you first decide to spend your sabbatical as a homeless person?
Bishop Geralyn Wolf: It wasn't a flash of lightning. It was a sense that in my rather privileged position I was losing touch with what I was yearning for, which was a sort of earthiness, people of passion and generosity.
And when I thought about experiences in life when I was in the company of people like that, I went back to St. Mary's [in Philadelphia] and the soup kitchen and realized that there was something that I found in the poor that struck my own poverty and brought me to some level of deeper freedom.
I had always wondered in the soup kitchen where many of the people came from who were homeless. So it weaved its way into my mind about a year ago, though it's something I had wanted to do long before that.
ENS: How did you go about setting it up?
Wolf: The first thing I did was decide I was going to let my hair grow. Because immediately I thought, if I'm going to do this I can't do it as the bishop of Rhode Island. I also had to think of where I wanted to do it. I was thinking of New York, but thought if my ministry is here, then it's best to be in the place where I can be most effective.
So around April , Ann Nolan, the director of Travelers' Aid [in Providence] called to ask if I would be on the Travelers' Aid board. Initially I said I just couldn't do one more thing. So she invited me to come and talk with her and I liked her a lot and shared my idea of living as a homeless person. And we conversed many, many times after that. She brought into the mix Noreen Shawcross, director of the Coalition of the Homeless. I didn't meet with her very often but I met with Ann five, six times in the course of about eight months.
ENS: Had they ever done anything like this before?
Wolf: They hadn't. I think in the beginning [Ann] was trying to dissuade me, and she realized in about our second meeting that I was going to do this whether they were going to be supportive or not. I was only going to ask her for advice, I wasn't asking her to determine whether I should do this or not.
She and Noreen took me for lunch and said, if after two or three days you just don't want to continue, please don't feel badly. So I guess one or two people had tried this before but only lasted a couple of days. I felt relieved when they said that--just so that I could have a way out--but I couldn't imagine why it would be all that difficult.
We talked about issues of security and identity, identity cards. They didn't tell me anything about the staff or the clients. I assured them that I had worked with the population before and realized that--just like any other group of people--some would be wonderful, sensitive, funny; others would be angry, grumbling; some honest as they come and others always trying to beat the system.
ENS: So you made up a story.
Wolf: My story was that I had worked for the Diocese of Rhode Island for four months, and that with the job came a very small house, apartment--very small, just a couple of rooms. And the work I was doing was some maintenance, some secretarial, little bit of everything, and that when I took the job in August I knew it was going to end in December.
ENS: You went by the name 'Aly.' Where did you come up with that name?
Wolf: When I was trying to come up with an ID, the director of Travelers' Aid consulted with the editor of the [Providence Journal Bulletin], because part of the deal was that Travelers' Aid was going to help me if I helped them, and helping them meant allowing a photographer and a reporter to come and do a story, and I said sure, that'd be fine. We were talking about the ID with the editor. I was going to have a fake ID and he said no, you really need to use your own name. I thought that would be the kiss of death--so I kept looking at my name and I saw 'A-L-Y,' as three letters in it, and I thought 'that's the name.' Then I can always say, if anyone questions it, it's a nickname.
ENS: And you had ID made up…
Wolf: Yeah, I made it up myself. I needed a picture ID, and I decided that I could have gotten one from the state, but for some reason I thought maybe I'll just make my own. So I cut up our letterhead in different ways to make an ID card, took a picture of myself after my hair was dyed and put my lipstick on so that I had nice wide lips and put it all together, took it to Kinko's, laminated it, and that became my ID card. And it was fine.
ENS: Did anyone ever question it?
Wolf: A couple of times here and once in Philadelphia, and also in New York.
ENS: Did they call the diocesan offices?
Wolf: No, because most of the time it was at night.
ENS: Did anyone at the diocese know you were going to do this? Did friends know?
Wolf: I told my senior staff that I was going to do this, and the standing committee and the chancellor of the diocese, because if anything were to happen I didn't want them to be unprepared.
ENS: What was their reaction?
Wolf: Very supportive, and words of caution about safety and what I might find.
ENS: Did they manage to keep the secret?
Wolf: Yes, they did. A small group was working with me, and I told them and one other person. I didn't even tell my parents, because I didn't want them to worry. I didn't tell any of my Rhode Island friends.
ENS: But you saw some of them while you were homeless.
Wolf: I did. I saw a whole list of people, I just kept a list in the beginning of people that I saw who didn't see me. I saw two people at the mall, one of my priests was walking around the streets and I just sort of waved as I walked by.
People in churches didn't recognize me. I mean, if they did, they didn't say anything, and I haven't received a letter yet saying 'we saw you.'
ENS: What was your first day like?
Wolf: The first day I walked into Travelers' Aid--all I had to do was show an ID and sign my name, and I was able to walk into the community room. It was the day that the Patriots were playing Miami, so one of the guys had earplugs in, was listening to the radio and giving the play-by-play and sounded like Howard Cosell. He was really into it. People would interrupt him for all kinds of reasons, which agitated him, and it sort of made it a more interesting room to say the least.
I sat in a chair that was obviously used by somebody else, and when the person came back she said to me, 'That's my chair.' And Chris, the guy listening to the radio, said 'Don't worry about that'--I had already introduced myself--'Don't worry about that, Aly's my woman.' Which brought me into the group. I left the chair after a while, and we played 1000 rummy (instead of 500 rummy).
Eventually at about a quarter to five, everybody said 'come on, it's time to go.' I didn't even know where we were going. I said, 'Where would I be staying tonight?' And they said, 'Come on, we get the bus at 5:00 and we go off to'--I call it Welcome Willie in my book, it's really Welcome Arnold. 'When you get there, show your ID, register, they go through your pack, they'll give you a towel, you have to take a shower, and then they'll give you a sheet for your bed.'
So that's where I went, and sure enough, they assigned me to a bed in a room with 14 beds, blue plastic mattress tops, and I took my towel, took about a two-and-a-half minute shower because the water was cool. They gave me one sheet and I made up the bed, but I had a sleeping bag liner, so it really didn't matter to me--it was on sale at Job Lot. One sheet, one blanket, no pillow--so I always used my jacket as a pillow.
I traveled very lightly. [I had] the sleeping bag liner. I had about three pairs of socks, one change of long underwear, two changes of regular underwear, and some toiletries and that's it. Some have less, some have more. It's hard to say what's average, but you're only allowed to bring in one bag, so everything that you use you have to carry around with you all the time.
I thought a lot about 'take no purse, one coat…' because I really traveled lightly. In my pocket I had a journal that I kept, and I had a small Bible, real small, tiny print.
ENS: Did anyone comment on your reading your Bible or writing in your journal?
Wolf: They commented on writing in my journal. Somebody cracked the first day, 'Hey, we have a writer here!' So I wrote most of the journal in the ladies' room, on the bus, in places that I might go during the day like the mall.
ENS: Did people on the street talk about faith, about religion?
Wolf: Not very much. We did have lively discussions about religion, trying to figure out when Cain was cast out and met a whole bunch of people, where'd all those people come from? That was brought up several times.
There's a church that comes by to pick everybody up and take them to church, and I guess they have a meal afterwards, but the horrible thing is that they were escorted up to the balcony. When one of the women went downstairs, she said, 'everybody wrapped their arms around them just like they were holding on to their purses.'
I went to eat in another church. You had to listen to a half-hour sermon before it began, and the minister there was saying that God has chosen all the leaders of the world and that we are to honor them and so on. Man, my temperature was going up! The room was cold, but I was hot. And he said, 'Does anyone have any questions?' and I said, 'Excuse me, but how about Hitler?' And he said, 'Yes, even Hitler. After all, there's still some Jews who survived.'
I said to the woman next to me later, 'He's something.' She said, 'I don't talk, I just eat.' And the food was good, I have to admit--so good that people take the bus to get to this church, and have to sit through that kind of sermonizing. For a good meal, people will travel, and they really respect something more than a sandwich and canned soup.
ENS: Were there other times that stood out for you?
Wolf: There were only two times that I was really the least bit scared--not scared, but aware that the violence could magnify. That was the second or third day. I went to eat lunch at one of the places that serve lunch to the homeless. Two guys got into a fight. One guy walked over and carefully grasped a very large cup and said to the other one something like, 'stay away from my woman!' The other one says, 'I ain't with your woman!' And with that [the first one] smacked him across the face, breaking the cup and cutting the side of the man's face. Then he pushed him against a china closet, breaking the glass. Then a woman decided she was going to break it up, and people are telling her not to do that, and she got in the middle and one of them kicked her in the shins--my shins were killing me just watching it.
Tell you the truth, I finished my meal and walked out, and outside I tried to find out what happened to the guy. I went back the next day and the guy refused to go to the hospital. I wondered whether maybe he had a record or something.
ENS: The conventional wisdom is that the homeless are mentally ill. Did you find that to be the case?
Wolf: There were many reasons for people to be in the shelter. Mental illness was only one of them. Some of them actually were doing quite well on medication, as long as they took their meds. There were others who really needed additional help.
But there are many other reasons for people being in a shelter. Such as the family whose rent went up to the point where they couldn't afford to live there, so the landlord finally asked them to leave. The father in that family worked full time; the mother worked about two hours a day--she doesn't have the money to take the classes necessary to get a better position. But because his hourly wage is so low, they can't afford housing.
Many people have a job--part-time, some full-time job. But in order to rent an apartment here in Rhode Island, you have to pay security, last month's rent, and the first month's rent. And when you look at the apartments--I don't know what the average is now, it's like $900. I looked in the paper, out of 250 apartments to rent, 11 were between $550 and $600. There was a one bedroom in a house for $360, and a one bedroom in a house for $450. We're talking about $1800 the first month. People just don't have that.
Even with Section 8 housing, if they get on the list, they might have to wait a couple of years. Some of them have a real hard time finding an apartment that will allow children. Of course they can't say 'we don't allow children.' But when they realize people are looking for a two bedroom apartment because that's all they can afford even with Section 8, and they have three children, the landlord is apt to say 'no, I'm sorry, we don't have anything for the size of your family.'
Then there's a whole singles group. These are people, again, whose salaries are such that they just can't afford to rent an apartment. They really need to find apartments for around $300, they're making maybe $7 or $8 an hour, and a lot of them have to live by a bus because that's the only way they can get to work. In some parts of Rhode Island you have to take the bus that goes in to Providence before you can get the bus that goes out to where you're working, so the time for travel is high.
Then there are those, women especially, whose husbands have left them for one reason or another--where the marriage has broken up, usually over alcohol, gambling, drugs--and they have the children at home. Some of them that I met don't qualify for day care. So there's no way they can work, and the children are shuttled to the shelters every single night--two, three children, some extremely well-behaved. I mean, there's some who aren't, but…some of the families you meet are not the typical families you would expect to meet.
There are no color lines in the shelters in Providence. We should all be aware of making stereotypical judgments. There were those who were handicapped; we had two blind men who received SSI at $600 a month but that wouldn't support them with a home and food, so they lived in a shelter. There was a woman in a wheelchair, and another one who used to walk her all the time.
ENS: How did you react to seeing all this suffering close up?
Wolf: It's not like it was unexpected. I think my deep sadness came when I realized how fine some of these people were, many of them were, and that once you could get beyond some of the cursing and the sexual innuendoes and acting out, you realized that that's only group-talk, and group-act. If you can get beyond that you see people who really do have dreams and hopes, values, who are trying to make it, who have been put down many times, whose formal education maybe is limited.
So I realized the systemic problems. Who there is going to get a tax break? No one. How many people in the inner city are going to have access to really good schools? At one time we bused people because of race, but now I think the divide is more economic--it's a class divide. In the US we like to think that you can always pull yourself up by your bootstraps. But not everybody gets those bootstraps. Some don't even have the boots.
If education is based on local property tax, it means that the poor will always be divided from the wealthy, and then all of us suffer from poverty.
If you want an interview for a job, you need a bus pass to get there--you can't walk four and five miles for the interview. Even though some do. So you need a bus pass or ticket, and if you have no money, then you have to go to your social worker to get permission to receive a bus ticket. And even if you have the money, do you really want to spend $2.50 on transportation when you might only have $15 or $20 to last for a month? And how about doctor's appointments? You have to get to a doctor's appointment. Even being part of your own natural family--funerals, weddings--the clothes you might need… It's not easy.
Working 40 hours a week and not being able to afford an apartment says that not everybody, even if they have the bootstraps, is going to make it. Let's say you go to work at 7 a.m., and then get off at 3--some people say you can work overtime, but if you live in a shelter, it means that you're going to have to look for lunch. You have to plan ahead of time, how you're going to eat. If the bus for the shelter goes at 5:00, you can't work till 6. You're limited by the job you can have. There are all kinds of rules and regulations. If you want an address for a job, a lot of employers already know that 177 Union Street is Travelers' Aid. They don't write to you. And a phone number? There are no phone numbers. So when I applied for two jobs, do you think I heard back from them? No.
There are a whole cycle of considerations that work against what a lot of people would like to see happen.
ENS: You were on the streets during a bitter cold snap.
Wolf: The churches opened up--it was so nice to stay in the church; it was clean and the food was good. A lot of people didn't go to the regular shelters. I wound up sleeping on the floor because all the regular cots were taken. We were really overcrowded, but they were generous in opening up any spot for us to sleep in. In one place some people came in to play some wonderful music. It was like a little coffeehouse. So in the midst of all this cold there was the warmth of soup, and each other, and the music, and new surroundings, and so much cleanness. So churches were wonderful. And people honored the churches--quiet, respectful. As somebody said, 'no cussin', y'all, no cussin.' And there wasn't any cussing. People rose to the invitation and generosity.
ENS: You also visited churches for worship--Episcopal churches in particular. What did you experience there?
Wolf: Moments full of grace, and moments of deep disappointment. The graceful moments were when people actually welcomed me, asked if there was anything they could do, handed me a leaflet, invited me downstairs to coffee hour and refreshments or in some cases gave me some oranges and in another one a bag of nuts.
And then on the other side, there were those who were almost afraid to look at me.
I went to one church, they had breakfast for $3, and when I said I thought that was more than I could pay, I was reminded that it was $3 for a continental breakfast and $5 for the full breakfast. It was towards the end of the breakfast time, and so I said 'how about just some of that fruit--just a little bit.' I never received it, and that made me very sad. Part of me was wailing inside for the lack of hospitality. It was particularly difficult because it is a church I really love.
ENS: Are Episcopalians in truth 'the frozen chosen,' 'the right church for the right people,' as we've been called for so many years, and despite our efforts to shake that image?
Wolf: We're not frozen. But for some reason we choose to see whom we want to see. When you ask the question, 'When did we see you hungry?'--if you have to ask that question, probably you haven't gotten the message yet.
But the thing is, I join those who also don't look, who also are unaware of my neighbor, who close my wallet when I should open it. It's not that I'm immune from this; if anything, my eyes were opened because of the position of homelessness that I took. I like to think they were open before, but I think it's a lifetime journey into living into those passages of Scripture which hold the poor and those who mourn in such honor and esteem.
ENS: Some will say, 'but Bishop Wolf, you knew all along you had a home to go to.'
Wolf: And I say that right up front in the book I'm writing, and I also said that to the group on the day that I was to leave them: that I could never pretend to be homeless, because I have a house with heat and electricity and a bedroom. So I'm not trying to duplicate their experience, but to enter into it the best way that I can.
The other thing is that, at some level, we are all homeless, and I was tapping into my own homelessness. To touch those places is always to open the door to be fed and nurtured.
ENS: Will you miss being on the street?
Wolf: It was really hard the first day back; I thought, what am I going to do with myself today? The lively banter in the community room was so engaging. Sleeping with 14 people, and all of a sudden I was sleeping by myself. Being with so many people throughout a whole day, with opportunities to walk around the street.
I missed the raw, honest truth that defined so many of the relationships and conversations that I was privileged to be a part of. People grumble every place, and they grumbled there too, but it was better, nicer, easier to hear the grumbling directed at all kinds of agencies--instead of at me!
ENS: What will you do now when you pass someone who's homeless on the street?
Wolf: You have to use a lot of intuition. Some you just say hello to--not in a patronizing way. Others, they want money--give them some. They're going to use it on cigarettes first, because you can buy one cigarette for a quarter--that's a good cheap way to get a little enjoyment. Some will use it on booze, and some will use it on drugs--and a lot will use it on food, and a bus ticket…I warn people against making sweeping generalizations.
ENS: Is there anyone with whom you'd like to stay in contact?
Wolf: A lot of people. I think of one woman who made this beautiful Three Kings crochet, and she gave it to me--the gift of human hands that will become for me a constant sign of the generosity I received in this experience.
ENS: You said you'd made an agreement to help Travelers' Aid help the homeless. How are you going to do that?
Wolf: First of all, the article. The next step is to go to Honduras to learn about microlending or microcredit, under the auspices of Five Talents. Craig Cole, who's the director of that group, has been enormously helpful. I thought as I was in the community at Travelers' Aid that I should see if there aren't a couple here who would join me in that. And I'm working on a book.
I want people to realize that the poor really do have a gift to offer us. It is a wealth of wisdom, generosity and love, even in the midst of the vices that none of us are immune to.
Stories about Bishop Wolf's sabbatical are available from the archives of the Providence Journal at http://archives.projo.com/.
Author: Jennifer Levitz; Date: 02-02-2003; Section: NEWS; Page Number: A-01.
Bishop's month on the streets prompts questions, praise
Author: JENNIFER LEVITZ; Date: 02-16-2003; Section: LOCAL NEWS; Page Number: C-01. | <urn:uuid:81601b1b-1d4b-43a8-906e-d2fb06227882> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://archive.episcopalchurch.org/3577_19835_ENG_HTM.htm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.990351 | 5,414 | 1.578125 | 2 |
The D.C. office of the inspector general says a former council member tried to get 10 traffic tickets voided last year by leveraging a law that exempts legislators from parking rules while on official business — a common political perk that has led to confusion and abuse across the country.
The audit dated Nov. 15 says the lawmaker’s chief of staff submitted the request Jan. 25, 2011, to the director of the Department of Motor Vehicles. A hearing examiner dismissed six of the tickets but declined to exempt the elected official for four citations — two speeding tickets, one red light violation, and one failure to report for inspection.
The inspection violation was included in a May 4, 2011, request by the D.C. Department of Public Works to void 135 tickets. It was approved along with the other items on the list, according to Inspector General Charles J. Willoughby’s office.
“The void request list did not contain information to alert DMV officials that a listed citation had been previously adjudicated by DMV. Officials indicated that they were not aware of any control that will allow the system to identify this type of situation,” the audit said.
The episode may be the most eye-catching part of the general audit on the DMV’s ticket-processing services, but “ticket-fixing” schemes are hardly unique to the District.
In 2007, the State Ethics Commission in Massachusetts concluded that a Boston city council member used his position to have 35 parking tickets dismissed.
The Philadelphia Inquirer reported in 2003 that federal authorities were investigating whether the “well-connected” could pay to get their tickets tossed, while other news reports show officials from New York to San Francisco either misunderstood their parking benefits or used their connections with unions, police and motor vehicle offices to get off the hook during the past decade.
In July 2002, the D.C. Council voted to exempt itself from the city’s parking regulations. The exemption extended to council members the same parking privileges enjoyed by members of Congress, including the freedom to park in bus zones, in restricted spaces near intersections, at building entrances and on restricted residential streets. It also freed council members from having to put money in parking meters.
Mr. Biddle had not been on the council for very long when the first request was sent to the DMV. He was appointed by the D.C. Democratic State Committee in January 2011 to fill the at-large seat vacated by Brown — who rose to council chairman in the 2010 elections — before he lost his interim seat to Vincent B. Orange in a special election in April 2011.
“I haven’t had that many tickets in the last four years, not to mention a period of four weeks,” he said of the figures in the audit.
Thomas, who represented Ward 5 at the time, and Brown resigned their seats and pleaded guilty to felonies in January and June, respectively. They shared the same attorney, Frederick D. Cooke Jr., even though their cases were unrelated.
A DMV spokeswoman said she did not know the identity of the former lawmaker referred to in the report.
© Copyright 2013 The Washington Times, LLC. Click here for reprint permission.
Tom Howell Jr. covers politics for The Washington Times. He can be reached at email@example.com.
By Jay Sekulow
The left's outrage over the IRS turns to a plea to 'move on'
Independent voices from the TWT Communities
The cold hard truth about politics in America today and the state of this once great nation.
A mother of three and a passionate conservative, Shirley Husar changes the game.
World's Ugliest Dog Contest
Spelling Bee finale
Marines train Afghan soldiers
Rolling Thunder 2013
Benghazi: The anatomy of a scandal | <urn:uuid:144975f8-6345-47f3-a2dc-326d44d7a5e7> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2012/nov/21/audit-cites-ex-dc-council-member-in-ticket-fixing-/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964768 | 784 | 1.632813 | 2 |
Undergraduate Computing Degrees at Winthrop
The Department of Computer Science and Quantitative Methods offers three variations of undergraduate computing degrees.
- Computer Science (CSCI)
- Computer Information Systems (CIFS)
- Web Application Design
Winthrop University offers a traditional computer science undergraduate degree that is both broad and deep. Although located in a college of business, Winthrop's Computer Science curriculum is a technical degree similiar to those found at many engineering schools. Graduates of this program are equally well suited for either graduate school or for entry-level programming or analysis positions in business, government, or industry. In recent years some graduates have chosen careers as analysts with the large US financial institutions based in Charlotte, but most have chosen to pursue opportunitiest with the numerous technical and manufacturing companies in this area. The placement rate for graduates of this program is very good and our graduates receive excellent salaries.
The CSCI coursework emphasizes the understanding of a broad range of computing topics. The 16 or more computer science courses include computational theory, algorithm analysis, understanding of hardware principles, programming skills, and software engineering. Electives include computer graphics, parallel programming, web development, networking, software project management, among others. Students are required to complete a 9 month real-world group development project. Requirements also include substaintial math and science coursework.
Computer Information Systems
The Computer Information Systems option of the BS in Business Administration degree combines elements of computer science with the business degree. Graduates are capable of developing computer-based solutions to business problems. Most graduates pursue careers with large financial or insurance companies as Analysts.
CIFS coursework includes at least 8 computer science courses. Students also complete the Business core, which includes accounting, finance, marketing, and management.
Web Application Design
The BS in Digital Information Design includes four concentrations. The most computing intensive of these is the Web Application Design concentration. Students learn to develop the software that drives the World Wide Web. | <urn:uuid:a3b2ae91-efd2-4921-8e7b-b2b6cc29105f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.winthrop.edu/cba/computerscience/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.933733 | 405 | 1.617188 | 2 |
Is a golden doodle heading to Washington with the Obamas? (Photo illustration: Michael Huber / Times Union)
The Obamas have been considering a dog for a while now. Tuesday, though, in his acceptance speech after winning the presidency, president elect Obama made it official by promising first daughters Malia, 10, and Sasha, 7, they had earned the puppy coming to the White House.
