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required to have the permission of the executive committee chairman to observe its meetings. Until government authorities shut it down during 1996, Radio 101.2 had been the sole Belarusian language
independent station in the country. The Belarusian Patriotic Union of Youth, a government-subsidized presidential youth organization, was permitted to take control of Radio 101.2. State-controlled Belarusian television and radio (B-TR)
maintains its monopoly as the only nationwide television station. Its news programs regularly featured reporting heavily biased in favor of the Government and refused to provide an outlet for opposing
viewpoints. Local, independent television stations operated in some areas, and were relatively unimpeded in reporting on local news. However, some of these stations reported that they were under pressure not
to report on national-level issues or were subject to censorship. Broadcasts into the country from Russian television stations represent the only significant source of independent information from broadcast media and
constitute a frequent source of irritation to the Lukashenko Government. However, to transmit their video material to Moscow, Russian stations rely on the B-TR broadcasting facility. According to Russian television
crews, authorities sometimes have tried to limit access to this facility, although there were no reports of this occurring during the year. On May 21, the government newspaper Respublika criticized
Belarusian language programs broadcast by a Polish radio station in Warsaw for negative reporting about President Lukashenko. In March 1998, the presidential administration issued an internal directive entitled "On Strengthening
Countermeasures Against Articles in the Opposition Press." The directive specifically lists 10 independent media organizations covered by these provisions, and prohibits government officials from making comments or distributing documents to
non-state media. It also forbids state enterprises from advertising in non-state media. Although the directive does not restrict directly independent media or impinge on the right of citizens to receive
information, it does restrict government officials in speaking to the independent media and gives further advantages to the state press. On January 6, Anna Shidlovskaya, a correspondent for the independent
news service Belapan and newspaper Belorusskaya Delovaya Gazeta, was prevented from attending an open session of the Gomel executive committee by the head of the committee's information department. The independent
Belarusian Association of Journalists (BAJ) later protested the decision to order Shidlovskaya out of a conference hall 5 minutes before the executive committee was due to meet. A 1997 Council
of Ministers decree nullified the accreditation of all correspondents and required all foreign media correspondents to apply for reaccreditation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the application form for accreditation
requested biographic information, as well as a record of the applicant's journalistic activity. Journalists who were residents of Belarus also were required to register with the state tax authorities. The
impact of the decree is still unclear, although it does not appear that the Government specifically invoked the decree during 1998 or this year as a tool to exclude certain
journalists. On June 20, the poet Vladimir Neklyayev, who chaired the Belarusian Writers' Union sought asylum in Poland. Neklyayev accused government authorities of disrespect for the Belarusian language, history, and
culture and claimed that recent financial inspections of a magazine that he edited were motivated politically. On August 11, the international NGO Reporters Sans Frontiers described Belarus as an enemy
of the Internet. A public statement issued by the organization noted that citizens were not free to explore Internet independently. Although there are several Internet providers in the country they
all are state controlled. The Government's state monopoly on Internet service offers high prices, poor quality, and limited service, and allows for the monitoring of practically all e-mail traffic. Although
the Government has full control, it does not appear to be cutting off access entirely, and those who do have access appear to be able to contact a full range
of unfiltered international web sites. The Government restricts academic freedom. A sharply critical Human Rights Watch report released in Minsk on July 27 detailed government restrictions on academic freedom. The
report noted that the Lukashenko Government had suppressed research on controversial topics, recentralized academic decision making, and maintained a ban on political activity on campuses. At the same time, a
"systematic crackdown" on political dissent on campuses had targeted outspoken students and lecturers who were threatened with expulsion, often for their off-campus political activity. The report also asserted that state
