text stringlengths 59 1.12k |
|---|
report stated Rwanda continued to help Lubangas UPC in Ituri with advice, military training and the delivery of ammunition.457 As described above, UPC combatants had control of gold mining areas from November 2002 until March 2003. The U.N. also reported that UPC elements went for training in Rwanda between September |
to December 2002, that senior UPC officers reported directly to Kigali and that Rwandan forces evacuated Lubanga from Ituri in March 2003 when UPC troops were losing ground to joint Ugandan and FNI troops in and around the gold mining areas.458 A former UPC spokesperson informed a Human Rights Watch |
researcher in February 2004, It is not a secret that we were supported by the Rwandans, adding, everyone is interested in our gold.459 In response to the U.N. panel of experts allegations, the Kabila government initially suspended a number of government ministers and advisors who were named as having been |
involved in the illegal exploitation. In 2003 Kabila ordered an internal review of the allegations against individuals. The review carried out by Professor Akele after the U.N. panel of experts findings recommended criminal prosecutions but Human Rights Watch is not aware that the recommendations of this review were implemented. Many |
of the ministers initially suspended returned as government advisors. The accords between the main Congolese rebel groups and the DRC government signed in Sun City in 2002 agreed to the creation of a special committee to review the legality of commercial mining contracts signed by all parties during the war |
and to ensure that contracts were beneficial to the DRC state.460 Chaired by Christophe Lutundula the committee was authorized to demand compensation from companies for state losses. Although slow in starting and initially blocked by Kabilas own party in the national assembly, the committee took on an active role reviewing |
a number of contracts and over ruling some previous decisions. In one case, a decision by President Kabila to cancel a contract with Canadian gold mining company Banro entered into by the RCD rebel group was reversed.461 In another case, a shareholding obtained by a company in Katanga from the |
post-transition government was reduced.462 In September 2004, the committee received financial backing from the World Bank and logistical support from MONUC. Its first report is due in early 2005 but the Chairman has expressed fear that powerful and corrupt forces may succeed in shutting it down.463 In October 2004, the |
U.N. Security Council renewed the mandate of the U.N. peacekeeping force in DRC, MONUC, increasing its troops by 5,900 to a maximum of 16,700, though this number fell short of the 23,000 troops requested by the U.N. Secretary General. The mandate of MONUC was strengthened giving the peacekeeping force authorisation |
to use force to deter threats to the peace process, to protect civilians under imminent threat of physical violence, and U.N. personnel, to support disarmament operations, to implement the arms embargo and to provide a secure environment for elections.464 There was however only passing reference to the issue of natural |
resources in the new mandate. The U.N. Security Council categorically condemned the illegal exploitation and urged all states, including the DRC itself, to carry out investigations and other appropriate steps to end these activities. But it made no further reference to what it would do to cut the link between |
arms trafficking and resource exploitation, a link the panel itself drew attention to in its public reports and in a confidential supplement it sent to U.N. Security Council members in November 2003.465 Some MONUC personnel expressed frustration at the lack of capacity to deal with issues of economic exploitation. The |
mission has not integrated the link between resources and conflict into its political analysis, seen as an absolute minimum by many observers to understanding the political context.466 As a result there has been little follow-up to the findings of the U.N. panel of experts within MONUC and no action taken |
to monitor or tackle the link between conflict and control of natural resources which continue to take place in Ituri (see above) and other areas. Uganda is often cited as an economic success story in Africa, but there has been little scrutiny by international financial institutions (IFIs) regarding the role |
of its illegal exploitation of resources in the DRC in bolstering its economy. The U.N. panel of experts reported in 2001: [T]he illegal exploitation of gold in the Democratic Republic of the Congo brought a significant improvement in the balance of payments of Uganda. This in turn gave multilateral donors, |
especially the IMF, which was monitoring the Ugandan treasury situation, more confidence in the Ugandan economy.467 This problem has not been publicly acknowledged by the IFIs. Thomas Dawson, the director of the External Relations Department in the International Monetary Fund (IMF), wrote in June 2002, in recent years, the Ugandan |
government's economic policies have proven quite successful in containing inflation and promoting strong economic growth the IMF has fully supported this program with advice and lending. In a September 2003 review of Ugandas performance under the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) process, the IMF and World Bank praised the country |
for its export-led growth. Although the report raised concerns about human rights and the humanitarian situation in northern Uganda, it was silent on the countrys role in the DRC. The IMF has illustrated in other countries that it can be a forceful proponent of transparency and accountability of government revenue |