So what kind of dog will they get? Before Tuesday, reports say, they were considering hypoallergenic breeds like the Labradoodle (a lab/poodle mix) because of Malia’s allergies. Malia prefers the golden doodle, a golden retriever/poodle mix.
Nice ideas, but excuse us if we offer a few suggestions of our own. We can’t help ourselves, you know, when the conversation turns to dogs. So post here the dog you think the Obamas should bring to the White House for their two young daughters and why.
While you’re at it, offer a bit of your best advice for making it through the puppy years with your shoes and socks intact. | <urn:uuid:df8f3500-7805-44d4-827b-f9478eb3cac0> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://blog.timesunion.com/parenting/368/what-kind-of-dog-should-the-obamas-get/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.949187 | 237 | 1.515625 | 2 |
Today at 9:30 AM the church bells tolled 26 times: once for each of the victims in last week’s horrific tragedy in Sandy Hook Elementary. It was a fitting remembrance of the victims of Sandy Hook Elementary School, and the Governor did well to request it. However, there was one victim intentionally not remembered, for whom no bell tolled, and that was Adam Lanza’s mother. She was shot in the head four times as she lay sleeping, and was all but unrecognizable afterward.
By all accounts she was a mother who doted on her son, who sought the best for him given his Asperger’s disorder. Why did we not remember a loving mother shot to death by her mentally ill son?
Are we angry at her for having taught him how to shoot, and in our anger assigning to her some degree of culpability for this tragedy? If so, she’s not alive and well to receive our opprobrium. She became the first of her son’s victims, paying with her own life for whatever lack of prudence or discretion she exhibited in bonding over shooting at the rifle range.
I don’t defend Nancy Lanza’s judgement. But ten years of involvement with other parents of children on the autism spectrum has taught me a few lessons.
Nancy Lanza sought ways to reach her son, to connect with a very emotionally flat, difficult to reach young man. In very many ways, connecting with a child on the spectrum means encountering them wherever they are responsive. For us, Joseph found the Game Show channel on Cable TV and was into 70′s and 80′s reruns of game shows when he was 5 years old. That’s where we needed to begin connecting with Joseph.
Sound bizarre? You do that when you’re the parent of a child on the autism spectrum. You have little choice. The trick is to capitalize on the social connection and use that connection to build deeper ties and then slowly and gently redirect the child to more normal activities. It’s been a ten year journey with Joseph, and at age 13 1/2, he’s doing remarkable well. That said, I’m acutely aware that he’s just begun adolescence and I pray mightily that he emerges from adolescence and college in good shape.
It sounds as though Nancy Lanza found a common ground with her son and then it took a terrible turn before she could build on that connection with him. The point wasn’t shooting rifles together at a range, it was the common interest that facilitated communication.
As for the news reports of the “basement lair” or “windowless bunker” with his video games, such as Call of Duty, these sensationalized reports don’t reflect the fact that Call of Duty, Black Ops 2 sales reached $1 BILLION in just 15 days. That’s quite a few people playing these games, and shootings like this being comparatively rare.
I don’t know what was in the shooter’s mind, or whether his mother permitted these games because it might give him common ground for conversation with others. I wouldn’t have taken that road, and will not with my son. However, I also know the desperation of parents with non-communicative children. What is clear is this:
What we do with our shock, horror, and grief will either build us or twist and distort us. It is a defining moment, a watershed in American history. The bells did not toll for a desperate mother of a handicapped son who was butchered in her sleep with the same gun that she used as common ground to try and reach him in his neurologically impaired and stunted development.
So tonight in our Novena for Healing, we lifted up Nancy Lanza and her son in prayer, as well as their surviving family who are left with a burden of shame, guilt, and social stigma that they do not deserve. They’ll never live it down.
If one week into this watershed experience we don’t recognize the humanity or victim status of Nancy Lanza, it does not bode well for us as a people or as individuals. Forgiveness is something we do for ourselves. It is an immunization from fear, anger, and retribution. The parsimoniousness surrounding the single peel of a bell for Nancy Lanza does not bode well for us at all.
We may never have an answer this side of eternity as to why he did it. The rifle range alone doesn’t explain it.
The video games alone don’t explain why he did it.
The autism alone doesn’t explain why he did it.
There are plenty of individuals with autism who play those games and who shoot rifles who remain meek and socially withdrawn. In truth, they are far more likely to become victims of crime than perpetrators of it.
We are right to be filled with revulsion and rage at what happened. That’s normal and healthy. But St. Paul teaches that if we are to be angry that it must be without sin. Toward that end, Jesus teaches that we are to love our enemies, pray for our persecutors, and do good to those who hate us. Those prayers are the only thing that will give us the grace to accept that there will never be a rational explanation for the magnitude of evil that has shaken us all to our foundations.
So on this one week anniversary of that terrible, terrible day, we peel the bell once for the first of Adam’s 27 victims: the woman who gave him life and died by the vehicle she tragically employed to help salvage that life. We beg God’s mercy on Nancy and her son.
We do so because He commands us to do so. | <urn:uuid:e61b7c5f-714c-4815-aa85-58debc32635c> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://gerardnadal.com/2012/12/21/tolling-remembrance-and-resentment-in-sandy-hook/?like=1&source=post_flair&_wpnonce=48bfce9332 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700264179/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516103104-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975826 | 1,209 | 1.640625 | 2 |
The following letter was published recently in The Boston Globe.
July 17, 1969
In his column of July 16, Joseph Alsop announces his discovery that there is a severe repression underway in the Soviet Union. Further, he explains that Academician Sakharov has been “viciously disciplined” and may face prison, while American draft resisters, free from any danger of imprisonment, are probably studying theology in the Yale Divinity School. He wonders whether I will have the integrity to ponder these matters, and also lets loose a blast against the New York Review.
If Mr. Alsop were actually to read the journals he attacks he would have learned about the Soviet repression long ago, for example, in an article of mine in the New York Review of January 2, where he would have found these sentences: “In the grim atmosphere of the Soviet Union, resistance can barely be contemplated. All the more, then, must we honor those who do make their voices heard: Pavel Litvinov, Mrs. Larisa Daniel, and the others of the ‘Moscow Five,’ or ex-general Pyotr Gigorenko who has publicly denounced the ‘totalitarianism that hides behind the mask of so-called Soviet democracy’ and called upon his fellow-citizens to fight ‘the damned machine,’ and who has had the courage to stand up and say that ‘Freedom will come! Democracy will come.’ ” If he were to turn to the written word, rather than indulge in private fancy, he could also discover my actual views regarding Russian totalitarianism and its roots in Bolshevik ideology, a matter that I have discussed more than once, in some detail. As to the many hundreds of draft resisters in American prisons, and the thousands in exile, they will no doubt be relieved to hear that Alsop has granted them amnesty.
It is easy to trace Alsop’s muddle to its source. In the strange world he inhabits, it is inconceivable that a person can consistently oppose all forms of tyranny and repression. Therefore, even if he were to open the pages of the New York Review, he would be unable to comprehend what I meant, in the same article, when I wrote that “those who resist the war here are fighting the same battle as Larisa Daniel and Pyotr Gigorenko. And they are fighting a common enemy: the militarists and managers of repression on both sides of the iron curtain.” Alsop knows that I condemn the criminal violence in Vietnam of which he has long been a leading advocate, and he therefore concludes, with a weird but characteristic logic, that I must be tolerant of Russian tyranny. The facts are otherwise, as I have made clear many times. But Alsop is not one to be troubled by mere fact.
I mention these facts not to enlighten Joseph Alsop, who has long since passed beyond the reach of fact or reason, but for the benefit of those who may still believe that when they read an Alsop column they are being given a glimpse of the real world. | <urn:uuid:c0ded61f-73af-4f27-8210-c86d7c655ce1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1969/aug/21/a-reply-to-joseph-alsop/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368700264179/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516103104-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.972441 | 640 | 1.601563 | 2 |
“I think you need patent counsel on the death ray,” Alan Gura advised Cornell Law’s Michael Dorf.
The death ray, an invention proposed by Dorf, was merely hypothetical, but it was meant to shed light on a real and serious issue: the standards by which courts determine what weapons may reasonably be prohibited. This and other aspects of gun control laws were examined by Dorf and Gura over the course of a debate hosted by the Cornell Federalist Society and the Second Amendment Club, which took place at the Law School on January 29.
Gura is a partner and co-founder of Gura & Possessky, P.L.L.C. He graduated from Cornell University with a B.A. in Government in 1992 before earning his law degree from Georgetown University. Prior to founding his firm, he served as a Deputy Attorney General for the State of California, as Counsel to the United States Senate Judiciary Committee and as a litigation associate for the Washington offices of Sidley Austin. Gura successfully litigated D.C. v. Heller and McDonald v. Chicago, two landmark Supreme Court cases on the Second Amendment.
Michael Dorf, Robert S. Stevens Professor of Law, has written several books and dozens of law review articles on constitutional law and related subjects. He served as a law clerk for Supreme Court Justice Anthony M. Kennedy and as amicus curiae in Supreme Court cases Fisher v. Univ. of Texas (currently pending) and Grutter v. Bollinger. He was the main author of the AALS amicus brief in support of the winning side in the 2010 Supreme Court case of Christian Legal Society v. Martinez. Dorf writes a bi-weekly column for Justia's free web magazine Verdict and posts several times per week on his blog, Dorf on Law.
The debaters began by discussing what may be the next major firearms law issue adjudicated by the Supreme Court: whether the Second Amendment guarantees the right to carry firearms for self-defense outside the home. Both experts predicted that the court would uphold the right, with certain restrictions. Said Dorf, “I think we’re agreed about the likely outcome of the Supreme Court, I’m just not sure that’s the right outcome.”
Responding to each other as well as questions from the audience, the two dug into the implications of conflicting approaches to constitutional interpretation, touching not only on death rays but also on medieval English law, the American Revolution, the ratification process of the U.S. Constitution, and the centralization of U.S. military power. | <urn:uuid:d1a15954-4b5e-4e0d-9b66-135c33d23184> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.lawschool.cornell.edu/spotlights/Law-School-Hosts-Debate-on-the-Future-of-Firearms-Law.cfm | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.966078 | 536 | 1.796875 | 2 |
If you have been watching what passes for television "news," you have undoubtedly become aware that a sociopath is loose in Washington, D.C. He has been moving from one location to another, attacking and killing innocent victims. Whether he is possessed of a perverted sense of self-righteousness, or simply enjoys the feelings of power that come from terrorizing others, is as difficult to determine as is his agenda for future attacks. He apparently has a personal list of target areas for his deadly assaults, but just what his purposes are remain as unclear as trying to fathom when and where he will next attack.
Thus far, the "system" to which most of us have been conditioned to look for protection has been unable to put a stop to this man's predatory dispositions. To the contrary, Congress recently authorized him to continue his deadly campaign, allowing him to return to one of the sites of his previous attacks, Iraq, for a more prolonged effort.
Is there any fundamental distinction to be drawn between George W. Bush and the "sniper" who has been emulating the president's style in the suburbs of Washington? Why are so many of us terrified by the handful of killings perpetrated by the sniper, yet embrace the wholesale butcheries of President Bush? Were people to start flying pro-sniper flags from their cars — perhaps depicting someone in the cross-hairs of a rifle, or with a circled target on their chest — most of us would properly condemn such depraved expression. Why, then, do we not think it equally obscene to hoist American flags on the antennas of cars, and cheer on the government-run killings of no-less-innocent men, women, and children in foreign lands?
To answer this question, we must turn our attention to an area many of us are uncomfortable exploring: the unconscious mind. Far more than we care to acknowledge, our actions are influenced by attitudes and dispositions lying beneath our everyday consciousness. We identify ourselves with, and take direction from, various institutions that make up our "ego boundaries." By far, the deadliest entity with which most of us identify ourselves is the "nation state," a system that operates on threats, intimidation, and violence, to command obedience from its subjects.
In order to mobilize our energies on behalf of the state's purposes, we must first find purpose and meaning in such commitments. To this end, the state presents us with an endless supply of enemies that appear as threats to our existence or well being. Without the specter of dangerous persons, groups, or conditions, most of us would be no more inclined to fight and die for the state than we would for the local Elks Club!
The "threats" that particularly agitate us are those that trigger the "dark side" of our unconscious minds. Each of us shares with other human beings the capacities not only for peaceful, creative, cooperative, virtuous, and loving behavior; but also for such undesirable attributes as dishonesty, violence, hostility, wickedness, and irresponsibility. While we are eager to embrace the more exemplary qualities of our humanness, most of us are distressed contemplating our "dark side."
Even though we lead praiseworthy lives and never resort to unprincipled or vicious behavior, most of us are troubled with the thought that we have the potential for such negative conduct. In an effort to relieve such discomfort, we often resort to the practice of projection, whereby we unconsciously attribute such traits to others. Observing that others may be manifesting the undesired qualities we fear lie within us, we condemn their motives or conduct, and urge decisive action to be taken against them in order to help rid the world of what we silently fear may be our own shortcomings.
Much of the criticism people have to offer of businessmen stems from such unconscious dynamics. Desiring great riches, but having been unable to acquire them, we condemn those who have realized success. We attack the wealthy for their "greed," not being aware that it is our own unsatisfied ambitions for material wealth that we are censuring. In order to help salve our sense of inadequacy, we add to our bill of particulars the charge that their success could only have been achieved by the employment of corrupt methods that we were too "decent" to have used. Ludwig von Mises explored this practice in his work, The Anti-Capitalistic Mentality.
But it is in the world of international politics that we see some of the more dangerous expressions of projection. During my lifetime, I was told that America had to go to war against Germany because Hitler desired to "take over the world." Once that war ended, the Soviet Union became the designated enemy for the same reason: it wanted to "take over the world." Even the first George Bush alluded to this rationale for his one-sided "war" against Iraq. With no other major threats around to justify American incursions, it has become evident that American foreign policy has long been grounded in the practice of projection: it has been the United States that has wanted to "take over the world."
You can now see how projection gets tied into our "ego boundary" identities. When we identify our sense of being with an institution — e.g., the state — and later become aware of "dark side" practices engaged in by that entity, we are as desirous of disassociating such unwanted traits from "our" institution as when our individual character is called into question. Projection becomes the tool of unconscious choice for accomplishing this end.
When the United States sends its troops, bombers, and ships throughout the world to attack and kill other people, most Americans refuse to see "their" government as engaging in the suppression or slaughter of innocents: such unprincipled behavior is what other governments do. When America resorts to such methods, it is engaged in "peacekeeping," or the "preservation of order." When Lower Ruritania retaliates for such attacks, it becomes a "terrorist" nation.
As George Bush has made clear with his sandbox logic, the United States represents the forces of "good," while nations that do not abide by American policies are "evil." Bush carried such projection to its furthest absurdities when, shortly after the WTC attacks, he proclaimed the rest of the world as potential "terrorist supporters." "We" represent the forces of "good," while those who oppose "us" in any way are part of the "axis of evil"! Were we not inculcated in this same logic when, as children, we watched movies that helped us learn to identify American Indians as "savages" because they forcibly resisted the efforts of "heroic" U.S. cavalrymen who were trying to slaughter them?
Do you see how ego boundary identification can combine with projection to produce the thinking that allows us to judge similar acts differently on the basis of who is engaged in them? In a television interview, one policeman took offense at the use of the word "sniper" to refer to the Washington suburb killer. He reminded viewers that a "sniper" was a police or military marksman whose killings were part of "law enforcement." The rifleman being sought by the police, he went on, was nothing more than a "murderer." In such ways do we properly condemn the Washington, D.C. sniper, while rewarding government snipers — such as the one who killed Randy Weaver's wife at Ruby Ridge — who kill on behalf of the state!
The Pentagon and the "terrorist"; the "kamikaze" pilot and the "hero" who throws himself on a grenade to save his buddies; the "defense industry" and the "suicide bomber;" are interconnected and interdependent elements in the syndrome of death and destruction in which most of us eagerly participate. Like the World Series or the Super Bowl, we choose sides and cheer on "our" team. But whereas our sporting interests are acknowledged to be no more than a game from which everyone returns alive, our political attachments have deadly consequences.
If we are to judge the propriety of behavior on the basis of what is done — instead of who is doing it — is it not clear that President Bush's efforts to target the killing of thousands of innocent men, women, and children in different countries, stands on no higher moral footing than do the predations of a lone suburban killer? Is it not also clear that the threats these men pose to the rest of humanity derive not so much from their particular dispositions, as from our general failure to acknowledge the "dark side" forces that reside within each of us?
Politics has made peace and freedom — and, thus, life itself — increasingly untenable throughout the world. But it is our thinking that has produced this systematic destructiveness, and only a radical change in our thinking can prevent the total collapse of human society. Such a transformation must begin with what J. Krishnamurti identified as "the movement of thought." Only if we become aware of our habits of dividing ourselves from others, and projecting our own shortcomings onto those from whom we have separated, can we begin to withdraw our energies from the destructive processes that keep all of our neighborhoods — be they in the suburbs of Washington or in distant lands — unsafe for life.
October 21, 2002
Butler Shaffer [send him e-mail] teaches at the Southwestern University School of Law.
Copyright © 2002 LewRockwell.com | <urn:uuid:e23f12f6-7305-4153-af8c-df3829e05177> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.lewrockwell.com/shaffer/shaffer30.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696382584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092622-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970576 | 1,930 | 1.601563 | 2 |
CERRITOS - Leal Elementary in Cerritos is one of 35 California schools to be nominated this year for the coveted National Blue Ribbon Schools award, officials announced Thursday.
Leal, 12920 Droxford St., is one of eight schools in Los Angeles County to be nominated this year for the award given out by the U.S. Department of Education.
"I applaud the principals, teachers, staff, and families whose commitment to learning has led to success in the classroom," State Superintendent Tom Torlakson said in a written statement. "Schools nominated for this significant recognition are performing at very high levels or are making impressive strides in student progress under challenging circumstances."
To be eligible as a Blue Ribbon nominee, schools must be exceptionally high-performing or have demonstrated exemplary improvement.
To be categorized as high-performing, schools must score within the top 85th percentile in the number of students meeting or surpassing state standards in math and English.
For a school to show exemplary improvement, at least 40 percent of students must be categorized as disadvantaged and the school must be among the top 10 percent showing the greatest improvement in math and English over the past five years.
Leal Elementary boasts the highest Academic Performance Index of all the elementary schools in the ABC Unified School District.
Each year, the state gives schools and districts an API
An exceptionally high-performing school, Leal's 2012 API is 967, up five points from the previous year.
Based on student population, California may nominate up to 35 qualified schools each year. More than 200 schools across the country will be named as Blue Ribbon winners in September.
For more information on the federal program, go to www2.ed.gov/programs/nclbbrs/awards.html. | <urn:uuid:6b5f058f-e548-4d12-816e-9c6b3853f8c0> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.presstelegram.com/weather/ci_22235860?source=pkg | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.951669 | 367 | 1.546875 | 2 |
Mission to Mars
There is intelligent life in outer space (films), but you wouldn't know it from watching Mission to Mars. It's like Apollo 13 without the believable tension, Contact without Jodie Foster, and 2001 without an original idea.
Director Brian De Palma, continuing his downward descent, has managed to make a movie where every character speaks solely in cliches. His crew ventures out on the first manned Mars mission. The astronauts are so goody-goody and freshly-scrubbed that there is virtually nothing for character traits to stick to, nor reasons for the audience to care what happens to them or any ancient life force that gave rise to them. In spite of the acting, script, and direction, a decent amount of visual flair and flashiness is built into the first part of the movie, when Don Cheadle (Luke Graham) and crew encounter unusual disturbances on the red planet. De Palma's craft becomes unrecoverable when he stages an extended zero-gravity dance scene between Tim Robbins and Connie Nielsen, set to classic rock. The last half-hour launches into chintzy cosmic Darwinism. In my theater, the audience was laughing by the end—not with the movie, but at it, vaguely embarrassed at having spent two hours in cinematic free-fall.
Information Please® Database, © 2007 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.
More on Mission to Mars from Infoplease: | <urn:uuid:7299a8bd-2918-4955-b83e-53a30b6e48dc> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.infoplease.com/ipea/A0855237.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.935598 | 295 | 1.53125 | 2 |
Is Apple blanket-rejecting iOS apps that make use of Dropbox because of an evil plan to push developers toward iCloud? If you asked this question five days ago, the answer from the Internet at large might have been a resounding "yes!" But days later, as is often the case, details have come out that reveal the answer is probably "no."
As it turns out, Dropbox inadvertently put other developers using its SDK in violation of one of Apple's app guidelines, resulting in a string of rejections that looked as if apps using Dropbox were being banned. The Web flew into a fury over what is essentially an annoying but long-standing clause in Apple's guidelines. The problem has now been remedied and the fury has died down, but what, exactly, happened during this sordid drama and how did it end up being fixed?
"Apple is rejecting apps using Dropbox!"
A thread in the Dropbox forums began just under a week ago with several app makers reporting that Apple rejected their apps due to an issue with Dropbox. Their apps had made use of the Dropbox SDK. When users set up this feature for the first time, they are directed to Safari where they're prompted to authenticate their Dropbox accounts for use with the app in question. This functionality was required by Dropbox's latest SDK at the time, and app makers were left confused as to who was really responsible for their app rejections. Most people blamed Apple.
It eventually came out that the rejections were apparently due to the fact that users could click through to Dropbox's main website while they were busy authenticating through Safari. This could lead them to an account sign-up page and could lead to them paying Dropbox money for storage. And the reason Apple doesn't want that? In its own roundabout way, the ability for Dropbox to potentially bring in revenue without going through Apple's in-app purchasing mechanism is a violation of Apple's guidelines:
Apps that link to external mechanisms for purchases or subscriptions to be used in the app, such as a “buy” button that goes to a web site to purchase a digital book, will be rejected
This is the same guideline that has led to Amazon's Kindle app—plus a plethora of others—removing links to outside content stores where customers can purchase content outside of Apple's system. Customers can still purchase content outside of Apple's system, but Apple doesn't want them to be able to get there (directly, anyway) via the iOS app itself. "We have not changed our developer terms or guidelines," Apple spokesperson Trudy Muller told Ars in February of 2011. "We are now requiring that if an app offers customers the ability to purchase books outside of the app, that the same option is also available to customers from within the app with in-app purchase."