university authorities issue reprimands and warnings to politically active lecturers, independent historians, and other academics. It stated that university employees who challenge the status quo are told to curtail political
activities or change the focus of their academic inquiry. University administrators target research into politically sensitive issues, such as the Belarusian independence movement during the Soviet era, a theme that
is seen to challenge the State's policy of integration with Russian and is discouraged actively. The Government continued to harass students engaged in antigovernment activities, such as demonstrations. Aleksey Shidlovskiy,
who was released in February from a hard labor facility where he had been sentenced for spray painting antipresidential graffiti (see Section 1.e.), was expelled from his university while in
pretrial detention. Members of the propresidential, government-funded Belarusian Patriotic Union of Youth served as the regime's watchdog against antigovernment activities. Moreover, members of the Union reportedly received preferential treatment at
state schools. On December 21, Ales Ostrovsky, a professor at the Grodno State Medical Institute, was detained for 2 days and reprimanded by local authorities for allegedly "violating public discipline"
after he attempted to speak out against the Belarus-Russia Union Treaty during a meeting of the pro-Lukashenko Belarusian Patriotic Youth Union. He also reportedly was warned by the rector of
his university not to violate "labor discipline." In 1997 the Council of Ministers issued a decree, effective as of the 1997-98 academic year, requiring students who receive free university education
from the state to accept jobs assigned by the Government upon graduation. It remains unclear to what extent this decree is actually enforced. On May 30, 15 members of the
youth wing of the Belarusian social democratic party staged a demonstration in Minsk against the practice, including the reported assigning of students to jobs in areas contaminated by radiation by
the Chernobyl disaster. b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association The Constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly; however, the Government restricts this right in practice. Organizers must apply at
least 15 days in advance to local officials for permission to conduct a demonstration, rally, or meeting. The local government must respond with a decision not later than 5 days
prior to the scheduled event. President Lukashenko issued decree number 5 in March 1997 in part to regulate what he termed the "orgy" of street protests taking place. The decree
further limited citizens' ability to assemble peacefully by restricting the locations were rallies may take place and allowing local authorities to put strict limits on the number of participants. The
decree also prohibited the display of unregistered flags and symbols, as well as placards bearing messages deemed threatening to the State or public order (see Section 2.a.). The decree, along
with subsequent amendments adopted by the acting legislature, imposed severe penalties on those who violate the law, particularly the organizers of events. Although the decree allows for either monetary fines
or detention for up to 15 days, courts frequently impose high fines knowing that those convicted cannot pay. When individuals fail to pay fines, authorities threaten to confiscate their property.
The courts punished organizers of rallies with fines of several times the average monthly wage. In late January, an opposition coalition "congress of democratic forces" undertook to arrange for alternative
presidential elections to be held from May 6 to May 16 in order to draw attention to the end of President Lukashenko's legal 5-year term in office (See section 3).
In response, authorities initiated a widespread crackdown on opposition political activities throughout the country. Procurator General Oleg Bozhelko warned in a public statement on February 8 that participation in the
opposition initiative could result in prosecution for attempting to "seize power unconstitutionally and destabilizing society." Public demonstrations occurred frequently in Minsk but were always under strict government control, including through
open videotaping of the participants by the police and plainclothes security officers. Demonstrations also occurred in other parts of the country, but were less frequent in areas in the east
close to the border with Russia. Following some sanctioned and unsanctioned demonstrations police and other security officials continued to round up, beat, detain, and try to coerce forced confessions from
some demonstration participants (see Sections l.c. and 1.d.). On April 2, 13th Supreme Soviet deputies Anatoliy Lebedko and Valery Shchukin were detained for leading an unsanctioned demonstration to protest comments
by some government officials hinting at a possible redeployment of nuclear weapons into the country. Local authorities had notified the demonstration organizers at the last moment that their march could