but it has been inconsistent regarding transparency globally. It has been notably silent on Ugandas role in the DRC despite significant evidence that government revenue is coming from the illegal exploitation of resources across the border. The World Bank has also been moving towards a consistent approach on transparency. A |
two-year-long review by the World Bank assessing its role in the extractive industries has largely concluded that the bank should consistently address these issues by requiring audits and accurate public disclosure of revenues and expenditures. Despite such conclusions, it has not been forceful on promoting such an approach in Uganda, |
Rwanda or the DRC. Should such an approach be followed, the public in resource-rich countries could have an opportunity to exercise oversight over government accounts. Other bilateral donors have taken few steps to support initiatives to further investigate resource exploitation. The U.K. Department for International Development (DfID) has been an |
exception funding some projects looking at resource management and corruption. The U.K. has also promoted the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative which seeks to increase transparency in transactions between governments and companies within the extractive industries sector. The DRC government, however, is not a participant. Justice is an essential element in |
rebuilding the DRC and ending impunity. As the U.N. secretary general highlighted [i]mpunity can be an even more dangerous recipe for sliding back into conflict.468 On June 23, 2004 Luis Moreno Ocampo, the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC) announced the beginning of the first-ever investigation by the prosecutors |
office into war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the DRC. Earlier in the year, the transitional government triggered the action by requesting the ICC prosecutor to investigate crimes in the Congo. One of the priority areas for the ICC is to be Ituri. The ICC prosecutor stated in |
September 2003 that crimes committed in Ituri appear to be directly linked to control of resource extraction sites and that those who direct mining operations, sell diamonds or gold extracted in these conditions, launder the dirty money or provide weapons could also be authors of the crimes, even if they |
are based in other countries.469 He added that his office would independently verify links between the killings and the exploitation of resources470, thereby providing a glimmer of hope that justice might be done for crimes committed in Mongbwalu and other similar resource rich areas in the DRC. U.N Security Council |
Presidential Statement (S/PRST/2000/20), June 2, 2000. The mandate of the Panel was (i) to follow up on reports and collect information on all activities of illegal exploitation of natural resources and others forms of wealth in the DRC, including violation of the sovereignty of that country; (ii) to research and |
analyse the links between the exploitation of the natural resources and others forms of wealth in the DRC and the continuation of the conflict; and (iii) to revert to the council with recommendations. See reports from the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and Other Forms |
of the Democratic Republic of Congo, October 16, 2002 (S/2002/1146). Ibid., RAID, Unanswered Questions, April 2004; and Ibid., British All Party Group on the Great Lakes Region, February 2005. Ibid., Panel of Experts Report, October 23, 2003 (S/2003/1027), para 23. Ibid., British All Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes |
2003. OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises (Paris: OECD), 2000. Ibid., Implementation Procedures. Ibid., British All Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes Region, February 2005, p. 4, 16, 17. Oxfam-Netherlands (NOVIB) and Nederlands Instituut voor Zuidelijk Afrika (NIZA), Dutch NGOs Disappointed with Outcome of Case Against Traders in Congolese Coltan, |
June 15, 2004. Ibid., RAID, Unanswered Questions. Ibid., British All Party Parliamentary Group on the Great Lakes Region, February 2005, p. 5. Ibid., p. 5. Human Rights Watch interview, Justice David Porter, Uganda, July 8, 2004. Final Report of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations into Illegal Exploitation of |
Natural resources and Other Forms of Wealth in the Democratic Republic of Congo 2001 (May 2001 November 2002), Kampala, November 2002, p 199. Ibid., p. 203. Ibid., p. 204. Human Rights Watch interview, Justice David Porter, Uganda, July 8, 2004. Ibid., Confidential Supplement to U.N. Security Council, November 2003. Letter |
from President Yoweri Katuga Museveni to H.E. Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the U.N., Re: Integration of Ituri Armed Groups, July 3, 2004. Ibid., U.N. Panel of Experts Report (S/2002/1146), October 16, 2002. Ibid., U.N. Panel of Experts Report, Addendum Report, (S/2002/1146/Add.1) June 20, 2003. U.N., Reaction of Rwanda to |
the final report of the Panel of Experts on the Illegal Exploitation of the Natural Resources and Other Forms of Wealth of DR Congo, S/2003/1048, October 30, 2003. DRC-Rwanda: Kigali to probe allegations of plunder of Congos resources, IRIN News, October 23, 2003, Human Rights Watch interviews with a range |
of sources in Beni, Bunia, Kampala, February 2004. Also Ibid., Panel of Experts, Confidential Report to U.N. Security Council, November 2003. Ibid., United Nations Security Council, Special Report on the Events in Ituri, July 2004, p. 13. Also, Ibid., Confidential Supplement to the U.N. Security Council, November 2003. Human Rights |