Indeed, this guideline has been around for years, and has been actively enforced for some types of apps for more than a year. A violation is a violation, but that doesn't make it user-friendly at all. For the Kindle and other reading apps, the removal of any store links (and refusal to add in-app stores) makes the process of obtaining new content quite convoluted on the user end. And in the case of apps that use Dropbox, the situation was even more of a reach—the apps themselves didn't link to a way for users to create accounts to buy Dropbox storage at all. The app only used the Web for Dropbox authentication, and the Web page in question had the potential to lead users there.
Apple did not respond to our repeated requests for comment, but did confirm to All Things D that the above guideline was indeed what Dropbox's SDK had violated. Once Dropbox figured out the issue, it was quick to update its iOS SDK so that there would be no links available for users to click around and make their way to an account creation page. Functionally, the crisis was over.
But Dropbox still defended itself. The company argued that although its own app makes use of Apple's in-app purchasing mechanism, it's not possible for Dropbox to offer that ability to other app-makers through its own SDK. Basically, it can't allow third parties to include an in-app way for users to sign up for paid Dropbox accounts. "Apple requires paid services that allow account creation to offer the option to upgrade via In-App Purchase (IAP)," a Dropbox spokesperson told All Things D. "We abide by this policy in our app, where we offer upgrades only via IAP. However, we are unable to offer IAP in our SDK to third-party developers due to limitations of IAP. Additionally, our SDK allows only free accounts to be created from third-party apps and has never been used to promote our paid plans."
As of Thursday, several developers making use of the updated Dropbox SDK are still waiting for approval on the App Store after re-submission. (We have heard that the average approval times on the App Store have dropped to 3-5 business days recently, down from about a week. Still, it may take a few more days for those apps to make their way through the process.) But the thread in the Dropbox forum has begun to devolve into a debate over whether Apple specifically targeted Dropbox because of its services that seem to compete with iCloud.
"I can't believe it took that many posts for someone to mention iCloud. It's very obvious that Apple are just protecting iCloud," one user wrote.
"This term in their developer docs (11.13) has been there for AGES and they have been enforcing it more and more over the past 2-3 months," another user responded. "I've had the same, identical rejection for apps which work in spaces that Apple would never have reason to enter (small business accounting!?). I had to work around it in the same way—don't link to external sites, and if I do, don't have them contain links to anything with a signup page. Saying it's an attack on DB because of iCloud is FUD/BS/Redherring."
Considering Apple's past enforcement of the same guideline on numerous other apps, it doesn't seem as if Apple was acting maliciously against Dropbox in particular. Apple has, however, faced issues with inconsistently enforced guidelines in the past. This incident only highlights some of the frustrating challenges developers face when it comes to the App Store. It's sometimes hard to know whether something you're doing—or something the SDK you're using is doing—will land you in hot water and cause a ruckus in the tech press. | <urn:uuid:b826a281-8d5e-476a-bb0b-646c3761fa8c> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://arstechnica.com/apple/2012/05/ios-dropbox-app-kerfuffle-has-ended-but-highlights-confusion-about-guidelines/?comments=1&post=22820989 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368708766848/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125246-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.978391 | 1,341 | 1.695313 | 2 |
Beijing's refusal to accept Defense Secretary Robert Gates's offer to visit China this week has exposed divisions inside the Chinese Communist Party structure and is also causing Washington to take a hard look at what's now seen as an overly optimistic view of the current state of the relationship.
U.S. officials admit privately that the the Gates snub is a bad sign, one that contradicts the impression they had coming off the U.S.-China Strategic and Economic Dialogue that saw more than 200 U.S. officials travel to China just two weeks ago. Officials said that they still hold out hope that Gates will be granted a visit soon, but their confidence about China's willingness to improve military-to-military relations is quickly eroding, and the road ahead is far from clear.
"Nearly all of the aspects of the relationship between the United States and China are moving forward in a positive direction, with the sole exception of the military-to-military relationship ... the PLA [People's Liberation Army] is significantly less interested in this relationship than the political leadership of China." Gates said Thursday in a rare open rebuke of the Chinese military. Gates made the remark en route to Singapore, where defense officials from all the Pacific countries except for China are convening for the annual Shangri-la Dialogue.
The conventional wisdom in Washington is that China is still protesting U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. But an administration official told The Cable that it's just not that simple. There is a struggle inside the Chinese Communist Party between those who want to more forcefully confront the U.S. on a range of issues, mostly within the PLA, and those who genuinely seek better ties, and the faction favoring confrontation is gaining ground.
At the May dialogue in Beijing, that dichotomy was exposed during bilateral meetings in an unusually open way. In what were otherwise constructive, albeit predictable exchanges, "The Chinese representative from the PLA ... could not have been more out of step with the meeting," a senior U.S. official told reporters during the plane ride back to Washington.
"Many on the Chinese side you could tell were going, ‘Oh my God, this is not the message we should be giving the United States and our visitors at this time," the official said. "And actually, several of us went up after, and said, ‘That was unhelpful. That's not the direction that we want to take the mil-to-mil relationship.'"
Still, as of that point, top U.S. officials were nonetheless convinced that Gates would be granted a visit soon. Another senior U.S. official remarked at the time how remarkable it was that the Chinese seemed to have gotten over their anger about the Taiwan arms sales so quickly.
Not so fast. Here's the statement Chinese embassy spokesman Wang Baodong gave The Cable in response to queries about Beijing's refusal to receive Gates.
"Military to military ties are an important part of China-US relations. China has been attaching importance to fostering mutual trust and cooperation between the two countries in the military field, and is willing to engage with the US side for exchanges and cooperation in the principle of respect, equality, mutual trust, and reciprocity. China hopes the US side conscientiously respects China's core interests and major concerns, to create conditions for resumption and healthy advancement of their bilateral military relations."
Wang also noted that there were mil-to-mil exchanges in Beijing. The PLA's deputy chief of staff, Lt. Gen. Ma Xiaotian, met with Admiral Robert Willard, head of Pacific Command, and Wallace "Chip" Gregson, assistant secretary of defense for Asian and Pacific security affairs.
But what Wang didn't mention is that Willard and Gregson had meetings with members of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other parts of the Chinese government as well. That surely irked PLA representatives. The credit for those meetings goes to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who fought hard, over Chinese objections, to make sure the U.S. military was well represented in the dialogue, because she saw the PLA trying to cut off ties.
"The military in China would like to control those avenues of discussion," one senior U.S. official said. "But because Secretary Clinton is prominent, and is saying, ‘I'd like to do that,' the Chinese would very much like to say, ‘Actually, it's not convenient for us.' And they tried, but she insisted."
China watchers in Washington lament that the Obama administration apparently had concluded that Beijing was just blustering about the arms sales and are calling on the administration to revise its expectations about the relationship.
"We need to be firm yet restrained: firm in our commitment to befriend a Taiwan serious about improving cross-strait relations; restrained in our belief that Chinese rhetoric is often inflated and their core interests include growing cooperation with the United States," said Patrick Cronin, director of the Asia Security program at the Center for a New American Security.
Some critics wonder aloud why the U.S. is always in the position of the ardent suitor when it comes to deepening military relations with China. After all, the U.S. is still the world's pre-eminint military power and the Chinese refusal to engage is a net loss for China, they say.
"The Chinese are seeking leverage wherever they think they may find it to persuade us to curtail or stop completely U.S. arms sales to Taiwan -- and our actions surely give them the impression they have leverage by holding out on mil-mil contacts," said Randall Schriver, former deputy assistant secretary of State for East Asia.
It is almost unthinkable, however, that Beijing would succeed in persuading Washington its decades-long policy of arming Taipei. The Obama administration has made it more than clear that the U.S. will continue to support Taiwan's defense as spelled out in the Taiwan Relations Act -- especially given that the balance of power across the Taiwan Strait is tipping heavily toward the Chinese side.
"There was nothing new, surprising or noteworthy in the Obama arms sale," said Dan Blumenthal, former China desk director at the Pentagon. "The real problem is China's unrelenting build-up even during a time of nonexistent cross-strait tension."
"As the United States, Japan,
and South Korea take measures to increase their combined deterrent capabilities
against North Korea, a country that borders China, now would seem an
opportune time for China to seek military dialogue with the United States,"
he said. "China needs this dialogue more than we do."
"There are good reasons for us to exercise strategic patience and engender the feeling in China that things won't start again in a serious way until China asks for it," said Schriver.
John Hudson reports on national security and foreign policy from the Pentagon to Foggy Bottom, the White House to Embassy Row, for The Cable. | <urn:uuid:19cf8455-6296-4814-a20d-497ea446712a> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://thecable.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2010/06/03/gates_snub_raises_tough_questions_about_china_ties | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711005985/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133005-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970646 | 1,413 | 1.59375 | 2 |
Palestinian Divisions Obstacle to Peace Talks
by Seth McLaughlin
World Politics Review
February 19, 2009
The results of Israel's recent elections, combined with the 22-day offensive against Gaza, have led many to wonder about the future of peace talks with the Palestinian Authority.
But the jockeying for power in Israel between the centrist Kadima party and the right-wing Likud overshadows another significant obstacle standing in the way of any future peace deal between Israelis and Palestinians: namely, determining who, between the more secular Fatah leaders in the West Bank and the Islamist Hamas leaders in the Gaza Strip, represents the Palestinian people.
"No matter the outcome [of negotiations to form an Israeli government], the fact remains whether you are right, left or center, you are not going to be able to get back on track the peace process while there is a Palestinian civil war," Jonathan Schanzer, author of "Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle for Palestine" told World Politics Review.
Hamas won the Palestinian Authority's general legislative election in 2006, to the great shock of the United States. After a failed attempt at a unity government with Fatah in 2007, Hamas took control of the Gaza Strip in a series of bloody street battles with Fatah security forces. In response, Fatah enacted emergency rule over the West Bank and swore in a new government, while the United States, Israel and Europe imposed crippling economic sanctions on the Gaza Strip.
The recent 22-day Israeli offensive against Gaza again exposed the rift in the Palestinian camp. Despite the Gaza death toll, Fatah forces in the West Bank largely ignored Hamas' call for a third intifada. Abbas also initially blamed Hamas for the violence, costing him dearly in Palestinian public opinion. In the aftermath of the conflict, Hamas has allegedly conducted targeted assassinations of Gaza-based Fatah agents it claims collaborated with Israeli forces.
The war has also raised tensions within Hamas, between leaders inside Gaza and those in Damascus, over accepting a ceasefire and, in a broader sense, over how to deal with Israel. Some in Gaza blame exiled Hamas leader, Khaled Meshal, for triggering the conflict by not renewing the previous truce in December.
"If division and [in-fighting] continue among the Palestinians, the chances for peace settlement are going to be limited," Mohammad Yaghi of the Washington Institute on Near East Policy told WPR.
Reconciliation talks between the two factions, sponsored by Egypt, are part of the multistep negotiations designed to shore up the fragile Gaza ceasefire. While the two sides agree in principle to the idea of a national unity government for the Palestinian Authority, they are separated by thorny issues, including who shall administer reconstruction efforts in Gaza, under whose authority border crossings will be placed once they are opened, and the overdue PA presidential election (which Hamas claims delegitimizes the rule of Western-backed Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas), not to mention their fundamental disagreement over the use of force against Israel.
The negotiations, originally scheduled for Feb. 22, hinged on finalizing a long-term ceasefire between Israel and Hamas. Progress toward finalizing that ceasefire stalled Wednesday after the Israeli government said it would not lift its border blockade on the Gaza Strip -- one of Hamas' conditions -- until Hamas agrees to the release of captured Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. Hamas rejected that demand, saying there is no connection between the two issues and that they must be negotiated separately.
As a result, Eygpt was forced to postpone the talks that many hoped would help broker Palestinian national unity.
Schanzer suggests that even if Israel vacated settlements in the West Bank, opened up all transit points in the West Bank, and allowed a number of refugees into their country, there is a good chance the uncertainty over who rules the Palestinians would create an awkward political situation that could derail any deal.
"If you are Barack Obama . . . and you deal with Fatah, you are dealing with an unelected government that is moderate, but really only represents half of the Palestinians," he said, pointing out that there are 1.5 million Palestinians in Gaza. If you pick Hamas, you deal with a terrorist organization, "something that would fly in the face of U.S. policy dating back to the Nixon administration."
Asked what the solution is, Schanzer said the Arab League or the Organization of the Islamic Conference might need to "forcibly bring [the two sides] together so the Palestinians could eventually speak with one voice if a peace deal is offered."
Yaghi, meanwhile, suggests the U.S. must determine Abbas's political strength. "It has to answer the question how it is possible to make a settlement with half the Palestinians only, and certainly the current situation is ideal for those in Israel who don't believe in peaceful settlement."
"I am not sure they can reach an agreement because the division is about core issues such as the task of the security forces, the negotiation with Israel, the armed 'resistance', the PLO," he said. "But maybe with the help of Arab countries, they can put aside some of these differences for some time, and agree to give Abbas some time to negotiate a settlement with Israel, and then put this . . . agreement that Abbas may reach to a referendum."
He said public pressure from Palestinians and Arab countries in favor of national unity could yield such a deal. "But as I said, the division is deep and it's hard to assume the Palestinian parties have the will or want to reach a kind of unity," he said.
Seth McLaughlin is a Washington-based journalist.
Related Topics: Palestinians
receive the latest by email: subscribe to the free jewish policy center mailing list | <urn:uuid:c4ab92f0-c2d9-471a-96ae-5b6d29611ce1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.jewishpolicycenter.org/789/palestinian-divisions-obstacle-to-peace-talks | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701852492/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105732-00011-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.951227 | 1,181 | 1.804688 | 2 |
An enduring part of the Yosemite camping experience is sitting around a campfire at night to share stories, make new friends or learn something new through one of the many educational programs offered by Rangers and others in the park.
Yosemite Conservancy will fund the restoration of three campground amphitheaters: Bridalveil Creek, Wawona and Crane Flat. All three amphitheaters are currently unsafe and uncomfortable for visitors. On completion of this project, visitors will enjoy new comfortable seating (built from sustainable building products) and new stone fire rings.
With your support, these areas will once again be a great gathering place for campers to learn something new from a Ranger or start their own fireside camping tradition with family and friends. | <urn:uuid:9ad4724a-aa0a-40ab-92ed-61f671e3b16b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.yosemiteconservancy.org/our-work/visitor-services/campground-amphitheaters-renovated | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.935005 | 150 | 1.664063 | 2 |
The color orange itself signifies warmth, energy, sun and cheerfulness. Orange stimulates a lot of emotions. Because of its bright and warm appeal, it is not surprising that many designers consider this color for many of their master pieces. When it comes to apparels, orange blends well with other colors. You can pair it up with other vibrant colors such as yellow, green, blue, red and a lot more. Orange and Black is a combination usually used for Halloween. When it comes to dressing for special occasions and events, a lot of women choose orange dresses. | <urn:uuid:f62a7a9e-0895-4c60-bc76-525ca75bf8b5> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.dressempire.com/orange-dresses.html?color=47 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00006-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.931056 | 114 | 1.6875 | 2 |
A trip to my friend in Norway gave me the possibility to visit several Confluence Points. The seventh one of this journey was the CP 59°N-08°E, located west of the lake Nesvatn, district Telemark, Norway.
I started this trip in the morning. In the north of the district Aust-Agder the mountains are getting really big. Through a small valley I followed the road Fv27 up, direction north-west to the lake Nesvatn. The lake was not full, maybe they do construction works on the dam which is located in the south. Because of the low level you can see the roots of cut trees. After driving around the northern edge and turning left on the road Fv40 I found the village Birtedalen with the dubious gate, mentioned by both visitors before. Luckily the gate was open. In my opinion they won’t close it anymore because two large construction areas for houses are performed nearby (how bad..). I followed the unpaved road until I reached the dead end where the builders take their sand for the concrete.
The hike started 10:08 a.m. It was 6.5 degrees Celsius. Very soon the path ended. Now I crossed a really beautiful valley in great weather! On the map it looked like walking along a small creek but in reality I had to go through very wet moss and grass continuously. The shoes were getting totally wet. Soon the little lake Korkstøyltjønn appeared. There was a strong cold wind which caused waves on the lake. Last snowfields were visible on the steep mountainside west of the lake. By the walk around at the eastern bank I found some very fresh signs of beavers. At 11:17 a.m. after a hike of 3.65 km I reached the Confluence Point 59°N-8°E! The clear view tempted me to do a panorama picture.
The way back was a little bit easier and faster, maybe as well caused by the gradient and the fewer pictures I did. On my way back I inspected the lake Bergsøytjønn at the southern overflow into the Nesvatn which is a really nice spot. So this visit of my -so far- most northern Confluence Point was successful finished. <
This Confluence Point was not easy to visit because it is quite a hard walk. The next Confluence I wanted to visit was the CP 56°N-09°E, near Arnborg, Denmark. | <urn:uuid:8851ae9b-7610-4e71-bd89-725d0dc7ef1b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://confluence.org/confluence.php?visitid=17753 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.980482 | 520 | 1.59375 | 2 |
Field reports: Peregrine Watch beginsPeregrine Watch 2010 is up and running — or flying — at Duluth’s Lake Place Park on the Lakewalk.
By: Sam Cook, The Hastings Star-Gazette
Peregrine Watch 2010 is up and running — or flying — at Duluth’s Lake Place Park on the Lakewalk.
Naturalists with Hawk Ridge Bird Observatory will be available with spotting scopes and binoculars from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m. each Wednesday through Sunday, weather permitting, between now and July 11.
The free program allows anyone who stops by the chance to view two adult peregrine falcons and their four chicks living in a nesting box near the roof of the Greysolon Plaza building in downtown Duluth.
And it’s official: The adult falcons have three male chicks and one female. The young were banded on Tuesday.
The male chicks have been named Evan, Tobias and Mickey, said Julie O’Connor, a naturalist and educator with Peregrine Watch. The female is Darla.
“The birds are about 30 days old and are about three-fourths feathered,” O’Connor said in an e-mail Wednesday. “So, so cute. We expect they’ll fledge (begin flying) in 10 to 14 days.”
The chicks are visible from the street and can be heard at feeding time from Lake Place Park, O’Connor said. A new monitor in the nest box allows Hawk Ridge naturalists to watch the birds as they mature.
For daily Peregrine Watch reports, send a blank e-mail to email@example.com. Or read updates at www.hawkridge.org.
DNR wins grant to work on access to North Shore streams
The French River fisheries office has secured a U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service grant that will lay the groundwork for North Shore stream protection and increased access to those streams by anglers.
The $200,000 grant was written by Don Schreiner, Department of Natural Resources Lake Superior area fisheries supervisor. The money will be used to identify and plan easements on private land along North Shore streams. The easements, once signed by willing landowners, would prevent development along the streams and allow anglers to fish from shore along the streams, Schreiner said.
This grant won’t be used to actually secure the easements, but to prioritize areas where the easements should be sought and to identify land ownership. Money to acquire the easements from landowners would come later, probably through projects recommended by the Lessard-Sams Outdoor Heritage Council and approved by the Legislature, Schreiner said.
The grant was awarded through the National Fish Habitat Initiative of the Fish and Wildlife Service, Schreiner said.
Red Lake walleye slot more generous
Anglers who fish Upper Red Lake may keep larger walleyes now.
For the remainder of the open-water season, all walleyes from 20 to 26 inches must be immediately released. Throughout the open water season, the four-fish bag limit remains in effect; only one fish longer than 26 inches is allowed.
The walleye size limit will revert back to the 17- to 26-inch protected range on Dec. 1. The winter adjustment is necessary because winter angling pressure has been consistently higher than open-water pressure.
Wisconsin turkey harvest down
Wisconsin hunters registered 47,539 turkeys during the 2010 spring turkey season, a 9.6 percent decrease from the 2009 harvest of 52,581 birds, according to a Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources news release.
A total of 217,444 permits were issued for the spring hunt, according to licensing officials. This was a decrease of 689 permits compared with the 2009 spring hunt.
Hunter success rates also fell slightly to 22 percent in 2010 versus 24 percent in 2009. As in past years, success rates were generally highest during the early and middle hunting periods. | <urn:uuid:a60efde0-eed8-4d52-b6c7-e54feb88c4cd> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.hastingsstargazette.com/event/article/id/22570/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705953421/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120553-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.944035 | 847 | 1.765625 | 2 |
Global beverage company Anheuser-Busch has recently released information on the theft of a laptop containing private records of current and former employees. The theft took place in June at an office from the St. Louis area.
Tim Farrell, the company’s vice president for corporate human resources, quoted by DailyPress.com said Anheuser-Busch sent letters to an undisclosed number of employees and ex-employees letting them know what had happened. As the stolen laptop contained Social Security numbers, home addresses and marital status, the company also offered a year of free credit reporting. According to the same source, the private records stored on the stolen computer was password-protected and encrypted.
Saint Mary’s Regional Medical Center has recently released information about a potential data breach involving one of its databases. The database in question was used Saint Mary’s health education classes and wellness programs contained private records of about 128,000 patients and clients.
The personal information contained details such as names and addresses, limited health information and some Social Security numbers. According to a statement made by Gary Aldax, marketing manager for Saint Mary’s and quoted by RGJ.com, the database did not contain medical records or credit card information.
“What happened was that an unauthorized person may have accessed the database,” Aldax said. “We’re currently working with Equifax, which is one of the three major credit agencies, to help handle this for us.
“In some cases, there were people who had their Social Security numbers (in the database) as well, so we’re sending different letters to people depending on their situation.”
Saint Mary’s has emailed all those potentially affected this month, warning them about the threats they might be exposed to.
SMBs have specific requirements when it come to IT security in general and endpoint security in particular: they need comprehensive policies, high-end technology, all downsized at a larger scale and a fair price. They don’t need cheap and unreliable solutions, they just need the best there is, adjusted to their size.
If you’d like to know more about what the IT security market has to offer, what challenges arise from the current business environment, which are the real threats SMBs face, how to properly asses the costs of a security breach, how easy it is to lose data or have it stolen, read the latest white paper published by CoSoSys, Easy Guide to Comprehensive IT Security Strategies for SMBs – High-End Endpoint Security, Data Loss Prevention and Portable Device Management at a Reduced Scale.
Data protection watchdog, the Information Commissioner’s Office has recently confirmed that it has served enforcement notices on two UKgovernmental institutions, HM Revenue and Customs and the Ministry of Defence. The decision, made public in the Information Commissioner Richard Thomas’ annual report comes as a response to high profile data breaches occurring within the twe organizations.
According to IT Week, both departments will be compelled to provide progress reports detailing how they are improving data governance practices.
This piece of news comes shortly after the same office called for European data protection laws to be reformed to make them more business-friendly. The recommendation was made by the same Richard Thomas at the annual Privacy Laws and Business conference in Cambridge. Thomas said existing legislation was out-dated and increasingly ill-suited to the internet age.