not be held. Lebedko was held in administrative detention for 3 days and fined approximately $150 (44 million rubles). Shchukin was given a 5-day sentence. Approximately 18 other persons also
were detained after the march, including one who required hospitalization after a beating inflicted by security officers (see Section 1.c.). On April 16, a local court fined Valeri Kostko and
Dimitri Bondarenko, members of the local human rights NGO's Belarusian Helsinki Committee and Charter '97, the equivalent of about $150 (44 million rubles) and $160 (47 million rubles), respectively, for
leading a demonstration in Minsk on February 27. Although the demonstrators had received approval to march on a public sidewalk, they were fined after being forced to use a lane
in the street because the sidewalk was blocked by snow. On April 21, a court in Grodno fined Association of Belarusian Poles chairman Tadeusz Gavin approximately $230 (67 million rubles)
for leading an unsanctioned demonstration on April 17. Local authorities twice earlier had denied the Association of Belarusian Poles permission to hold a demonstration. On April 25, special forces militia
troops in Grodno used force to break up an unsanctioned, but peaceful, opposition demonstration (see Section l.c.). On April 27, a court in Grodno sentenced local United Civic Party and
Entrepreneurs' Association chairman Valery Levonevsky to 13 days in prison for allegedly staging an unsanctioned demonstration near the offices of the local executive committee. Levonevsky, who pleaded not guilty to
the charges, claimed that he had had an appointment within the building in question and that the arrest probably was made only as a precautionary measure because of a scheduled
upcoming session in Grodno of the parliamentary assembly of the Belarusian-Russian Union. On May 1, 19 persons, including the chairman of the Belarusian Social Democratic Party, were detained in Minsk
for attempting to participate in an officially sanctioned Labor Day celebration. Charges later were dropped against the participants (see Section 1.d.). In June 1998, following numerous complaints filed by citizens
and 2 days of public hearings, the Minsk city council passed a resolution that called for the Ministry of Interior to consider ways of preserving public order during demonstrations that
did not violate civil rights and to increase the personal accountability of its officers. However, the effect of this resolution, if any, appears principally to have been that security forces
usually try to detain individuals after demonstrations already have concluded and to do so out of sight of witnesses. On June 15, Minsk city officials denied permission to the Belarusian
Social Democratic Party and Belarusian Popular Front to hold a demonstration against war, dictatorship, and fascism, citing the deaths of 52 people in a stampede in a metro station 3
weeks earlier to justify their decision. Over 70 persons were detained briefly following demonstrations in Minsk and other cities on July 21 and July 27. Government security officials beat some
of the detainees (see Section l.c.). BSDP chairman Mikalay Statkevich was detained and sentenced to 10 days in prison for leading the sanctioned July 27 protest on an unauthorized march
route. Government authorities also subsequently opened an investigation against Statkevich for "disrupting public order," a charge that could carry up to 3 years in prison. Four participants (Grodno medical institute
lecturer Ales Ostrovsky, BNF local leader Sergei Malchik, Pahonya editor Nikolai Markevich, and businessman Nikolai Voron) in an antigovernment demonstration in Grodno on July 21 were given fines of between
about $100 (30 million rubles) and about $400 (120 million rubles), exceptionaly high in a country where the average monthly wage was then $40 (12 million rubles). Since they could
not pay immediately, local authorities reportedly indicated that they would begin to confiscate their property. According to Ostrovsky, local authorities also told him that 20 percent of his monthly salary
would be deducted until his fine was paid. On December 8, following a small unsanctioned protest in Minsk against the signing of a union treaty between Belarus and Russia, at
least six demonstrators, including Belarusian Popular Front deputy chairman Vyuacheslav Sivchik and noted poet Slavomir Adamovich, were briefly detained. Dmitry Kasperovich, a 17-year-old member of the Popular Front's youth wing
lost a tooth while being taken into custody. On December 15, Sivchik was fined about $300 (218 million rubles). Others were given lesser fines or official warnings. In connection with
a new presidential decree entitled "On Measures to Prevent Emergencies During Mass Events" promulgated in early September, President Lukashenko told high level security officers in a September 16 meeting that
opposition demonstrations in Minsk should be allowed only at locations outside of the city's center. It subsequently became more difficult to obtain permission to hold public protests. Opposition party organizers