Watch interview, former UPC spokesperson, Bunia February 21, 2004. Established under the Global and All Inclusive Agreement on the Transition in the DRC. Francois Misser, Once the Wild West for business, the DRC is now reviewing all its resource contracts, Business Report, October 2004. Human Rights Watch interview by telephone |
from London, December 8, 2004. Misser, Once the Wild West for business, the DRC is now reviewing all its resource contracts. U.N. Security Council Resolution 1565 (2004), S/RES/1565 (2004), October 1, 2004. Ibid., Confidential Supplement of the U.N. Panel of Experts. Human Rights Watch interview, diplomatic analyst, Kinshasa, September 30, |
2004. Ibid., U.N. Panel of Experts Report, April 2001 (S/2001/357). U.N., Report of the secretary-general to the U.N. Security Council on the protection of civilians in armed conflicts, S/2004/431, May 28, 2004. Luis Moreno-Ocampo, Report of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to Second Assembly of States Parties to |
Central India is the richest zone of Indian rock paintings. These paintings-some of which date back to the Mesolithic stage-illustrate daily life scenes and activities of the people living in prehistoric and later periods in that part of the country. Hunting was a main activity and, among daily life scenes, the hunting of game animals is the prime theme of |
prehistoric paintings. On the other hand, paintings of the historic period depict mainly bands of marching and fighting soldiers and horsemen. Foraging-the collection of fruits, tubers, eggs, small animals and honey-was the second main activity in the preagriculture stage. There are, therefore, many eye-catching scenes of fruit and honey collection, animal and bird trapping, and fishing. Overhangs of sandstone rock |
in forest-clad hills of Central India still harbour many colonies of the large rock bee, Apis dorsata, and some of these hills are named after honey and bees, e.g., Bhonrawali, Shahadkarad, Bee-nala, Meghupeep. |
Audubon’s younger son, John, may have assisted on this drawing, which was probably done during the winter of 1833-34 in Charleston. The red bird at bottom is an adult male; above him is an adult female; and the topmost bird is an immature grosbeak. In his text, Audubon wrote that his son brought back a number of these birds from Newfoundland. “It was curious |
to see how covered with sores the legs of the old birds of both sexes were. These sores or excrescences are, I believe, produced by the resinous matter of the fir-trees on which they obtain their food…and I of such an inconvenience.” The male bird is shown with these sores, and beneath the bird Audubon instructed the engraver, “pay attention to make diseased legs!” |
Pollution can make you fat, study claims Children exposed to pesticide in womb twice as likely to be overweight, refuting idea of sole personal responsibility. Geoffrey Lean reports Sunday 07 September 2008 Pollution can make children fat, startling new research shows. A groundbreaking Spanish study indicates that exposure to a range of common chemicals before birth sets up a baby |
to grow up stout, thus helping to drive the worldwide obesity epidemic. The results of the study, just published – the first to link chemical contamination in the womb with one of the developing world's greatest and fastest-growing health crises – carry huge potential implications for public policy around the globe. They undermine recent strictures from the Conservative leader, David |
Cameron, that blame solely the obese for their own condition. A quarter of all British adults and a fifth of children are obese – four times as many as 30 years ago. And so are at least 300 million people worldwide. The main explanation is that they are consuming more calories than they burn. But there is growing evidence that |
diet and lack of exercise, though critical, cannot alone explain the rapid growth of the epidemic. It has long been known that genetics give people different metabolisms, making some gain weight more easily than others. But the new study by scientists at Barcelona's Municipal Institute of Medical Research suggests that pollution may similarly predispose people to get fat. The research, |
published in the current issue of the journal Acta Paediatrica, measured levels of hexachlorobenzene (HCB), a pesticide, in the umbilical cords of 403 children born on the Spanish island of Menorca, from before birth. It found that those with the highest levels were twice as likely to be obese when they reached the age of six and a half. HCB, |
which was mainly used to treat seeds, has been banned internationally since the children were born, but its persistence ensures that it remains in the environment and gets into food. The importance of the study is not so much in identifying one chemical, as in showing what is likely to be happening as a result of contact with many of |
them. Its authors call for exposures to similar pesticides to be "minimised". Experiments have shown that many chemicals fed to pregnant animals cause their offspring to grow up obese. These include organotins, long employed in antifouling paints on ships and now widely found in fish; bisphenol A (BPA), used in baby bottles and to line cans of food, among countless |
other applications; and phthalates, found in cosmetics, shampoos, plastics to wrap food, and in a host of other everyday products. These pollutants – dubbed "obesogens" as a result of these findings – are so ubiquitous that almost everyone now has them in their bodies. Ninety-five per cent of Americans excrete BPA in their urine; 90 per cent of babies have |