Five major top vendors in the IT&C field, namely Cisco, IBM, Microsoft, Juniper Networks and Intel, have joined to launch the Industry Consortium for Advancement of Security on the Internet (ICASI). ICASi is a dedicated IT security forum with the main goal of allowing co-operation between companies from all over the world in addressing security threats.
As Computing.co.uk pointed, ICASI will also provide a government-neutral approach to resolving global, multi-vendor security incidents.
“It is critical that the technology industry strengthen its ability to combat the ever-changing nature of the global cyber threat landscape,” said Malcolm Harkins, general manager of Intel’s information risk and security IT group. | <urn:uuid:8b793bd1-4cda-4209-aa2f-0d11b17f50d3> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.endpoint-security.info/2008/07/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705953421/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120553-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953601 | 852 | 1.554688 | 2 |
An Ipsos Mori survey published in February 2013 on behalf of West Cumbria MRWS (Managing Radioactive Waste Safely) reveals strengths in the brand “the Lake District” but a mixed picture regarding the overall uniqueness of the Cumbrian brand.
Ipsos Mori delivered a mixed methodology of qualitative and quantitative surveys examining baseline perceptions of Cumbria, the Lake District and its branded products from a sample of consumers and businesses across the UK. These surveys were completed in light of a search of a GDF (Geological Disposal Facility) for the county. A search, as is well publicised, that has now ceased to continue (January 2013).
The report mixes qualitative observations from x6 Focus Groups and various In Depth Interviews integrated with quantitative outputs from surveys with x200 UK businesses and x2000 face to face interviews with consumers across the UK. And whilst this approach makes for a highly readable report, it is this merging of the two methodologies that renders the conclusions difficult to verify statistically.
We see x6 un-named Cumbrian brands market-tested in the face-to-face interviews using show-cards and revealing some surprising results. 48% of respondents said that they had never purchased these products whilst 50% showed no propensity to purchase them in the future. However, 18% stated that they would buy at least one of the x6 samples shown. But the question as regarding what these products actually were figures highly and without this knowledge our full understanding of the limitations of brand strength, packaging, product aspiration and the degree to which the Cumbrian brand can “stretch” to exported products remains unknown.
Interestingly, the survey reveals little differentiation for products manufactured in the Lake District as compared with other rural areas in the UK and that the larger supermarket buyers were less interested in provenance and more interested in taste, quality and packaging. Consumers were also seen to value the proximity factor of their goods and the issue of food-miles figured highly in their purchase decisions.
However, the business survey results seem to reveal deficiencies in Cumbria’s investment- appeal.
Cumbria scores low on the attractiveness of its transport links, a skilled workforce and a strong local economy but high on a good working environment and available office space.
The focus groups were also asked to visualise Cumbria. The resulting description could be seen as either complimentary or regressive depending on your own demographic and points of view. Cumbria is described as an older man, physically fit, weatherworn and full of character. “He owns 2 springer spaniels; he’s got an old Nokia 3310 and a battered Range Rover”
The Lake District as a distinct and strong brand fares very well with both frequent visitors and with UK businesses. High scores are seen for aspects such as “rustic”, “green”, “safe” and “special”. And crucially, the brand is shown to retain high degrees of resilience to any future catastrophic events with a perception that the region would quickly recover its brand status even in the short term.
To read the full report please see: http://www.westcumbriamrws.org.uk/documents.asp
Michael Heseltine’s recently launched economic plan for renewed UK growth weighs in at a hefty 220 pages long with a 40 page list of annexes and no less than 89 recommendations outlining his vision for the future economic growth for the English counties.
Many political commentators have already been keen to emphasise the apparent drift from the market-led approach of the Chancellor towards a much more interventionist approach favoured by Michael Heseltine when he was last in government office. Others have merely concentrated on the current spat over aviation policy in the South East of England. What can be said is that the report is unashamedly in favour of local devolution and the need to shift power back to local business groups in order to unlock the “dynamism” of provincial English cities and towns.
It is interesting to note that the Labour Party has already endorsed the new local support structures outlined within the report and have stated that even if the Chancellor eschews the findings they would be keen to implement them if they regained government office.
There are several key themes running through the report, along with some stand out recommendations:
• PM-led National Growth Council – An overarching long term strategy should be underpinned by a strong governance structure. The Growth Council should drive the implementation of the Growth Strategy across all departments.
• A Single Funding Pot – A single funding pot for local areas to include significant parts of budgets held by central government that would be ‘more effectively managed by local leaders’ (including skills, housing, infrastructure and employment support). This goes with the grain of developments around City Deals and Community Budgets but would give city leaders much more discretion over how funds are spent locally.
• Putting local partners at the heart of economic policy – Local Enterprise Partnerships should be given resources (with the allocation of £250,000 new public funding) to develop local economic plans. LEPs should then bid for funding from the single pot. Where LEPs lack capacity they should be given support.
• Functional economic areas – Emphasis is also placed on LEPs ensuring their boundaries match functional economic areas – the most effective level for urban economic decision making and implementation. Heseltine also believes a more simple structure for local government should be created: all two-tier authorities outside London are encouraged to move towards unitary status.
• Public-private partnerships – Central to the Review is partnership between the public and private sectors. Recommendations around broadening the role of the private sector include the Chambers of Commerce receiving enhanced legal status to provide access to business support and local authorities building stronger relationships with private sector partners
The implementation of a unitary local government is almost certain to encounter some age-old resistance within Cumbria as may be the recommendations for compulsory membership of the Chambers of Commerce in order to help fund future financial shortfalls.
And whether Whitehall will resist the urge to develop any new Westminster quangos in order to manage the machinery of this report but instead to reverse the policies of the last 100 years and hand the systems of growth back to England’s towns and cities remains difficult to envisage.
To see the full report go to:
The Centre for Cities, an independent, non-partisan research and policy institute, has released figures in September 2012 relating to total employment for 2011 taken from the Business Register and Employment Survey.
The results shed light on the share of employment on different sectors of the economy but also crucially provide a reminder of the influence London and the South East maintains in these regions’ dominance of the jobs market. The survey shows on a city-by-city* basis, an increasing trend in total employment towards the metropolitan boroughs of London and the surrounding cities of the South east.
In 2011, 58 percent of employment in Great Britain could be found in cities*. However, London was the city with the most employment, which was five times the size of the next largest city, Birmingham.
It shows that, if you draw a line horizontally across the country from London to Bristol, these cities and those to the south accounted for a staggering 42 percent of total city employment in 2011. London was the main contributor providing almost three quarters (or 5.0 million) of the 6.8 million employment positions housed in these 13 cities
Hastings was Great Britain’s smallest city with 31,400 people in employment and was almost one third smaller than the next smallest city, Worthing.
The data shows that Swindon and Crawley had the highest share of employment in the private sector of all Great Britain’s cities – ten percentage points higher than the city average. It was the wholesale and retail trade and repair of motor vehicles and motorcycles sector that contained the highest share of private sector employment in both cities.
Oxford, Dundee and Cambridge however had relatively low shares of jobs in the private sector. In Oxford the share of employment in the public sector was almost 20pp above the city average. Large educational sectors explain in part the predominance of the public sectors in Oxford and Cambridge. In Dundee on the other hand there was significant employment in human health and social work activities.
* It is worth noting that the Centre for Cities parameter for a city is based upon a base line measure of 125K residents. All data is presented at the Primary Urban Area (PUA) level. This is a city level definition used by the Department for Communities and Local Government in The State of the English Cities report. PUAs are an aggregate of local authorities that make up the ‘built-up’ area of a city, defined as having a population of 125,000 or more
For more information see:
Two surveys regarding mental health announced recently, have revealed both positive behaviour changes in regards to mental health discrimination nationally and significant concerns in respect of accessing mental health support in Scotland.
A YouGov survey in conjunction with SAMH (Scottish Association for Mental Health) reveals that one in five adults in Scotland do not know where to go for help if they had concerns about their mental health.
For further details please see:
In contrast, findings for a new study published 1/5/12 in the journal Psychiatric Services, show improvements in behaviour towards people with mental health problems in England, thanks in part to the national ant-stigma programme, Time to Change.
For further details please see:
A recent survey revealed in May 2012 by YouGov and the walking charity Ramblers has shown a high level of support by the British public for continuous and legal access to a coastal walking trail around England’s coastline.
The survey sampled over 2000 British adults in March 2012 in representative stratified random samples for all the British regions. Proportional age, gender and socio-economic profile splits were also integrated into the sampled ranges.
Unsurprisingly for a Region invested in the spirit and history of the outdoors, residents in the North of England revealed the greatest support for a continual walking trail.
- 75% of Residents in the North agreed that the public should have access to walk along beaches of the entire coast of England.
- 9% disagreed with this opinion
This survey has further encouraged the Ramblers in their campaign to deliver a continual coastal trail open to all brought about initially by the Marine and Coastal Access Act 2009.
Further signs of progress in this light are to be seen in the announcement of a public consultation opened by the government advisory group Natural England. Here they have announced the next five stretches of coastline which will become part of this new “National Trail”. The goal is that by 2017 walkers will be able to go all the way from Hull to Dorset – via Hadrian’s Wall and the Wales Coastal Path.
Natural England has set out proposals for an enhanced walking route from Whitehaven to Allonby to be created along the 36km of coast to provide greater access for local residents and visitors where they can walk, rest and admire the view. The route will run close to some of Cumbria’s most populated areas and pass through a variety of coastal habitats and cliff scenery.
Further details of the public consultation for the Allonby to Whitehaven trail can be found at:
The results of the YouGov survey can found at:
How Old Are You? New research on consumers’ “Perceived Age” may change the way that Cumbrian companies market their products and services to all their customers.
Research recently published by market research company The Big Window in partnership with BBC Audiences has revealed some interesting differences between peoples’ Perceived Age and their Actual Age.
The research was the result of a study by the BBC on the topic of age and how young and old people are portrayed in the media. Using a series of questions examining peoples’ looks, behaviours, feelings, physical energy and mental energy, a model was finally developed that predicted a person’s “Perceived Age” rather than their actual true age.
Over 3,000 respondents in two waves of research finally revealed that in general people feel younger than they actually are. This was to be expected, but what surprised the research teams was the extent of the gap between actual age and perceived age.
The chart shows that people typically feel slightly older than they are until they hit 30. After that they start to feel younger – and then increasingly so. By the time they reach their early 70s, consumers actually feel in their mid-to-late 50s. Subsequent analysis of both waves of the study suggests that as people approach their mid-70s the gap between perceived age and actual age starts to lessen – possibly as physical and mental health-related problems emerge.
Using this data the client, in this instance the BBC, were able to work out which programmes appealed to which age groups, and whether their audiences could be described as young or old at heart, according to their perceived age profile. The research pointed to big programmes on the mainstream channels – programmes such as EastEnders, I’m a Celebrity, Doctor Who, The X Factor and Harry Hill- all tended to appeal to people who, on balance, feel younger at heart – perhaps reflecting the fact that TV in general has a “younger” appeal whatever the actual ages of the audience.
Certainly from a Business to Consumer marketing perspective we have lots to learn as “perceived age” will almost certainly apply across the regions including of course Cumbria. It’s a consumer mindset already apparent in local products such as Carlisle Living magazine whose primary target audience is predominantly female, 18-25 years of age whilst the actual “consumers” of the magazine are to be found in the 25-40 age groups – although still largely female. Similar examples can also be witnessed with the demand for tickets across a wide demographic in Carlisle for Radio 1’s Big Weekend, the increase in the popularity of Zumba classes for the 25 -40 age groups , video-gaming and the rise of technologies originally targeting a younger consumer for instance Wii; and of course certain social networking sites such Facebook, Twitter etc. originally designed for the teens and now adopted across a much older age profile.
Cumbria LEP Business Survey Results 2011 – Cumbria’s Many Small to Medium Sized Businesses Continue to Suffer with the Double-Dip Recession
The recently published results of the Cumbria LEP Business Survey for 2011 reveal a region struggling to come to terms with the mounting pressures of costs inflation shock, reduced consumer demand especially in the local marketplace and increases in unemployment.
The results from the latest longitudinal survey delivered by the Birmingham-based research company BMG mirror the downward trends of the 2010 Cumbria Business Survey especially amongst the majority of Small to Medium sized businesses which dominate the region’s economy.
The survey was commissioned by a consortium led and managed by the Cumbria Local Enterprise Partnership as part of a LEP Capacity Fund project and is the latest study from 8 surveys initiated back in 1998.
A major outcome reveals a reduction in the overall numbers of people employed by private sector companies compared to the same period 12 months ago. The authors estimate around 8,000 fewer people are now employed by the private sector compared to 1 year ago (2010).
Whilst the report re-iterates that the survey methodology has had to rely upon stratified random sampling and hence must be considered estimated numbers, these employment figures appear to correlate with the rising unemployment statistics as reported by Job Centre Plus Nomisweb (1 in 10 claimants claiming unemployment benefit – now far larger than 12 months ago).
The overall view is of a Cumbrian market continuing to shrink with increasing staff costs, a reduced workforce and a tighter more restrictive financial environment.
Upward costs pressure are also anticipated by most Cumbrian businesses surveyed for the next 12 months which, combined with the gloomy outlook predicted by many of the economic experts (OECD, Markit, OBR), austerity measures and potential stagflation (growth stalls and inflation remains dangerously high) the next 12 months look especially difficult for the majority of Cumbria’s SMEs.
This, of course, is not an isolated report with many LEPs around the country conducting similar surveys amongst their business communities including the English Business Survey managed by the Department for Business Innovation and Skills. In many instances these reports have been followed up by further more in depth analysis of the particular problems faced by that region in order that the particular LEPs can improve engagement between the regulators and their businesses or are able to advocate changes to regulations and their applications.
However, small glimmers of hope can be found within the Cumbria report. For instance a small proportion of businesses managed to report “higher” trends over the last 12 months. The principal example regards increases in turnover and profit margins for those companies trading in the greater North West region and with the Rest of the UK rather than reliance upon the local shrinking market. Any opportunity observed by the LEP through this survey, however small, has to be worth the effort of communication to help inform future business planning for 2012/13.
For more details see:
The Halifax Rural Areas Quality of Life Survey 2012 – Cumbria’s Economic Viability and its Failings Highlighted
The Halifax Rural Areas Quality of Life Survey tracks where living standards are highest in Great Britain by ranking local performance across key indicators covering the labour market, the housing market, the environment, education and health.
The survey examines all 119 rural local authority districts and is based on data at local authority district (LAD) level. Data has been gathered from a number of sources, including Halifax, Point Topic (Broadband data), ONS, DEFRA, the Met Office, the Department for Transport, Department of Children, Schools and Families, the Department of Energy and Climate Change, the Welsh Assembly, Northern Ireland Government and the Scottish Executive.
The definition of rural for the purposes of this survey was to use the ONS definition of communities i.e. those of less than 10K residents were to be classified as “rural”. A rural local authority district is one where the majority of these residents live in rural areas.
We have to assume therefore that the survey related to a majority of Cumbrian communities. Cumbria is England’s second largest county with 51% of the total population living in rural communities, compared with 19% in England.
The results of the Survey make depressing reading with all of the Cumbrian Local Authorities featuring in the depths of the league table: Allerdale 96th, Eden 98th, South Lakeland 106th and Copeland 113th. So why is this the case?
The Cumberland News quite rightly highlights the major factors of low wages, and relatively high house prices throughout rural Cumbria in addition to a third criteria, the ratio of house prices to incomes being also a factor. It is this ratio that Cumbria fails to compete with other rural counties. East Cambridgeshire reveals average house prices relative to local earnings to be below the average for rural areas, highlighting that a high standard of living doesn’t have to come at a high price.
It is perhaps also clear that the highest ranking rural counties all benefit from excellent infrastructure with access to a wide range of employment opportunities from neighbouring conurbations. It could also be argued that a 90 minute commute to London from Ely in Cambridgeshire should compare with the average commute to the North East, Lancashire and perhaps Glasgow and Edinburgh for Cumbrian residents. It is probably more the greater availability of high net worth employment opportunities for the residents of Ely in Cambridgeshire both near and afar which has benefited this highly rural area. We can only hope that the Cumbria LEP Rural Growth Networks pilot bid and infrastructure funding from the Cumbria Infrastructure Fund go some way to improving Cumbria’s movement issues, although £4.5 million appears a drop in the ocean at present.
Other issues must also count against Cumbria in addition to earnings, transport and affordable house prices. Life expectancy and the proportion of people in good health are further criteria used and again Cumbria will have scored low in relation to the Eastern and Southern rural counties. Cumbria has fewer young people and more people aged 65 and over than the average for England. A trend projected to continue for the foreseeable future. A much larger and older population creates greater demands for personal health and social care.
It is at least heartening to see in the Cumberland News article that the issue of Superfast Broadband provision and roll out is recognised as an important step towards economic development for the county. The issue of selling more sheep to the Middle East may have been an anecdotal inclusion but surely cannot be classed as a means to improving the counties’ overall economic fortunes!
Quality of Life Rankings – Top 50 Rural Areas
1. East Cambridgeshire
2. Wychavon, West Midlands
3. South Cambridgeshire
4. East Hertfordshire
5. Waverley, South East
6. Aylesbury Vale, South East
7. Rushcliffe, East Midlands
8. Uttlesford, East of England
9. Rutland, East Midlands
10. Chiltern, South East
11. Huntingdonshire, Cambridgeshire
12. South Oxfordshire, South East
13. North Kesteven, East Midlands
14. Test Valley, South East
15. Mid Sussex, South East
16. Vale of White Horse, South East
17. Maldon, East of England
18. Tonbridge and Malling, South East
19. East Northamptonshire, Midlands
20. South Kesteven, East Midlands
21. Tandridge, South East
22. South Northamptonshire, Midlands
23. West Berkshire, South East
24. West Oxfordshire, South East
25. Harborough, East Midlands
26. St Edmundsbury, East of England
27. Selby, Yorkshire and the Humber
28. Forest Heath, East of England
29. Tewkesbury, South West
30. Suffolk Coastal, East of England
31. Wealden, South East
32. East Hampshire, South East
33. Melton, East Midlands
34. Forest of Dean, South West
35. South Holland, East Midlands
36. Mid Suffolk, East of England
37. East Riding of Yorkshire
38. Shepway, South East
39. Wiltshire, South West
40. Broadland, East of England
41. Shetland Islands, Scotland
42. South Derbyshire, East Midlands
43. East Dorset, South West
44. New Forest, South East
45. Babergh, East of England
46. Aberdeenshire, Scotland
47. North West Leicestershire
48. Hambleton, Yorkshire
49. South Norfolk, East of England
50. Derbyshire Dales, East Midlands
For further details:
In a recent poll by YouGov (13/14th March 2012), a representative sample of adults across the UK were asked what they thought were the best landmarks in Britain. Buckingham Palace came out on top 30%, coming in equal second was Stonehenge and the Houses of Parliament 27%, followed by the Tower of London 17%.
Some equally familiar British landmarks were also voted within the Top Ten including the White Cliffs of Dover, St Paul’s Cathedral, Tower Bridge and Edinburgh Castle.
However, Lake Windermere in the Lake District 10% made it to the Top Ten list beating off other famous landmarks such as Westminster Abbey 9%, the London Eye 8%, York Minster and Windsor Castle 7%.
Remaining landmarks with lesser votes include the Angel of the North not far behind at 6%, while 1 in 20 people (5%) would visit Mount Snowdon or Forth Bridge. Blackpool Tower, the Iron Bridge Gorge, Nelson’s Column and Ben Nevis all received 4%.
Canterbury Cathedral, Clifton Suspension Bridge, Kings College Cambridge and Wembley Stadium all received 3%, while 2% said the O2 Arena, Glastonbury Tor, or the Cerne Abbas Giant. Only 1% chose attractions such as the Osmington White Horse, Llangollen Bridge, Tyne Bridge, and Arthurs Seat
Full details and results here: | <urn:uuid:7e06b60a-575d-4ea8-99ff-7cd16ad6dee9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.wildwood-research.co.uk/blog-2 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699273641/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516101433-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.946509 | 5,077 | 1.734375 | 2 |
Pete Seeger: The Power of Song
December 9, 2007
By Doug Pibel, YES! Magazine
Pete Seeger has been making music for 80 years. It should be impossible to do that justice in 90 minutes, but "Pete Seeger: The Power of Song" does it. This tightly packed, but graceful, documentary tells the story through the voices of musicians, friends, family, and the man himself, along with a rich helping of music.
Seeger's story is full of subplots, all covered here: hoboing with Woody Guthrie, stardom with The Weavers, blacklisting and contempt of Congress, the civil rights movement, Vietnam War activism, Hudson River cleanup, and elder statesman of the folk movement.
But the overarching theme is his unique approach to music. For Seeger, music is a tool to bring people together, and that, as much as the singing, is the point. As we see him leaving the stage of Carnegie Hall at the end of a concert when he was 84, he says in voiceover, "I've never sung anywhere without giving the people listening to me a chance to join in. As a kid, as a lefty, as a man touring the U.S.A. and the world, as an oldster. I guess it's kind of a religion with me. Participation. That's what's going to save the human race."
What comes through most clearly is Seeger's belief in his cause, his optimism, and his joy in living. There is no trace of bitterness as he recalls the years when his blacklisting was so complete that he "traveled from college to college to college" playing for whatever crowds would come to sing with him. His son asks whether he was afraid of going to jail. Seeger replies, "I'm probably very stupid, but I was not fearful. I really believed, and I think I was right, that in the long run, this country doesn't go in for things like that."
As the film explores the story of the sloop Clearwater and the rehabilitation of the Hudson River, Seeger says, "We've all got to be involved in trying to put this world together. I think if the world is put together, it isn't going to be done by big organizations. It's going to be done by millions upon millions of little organizations, often local."
Watching this moving demonstration of the power of music and personal dedication leaves you believing it can be done.
Doug Pibel is Managing Editor of YES! Magazine. | <urn:uuid:c7d3b52b-a712-4138-b6d4-b0512c260bfc> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.c3.ucla.edu/newsstand/art/pete-seeger-the-power-of-song | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711005985/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133005-00008-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.982642 | 529 | 1.78125 | 2 |
WHITE SANDS MISSILE RANGE — The military life of Rob Cox, White Sands Missile Range's most memorable rancher, was honored with an unveiling of a display of his war medals at the Cox Range Control Center just before Veteran's Day, Nov. 6.
"He was really a military guy and he liked being there," said Murnie Cox, his wife. "The (Cox family) loved the military and Rob was a good old American guy but, so were all the Coxes."
Rob Cox passed away in 2008 and was affectionately known as the patriarch of WSMR, having managed ranches in New Mexico for 30 years of his life. Most recently, Cox managed the ranch his grandparents purchased in 1893 on WSMR property near the base of the Organ Mountains, where Murnie Cox still resides.