were denied permission to hold a March for Freedom demonstration, which had been planned for the downtown area on October 17. When protesters decided nevertheless to march toward the center
of Minsk, special forces of the Ministry of Internal Affairs blocked their way and forcibly dispersed the crowd (see Section 1.d.). The acting head of the OSCE office in Minsk
noted publicly on October 18 that the refusal by Minsk city authorities to allow the March was "at the base of the conflict." On October 22, Minsk city authorities also
banned the annual Dzyzdy commemorative march held in Minsk. However, as the march route led away from the center of Minsk, government security officials did not prevent opposition supporters from
going through with the march. The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government does not respect this right in practice. According to members of parties in opposition to
the President, authorities frequently deny permission to opposition groups to meet in public buildings. Employees at state-run enterprises are discouraged from joining independent trade unions, and the Ministry of Justice
long denied registration to the Congress of Independent Trade Unions (see Section 6.a.). The Government regularly harasses members and supporters of opposition parties, and confiscates their leaflets and publications. Government
officials have warned alumni of foreign-sponsored education programs against continued affiliation with their program's sponsoring agency. On January 26, just before a coalition of opposition parties held a large "congress
of democratic forces," President Lukashenko issued decree number 2 requiring that all political parties, trade unions, and nongovernmental organizations reregister with authorities by July 1. Such public associations already had
completed a lengthy reregistration process in 1995. The timing of the decree, which increased the scope of operations and number of members organizations would need to demonstrate to qualify for
reregistration, apparently was intended as a method of political intimidation at a time of increased opposition activity. On July 1, regulations prohibiting private organizations from using private residences as their
legal addresses were announced. In view of Government control or ownership of many office buildings, the regulations had the effect of complicating the reregistration process. The deadline for reregistration subsequently
was extended until August 1 and again to October 1. Although most of the major political parties, unions, and NGO's that applied eventually were allowed to reregister, the process in
practice often was complicated and drawn out. After the reregistration period had begun, government authorities announced that organizations would have to alter their charters to indicate recognition of the 1996
Constitution, and that the words "popular" or "national" could not be used in their titles. On December 17, an amendment to the law on public associations officially went into effect
that prohibits political and social organizations from using the words "Belarus," "Republic of Belarus," "National," or "Popular" in their titles. The Belarusian Association of Poles was denied reregistration twice before
finally getting approval. The All-Belarusian Club of Voters was given permission to reregister in mid-November only after suing government authorities in court. As of year's end, the Association of Young
Politicians, headed by well-known opposition leader Anatoliy Lebedko, the Belarusian Human Rights League, and the Belarusian Independent Association of Industrial Trade Unions had not been allowed to reregister. On December
17, President Lukashenko signed into law a bill on amendments to the Administrative Offenses Code that would make any work on behalf of unregistered NGO's punishable by fines. On December
27, the amendments entered into force. By the end of the year, the Ministry of Justice had reregistered 17 of 27 political parties (18 had applied), and 38 of 42
national trade unions. Of approximately 2,500 NGO's, approximately 1,316 were reregistered. In April the Ministry of Justice blocked efforts by the Belarus Lambda League, the country's first and only lesbian
and gay rights organization, to gain official registration as an NGO. The Ministry cited technical reasons, although Belarus Lambda League members claimed authorities were seeking to deny registration to a
gay and lesbian organization and initiated an appeal to the Supreme Court. Members of local human rights NGO's also were harassed for involvement in or association with the opposition presidential
election initiative. Gomel branch Belarusian Helsinki Committee (BHC) head Yevgeny Murashko was detained briefly in February following his participation in a human rights seminar with opposition Central Election Commission chairman
Viktor Gonchar. In late June, Murashko also was given a 2-year suspended sentence "for violating procedures of holding an assembly." On February 16, local KGB officials in Vitebsk issued an