been found to be exposed to phthalates in the womb; and every umbilical cord analysed in the new Spanish study was found to contain organchlorine pesticides such as HCB. Two American studies have implicated phthalates in obesity in adult men, but the new research is much more conclusive, and is the first to show the effects of exposure in the |
womb, where humans are most vulnerable. Dr Pete Myers, one of the world's leading experts on obesogens, told The Independent on Sunday last night: "This is very important. It is the first good study of the effects on the foetus. Its conclusions are not surprising, given what we know from the animal experiments, but it firmly links such chemicals to |
the biggest challenge facing public health today." No one knows how HCB causes obesity. The Spanish scientists speculate that it may have made the mothers diabetic, which would increase the chances of their children becoming obese (see graphic, above). Dr Myers, who is chief scientist at the US-based Environmental Health Sciences, which helps to increase public understanding of emerging scientific |
links, says this is "plausible", but adds that the animal experiments point elsewhere. These have shown that obesogens "switch genes on and off" in the womb, causing stem cells to be turned into fat cells. The children then grow up with a much greater disposition to store and accumulate fat. Whatever the explanation, the research goes some way to undermining |
David Cameron's assertion in a speech this summer that obesity is purely a matter of "personal responsibility", a view echoed by his health spokesman, Andrew Lansley 10 days ago. The Tory leader said that the obese are "people who eat too much and take too little exercise". Dr Myers calls that "wishful ideological thinking which does not accord with biological |
reality", adding: "We need to discover ways to reduce exposures to these chemicals so that changing diet and lifestyle has a chance to work." Factors that may pile on the pounds Why is the world getting so fat? Everyone agrees that people gain weight by taking in more calories in their food than they burn off through everyday activities and |
exercise. But many scientists are coming to believe that changes in diet and exercise do not sufficiently explain the rapid growth of the epidemic. As 'The Independent on Sunday' reported last week, there has been no reduction in physical activity in Britain since 1980, while obesity rates have quadrupled. The genetic make-up of a population does not change rapidly enough |
to provide an explanation. So the hunt is on for other factors that might show why more people are gaining weight more easily. Life before birth. Both overweight and underweight babies are more likely to grow up fat. So are those born to smokers. Evidence suggests pollution is also predisposing the unborn to obesity. The introduction and increase in the |
use of such chemicals coincides with the epidemic taking off. Age of mothers. The chances of becoming obese increase with maternal age. And the average age of first giving birth has gone up by 2.6 years in Britain since 1970. Less sleep. Both children and adults are more likely to get fat if they get too little sleep, partly because |
they become hungrier. Average daily sleep has fallen from nine to seven hours over recent decades. Temperature. People burn up more calories when they are cold. Central heating has ensured that they spend most of their time in comfortable temperatures. Prescription drugs. Some drugs – including anti-psychotics, antidepressants and treatments for diabetes – cause people to gain weight. Stopping smoking. |
brought back into use thanks... A roundup of the latest property news Plus, do energy saving measures boost house prices? The 10 Best new smartphones Environment Secretary Owen Paterson urges UK to adopt use of GM crop technology Uncooked curry leaves caused mass outbreak of salmonella in Newcastle, say health officials Stripes set to be big for Dolce and Gabbana |
as fashion designers get 20 months in prison for tax evasion Study claims ‘inner peace’ can help pupils to cope with exams - 1 Breaking the Silence: In the reality of occupation, there are no Palestinian civilians – only potential terrorists - 2 Mike Ashley wants blood after last season's trauma at Newcastle - and it won't stop with Derek |
JUST over a century back, liberal social reformer Gopal Krishna Gokhale pleaded before the colonial government for making elementary education compulsory. Possibly the idea was seen as much too radical and failed to muster the necessary support. Yet, even today, in 2006, despite constitutional promises and even an amendment making education a fundamental right of all children, neither our state nor our elites can |
muster up the necessary will and resources to convert promise into reality. Worse, despite preparing a Right to Education bill after months of discussion in the Central Advisory Board of Education, the Union government has decided against presenting the bill in Parliament, preferring instead to circulate it as a model legislation for state governments to consider and adopt, a unique way to define a |
right. Few areas of public concern have been as studied and commented upon as education, what with dozens of commission reports and innumerable studies. There is also no shortage of innovative schemes and projects, involving a multiplicity of actors public and private, Indian and foreign all seeking a breakthrough. Yet, sixty years after independence, our literacy rates remain unforgivably low and the percentage of |