"I now know why everyone talks about you all," said WSMR Commander, Brig. Gen. Gwen Bingham. "He was a WWII vet; many people say that's the greatest generation."
Cox's medals included the Purple Heart and Silver Star. His son, Mark Cox, held on to the medals after his father's passing and a friend of his framed the medals in a shadow box as a gift.
When asked if the medals could be displayed in the front lobby of the building, which is named after the long line of Cox ranchers, Mark Cox said he could think of no better place to display them.
"I do believe he's up there smiling down on this whole thing, although he'd be a little embarrassed," Mark Cox said. "It's probably the best place to put it."
Cox remembers all of the war
"My father was my hero. To this day he's still my number one guy," he said.
Rob Cox was a 1st Lieutenant in the "Thundering Herd," Company A from the 18th Tank Battalion, 8th Armored Division. On a cold day in January, Cox led his tank platoon to battle on the Moselle River in France. Suddenly, a blast disabled several tanks, including Cox's tank.
"Apparently he took a good hit to his face. It wasn't as bad as it looked," Mark Cox said. "He still had shrapnel in his face until the day he died."
After recovering from his injuries he was given the position as a Lieutenant in reserve, which Cox said his father did not agree with. Rob Cox walked out of the hospital and to the nearest unit he could find and asked to be taken back to his platoon. Cox was taken back to his platoon where he reassumed his position and continued to command his soldiers.
Cox said his father knew he would have gotten in trouble under any other circumstances but the distress of the war allowed for him to go unnoticed.
"My father was just a great guy all the way around, he was a war hero," he said.
Mark Cox said his father shared a lot of stories with him openly and would shut down often for a couple of years. Several stories brought painful memories like one, Mark Cox recalled, about two infantrymen who shared a cigarette besides his tank. As they moved forward one of the soldiers was fatally wounded by an explosion and landed on top of the soldier he shared a cigarette with.
The soldier quickly removed his friend and without thinking twice moved forward to attack the enemy who had taken his fellow soldier.
"It was a life and death deal every day, he was only 21-years-old then," Mark Cox said.
Cox has shared his father's stories with his children and is glad his children were able to hear firsthand accounts from their grandfather as well. He said he knows everyone considers their father a hero but he's never seen his father in any other light.
"My dad was just an exceptional sort of guy throughout his life. He just gave that extra effort in everything he did," Mark Cox said. "Dad's here enshrined on this wall and I know it was very important for him."
"What's Up at WSMR" is a weekly feature provided by White Sands Missile Range. This week's feature was written by By Adriana Salas of the Missle Ranger. | <urn:uuid:28b794cf-927a-4d5a-b08d-c02f3ffed48d> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.lcsun-news.com/las_cruces-growth_and_development/ci_22023677/white-sands-honors-local-rancher-medal-display | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701852492/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105732-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.994337 | 870 | 1.5 | 2 |
Looking for some fun end-of-the-year holiday activities for your Spanish class? This Spring Bundle will give you all the holiday vocabulary and activities that you will need for the rest of the school year, and more to use next year!
The bundle has vocabulary and activities for Easter, Earth Day, el 5 de mayo, Mother's Day, and Father's Day!
I also offer some of the Easter, Mother's Day, and Father's Day activities for FREE if you would like to get a preview of some of the items you will see in the bundle.
Stop by Liz's Lessons Blog to find out more! | <urn:uuid:c7035e06-bb38-4327-a739-d0c21e4bf34b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://bilingualteacherclubhouse.blogspot.ca/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.945172 | 129 | 1.6875 | 2 |
Duluth, MN (NNCNOW.com) - We've all become familiar with terms such as 'fiscal cliff' and 'sequester', but there's another term floating around when it comes to Congress – frustration.
"Compromise is really kind of a dirty word in Washington," said UMD Assistant Professor of Political Science, Tony Hill, "Most of the Democrats are very far to the left and most Republicans are very far to the right. In fact I shouldn't even say most, it's almost all of them. There are hardly any people in the middle anymore."
Hill says party organizations, which can influence who gets elected to Congress, push for people who lean strongly to a particular political side, leaving little room for people in the middle and apparently not leaving much room for compromise either.
Minnesota elected officials seem to agree that Congress doesn't often agree.
"I trust the judgment of the American people, because they see a lot of fighting and they want to see something get done and I agree with them," said Republican Rep. Michele Bachmann of Stillwater.
"It'd be better if we could sort of step away from, 'it's your fault' to 'what are we going to do to fix this thing?' And that's what we're trying to get at," said Republican Rep. John Kline of Lakeville.
The looming Sequester seems to be the latest battle of party politics, one that comes with deep spending cuts.
"This is a product of broken politics," said U.S. Senator Al Franken (DFL), "The people don't like this and they don't want us lurching from one crisis to another, which are just self–made crises."
Hill says that adding to the problem is the lack of time members spend with each other outside of Congress. He says most go back home during time off, leaving little time to get to know other members. Something that he says could help greatly when it comes to making decisions.
"It's easier to make a deal with someone you're friends with than someone you only know as a political opponent in a political battle," Hill said.
Hill says the political divide started to become greater in the 1980's during the Reagan era. He says he isn't optimistic that it will turn back around.
Written for the web by Jennifer Austin. | <urn:uuid:ecad6b5f-ade8-44f1-b285-2bb3cc39439b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.northlandsnewscenter.com/video/Political-Compromise-Can-it-happen-194068661.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.982675 | 483 | 1.65625 | 2 |
Tuscany, we know, has a lot to offer, and the variety of things of which this region is rich are renowned worldwide. Maybe not everybody knows that Tuscany is also rich in spa resorts, an important treasure given by natural elements such as powerful waters and a particular conformation of the land.
Hot water spas can be found in almost all the region’s main towns, and nowadays they aren’t simply centers for classic thermal treatments for various conditions, such as respiratory illness, arthritis and rheumatism, vascular deficiency, skin infection and diseases of the alimentary tract and bile ducts. During more recent years the concept of thermal baths has been split into wellness center and the spas, and further than being used for therapy, most of centers now offer as pleasant sites more corresponding to people’s need of combining a healthy treatment with a relaxing holiday, making each spa resort a place for regenerating both body and soul. For people coming from crowded bit towns this is even more essential, as these moments are a truly compensation of the stress and frenetic speed of modern living.
Most of Tuscan spas have their own interesting history. For example, Saturnia (in the Maremma region, near Grosseto), the spring of hot water comes from a past Vulcan (from which also the volcanic clods still present there) and the legend tells that Jove, angry with Saturn, threw lightning at him, and this caused the origin of the Vulcan. Many of today’s thermal springs were already known and appreciated at Etruscan and Roman times. Roman ruins are still visible in Saturnia and Petriolo.
Among the most famous spa resorts there are the following ones:
Casciana and San Giuliano, near Pisa;
Bagni di Lucca, in the Garfagnana area, the mountain region North of Lucca;
Montecatini, near Pistoia;
Rapolano, in the beautiful setting of the Crete Senesi, near Siena;
Saturnia, near Grosseto (if you go there, don’t miss the natural open cascades, of same hot water, just next to the Spa)
Petriolo, near Siena.
If you are planning a winter holiday in Tuscany, the thermal baths can be really very appealing. Nothing better than plunging in hot water during a cold time.. A holiday in winter Tuscany, far from the summer crowds and tourists, may be a pleasant surprise if you haven’t tried. If you rent a villa in the countryside, for instance, you will be able to appreciate a real side of country living, like making long walks in wild paths in the morning, cooking dishes that you could hardly try in summer, like the famous Polenta with cinghiale (the cornmeal mush with wild boar), chestnuts roasted in the fireplace. | <urn:uuid:f1a6fc4a-04e1-4933-970b-0e5e6bce8452> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.salogivillas.com/tuscany/spa-resorts-in-tuscany/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00016-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.945025 | 607 | 1.59375 | 2 |
Show that if is open, then can be written as an at most countable union of disjoint intervals, i.e., . (It's possible that or for some .) Hint: One way to do this is to put open intervals around each rational point in E in such a way that every point of E and only points of E are contained somewhere in these intervals. Then combine the intervals that intersect.
OK, intuitively, I get this, but what confuses me about the method they suggest is when I'm told to combine the intervals that intersect. Doesn't that imply that they aren't disjoint?! At firstI had the idea to take the set of all Neigborhoods of all the rationals in E of rational radius that do not intersect the complement of E, but these are not disjoint. Then I decided to take an arbitrarily large neighborhood in E and then take neighborhoods of the space that is left over and keep filling in the gaps with more and more neighborhoods until I have an at most countable amount of neighborhoods that are dense in E, but I had trouble getting that down and I also figured I should probably utilize the hint... But the hint confuses me more than the problem statement. | <urn:uuid:ffb2b27c-dfc5-4675-8a86-32c0c88fc29f> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://mathhelpforum.com/differential-geometry/158028-analysis-help-countable-union-disjoint-sets.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697974692/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095254-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975117 | 252 | 1.765625 | 2 |
Oman's Sixth Five-year Plan (2001-2005) targets 4.5 percent growth in the industrial sector and 11 percent in industrial exports, according to a report by Gulf News.
The paper said the new plan lays increasing emphasis on privatization, free trade zones, productivity, foreign investment and human resource development to meet the challenges of globalization.
Maqbool bin Ali Sultan, minister of commerce and industry in Oman was quoted by the daily as saying that “the government is offering all possible incentives to the private sector,” increasing the foreign equity participation in Oman from 70 percent to 100 percent of ownership to the serious foreign companies.
He said free trade zones remained an effective tool to attract foreign investment and Salalah and Al Mazyonah have been earmaked for the purpose. He said the company which would manage the free zone in Salalah would invest $100 million in the zone.
Investment in the Industrial sector recorded a 14 percent growth to RO 777.4 million in 1999 up from RO 680 million in the previous year, Commerce and Industry Under-Secretary Ali bin Masoud al Sunaidi, said.
Al Sunaidi expected similar level of investment growth in the industry sector in the last year and this year. The Ministry registered 23 large industrial projects, with a total investment of RO 71 million in 1999 and the first half of 2000 – Albawaba.com
© 2001 Al Bawaba (www.albawaba.com ) | <urn:uuid:02727574-c360-40e5-ae81-92c4b67dfba9> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.albawaba.com/print/news/oman-development-plan-highlights-privatization | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.937241 | 303 | 1.578125 | 2 |
Here are my probably contrarian views of Good Night, and Good Luck, the beautifully made movie about Edward R. Murrow’s confrontation with Sen. Joseph McCarthy:
As courageous and laudable as Murrow’s stand against American tyranny was – and it was – I also wonder whether it helped lead to the downfall of Dan Rather, the downsizing of CBS News, and perhaps even the decline of mainstream journalism itself.
For Murrow’s triumph led to a half-century-long era of haughtiness, self-importance, and separation from the public in the news. That may not be his responsibility – though he is shown at the start and end of the film dismissing the decadence, escapism, distraction, and amusement of television and America’s mass tastes (either out of snobbery or more likely out of shame, since he, too, catered to them on his own celebrity slather show). His disciples came to believe that the wattage of their broadcast towers entitled them to equivalent power in society. They thought they were no longer hacks looking out for the common man – as common men themselves – but instead the saviors of society (and rich ones at that). They were the ones who dubbed themselves the Tiffany Network. They thought they could do no wrong.
And then along came Dan.
Ain’t Edward R. spinning in is grave now?
These founding fathers of TV news could convince themselves of their invincibility because they came into journalism just as television itself destroyed competition in local newspapers and established an age of monopoly news, of one-size-fits-all mass media, of fewer voices and less diversity of views. And so CBS News pulled the rest of TV – and print journalism, too – up on a pedestal, above it all. The age of the oracles began, an age that – thanks to the internet – is just now ending, as declared by no one less than the current president of CBS News, Andrew Heyward.
Isn’t that ironic: The most mass medium in history gave birth to a class of media snobs. And the until-recently-exclusive medium (for the technologically sophisticated at the start) cuts them down to earth and once again empowers the little guy.
It’s equally ironic that after Murrow, we also came to find ourselves wrapped in an ethic of objectivity in news. Murrow was hardly objective, not in his finest moment. He was highly opinionated. He was on a crusade, God bless him. Yet soon after his triumph, we came to believe that objectivity was the highest virtue of journalism and of journalism school.
I’ve long ascribed that idolotry of the objective to our one-size-fits-all marketplace of media, from the mid-’50s to the mid-’80s (when the remote control reached 50 percent penetration in America) and beyond: If you had to be everything to everyone, you tried to offend no one and serve no side over another. It kind of made sense, given the circumstances.
But in the film, I think I got a glimpse of another root of the objectivity era. Murrow’s CBS News colleague and friend, Don Hollenbeck, was himself under whisper attack by the blacklisters and a dark, conservative Hearstian columnist: a proto’reilly. He committed suicide under the pressure.
And then they started talking about how the news was or was not slanted. The critics accused the journalists of slanting and the journalists denied it – the self-same journalists who had just slanted bravely against McCarthy and his fellow travelers. It struck me as a certain sort of pandering to the pressure: Instead of proudly standing up and saying, you bet we’re biased in favor of that little guy and against the tyranny of power, they cowered and said, ain’t no slanters here, just us chickens.
As much as I celebrate the exploding of media monopoly via the internet, Good Night did make me wonder whether we might end up longing for the power of the huge platform, for that power allowed Murrow to stand up to McCarthy and survive and help put the nation back on its democratic course. Well, he didn’t do it alone. But the power of major, mainstream, mondo, monopoly media helped, didn’t it?
In our new, distributed world, we have to re-aggregate ourselves into a powerful chorus of voices. We don’t have Cronkite finally disapproving of the Vietnam war. We have Porkbusters instead.
I don’t think I’ll miss the overpowering platform. But I wonder.
Another thing the monopolization of media did was insulate journalism from the pressures – and wisdom – of the marketplace.
That, I think, has proven to be every bit as damaging as the haughtiness. And this may, indeed, be Murrow’s fault. For we hear him lecturing CBS founder Bill Paley that news should not be subject to business realities.
We hear that same refrain today when reporters whine about cuts in the newsroom even as newspapers suffer the loss of audience – who no longer like or need their product – and of classified, retain, and circulation revenue, which have fled to better marketplaces elsewhere. If newsrooms had been more attuned to their marketplaces – not prostituting themselves, just listening and serving – they may have tried to update news and not leave it as it was that half-century ago.
If we take the atmosphere of the film as accurate, it’s striking how much the nation has changed, how much fear has stopped dominating public life. The reporters and the people were afraid not just of McCarthy but of government: of senators and the FBI and the military. And the people also feared the reporters: Murrow and company anxiously awaited the criticism coming out in the papers’ first editions; Hollenbeck killed because of the power of the press.
Today, we ridicule government and dismiss the power of the press. We have come a long way, baby.
And though the movie tries to draw parallels with today – “We cannot defend freedom abroad by abandoning it at home,” Murrow preaches to ironic (Iraqi) cackles in the New York screening room – it’s hard to paint red-baiting and terrorist-hunting with the same brush. For many reasons – some ethnic, some religious, some politically correct – we’re not likely to fear our neighbors wondering whether we are now or have ever been a member of al Qaeda or an Islamic fundamentalist fascist.
It so happens that I ran into my friend Nick Denton, founder of Gawker Media, and dragged him along to the screening (yes, they’re inviting bloggers to screenings) of Good Night.
The dramatic parallels are just too beautiful to pass up: I was watching the invention of one electronic medium as we live through the invention of the next. Nick had just finished saying that a reporter who wrote an article on the phenom he denies founding missed the real angle of the story, namely: “We don’t give a fuck.” And then I saw on the screen the genesis of journalistic haughtiness, which was very much about giving a fuck. I complimented Nick on the barbed and blunt coverage, of sorts, given Bush’s latest Supreme Court nomination by Wonkette: hardly fearless, just fearsomely snarky. And then I saw the journalists on screen refuse to cower under government’s power.
Yes, you could cut the irony – just like the smoke on the screen – with a knife.
This isn’t a movie review but if it were, I’d tell you to see Good Night, and Good Luck. I’d blurb it. This is a compelling story of courage and a brilliantly produced period piece that portrays its heroes with both admiration and wit. And though there are a few grandstanding speeches, there could have been more. David Strathairn as Murrow is remarkable and so is Clooney as the film’s producer. My grade: B+ | <urn:uuid:cd0bbdda-60d4-49ff-8eac-c7ec4ccd6f5e> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://buzzmachine.com/2005/10/07/edward-r-murrow-god-or-not/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.968284 | 1,711 | 1.632813 | 2 |
Editor's note: The Empowered Patient is a regular feature from CNN senior medical correspondent Elizabeth Cohen that helps put you in the driver's seat when it comes to health care.
In a battle over healthier school lunches that pitted the Obama administration against school children, chalk up a point for the kids.
Students have been complaining that some of their favorite foods were taken off the plate because of the Obama administration's efforts to make school lunches healthier.
Last week, the administration reversed some of the new school lunch rules, and the kids are happy again, says Dave Porter, superintendent of Wallace County, Kansas, schools.
From around the web | <urn:uuid:ba90c31c-f48e-481b-b3c7-c5e44c1efe30> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://eatocracy.cnn.com/2012/12/12/hungry-students-win-campaign-for-more-robust-lunches/?hpt=ea_bn1 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703298047/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112138-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953555 | 131 | 1.679688 | 2 |
CSAs: A Hot Commodity
by Eileen Weber
A number of sites like LocalHarvest.org will list all the Community Supported Agriculture programs (CSAs) available in your area of the country. The Fairfield Green Food Guide recently published an online Guide to Spring 2010 CSAs and lists CSAs in The Buying Guide. But what many people don’t realize is how rapidly CSAs have taken hold. Purchasing a share in a local farm in exchange for fresh produce, or in some cases meat, milk, and eggs, has essentially “gone viral.” More and more people are signing up for CSAs and many of them are sold out before the growing season starts. This is good news for the local farmer and one of the most economical ways for consumers to buy locally grown.
According to an article in The Hartford Courant dated April 8th, Shared Harvest CT, an upstart web site launched in March and a subsidiary of Edibles Advocates Alliance, helps connect farmers and the people looking for their produce. It essentially functions as an online classified ad. Like speed dating for crops. Consumers and restaurants can look online for what they want from what’s available, and the current listings include several CSAs.
“Shared Harvest creates a separate sales revenue stream for our producers and opens up that margin so that more people in Connecticut have the opportunity to participate and find their farmers,” Emily Brooks, CEO of Edibles Advocates Alliance, the parent organization for Shared Harvest CT, was quoted as saying.
Growing your own food and selling it is an age-old occupation. But with our societal focus shifting from processed foods, fresh produce is getting the spotlight. Farmers’ markets, CSAs, and farm stands are cropping up at an increasing rate. That’s because there is more demand for it.
For Stacia Monahan, who owns Stone Gardens Farm in Shelton with her husband Fred, her farm is in its third CSA growing season. As far as she’s concerned, CSAs provide her customers with new foods to try that they might not ordinarily pick up at the grocery store.
“There’s an investment in a farm, more than the value of the vegetables,” said Monahan. “By word of mouth, we’ve had more interest than last year. But there’s still plenty of room.”
Word of mouth is exactly what has helped CSAs grow across the country. According to Local Harvest’s January 2010 newsletter, they have nearly 400,000 shares from over 3,000 listings. That translates to 0.5% of all households in the U.S. who participate in CSAs. That might not seem like a lot, but it actually is. With that kind of growth, there could conceivably be close to 20,000 listings by 2020.
Growing your own food has expanded on a different horizon. According to an article on Change.org dated April 14th, prisoners in a Florida correctional facility are getting into the act. The state’s correction facility is working in conjunction with West Florida Research and Education Center to teach inmates how to farm. The article brought up three main points: Prisoners growing their own food meant a meal savings of $60,000; Farming is a sustainable job skill; With a link between nutrition and health, better food could lead to better behavior. That’s at least the hope for the latter statement.
For farmers offering CSAs, it gives them an opportunity to form a closer relationship with their consumers. For Dawn Allen, CSA manager for Gazy Brothers Farm in Oxford, the CSA means they can be more personally focused on the customer. “It’s not that we don’t like farmers’ markets,” said Allen. “But you see hundreds of people come and go. With a CSA, you can be very individual.”
Gazy Brothers has been doing farmers’ markets since 1995. The CSA is relatively new for them in comparison. Allen said that obviously farmers’ markets provide a financial return, but the goal will be to have the CSA as their mainstay. “You can tailor it more,” she said. “We’re really listening to what our customers want.”
With last year’s shares totaling 273, Gazy Brothers is now in their sixth season. Their ultimate goal is 600 shares. Overall, the CSA experience has been a good one for them. But, Allen said the one minor down side to the CSA is when customers don’t tell them there’s a problem until the end of the season. “When customers bite their tongues and don’t tell us they didn’t like something-maybe they got more radishes than they wanted-we’ll wish they said something earlier,” she said.
Each of the farms interviewed for this article said that CSAs were an added bonus to doing business. It not only supports their farms, but it brings them closer to the customer. Good produce. Good face time. Good profit. Now that’s a good business model. | <urn:uuid:419c6c32-0364-439e-8b83-97412fc98d74> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://fairfieldgreenfoodguide.com/2010/04/20/csas-a-hot-commodity/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698207393/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095647-00017-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.96643 | 1,081 | 1.835938 | 2 |
When I was in 5th grade, kids were just learning to type in extra curricular classes at school….on black screens and green text. In fact, computers were still pretty rare in homes, but my family was lucky to have one. And don’t hate, but we totally had AOL and Prodigy.
Oregon Trail and Where in the World is Carmen San Diego were about the only games out. And darn it all if influenza didn’t kill you 2 miles from your destination, am I right?
Things sure have come a long way since then.
Kids now have iPods and iPads and iPhones and Facebook and email and an unlimited supply of apps to dig themselves into. In my home alone, we have an HP, iMac, iPad1, iPad2, iPod, and 2 iPhones. I wont even get into the Xbox, blu-ray, etc. etc.
It can be seriously overwhelming when you think about it. I don’t want to limit my daughter from the technology of her time, but I still need to monitor her for age appropriate intake and find positive ways to be a part of what she is doing while she is exploring all the online options. Lucky for our family, Charlotte is one of those kids that prefers to play with you instead of without you. We are a total family of co-play.
Especially with a baby at home that takes up so much of our time, we have to make sure that Charlotte is getting one on one time with each parent in a capacity that she feels taken care of and has fun as well. Today, for example, we went off to the water park and took turns taking her on slides. Although during the week I often teach her to cook and we work on crafts and her daddy spends an hour outside every evening running the dog or playing soccer, there is also a lot of indoor time as well. We live in the south and aside from the hot and humid weather, we are also dealing with summer storms. We have to find things to do and do together.