children in school and actually learning shameful. True, one needs to read this against the undeniable progress on many fronts number of educational institutions, teachers, students. But, in a country aspiring to be a knowledge superpower of the 21st century, to still be struggling with basic concerns like getting children into school, ensuring that they remain there long enough and, above all, learn and |
acquire the basic skills needed to negotiate the modern world, cannot be a matter of satisfaction. What is true of basic education becomes even more troubling as we go up the education ladder from primary to secondary on to graduate, technical studies and research. At the time India became independent, on this count at least, it seemed better placed than most other post-colonial developing |
states. Even in the sixties, Indian universities and technical institutions represented a site of optimism inadequate in terms of needs but steadily on a growth path. Today, despite a manifold growth in numbers public and private the prognosis for the future remains decidedly ambiguous if not bleak, with few Indian institutions making the international grade. More than resources, in particular public funding, what seems |
to ail our educational enterprise is a lack of clarity, and therefore consensus about both our goals and whose responsibility education is Union, state and local government, private educational providers or civil society. The government which invariably advances the argument of fiscal inadequacy in extending quality provision remains simultaneously suspicious of private initiative, tying up all those who want to enter the sector in |
a complex web of rules and regulations such that honest effort becomes well-nigh impossible. A bit like a dog in the manger attitude we cant do it but will not let you do it either. One may have thought, mistakenly as it turns out, that the government and our education policy-makers would welcome non-official initiatives by framing clear and enabling ground rules, evolving regulatory |
and certification mechanisms. What we have instead is turf protection, with those entrenched in the system unwilling to share decision-making powers. Little do we realize that a stultifying regime, reminiscent of the license-quota raj of yesteryears, only provides space for those with the skills to work the system. So it is not that we do not have a private sector in education from schools |
to universities and technical institutions. We do. Just that a vast majority of what passes off as education resembles a cut-throat profit-making enterprise capitation fees for students, poorly paid and over-worked teachers and, in the main, indifferent quality. When the government set up a Knowledge Commission it was hoped that we might get a new vision and a new path to both revitalise our |
existing institutions as also create new ones. With a faster growing economy, new technologies and the upsurge in demand for learning and skills at all levels, it appeared the right time to make a breakthrough. And though it might be premature to admit defeat, the lack of coherence within government, with the Knowledge Commission and the Union human resource ministry at loggerheads, hardly inspires |
confidence. It is not the case that the debates in education policy are only about control and power. Given the multiplicity of objectives and values associated with education from skill development, inculcating a critical orientation and creativity in students, to fostering civic values and a common citizenry debates and differences are not only expected but to be valued. The role of mother tongue vs |
English at the primary level; the use of para-teachers in situations where regular schools and teachers are in short supply; job-oriented and skill based learning as against general education; the role of local and traditional knowledges; allowing autonomy to educational institutions to evolve their own curricula and examination methods all these and others have engendered a heated debate in the country. Yet, the manner |
in which we approach policy dilemmas can drive one to despair. Take programmes like Shiksha Karmi or the Education Guarantee Scheme which rely on para teachers. At one level, they represent a response to both a shortage of trained teachers as also their unwillingness to serve in backward areas for groups of underprivileged children. Para-teachers or gurujis at least ensure some education to those |
currently receiving nothing. True that these schemes are decried by educationists as condemning poor children to substandard education, possibly impairing them for life, and all because of a penchant to save money. Yet, in only decrying these initiatives and insisting that the government somehow find the resources and muster up the political will to massively expand the coverage of properly equipped schools, a process |
that may take decades, are we making the best the enemy of the good? Or is it, as critics aver, this is only letting the government off the hook. The current debate over OBC quotas in higher education suffers from a similar infirmity. For a start we mistakenly equate a policy initiative with an issue of principle, as if quotas are the best, if |
not only, way to enhance social inclusiveness in institutions of higher learning. Worse, any attempt to highlight inadequacies at the school level, without correcting which a regime of quotas will remain inefficacious, is perceived as diverting the demand for social justice. Even more damaging is the proposal to simultaneously increase the overall intake of students and introduce the full complement of quotas, little appreciating |
the possible impact on quality. Instead of debating concrete ways of enhancing availability and inclusion while retaining quality through a package of schemes, we seem to have trapped ourselves into a politically divisive and fractious discourse such that the social identity is seen as determining ones position on this question. Granted that it is not easy to resolve such contentious issues, nevertheless delays in |
decisions accompanied by mixed and often contradictory signals are disconcerting. Meanwhile, given the pressures of demand, those in need continue to create their own solutions, including thousands seeking instruction abroad. And now, with education becoming a global enterprise with students, teachers and knowledge crossing national frontiers, our inability to set our house in order only implies a gain for someone else. It should be |
a matter of concern for our policy-makers if aspiring medical students seek out institutions in China in the absence of national availability of appropriate price and quality. Or that the market for educational aids from textbooks, audio cassettes, CDs or computer software is primarily controlled by global providers. Fortunately, recent years have also witnessed a renewed thrust in education by both the government and |
the private sector. Industrial houses are today willing to invest in education, not just the better paying management and technical institutes, but also partner government in improving schools through scholarship programmes, infusion of technology or by suggesting improved management practices clearly preferable to building temples. This needs to be leveraged through appropriate policies as does the desire of non-national players to enter the education |
market. More than the who, we need to engage with the what on offer. The need for a massive expansion in quality education at all levels has never been greater. Is it not time we move beyond the old ideological debates marked by suspicion and intolerance of all players other than ourselves? There is no shortage of innovative efforts and experiments. The challenge is |
to give an impetus to the churning and help make a scale transformation increasing access, social inclusion and quality. This issue of Seminar advances a few ideas. Can we build on them? * This issue draws upon a recent discussion Reimagining Education organised by the Seminar Education Foundation with support from the Ford Foundation. |
Independence Year : 1966 Population : 270000 Life Expectancy : 73.0 Capital : 174 GNP : 2223.00 GNP Old : 2186.00 Local Name : Barbados Government Form : Constitutional Monarchy |
Location : Caribbean, island in the North Atlantic Ocean, northeast of Venezuela Terrain : Generally flat, hilly in the interior Climate : Tropical; rainy season (July to November). Ethnic Group |
was uninhabited when first settled by the British in 1627. Slaves worked the sugar plantations established on the island until 1834 when slavery was abolished. The economy remained heavily dependent |
on sugar, rum, and molasses production through most of the 20th century. The gradual introduction of social and political reforms in the 1940s and 1950s led to complete independence from |
Monophonic/Polyphonic: Early synthesizers were only capable of producing one note at a time, but through evolution of technology they became more and more powerful (and cheaper to produce), to the point that modern synthesizers can play a near-infinite amount of |
notes simultaneously (like a piano). However, most synthesizers still have the option of playing in a monophonic or polyphonic mode. Quite simply, a monophonic (think ‘mono’) synthesizer can only play one note at a time, and a polyphonic one can |
play two or more. The monophonic setting can be useful for some lead and bass sounds, as it prevents two keys from being held down accidentally and overlapping each other. Portamento/Glide: Gives the ability to slide between notes. The effect |
of portamento is best used on monophonic sounds to create a bending between notes, but can also be used polyphonically when played in the style of block chords. The time (and occasionally scale) of the glide effect can be changed, |
allowing different severities of ‘bending’, from a simple glide, to a very slow sweep between adjacent notes (useful for SFX). (Simple) FM: Although ‘frequency modulation’ is an entire form of synthesis itself, the basic concepts of its sound creation methods |
can also be used in subtractive synthesis. FM effects are produced in a similar fashion to a sped-up LFO, whereby the rate is set so fast that the oscillator produces an audible pitch. The resulting oscillator is then used to |
modulate the pitch of another oscillator, giving a generally non-harmonic sound, which is very sharp and biting. Due to the lack of pitch stability in analogue components, FM effects can not be reliably used on analogue synthesizer keyboards. Oscillator Sync: |
The standard effect of oscillator sync (technically called ‘hard sync’ in this case), is the use of 2 oscillators – one which is the master, and the other the slave. The master oscillator runs as standard with its waveform, but |
the slave oscillator will be running faster or slower than the master. When the master oscillator is triggered, the slave oscillator will also start again through its waveform regardless of whether it has finished its cycle or not. Because the |
oscillators will be at different parts of the waveform cycle, strange harmonic effects are created when the two oscillators are triggered together. Ring Modulation: One of the more well-known musical features from the past, ring modulation in music synthesis is |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.