So back to technology. Our family craves safe and fun ways for Charlotte to explore online when there are so many options to get into trouble elsewhere. Recently she has been enjoying Webkinz. Chances are you already know what they are, but if not, here is a little help:
What is Webkinz World?
- The original kids’ online world, Webkinz World introduced the concept of web-enabled toys. Webkinz pets are stuffed animals that combine the timeless fun of plush with the interactivity of the Internet. Members adopt pets, go on quests, decorate rooms, play games & quizzes and create rooms and ‘chat’ within a controlled environment.
- Webkinz is FREE to play
What is a Webkinz Pet?
- Webkinz pets are lovable plush pets that each come with a unique Secret Code that lets you enter Webkinz World and play with a virtual version of your pet.
- (editors note:) Webkinz Pets do not require you to actually clean out a littler box or use a pooper scooper in the back yard…this is why this mom enjoys this version better
- Webkinz World is NOW totally free to play! Your purchase of the animal only allows a different avatar.
How to get Started with Webkinz
- You can play on Facebook (intended for adults/teens)
- You can play on the website (more for kids)
- If you get a free-to-play account, you can send adopt a kitty or puppy.
But I don’t have a Webkinz Pet and I really want my child to play!
- You are in luck. I have a great giveaway for you to be the coolest parent on the planet and WIN one right here on MomDot!!
(wait for rafflecopter to load!) | <urn:uuid:af502c45-9c18-49f6-91b4-58c0462b9f3b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.momdot.com/tag/giveaway/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702810651/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516111330-00005-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.96413 | 815 | 1.523438 | 2 |
Student Resource Officer James Palmieri has become an asset and a part of the high school community, according to school administration.
Over three months he has become a voting member of Darien High School Community Council, participated in parent association meetings, contributed to the administration’s leadership team and assisted in planning events such as the Turkey Bowl.
He also works with the Youth Asset Team, Cops and Kids and other groups at the Depot Teen Center and Community Fund. Recently, he participated in a panel about teens and risky behaviors. “My biggest hurdle was overcoming, obviously, being a police officer,” Palmieri told the Board of Education on Tuesday, Nov. 27.
Being a police officer can come with a negative connotation and imply punishment or discipline. “The way I perceived my job,” he said, “the base of my being at the high school was kids being comfortable with me.” His relationship with teens at the school is comfortable — students come to him for advice about potential incidents — but his police duties kick in if there is an emergency or he hears something that needs to be reported, she said.
Palmieri is developing relationships with parents as well, and he frequently receives calls from them, he said. His position also allows him to bring various school staff, including principals, guidance counselors and psychologists, to the table with concerned parents.
The student resource officer position in Darien differs from others in neighboring areas in that Palmieri does not actively investigate students. He focuses more on preventing behavior and helping students with his legal advice. Palmieri gives lessons on law enforcement and government at the high school “to help [students] have a more comfortable relationship with a government official,” he said.
He leaves the investigations to Youth Detectives Sam Boccuzzi and Mark Cappelli, Palmieri said, although he has a ‘flow of information’ relationship with the police department.
As part of the Student Intervention Team, Palmieri “initiates” relationships with students who wouldn’t otherwise seek his help. “It allows me, in a familiar setting, to assist the children in the school setting that’s beneficial to everybody,” he said.
His role is also different from that of a school administrator. For example, he deals with bullying that occurs outside of the school through social media. “School admin. have a tough time dealing with problems over social media because they are limited,” he said.
Board of Education secretary Heather Shea asked Palmieri whether his relationship with the Police Department is mutually beneficial. Daily communication with the youth detectives, as well as the students and faculty gives him multiple points of information, he said, and this communication allows the detectives to do their jobs better.
Morgan Whittier, board member, questioned how Palmieri separates his role from that of a social worker. He works with Kathy Gilbert, the high school’s social worker, in some situations. “I’ve sat down with kids that have truancy problems and said ‘Listen, this is the way the law works,” he said, “This is what’s going to happen.” In this case, having a detective in the conversation might intimidate kids, he said.
Palmieri was a patrol officer in Darien and Monroe before that, and received additional training for this position. In this position, “a lot of what happens is preventative,” said Matt Byrnes, assistant principal of secondary schools. The administration looks for adults who will be a positive influence in the students’ lives.
At the high school in Monroe, Palmieri noted, the student resource officer was an active investigator. The officer at New Canaan high school investigates as well, but prefers Darien’s approach, according to Whittier.
“We don’t need that at Darien high school,” Palmieri said. “It would make my job extremely difficult.
“That’s cutting out half the kids at the high school, who would see me as just a cop.”
“There’s a basic model, but it’s like any position,” said Matt Byrnes, assistant principal of secondary schools, “the quality of the personal will determine the position overall. | <urn:uuid:ee4bc6c6-f3fb-480d-8391-8c23f7b640c8> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.darientimes.com/12752/darien-teens-warm-up-to-resource-officer/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975731 | 904 | 1.5 | 2 |
Cracking the Credit Code: Credibility, Character, Capacity, Capital, Collateral & Conditions
You’ve heard the stories and read the articles that credit is tight at some of the larger banks. Many community banks still maintain a healthy credit relationship for customers and prospects. Now’s the time to learn to crack that credit code – the 6 Cs that lenders consider on every loan application. You’ll then be able to present your case with confidence to any community banker. What are these 6 Cs?
Build Credibility with a persuasive business plan.
Bankers want to see a solid, credible business. So you’ll need to become an expert salesperson for your project or loan application. Plan on spending some time preparing a professional-appearing business plan to build your credibility. Be sure you know and can defend your numbers, understand and speak confidently about your market and recognize your competition. A thorough business plan will automatically address the 6 Cs of credit.
Put a critical eye on your Character or Credit History.
Character is a little misleading. It actually involves reviewing your credit history and credit rating to determine your willingness to handle financial obligations. In other words, your financial character. Get a copy of your credit report before your lender does. You can be proactive with any item which could appear as a negative and enhance any positives. It’s not necessarily an issue if your firm has gone through troubled times, but how you dealt with it. Plus, were you proactive and honest in communicating with your banker?
Check that your monetary Capacity or Cash Flow can cover the payments.
While character examines the desire to repay financial obligations on time, capacity financial obligations on time, capacity measures your ability to make the payments. Cash only can repay that loan. Simply, can you afford the loan? Lenders don’t know what the next year will bring. Who could have factored in 9-11 or the current recession . . . or a devastating storm, the death of a key member? That’s why it’s crucial to formulate a repayment contingency plan in your business plan for an unforeseen event. Generally, a company is expected to generate at least $1.20 of cash flow for each dollar of debt. Some industries can take a higher debt load, while others may operate with less liquidity.
Invest enough Capital in your company. A lender wants to be reassured that you have sufficient capital or equity in the company. First, working capital can cushion any disruption in your firm’s ability to generate cash and meet debt obligations. Second, an owner’s equity can reaffirm that you have a commitment to the firm should something go awry. Both your company's financial statements and your personal credit can be key.
Stabilize your loan request with Collateral.
While cash flow will be the primary source of repayment, lenders look for a secondary source of repayment, namely collateral. Most collateral is in the form of hard assets – real estate or equipment, but accounts receivable and inventory can be pledged, too. If collateral doesn’t come from your business, your personal assets may be substituted. Borrowers tend to believe that a bank will lend dollar for dollar for every asset. This is not the case. Banks discount or “margin” the value of collateral based on historical liquidation values. For example, accounts receivable or equipment may be valued at 80%, inventory 50%, and real estate 75%. In other words, banks are considering the cost of liquidating any assets.
Without the proper collateral, a co-signer could be required. Or, an SBA-backed loan where the Small Business Administration helps guarantee the loan could help satisfy the collateral requirement.
Make sure the Conditions are right.
There are several “conditions”. The local There are several “conditions”. The local economic climate overall and the conditions in your industry. The conditions under which you will be using the funds. . . for working capital, equipment, inventory. And, the conditions of the loan. . . loan amount and interest rate.
The final C of Credit – your Community Bank.
While credit may be tight at large financial institutions, many community banks are still interested in building small business relationships. You may wish to start your credit search at an established community bank.
2010-08-10 12:36:56 -0600 | <urn:uuid:6cf31fbb-f979-4947-8575-baa5a8e981e2> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.minnesotabusiness.com/experts-forum/cracking-credit-code-credibility-character-capacity-capital-collateral-conditions | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368698207393/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095647-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.938628 | 909 | 1.8125 | 2 |
Though it’s been around in one form or another for decades, Bentley’s huge flagship Arnage/Azure is soon to be retired. The 2009 Bentley Azure T, launched at the 2008 Los Angeles Auto Show, is the model line’s swan song—and with a 5.2-second 0-to-60-mph time and a 179-mph top speed, the three-ton ragtop represents a helluva way to go out.
But Bentley won’t be without a flagship for long. The ultra-lux market “is our heartland,” said Stuart McCullough, board member for sales and marketing, during an interview at the L.A. show. He went on to say that the Arnage replacement will have an “attitude toward craftsmanship and longevity.” We take that to mean it will have classic styling and a palatial, extremely lavish interior that does not strive so hard to look modern as its market rival, the Rolls-Royce Phantom.
At the same time, we should also expect the new car to utilize more space-age materials such as the advanced lightweight-polymer seat tracks rendered through rapid prototyping that are found in the $400K Brooklands coupe and the new Azure T.
Finally, the new flagship will also be a torque monster, just like its predecessors. McCullough said that the company focuses on “performance delivery”—i.e. forceful acceleration through extremely high low-end torque. “Our engineers are obsessed with low-end torque.” Good. So are we.
Bentley to Focus on Individualization in the Future
Without getting any more specific about that car, McCullough did give us an idea of what we can expect from Bentley as a brand. “We would like to take coachbuilding further.” He referenced Bentley’s history back in the 1920s and 1930s of selling a chassis and engine to a customer, who would then have input on the design of the body and interior that would be fitted around them. Of course, this initiative will have to work within today’s much stricter regulatory framework in terms of safety and emissions, he said. Bentley is already renowned, however, for its Mulliner custom-build program that includes long-wheelbase versions of the Arnage, armored cars, and purpose-built vehicles built for royalty, so if there’s any company experienced enough to know how far it can push the envelope, it’s Bentley.
Also—surprisingly—another Bentley insider at the show also said that the company is preparing a plan to reduce emissions of its cars “to Prius levels.” We’ll hear about this plan in early 2009, likely at the North American International Auto Show in Detroit, at which point we’ll see to what extent that might be an exaggeration.
Arnage Replacement to Have it All
The Arnage replacement, then, should embody all of the above: classic styling, a high level of customizability, and torque for days, with a nod to the environment tossed in for good measure. Bentley has released an official teaser image shown here, all but confirming its pledge to “classic styling,” with sheet metal sculpting reminiscent of the current Arnage. It will face more competition than ever, including not just the Phantom, but also the next-generation Maybach as well as the next Lagonda, which will be sold through Aston Martin dealer channels but is expected to share much with the Maybach. The new grand Bentley will be revealed (along with its name) at this year's Pebble Beach Concours d'Elegance on August 16.
As for derivatives of the popular Continental lineup, such as a rumored Continental “lightweight,” McCullough has no comment other than “anything is possible.” | <urn:uuid:4e7a6fad-2f83-4eed-855d-563fca417819> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.caranddriver.com/news/bentleys-best-yet-to-come-auto-shows | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705195219/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115315-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.955434 | 803 | 1.570313 | 2 |
This Governor Portal is designed to keep you informed of the work done by the Governing Body of Brine Leas School.
On this home page we have a basic introduction to what the Governing Body is for, who the members are, and how they came to be appointed.
The Academy Governing Body
Academy Schools such as Brine Leas are state-funded independent schools outside the control of the Local Authority. The school is constituted as a limited company, "Brine Leas School" (also referred to as the "Academy Trust"), which owns the physical assets of the school and employs the staff. The Articles of Association of the school can be obtained from Companies House, or downloaded here. The Articles define "Members" of the Trust, which are effectively the Company Directors.
There is a close link between the "Members" and the Governing Body, as all Members must be serving Governors, and all Governors are eligible to become Members. Both central and local government are entitled to appoint additional Members under certain circumstances. Members perform some additional duties to meet company law requirements, but the primary role of the Governing Body has not been changed by the school's new status.
What does the Governing Body do?
The role of the Governing Body is not to manage the school on a day-to-day basis - that responsibility belongs with the Head Teacher (sometimes called the Principal in Academy language). The Governing Body take a more strategic view. This includes setting up a strategic framework for the school, setting its aims and objectives, setting policies and targets for achieving the objectives, reviewing progress and reviewing the strategic framework in the light of progress. They work closely with the Head Teacher, and act as a "critical friend", providing advice and support, but also constructive challenge to the school as necessary.
Full meetings of the Governing Body are held approximately half-termly. These meetings are in two parts. Part 1 is a public discussion, and minutes of these meetings are available for viewing on this site. Part 2 of the meeting is a confidential discussion, and these minutes are not available to the public. Typical topics for Part 2 would include personnel matters related to named staff members or future plans for the school that are not yet public information.
More detailed discussions are held in sub-committees that generally meet prior to the full Governor Body meetings. There are two sub-committees, one covering pupil matters (Assessment, Recording & Reporting, Curriculum, Pastoral, Teaching & Learning, and Post-16) and the other dealing with Site & Finance and Staffing matters.
Further information and links
There are links to other pages in the Governor Learning Portal box above left.
Governors logged on with an authorised user-id will see additional links in the Governor Learning Portal box. These will lead to more detailed documentation and other relevant downloads. | <urn:uuid:9b382c54-58cd-49f2-adfd-160fbc8f3e4b> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://clc2.uniservity.com/GroupHomepage.asp?GroupID=9095 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368710006682/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516131326-00015-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963461 | 588 | 1.796875 | 2 |
Board wants to end social promotion
More students could be held back if the Legislature adopts the plan by the Board of Education.
By RON MATUS
Published January 19, 2005
TAMPA - The board that oversees education in Florida dropped a policy bomb Tuesday, saying it wants to end social promotion in all grades.
If such a policy were in place last year, more than 400,000 students across the state would have been at risk of being held back.
The change would need the blessing of the Legislature, which is what the state Board of Education voted to seek when the legislative session begins in March.
The board's plan is "extraordinary," chairman Phil Handy told other members meeting at Hillsborough Community College. "I don't want anyone to misunderstand the significance."
Currently, only third-graders can be retained if they score too low on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test or fail to meet alternative criteria. But Education Commissioner John Winn, citing rising student achievement, said the time has come to raise the bar and expand the policy.
If lawmakers approve, Florida would have one of the most aggressive retention policies in the United States. And education officials also are suggesting repealing some of the exemptions that allow low-scoring third-graders to be promoted.
Said Winn: "There's always a little pain before you bump the standards up."
Social promotion is the decades-old practice of passing students on to the next grade whether they are performing at grade level or not.
As an education issue, it is as hot button as it gets. Philadelphia's school superintendent once called it "a cancer that eats at the heart of public education."
Supporters liken it to tough love, saying it's better to hold students back until they learn crucial skills. Critics say it can stigmatize students so badly they quit school to avoid teasing from their peers.
The research isn't conclusive one way or the other.
A recent study by the Manhattan Institute, a South Florida think tank, found that Florida third-graders who were held back - and given intense instruction - outperformed their peers who were promoted. But studies outside Florida have found that retaining students increases the likelihood of their dropping out.
Retention policies are popular with politicians, but that support can be counterproductive, said Mark Pudlow, a spokesman for the Florida Education Association.
"We're talking about the progress of children," not widgets, he said.
The state's current policy, which went into effect two years ago, is tied to a student's reading score on the FCAT. Last year, nearly 20,000 third-graders who scored at the lowest level on the FCAT, Level 1, were retained - several thousand of them for a second time.
Statewide, 431,000 students in grades 3-10 scored at the same level. That's 28 percent of the student population in those grades.
"Nobody wants a 15-year-old in a third-grade classroom," Mary Laura Openshaw, director of Just Read, Florida, told board members Tuesday. But promoting students who haven't mastered basic reading skills is almost "educational malpractice."
Lawmakers had differing reactions.
"I think it'll have plenty of support," said Rep. Frank Farkas, R-St. Petersburg, a member of the House education committee. "I personally don't see this being a big, controversial issue for us."
Sen. Lee Constantine, R-Altamonte Springs, was more cautious.
"It's not something you can just throw out there. It's a major change in policy," said Constantine, immediate past chair of the Senate education committee.
Constantine said he generally supports the notion of retention, but didn't want to comment on the proposal until he saw the details.
Winn said if lawmakers approve the policy, the board will decide when to phase it in, what grades to expand it to and what criteria to use.
A sketch of the proposal that circulated at Tuesday's board meeting suggested the same criteria used in third grade would be used in fourth and fifth grades and tweaked for higher grades.
Winn said letter grades might factor into the retention policy for middle and high school students. He said the Education Department was eyeing sixth grade as a foothold for the policy in middle school. He said he wanted to see the policy eventually rolled out to first- and second-graders, too, though alternative criteria would have to be developed since those grades don't take the FCAT.
He also said it might take a decade to expand the policy throughout the system.
"It's not going to happen tomorrow," he said.
Changes in policy, though, could happen as early as next month.
The board said it wants to take a closer look at exemptions for third-graders, which include scores on alternative tests and portfolios that showcase a body of academic work.
The number of exemptions increased last year from 10,845 to 13,563.
Many of them were based on portfolios, which might be "the hole through which you drive the Mack truck through," Openshaw said.
Bottom line: "We still promote too many Level 1 kids," she told the board.
Times staff writer Matthew Waite and Times researcher Caryn Baird contributed to this report. Ron Matus can be reached at (727) 893-8873. | <urn:uuid:e3d62363-f112-41e9-9ce1-3f308d413379> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.sptimes.com/2005/01/19/news_pf/State/Board_wants_to_end_so.shtml | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697380733/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516094300-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.977557 | 1,106 | 1.625 | 2 |
What are your favorite things to cook your family? Once you have submitted your recipe, we'll post it online with your name and state for everyone to see.More >>
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State-of-the-art hydroponic greenhouse grows Michigan tomatoes in Coldwater, Mich. year-round
GRAND RAPIDS, Mich., Feb. 25, 2013 /PRNewswire/ -- Meijer has something customers have been missing: Fresh, vine-ripened Michigan-grown tomatoes year-round, even in the middle of winter, thanks to Mastronardi Produce's state-of-the-art hydroponic greenhouse in Coldwater, Mich.
"Meijer has a longstanding commitment to buying locally-grown produce when available as long as the quality meets our high standards," said Jerry Suter, vice president of fresh for the Grand Rapids, Mich.-based retailer. "This is really unique and exciting because Meijer customers can purchase locally-grown tomatoes in the winter, which is well beyond Michigan's traditional tomato growing season."
Michigan tomatoes typically grow from late July to October, but the technology at the Coldwater greenhouse allows for fresh, high quality fruit regardless of outdoor conditions. The Coldwater greenhouse is the first of its kind in the Midwest, utilizing unique grow lights, water filtration systems and alternative energy sources that create an internal climate that ensures optimal growing conditions 12 months a year.
"We're proud to give Meijer customers what they'd been missing: fresh, vine-ripened Michigan-grown tomatoes in the winter," Mastronardi Produce President Paul Mastronardi said. "Meijer is one of our oldest customers in the USA and has been a great partner for over 40 years. We have collaborated on many new items and projects like this. We talked a few years back about our idea of the Coldwater greenhouse project and Meijer was on board before we built."
Meijer has purchased from local growers since the company's inception, but the retailer's effort to buy local has expanded over the past 5 years as the focus on local became more important to customers. Meijer is currently the largest purchaser of local produce in the markets it serves and locally-grown produce accounts for 30 percent of all produce sold at Meijer stores during the peak season.
A recent survey of Meijer shoppers found that 51 percent said that supporting local farmers is the biggest benefit of buying local produce at the grocery store. Nationally, 48 percent of shoppers report looking for locally-sourced products when shopping, according to the Food Marketing Institute's US Grocery Shopper Trends Report.
Meijer works with more than 100 local growers and businesses – up 25 percent over the past 5 years – within its five-state footprint, representing an economic impact of more than $80 million annually. By purchasing local, Meijer is able to cut fuel consumption, which is not only good for the environment, but also helps reduce transportation costs and keeps fresh produce prices down for customers.
Meijer began purchasing tomatoes from Mastronardi Produce, which is based in Ontario, Canada, more than 40 years ago and was excited about the unique opportunity to give customers Michigan-grown tomatoes in the winter. The Markets of Meijer tomatoes on the vine grown in the Coldwater greenhouse showcase a sticker on the bag that states "Grown in Michigan."
The Coldwater facility was completed in December 2011 and features 30 acres of greenhouses. Mastronardi plans to double the acreage over the next two years – providing more locally-grown produce for customers.
To view a video highlighting the Michigan-grown tomatoes in the winter, please visit http://youtu.be/PK24WYWOAxU. High-res photos and b-roll are available upon request.
About Meijer: Meijer is a Grand Rapids, Mich.-based retailer that operates 199 supercenters and grocery stores throughout Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Kentucky. As a pioneer of the "one-stop shopping" concept, Meijer stores have evolved through the years to include expanded fresh produce and meat departments, as well as pharmacies, comprehensive electronics departments, garden centers and apparel offerings. Additional information on Meijer and the ability to shop for more can be found at www.meijer.com. Follow Meijer on Twitter @twitter.com/Meijer and @twitter.com/MeijerPR or become a fan at www.facebook.com/meijer. | <urn:uuid:176d1887-4b28-49ed-b839-9e25ecbe190e> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.hawaiinewsnow.com/story/21323755/meijer-offers-fresh-michigan-grown-tomatoes-in-the-winter | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.942996 | 975 | 1.5625 | 2 |
Defending his beleaguered government from the contention of its own auditor that India lost Rs. 1.86 lakh crore ($33 billion) by handing over 142 coal-mining rights between 2005 and 2008 to 75 private and 67 state companies for their own use, P Chidambaram said: "If coal is not mined, if it remains buried in mother earth, where is the loss?"
So, I presume the generous minister will commend my logic when I say: "If tax is not paid, if the money remains in mother India, where is the loss?"
At the heart of the impasse in Parliament over what has now come to be popularly dubbed 'Coalgate'- to the delight of headline writers and sundry punsters - are thoughts and actions blocked by the plaque of illogic, irresponsibility, inefficiency and possibly corruption, of which there is yet no proof.
Consider the government's position. Sure, the auditor's report may fail serious accounting scrutiny. There are too many variables to presume a figure of loss. You can even argue that auctioning coal-mining rights instead of handing them out - as many, including the auditor, reason was the right thing to do - might not work if cartels are formed, a common phenomenon in India where groups of politically connected schemers nobble auctions, from asphalting roads to mobile-phone spectrum.
But the auditor's overarching message is clear: The process of handing out mining contracts is deeply flawed, a process that continued despite the government's own recommendations for a transparent, competitive process for user rights to India's natural resources.
So, for the finance minister to say what he did is to mock common sense. Surely it would be the right and honourable thing to say, "We made a mistake, the coal contracts are flawed, and we will change the system."
But admission of guilt is not a strong point with this government - or any political party.
Consider now the Opposition's position. The BJP is right in saying the coal-mining leases must be regarded with suspicion when the process of competitive bidding was adopted only in February this year, eight years after it was proposed by the Secretary of Coal. But, does it make sense to refuse a debate and stall Parliament? That, too, could be acceptable in a country where noise and fury - even if feigned - work best.
However, to accept the BJP's righteous anger is to ignore an important detail: the party's own governments in Chhattisgarh - India's mining heartland - and Rajasthan opposed competitive bidding and slowed the changeover from the closed-door issue of leases, which the coal ministry justifies thus in a recent note: "The intent of the government was to induce rapid development of infrastructure, which was so very essential to keep the economy on a high-growth trajectory."
Instead, the coal-mining policy - supposedly evolved to rush coal, India's primary energy source, to burgeoning electricity, steel-making, cement and other industrial needs - is a slow, spectacular failure.
Of the 142 coal-mining areas farmed out between 1999 and 2008, only one actually produces coal. Open-cast mines were to produce coal within 36 months and underground mines within 48 months of receiving allotment letters.
Only in the first week of May did the ministry of coal send letters to 53 private and state companies threatening to "de-allocate" mining rights. "It was noticed that no serious efforts have been made by the company to develop the coal block, even after/despite repeated reminders and assurances tendered by the company," says the letter, a standard format of which I have gleaned after reading all of them.
If the intention of this 19-year exercise - leases were first given in 1993 to private companies for their own use - was to hasten economic development, it is hard to blame the companies, whether or not they paid bribes. Once the Centre issues leases, it's up to the companies to get a host of clearances, from forest, mining, tribal and other authorities of that same government.
Consider the case of Bihar Sponge Iron Ltd., a company promoted by the Bihar government, Modi group, a German development finance company and an arm of the World Bank. In 2006, the company was allotted a coal-mining block on lease in north Jharkhand within a tiger reserve and tribal area, on land leased to a government coal company. Nearly six years later, there are no clearances, not even a lease transfer, a company spokesperson, requesting anonymity, told me. "We are fed up," he said. "As yet, we don't even know the land area allotted to us."
The coal leases were issued because State-owned Coal India Ltd, the world's largest miner, cannot keep pace with demand. Without addressing that monopoly, and regardless of Coalgate, India's coal, governance and development crisis will deepen, further endangering an already shaky economy. Coal supply to Indian industry is estimated to fall short by more than 192 million tonnes in the financial year to March 2013.
Coalgate couldn't have come at a worse time. The price of coal is falling worldwide, down by 40% over two years. This should be good news for the economy, except that other Indian companies, frustrated by the delay in getting domestic coal, spent $10 billion on mines in countries like Australia and Indonesia and now bear multi-billion-dollar debts.
I was wrong. Excuse me while I pay my income tax.
Samar Halarnkar is a Bangalore-based journalist
The views expressed by the author are personal | <urn:uuid:e47b214b-212f-4ed5-83e8-7df4c0e2cd61> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.hindustantimes.com/News-Feed/Samar/India-in-the-dark/Article1-921439.aspx | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368707435344/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516123035-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.969187 | 1,147 | 1.640625 | 2 |
It was in Burma, a sodden morning of the rains. A sickly light, like
yellow tinfoil, was slanting over the high walls into the jail yard. We
were waiting outside the condemned cells, a row of sheds fronted with
double bars, like small animal cages. Each cell measured about ten feet
by ten and was quite bare within except for a plank bed and a pot of
drinking water. In some of them brown silent men were squatting at the
inner bars, with their blankets draped round them. These were the
condemned men, due to be hanged within the next week or two.
One prisoner had been brought out of his cell. He was a Hindu, a puny
wisp of a man, with a shaven head and vague liquid eyes. He had a thick,
sprouting moustache, absurdly too big for his body, rather like the
moustache of a comic man on the films. Six tall Indian warders were
guarding him and getting him ready for the gallows. Two of them stood by
with rifles and fixed bayonets, while the others handcuffed him, passed a
chain through his handcuffs and fixed it to their belts, and lashed his
arms tight to his sides. They crowded very close about him, with their
hands always on him in a careful, caressing grip, as though all the while
feeling him to make sure he was there. It was like men handling a fish
which is still alive and may jump back into the water. But he stood quite
unresisting, yielding his arms limply to the ropes, as though he hardly
noticed what was happening.
Eight o'clock struck and a bugle call, desolately thin in the wet air,
floated from the distant barracks. The superintendent of the jail, who
was standing apart from the rest of us, moodily prodding the gravel with
his stick, raised his head at the sound. He was an army doctor, with a
grey toothbrush moustache and a gruff voice. "For God's sake hurry up,
Francis," he said irritably. "The man ought to have been dead by this
time. Aren't you ready yet?"
Francis, the head jailer, a fat Dravidian in a white drill suit and gold
spectacles, waved his black hand. "Yes sir, yes sir," he bubbled. "All
iss satisfactorily prepared. The hangman iss waiting. We shall proceed."
"Well, quick march, then. The prisoners can't get their breakfast till
this job's over."
We set out for the gallows. Two warders marched on either side of the
prisoner, with their rifles at the slope; two others marched close
against him, gripping him by arm and shoulder, as though at once pushing
and supporting him. The rest of us, magistrates and the like, followed
behind. Suddenly, when we had gone ten yards, the procession stopped
short without any order or warning. A dreadful thing had happened--a
dog, come goodness knows whence, had appeared in the yard. It came
bounding among us with a loud volley of barks, and leapt round us wagging
its whole body, wild with glee at finding so many human beings together.
It was a large woolly dog, half Airedale, half pariah. For a moment it
pranced round us, and then, before anyone could stop it, it had made a
dash for the prisoner, and jumping up tried to lick his face. Everyone
stood aghast, too taken aback even to grab at the dog.
"Who let that bloody brute in here?" said the superintendent angrily.
"Catch it, someone!"
A warder, detached from the escort, charged clumsily after the dog, but
it danced and gambolled just out of his reach, taking everything as part
of the game. A young Eurasian jailer picked up a handful of gravel and
tried to stone the dog away, but it dodged the stones and came after us
again. Its yaps echoed from the jail wails. The prisoner, in the grasp of
the two warders, looked on incuriously, as though this was another
formality of the hanging. It was several minutes before someone managed
to catch the dog. Then we put my handkerchief through its collar and
moved off once more, with the dog still straining and whimpering.
It was about forty yards to the gallows. I watched the bare brown back of
the prisoner marching in front of me. He walked clumsily with his bound
arms, but quite steadily, with that bobbing gait of the Indian who never
straightens his knees. At each step his muscles slid neatly into place,
the lock of hair on his scalp danced up and down, his feet printed
themselves on the wet gravel. And once, in spite of the men who gripped
him by each shoulder, he stepped slightly aside to avoid a puddle on the
It is curious, but till that moment I had never realized what it means to
destroy a healthy, conscious man. When I saw the prisoner step aside to
avoid the puddle, I saw the mystery, the unspeakable wrongness, of
cutting a life short when it is in full tide. This man was not dying, he
was alive just as we were alive. All the organs of his body were working
--bowels digesting food, skin renewing itself, nails growing, tissues
forming--all toiling away in solemn foolery. His nails would still be
growing when he stood on the drop, when he was falling through the air
with a tenth of a second to live. His eyes saw the yellow gravel and the
grey walls, and his brain still remembered, foresaw, reasoned--reasoned
even about puddles. He and we were a party of men walking together,
seeing, hearing, feeling, understanding the same world; and in two
minutes, with a sudden snap, one of us would be gone--one mind less, one
The gallows stood in a small yard, separate from the main grounds of the
prison, and overgrown with tall prickly weeds. It was a brick erection
like three sides of a shed, with planking on top, and above that two
beams and a crossbar with the rope dangling. The hangman, a grey-haired
convict in the white uniform of the prison, was waiting beside his
machine. He greeted us with a servile crouch as we entered. At a word
from Francis the two warders, gripping the prisoner more closely than
ever, half led, half pushed him to the gallows and helped him clumsily up
the ladder. Then the hangman climbed up and fixed the rope round the
We stood waiting, five yards away. The warders had formed in a rough
circle round the gallows. And then, when the noose was fixed, the
prisoner began crying out on his god. It was a high, reiterated cry of
"Ram! Ram! Ram! Ram!", not urgent and fearful like a prayer or a cry for
help, but steady, rhythmical, almost like the tolling of a bell. The dog
answered the sound with a whine. The hangman, still standing on the
gallows, produced a small cotton bag like a flour bag and drew it down
over the prisoner's face. But the sound, muffled by the cloth, still
persisted, over and over again: "Ram! Ram! Ram! Ram! Ram!"
The hangman climbed down and stood ready, holding the lever. Minutes
seemed to pass. The steady, muffled crying from the prisoner went on and
on, "Ram! Ram! Ram!" never faltering for an instant. The superintendent,
his head on his chest, was slowly poking the ground with his stick;
perhaps he was counting the cries, allowing the prisoner a fixed number--
fifty, perhaps, or a hundred. Everyone had changed colour. The Indians
had gone grey like bad coffee, and one or two of the bayonets were
wavering. We looked at the lashed, hooded man on the drop, and listened
to his cries--each cry another second of life; the same thought was in
all our minds: oh, kill him quickly, get it over, stop that abominable
Suddenly the superintendent made up his mind. Throwing up his head he
made a swift motion with his stick. "Chalo!" he shouted almost fiercely.
There was a clanking noise, and then dead silence. The prisoner had
vanished, and the rope was twisting on itself. I let go of the dog, and
it galloped immediately to the back of the gallows; but when it got there
it stopped short, barked, and then retreated into a corner of the yard,
where it stood among the weeds, looking timorously out at us. We went
round the gallows to inspect the prisoner's body. He was dangling with
his toes pointed straight downwards, very slowly revolving, as dead as a
The superintendent reached out with his stick and poked the bare body; it
oscillated, slightly. "HE'S all right," said the superintendent. He
backed out from under the gallows, and blew out a deep breath. The moody
look had gone out of his face quite suddenly. He glanced at his
wrist-watch. "Eight minutes past eight. Well, that's all for this
morning, thank God."
The warders unfixed bayonets and marched away. The dog, sobered and
conscious of having misbehaved itself, slipped after them. We walked out
of the gallows yard, past the condemned cells with their waiting
prisoners, into the big central yard of the prison. The convicts, under
the command of warders armed with lathis, were already receiving their
breakfast. They squatted in long rows, each man holding a tin pannikin,
while two warders with buckets marched round ladling out rice; it seemed
quite a homely, jolly scene, after the hanging. An enormous relief had
come upon us now that the job was done. One felt an impulse to sing, to
break into a run, to snigger. All at once everyone began chattering
The Eurasian boy walking beside me nodded towards the way we had come,
with a knowing smile: "Do you know, sir, our friend (he meant the dead
man), when he heard his appeal had been dismissed, he pissed on the floor
of his cell. From fright.--Kindly take one of my cigarettes, sir. Do you
not admire my new silver case, sir? From the boxwallah, two rupees eight
annas. Classy European style."
Several people laughed--at what, nobody seemed certain.
Francis was walking by the superintendent, talking garrulously. "Well,
sir, all hass passed off with the utmost satisfactoriness. It wass all
finished--flick! like that. It iss not always so--oah, no! I have known
cases where the doctor wass obliged to go beneath the gallows and pull
the prisoner's legs to ensure decease. Most disagreeable!"
"Wriggling about, eh? That's bad," said the superintendent.
"Ach, sir, it iss worse when they become refractory! One man, I recall,
clung to the bars of hiss cage when we went to take him out. You will
scarcely credit, sir, that it took six warders to dislodge him, three
pulling at each leg. We reasoned with him. "My dear fellow," we said,
"think of all the pain and trouble you are causing to us!" But no, he
would not listen! Ach, he wass very troublesome!"
I found that I was laughing quite loudly. Everyone was laughing. Even the
superintendent grinned in a tolerant way. "You'd better all come out and
have a drink," he said quite genially. "I've got a bottle of whisky in
the car. We could do with it."
We went through the big double gates of the prison, into the road.
"Pulling at his legs!" exclaimed a Burmese magistrate suddenly, and burst
into a loud chuckling. We all began laughing again. At that moment
Francis's anecdote seemed extraordinarily funny. We all had a drink
together, native and European alike, quite amicably. The dead man was a
hundred yards away. | <urn:uuid:9c380550-971a-4016-9417-24312c19cbb4> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.george-orwell.org/A_Hanging/0.html | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701459211/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105059-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.975978 | 2,707 | 1.742188 | 2 |
To paraphrase a scene from Mad Max... Listen up! This is the truth of it: Shopping leads to buying, and buying leads to bills. And it was darned near the economic downfall of us all. But we’ve learned–Seattle learned. Now when we get to shopping, it happens in the community and it finishes in the community. Two services or goods enter; two satisfied traders leave. Ladies and gentleman, boys and girls: Barterin’ time’s here. We may not have a Thunderdome (did the Kingdome count?), but three Seattle-based websites—and a fourth that’s just taking off in our city—are turning us into a real-world Bartertown with their economically refreshing approach to “supply and demand.”
The brainchild of Ballardite Creagh Miller, with the help of Ericka Sisolak and a steering committee, Backyard Barter (backyardbarter.org) is designed to unite overwhelmed backyard owners with garden-deprived green thumbs. Launched in May of this year, Backyard Barter is a combination online/real-world community where neighbors swap excess produce, materials and gardening skills—from seedlings, eggs and extra tomatoes to the use of garden tools, expertise in canning and chicken coops and getting a helping hand to dig in the dirt. Inspired by her interest in connecting people through homemade and homegrown food, Miller took her idea to the community, where it flourished. After scoring $11,201 in funding from Seattle’s Department of Neighborhoods (as a project of the Seattle Tilth), Backyard Barter has become a fully formed bartering venue. Aside from the website, monthly events provide additional opportunities for community bonding over informational seminars, in-person bartering events and collaborative happenings with other local organizations. “Knowing that Seattle has a lot of locally focused foodies and gardeners, we think people will really get excited about connecting and sharing through Backyard Barter,” says Sisolak.
Differing slightly from the traditional barter format, Bellevue-based Dibspace (dibspace.com) is a services-based bartering site that uses a fictional currency called “Dibits.” Users accrue Dibits (equated to $1) by offering services (and some goods) to other users, then use earned Dibits to “purchase” other services. Struck with the idea during a marketing seminar, Dibspace creator Dominic Canterbury realized that by using a barter service, businesses could trade at a level that’s impossible with any other currency. Though Dibits allow for more flexibility than a straight-across, this-for-that transaction, the downside is that some users may value their service a bit unrealistically (such as a children’s one-hour jewelry-making tutorial for 200 Dibits). Since its 2008 launch, Dibspace has grown to 5,200 users and sees a large variety of products and services bartered, from cars to pole-dancing lessons, though restaurant gift certificates, massages, naturopathy and cleaning services tend to be most popular.
After spending $200 on a backpack she knew she would only use once, Los Angeles resident Micki Krimmel got to pondering. “I thought about all the stuff gathering dust in storage spaces and closets across the country, and I began to imagine all the latent value hidden in that stuff,” Krimmel says. “What if, instead of letting our belongings go to waste, we offered them up to our neighbors?” Inspired, Krimmel launched NeighborGoods (neighborgoods.net), an online community where people can borrow, lend or share tools, equipment and materials with thousands of other members. Initially limiting the site to California residents, in June 2010 Krimmel took Neighborgoods national—to Seattle and beyond. Household items and sporting equipment are the most popular things shared on the site (good news for power-tool and camping-gear stockpilers) while, interestingly, the most commonly wish-listed items are steam cleaners. The 2.0 version of the site, launched this March, allows users to form groups based on ‘hoods (“Green Lake neighbors” is up and running), organizations and businesses. “People have shared with each other since the dawn of time,” Krimmel says. “Social technologies are simply making that easier than ever before.”
For an esoteric take on trade, consider bARTer Sauce (bartersauce.com). Originally conceived in 2006, bARTer Sauce is a hybrid of art proliferation, self-discovery and community outreach helmed by downtown Seattle resident Rosalie Gale. With an admirable sense of impermanence, Gale trades unique objects and pieces of art for other odd items, never holding on to one thing any longer than it takes to trade it for something else. To further spice up the transaction, Gale requires all traders to share a story—whether true or fictional—for publication on her website. Aside from encountering some remarkable objects—such as an 1867 tombstone found in an alley, a Barbie fish monster and a paraglider that a cat had allegedly peed on—Gale credits the project with introducing her to people she would never otherwise have met. “That alone makes the whole project worthwhile,” she says. Interested in checking Gale’s stock of oddities in person? She lays out her wares in Studio 115A of the OK Hotel (212 Alaskan Way S; 206.264.1688; theokhotel.com) at the Pioneer Square First Thursday art walk every month. Wanna trade? | <urn:uuid:766d1a40-d011-43e3-abc0-69432e40c4e1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.seattlemag.com/print/31989 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.939587 | 1,201 | 1.726563 | 2 |
Report: Pilot hit tree while flying low to stay below controlled airspace
Was awaiting air traffic instructions
Friday, July 15, 2011
A pilot who crash-landed his small plane in a gravel pit July 5, putting himself and a passenger in a hospital, had just taken off from Grove Field in Camas and was flying low intentionally — and that led to his hitting a tree, an official said.
Pilot Steven Leigh Emerson, 54, of Camas later told investigators he was flying low over the hills around Larch Mountain while trying to stay below the controlled airspace of Portland International Airport.
Emerson had filed a flight plan before taking off in the late morning, and was maneuvering at about 2,400 feet, said Howard Plagens, a senior air-safety investigator with the National Transportation Safety Board.
According to the preliminary investigation, Emerson was flying low and waiting for air traffic controllers at Portland International Airport to make radio contact with him and give him instructions to enter their controlled airspace.
The airspace must be constantly monitored to prevent collisions with other planes, including jetliners.
In the Larch Mountain area, the controlled airspace is a layer from 2,000 to 4,000 feet, said Mike Fergus, a regional spokesman for the Federal Aviation Administration.
Emerson told investigators he was maneuvering in a canyon and trying to climb out when he hit the top of a tree, Plagens said Wednesday.
One wing hit the tree during a turn, according to the NTSB’s preliminary investigation.
“That yanked him down,” Plagens said.
The hard landing heavily damaged the Grumman American AA-5 single-engine low-wing plane, breaking it nearly in half just behind the engine, according to photos taken at the scene.
Firefighters, called about 10:50 a.m., put foam on a small fuel leak and extricated Emerson and his passenger from the wreckage. Paramedics took them by ambulance to PeaceHealth Southwest Medical Center.
Emerson has since been released from the medical center, a hospital employee said.
His passenger has not been named in public records and Plagens said he isn’t authorized to release the name.
Plagens said he was told both men suffered broken bones and have been recovering at home. Investigators have spoken briefly with Emerson and plan to interview him once he’s off pain medications and is feeling better.
At this point, Plagens said, investigators don’t know why Emerson was unable to climb out of the canyon — whether it was an engine problem, pilot error or some other cause. That may be determined in the continuing investigation.
In addition, Plagens said, he didn’t yet know what part of the plane hit the ground first.
Immediately after the crash, officials complimented Emerson on the emergency landing.
“The pilot did a heck of a job landing,” said Chief Scott Koehler with East County Fire & Rescue. “That was really the only carved-out place for miles. Everything else was hillside.”
He added: “Out of all those trees he could have put it down in, he found the gravel pit. They were lucky to be alive.”
Emerson and his passenger had planned a trip to Grant County Regional Airport in John Day, Ore.
Both the NTSB and FAA are investigating, but the NTSB is responsible for determining the probable cause of such mishaps and releasing information to the public when appropriate, Plagens said.
The FAA website lists Emerson as a commercial pilot certified to fly multi-engine planes in all kinds of weather. He also is a certified flight engineer on turbojet powered planes, and an airframe and power plant mechanic.
The airplane, which was registered to Emerson, was manufactured in 1975, according to FAA data.
AA-5 planes, some called Travelers, were geared to the personal-aviation market for touring and training.
With four seats, they were “instantly popular,” according to http://airliners.net.
With 150-horsepower Lycoming engines, the Travelers cruise at 127 knots, faster than another very popular plane, the high-wing Cessna 172 Skyhawk. Travelers can climb to a service ceiling of 13,800 feet, the website says.
The site where the plane landed is used by some as a shooting range east of Hockinson, on the L1400 Road.
Emerson has declined several requests for interviews by The Columbian and other news services.
John Branton: 360-735-4513 or firstname.lastname@example.org | <urn:uuid:4f9175a7-5fbc-4920-8ba0-c3f5cd51b7b1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.columbian.com/news/2011/jul/15/report-pilot-hit-tree-while-flying-low/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696382584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092622-00014-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970586 | 975 | 1.679688 | 2 |
Louisiana Story [DVD]
Director : Robert Flaherty
Screenplay : Frances Flaherty and Robert Flaherty
MPAA Rating : NR
Year of Release : 1948
Robert Flaherty was never a conventional documentary filmmaker, and his films, although routinely referred to as “documentaries,” were often highly fictionalized works that used real-life settings and people for the purpose of evoking deep, primal mythologies. Although they often appeared spontaneous, his films are thoroughly constructed to achieve exactly what Flaherty wanted. To a journalistic purist, this is a highly questionable, if not downright contemptible, practice, as it maintains the illusion of transparent documentation of “real life,” but is in fact a carefully constructed fiction. For those who accept that objectively documenting “real life” is an inherent impossibility—a fiction in its own right—his films are fascinating exercises in myth making.
Flaherty’s second-to-last film, Louisiana Story, keeps in line with his cinematic obsession of observing primitive cultures, usually through the eyes of a child. In this case, his camera is trained on the lives of rural Cajuns in the Louisiana bayous, but he adds a twist by exploring what happens when the modern world crosses the worn pathways of a primitive way of life. The modern is represented by a massive oil derrick that has been erected in the Petit Anse Bayou, its clean, functionalist aesthetic standing in stark contrast to the untamed, swampy landscape around it.
What is interesting about Louisiana Story is the way in which it struggles to maintain a largely neutral tone in looking at the meeting of past and present. This is no environmental diatribe in which the oil derrick is positioned as an intrusion on the noble world of the Cajuns, but neither is it a celebration of the modern machine age. The film was funded by the Standard Oil Company, so it’s tempting to read it as celebrating the enterprise of drilling for oil, but Flaherty refuses to be that simplistic.
Granted, there are numerous borderline fetishistic close-ups of the oil drilling machinery at work, but there is just as much time spent documenting the wilderness and the teeming life within it—from crocodiles, to cranes, to raccoons. Flaherty’s gift as a filmmaker was his sense for how to portray cinematically the power of natural surroundings, whether that be the Arctic in Nanook of the North (1922) or the barren islands of Aran in Man of Aran (1934). Here, aided greatly by the Pulitzer Prize-winning score by Virgil Thomson, he gives us lyrical images of swampland that make them seem enchanting and mystical, even if in the back of our minds we realize they are hot, humid, and filled with blood-sucking insects.
Louisiana Story has been hailed as a masterpiece, and in 1994 the Library of Congress inducted it into the National Film Registry. It displays many of Flaherty’s great strengths as a filmmaker, but it also showcases some of his weaknesses, which makes it an uneven film that is not in league with his earlier works. Perhaps because his earlier films were silent, he could get away with using real-life people as “characters” in his narratives. In Louisiana Story, one is constantly and awkwardly reminded that the people on-screen, while “real” in the sense that they fill the same role in their lives outside the film that they do on-screen, are clearly being directed and have been fed dialogue that they recite woodenly. Where Flaherty’s visuals are stunning and refuse to take sides in the struggle between machine-driven progress and the maintenance of the natural world, his shoehorned narrative and hammy dialogue practically sink the film.
Whereas many of his earlier films better conveyed a sense of spontaneity, virtually everything in Louisiana Story feels canned and processed, particularly the relationship between the central character, a rough-and-tumble, but sweet-faced Cajun boy (Joseph Boudreaux) and two oil workers who befriend him (Frank Hardy and C.P. Guedry). In this relationship it is hard not to sense the intrusion of Standard Oil into the film, as the oil workers are portrayed as good, clean, decent, hard-working men who don’t mind taking time out of their busy routines to befriend the locals, who they regard with cheerful bemusement. While “lyrical” is a word often associated with Flaherty’s films, the one that comes to mind here is “cute,” in the same way those hokey educational films produced by Walt Disney in the 1940s and ’50s were “cute,” which is far beneath the skills of a gifted and pioneering filmmaker like Flaherty.
|Louisiana Story DVD|
|Audio||English Dolby 1.0 Monaural|
|Supplements|| The Land 1940 documentary directed by Robert Flaherty|
Excerpt from 1971 documentary Hidden and Seeking
“Study Film”: Audio commentary on the opening scene by Frances Flaherty and Richard Leacock
“Flaherty and Film”: Interview with Frances Flaherty
“Letters Home”: Excerpts from Richard Leacock’s correspondence
|Distributor||Home Vision Entertainment|
|Release Date||May 20, 2003|
|The transfer for this disc was made from a print that resulted from a restoration of the film conducted in 1998 by the Library of Congress, the Museum of Modern Art, and the UCLA Film and Television Archives. The result is absolutely gorgeous, with a clean, pleasantly filmlike image that is marred only by the occasional and barely noticeable vertical hairline. Otherwise, the image is clean of dirt and damage, and the wide gradation of grays assures a wealth of visual detail.|
|The soundtrack is presented in its original monaural mix, and Virgil Thomson’s Pulitzer Prize-winning score sounds clean and rich. The sound effects and dialogue have a somewhat canned sound to them, but that is a result of the film’s original postproduction mixing, not the transfer.|
|As with their DVD presentation of Robert Flaherty’s Man of Aran, Home Vision has included a similarly nice array of supplements for Louisiana Story. The first is the inclusion of The Land, a 20-minute documentary directed by Robert Flaherty in 1940 for the Department of Agriculture. Presented in a somewhat scratched and faded print, it is a rather dreary look at modern agriculture and the effects it has on both the land and people who work it. Also included is an excerpt from a 1971 documentary titled Hidden and Seeking that features Flaherty’s wife and collaborator, Frances Flaherty. She is also interviewed in a 1960s television show titled Flaherty and Film. Audio interviews with her and cinematographer Richard Leacock have been edited together into an optional audio commentary during the film’s much praised opening sequence. Finally, there is a supplement in which an actor reads excerpts from Leacock’s letters home to his wife during the film’s production. This also included production stills and clips from the film.|
©2003 James Kendrick | <urn:uuid:bad2f09d-02a2-4720-9bd1-07ab74028bf3> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.heraldglobe.com/index.php/nav/mreview/1877 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00007-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.963752 | 1,519 | 1.734375 | 2 |
By KYLE CAMPBELL
Hearst Washington Bureau
Along with deciding the future of the presidency and the makeup of both houses in Congress, voters in some states will have the ability to act as lawmakers themselves during next week’s election.
Thirty-eight states have ballot measures that will be in play on Nov. 6 and though many deal with issues such as taxes and administrative issues, other states will decide on hot-button national topics.
Here are 10 ballot measure issues to look out for during this election season.
1. States reacting to ‘Obamacare’
Six states have ballot measures dealing with health care, likely a response to the passage and Supreme Court affirmation of the Affordable Care Act. Alabama, Florida, Missouri, Montana and Wyoming all have proposals countering the act known as Obamacare. Likewise, Louisiana has a proposal to protect the state Medicaid trust fund for the elderly from budget cuts. Arizona has a pending amendment that would allow voters to reject federal actions, such as an individual mandate on health insurance, via referendum.
2. Marijuana: Legalize it?
Washington, Oregon and Colorado all have proposed amendments to make marijuana legal for recreational use. All three states currently allow for the use of cannabis for medical purposes and Colorado and Oregon both have removed jail time for possessing small amounts of marijuana. Massachusetts and Arkansas have proposed amendments to allow marijuana use for medicinal purposes, which could add them to the other 17 states that allow the use of medical marijuana. Meanwhile Montana is seeking to repeal its medical marijuana law in exchange for a new system.
3. Same-sex marriage
Maine voters will have the opportunity to overturn the state’s ban on gay marriage. Maine has a referendum that would allow gay couple to obtain a civil marriage license and Washington has a similar referendum addressing gay marriage. Maryland has a question on its ballot to approve civil marriage licenses for gays. Minnesota has a proposed amendment banning gay marriage.
4. Swing states topics
All but four swing states (North Carolina, Iowa, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania) will have initiatives on their ballots on Nov. 6, but some could prove to be more influential in motivating voter turnout. As previously stated, Colorado has proposed amendments to legalize marijuana for recreational use, but it also has an amendment to prohibit corporate contributions and expenditures in elections, both of which could draw liberal voters.
Florida has proposed amendments to prevent penalties for not purchasing health care, to prevent public funding for abortions and to repeal the ban on public dollars for religious funding, appealing to Christian conservatives.
New Hampshire has a proposed amendment banning increases on income tax, which also could appeal to conservative voters.
5. Three strikes, you’re out
California has a proposal to modify it’s “Three Strikes” policy which requires repeat criminals to serve 25-years to life in prison after their third conviction. The initiative calls for the policy to be implemented only on criminals that have committed a “violent or serious” crime or for those who are previously convicted of rape, murder or child molestation.
California also has a measure calling for the end of the death penalty.
6. Sticking to their guns
A handful of solidly red states are attempting to bolster their second amendment rights through the use of ballot measures. Idaho, Kentucky, Louisiana, Nebraska and Wyoming all have amendments solidifying hunting and fishing rights and/or gun rights.
7. Issues of race and immigration
The topics of race and immigration have manifested in a variety of ways on ballots across the country, some of which touch on the issues of immigration and voter identification that have been brought up time and again during the presidential campaign.
Maryland has a proposal to allow illegal immigrants to be charge in-state tuition for public universities.
Montana has a proposal that would require citizens to show proof of citizenship when seeking state services and Minnesota has a proposed voter identification law.
Oklahoma has a proposal to ban affirmative action in the state thus prohibiting special treatment based on race or sex in public employment, education and contracts.
8. Rules for redistricting
Three states are re-examining their redrawn congressional districts that were passed by their respective state legislatures after the 2010 Census report. California and Ohio are looking at the option outside groups drawing the new districts.
California already has this system and made use of it last year, the ballot measure is essentially asking voters if they want this format to stay intact. Meanwhile, Ohio voters will decide if they want the state to set up citizen’s commission to draw the districts.
Maryland voters will have the chance to approve or disapprove of their state’s redistricting plan.
9. Death with dignity
Massachusetts has a proposal to allow terminally ill patients to request their doctors to administer lethal drugs. The patient must be a mentally competent adult with a prognoses of six months or fewer to live by two doctors. Patients must make the request twice verbally and once through writing before the lethal medicine can be administered.
This is the eighth time a state has had an initiative for assisted suicide. Voters were in favor of death with dignity three out of the previous seven times.
10. Consent for abortion
Women’s health reproductive health issues have been another common theme in campaigns across the nation. Along with Florida’s proposal to ban the use of public dollars for abortions, Montana has a proposal that would require parental or legal guardian notification before girls under 16 can an abortion.
This is the tenth time a state has proposed a law such as this. Four out of the previous nine initiatives were passed. | <urn:uuid:3d7618a1-edc3-413b-a8b7-6ddd4ab7fe6c> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://blog.sfgate.com/nov05election/category/marijuana/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701459211/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105059-00019-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.960263 | 1,140 | 1.820313 | 2 |
If you've ever tried working with chocolate, you know that it can be a bit tricky. These tips for tempering chocolate correctly will help you succeed in making candy and other chocolaty treats perfectly.
If you’re an avid baker or chocolate lover, you’ve most likely tried making your own chocolate truffles. And sure, they were good, but they were probably soft and had to be refrigerated. Once you get the hang of tempering chocolate, you'll be able to not only make truffles but your other chocolate confections will be shiny, smooth and have a nice snap to them.
The culinary world is a fan of aged items: dry-aged meats and aged cheeses are two that quickly come to mind. Aged items are carefully produced and cared for, and the results tend to be mind-blowing and out-of-this world flavorful. 2013 is the year that aged condiments become a sensation!
In order to facilitate the present quality and challenges of the global culinary sphere, we need to force innovations in training to accelerate our capacity to cope with the exponential growth in the global food industry. Right here, right now, the time is ripe for SA CHEFS TRAINING & INNOVATION ACADEMY to force exactly such visionary change and innovations in culinary training. If we don’t, we might as well quit, because then it is plain to see, we’re all making the identical errors. The industry is not going to stick around and wait for us!” | <urn:uuid:6856d0d5-b733-4bb3-a2d2-763dc0f3ffbf> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://cheftraining.co.za/index.php | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706153698/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120913-00013-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.953097 | 322 | 1.8125 | 2 |
I see. Guru Nanak was a syncretist who gathered practices from all around and made a stew.
He went all arounnd looking for the highest/ truest teachings. He did not just incorporate many things but sought out the highest. I wouldn't say he simply "made a stew".
deepbluehum wrote: The Guru Granth Sahib mentions Buddha and Nirvana. Ek on kar, sat nam, karta purak, nirvo nirvan. This first verse of the Guru Granth Sahib is about nirvana.
Also talks about god being everything, all beings and things being a reflection of god. God (and all phenomena, mind and matter) empty, self luminous, and so on. Come on, it is obvious he was influenced by his visits to the Buddhist lands, Tibet, Sikkhim, etc.
deepbluehum wrote: But, the founding philosophy is that the way to practice is through bhakti yoga in the form of singing bhajans and doing japa of "wahe guru sat nam," which is an epithet for the creator god like Allah.
A creator like Allah? No not exactly.
I don't think Guru Nanak Dev had anything resembling the power of Guru Rinpoche who is most definitely unmatched in the world in terms of yogic power.
No one said Guru Nanak Dev performed many miracles like Guru Rinpoche did. But some people (apparently many Tibetans if you read what I posted on the first pages of the thread) believe him to be an emenation of Guru Rinpoche. This gives more credence to the possibility him being a Dzogchenpa.
deepbluehum wrote: Guru Nanak Dev was much more heavily influenced by Mardana his muslim attendant and spent much more time in Muslim lands doing Sufi practice.
There may be Sufi infleunces, this is certainly possible. But his Sikh bios also have him doing a retreat after visiting Samye (a Nyingma temple). . . | <urn:uuid:91fd479b-d9f6-4f56-b039-584dc177cdf1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.dharmawheel.net/viewtopic.php?p=112717 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703298047/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112138-00009-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.970765 | 428 | 1.5625 | 2 |
Before we discuss LeBron’s qualifications of averaging at least 10 points, 10 rebounds and 10 assists for a full season, let’s run through a quick history lesson. Oscar Robertson is the only player in NBA history to achieve the league’s version of the triple crown, scoring 30.8 points, piling up 11.4 assists and grabbing 12.5 rebounds per game in 1962. Eye-popping numbers. Also eye-popping? How many missed shots there were to collect.
As a result of breakneck pace and horrid shooting proficiency, the average team in 1962 missed 61.8 shots per game, which means that there were approximately 120 missed field goal attempts available to be hauled in.
The modern game is dramatically slower and more efficient, leading to far fewer rebounding opportunities for today’s basketball player. Just looking strictly at field goal attempts, there are, on average, about 40 fewer live balls to be collected now compared to Robertson’s era. And that’s before we get into missed free throws. That’s a lot of missed rebounding opportunities.
Robertson’s record still stands for primarily two reasons: (A) not many players with Robertson’s extraordinary skill set have come around, and (B) when they do, they don’t play in a climate that breeds triple-doubles. While LeBron may qualify for the first criterion, he has never played on a fast-paced team and he's never played in a league chock-full of 35 percent shooters.
This is a big reason why LeBron has a better shot at winning the next mayoral election in Cleveland than averaging a triple-double in today’s game. It’s about opportunity as much as it is skill. | <urn:uuid:73355b04-83f5-4520-88e2-6d22e7086031> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.naznet.com/community/showthread.php/3624-Favorite-All-Time-NBA-Players?p=55816&viewfull=1 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368701459211/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516105059-00012-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.964726 | 367 | 1.742188 | 2 |
The Virginia Beach Economic Development Authority has joined with the Hampton Roads Partnership to fund the Virginia Beach Economic Gardening Initiative. The program is part of a national effort to identify and provide services to high growth-potential companies.
Economic gardening is an economic development model that embraces the idea that entrepreneurs drive economies. The goal is to create jobs by connecting companies to resources that will develop essential infrastructure and provide research and support services to ensure continued growth.
Virginia Beach’s economic gardening program will provide local entrepreneurs access to competitive intelligence on markets, customers and competitors that is comparable to the resources customarily only available to large firms. Ten businesses will be selected each year to participate in the program.
The first three companies selected are Morphix Technologies Inc., Virginia Toy & Novelty Co. and Klett Consulting Group Inc. This program expands the city’s abilities to assist companies in each stage of its business life.
“This program is a very strategic addition to the services the city can provide our existing business community,” said Warren Harris, director of Economic Development. “We currently have a partnership with Service Corps of Retired Executives (SCORE) to provide counseling to entrepreneurs and other small businesses two days each week out of our office. We also provide assistance on workforce development, location services and other services for the City’s business community. This new program is targeted specifically to existing high-growth potential firms that need specialized consulting to make it to the next level.”
The three companies selected will have access to a suite of high-end, high-speed technical assistance and business research tools, including evaluation and analysis of core strategy, industry/market dynamics, customer/marketing leads and advice on management team/leadership issues.
Each company receives 35 hours of support from a national research team that includes a strategic marketing team leader, data analyst, geographic information systems specialist and a social media specialist. This is usually accomplished over a two- to four-week period. Follow-up support is provided by Innovate!HamptonRoads™, a program of the Hampton Roads Partnership in collaboration with nonprofit organizations and universities in the region.
“We are very grateful for the opportunity to participate in Virginia Beach’s Economic Gardening Program,” said Mike Klett, systems engineer with Klett Consulting Group. “The City of Virginia Beach, alongside of the Hampton Roads Partnership provides small, budding companies with first class resources to cultivate their businesses. Klett Consulting Group has been involved with Virginia Beach’s SWaM program for many years and has previously benefitted from a Virginia Beach Economic Development grant, which alleviated the pressures of expansion as our company grew in 2011 and 2012. We are thankful for the hard work of the Economic Development Program.”
Virginia Beach’s Economic Gardening program will measure revenue growth and the number of jobs created through the program. The 2012-13 budget of $45,000 provides funds for ten companies to participate, and will be paid by the Virginia Beach Development Authority.
To be eligible, the company must be a for-profit, privately held company headquartered and operating in the City of Virginia Beach for at least two years, have between $600,000 and $50 million in annual revenue or working capital in place from investors or grants, employ at least five but no more than 100 full-time employees including the owner, demonstrate growth in either revenue or employees in two of the last five years, and provide products and/or services to regional and/or international markets. Retail and restaurants are not eligible. Additional companies will be added to the program in February, March, May and June.
Economic Gardening was pioneered in 1987 in Littleton, Colorado, when the state was in a recession. It is considered an alternative to traditional economic development practices of retention and recruitment, and is based on research by Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s David Birch, who suggested that most new jobs in any local economy were produced by the community’s local businesses. Since 1989, Littleton (population 41,000), has added 15,000 jobs, with no incentives.
The mission of the Virginia Beach Department of Economic Development is to attract and retain national and international business and industry that results in the creation of new capital investment and jobs that increase the per capita income in the community. The City of Virginia Beach is the most populous city in the Commonwealth of Virginia with a population of 434,000 and is the 39th largest city in the United States. The City of Virginia Beach is recognized as the best run cities in America, by 24/7 Wall Street in 2012, and in 2011, Virginia Beach ranked number one for economic growth potential by Business Facilities. In 2012, the Department of Economic Development received re-accreditation through the International Economic Development Council, one of only 29 economic development organizations in the world to have this recognition. In 2011, the Department won an Award of Excellence for its marketing efforts from the International Economic Development Council. For more information, visit www.yesvirginiabeach.com. | <urn:uuid:4edff004-78cc-4fe6-8304-6ffdf8550cc1> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.vbgov.com/news/Pages/selected.aspx?release=1176 | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704713110/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114513-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.951698 | 1,036 | 1.820313 | 2 |
Race Page 1
A midwestern entertainment company pissed off a whole legion of people this week when it staged a beauty pageant called the Battle of the Complexions, which pitted light-skinned and dark-skinned Black women against each other in an attempt to figure out once and for all which skin color is the best.
This is one of those things that’s as disturbing as it is not surprising. A new study has found that what you wear can influence how people think of your race. Put another way, people are more likely to percieve better dressed people as white and poorly dressed people as Black.
News has come out that Essence magazine, a Time Inc glossy aimed at black women, has hired a new fashion director after being on the hunt to fill the position for months. Problem is, the new fashion director is white.
Skin color is never an easy topic — especially in the sweep-it-under-the-catwalk world of fashion. And despite some progress and an increasing awareness on the part of the industry, by and large, non-white models continue to find themselves in the minority when it comes to casting — as in, “We’re not using (insert type here) this season.” But, the US certainly isn’t the only country that struggles with its cultural representations of beauty. | <urn:uuid:cfcf2065-e630-4236-ab06-e101df268a37> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://www.styleite.com/tag/race/ | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368709037764/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516125717-00018-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.965155 | 274 | 1.625 | 2 |
PUNE: With over 25.5 lakh students — both higher secondary certificate and secondary school certificate — writing the board exams, starting March 1, 2005, the Maharashtra state board of secondary and higher secondary education thought it was just apt to remain more vigilant in preventing malpractices, to be more precise, keep a check on copy cats or cheating. The HSC exams are scheduled for March 1, while the SSC begin from March 15.
The board, starting this year, will introduced multiple choice question papers, besides handing over scanned photographs of candidates pasted on the hall tickets. Board secretary, Vinay Dakshindas, when contacted, says these measures are part of the reforms, undertaken to ensure a clean system.
While the 10,34,330 HSC students will write their papers from 1599 centres across the state, the number of SSC candidates this year, appearing from 3327 centres is 15,21,678. This is in comparison to 9.80 lakh students (HSC) and 14.45 lakh (SSC) last year.
As a senior board official explained the logic to introduce new checking measures, "Our experience says that even examinees come out with various newer methods every year for cheating. These measures are an attempt to ensure a free and fair exam."
With just two days left for the examination to start, TNN takes a review on the various mechanisms that the state board has taken to keep its promise of a free and fair exam.
a) Use of videocams (since 2002): Beware, students sitting for the board examinations at centres, particularly those declared sensitive. A videocam, installed outside the centre, keeps a tab on those trying to take help from guides or other materials. If found indulging in unfair practices while writing the exam, one may be barred up to a maximum period of five attempts from appearing again.
b) Admit cards with holograms (introduced in 2002): This was a measure to check those writing exams on proxy. The specially-designed hologram with 32 features on it to detect anybody from writing the examination by proxy. "We had earlier received a few cases where affluent candidates unsure of being able to get through the examination, hire outsiders to write the test for them by forging certificates and admit cards," said a board official.
c) Bar code system (used since 2003): The board provides each stuent with a bar code and a sticker for each subject. At one end of the bar code contains the seat number. This is covered by the sticker, which is being given just prior to the start of the exam.
d) Scanned photos of candidates (to start from this exam): The idea, according to akshindas, is to keep bogus candidates at bay. We have decided not to give hall tickets with photos of candidates affixed as previously done. Instead, candidates will be issued scanned copies of hall tickets. While photographs of all the 25 lakh plus candidates have been scanned and kept ready so that the examiner, on suspicion of doubt can immediately checked, Dakshindas said the system also ensures that the student can't affix a new photograph on the hall candidate, as only a scanned copy will be provided to them.
e) Multiple choice papers (tested last October but will be implemented from March 05): A final decision taken in January this year, the four-paper format will be introduced form for the English paper in HSC, and the English and the Math exam in SSC. As per the multiple choice papers, also used by the CBSE, four different question papers of the same subject in which almost 30 per cent of the questions are different, will be distributed in the examination hall to the students. Mohan Awate, the board chairman, said, "The idea is to minimise the risk of paper leaks and cheating cases." | <urn:uuid:9e175415-93a8-4643-827e-0712eb5b8387> | CC-MAIN-2013-20 | http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2005-02-26/pune/27867784_1_hsc-exams-board-exams-state-board | s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705953421/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120553-00004-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz | en | 0.957358 | 786 | 1.640625 | 2 |
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