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twg_000012922100 | the Church itself; finally he created excessive scandal by attacking dogmas and by discussing the sacraments. Summoned the first time to answer in respect of his doctrines, he appeared in St. Paul's, in , attended by the strange patrons that a common animosity against the high dignitaries of the Church had gained for him; John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922101 | and Lord Henry Percy accompanied him. The duke, little troubled by scruples, loudly declared, in the middle of the church, that he would drag the bishop out of the cathedral by the hair of his head. These words were followed by an indescribable tumult. Indignant at this insult, the people of the City drove the duke from the church, pursued | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922102 | him through the town, and laid siege to the house of John of Ypres, a rich merchant with whom he had gone to sup. Luckily for the prince, the house opened on the Thames. He rose in haste, knocking his legs against the table, and, without stopping to drink the cordial offered him, slipped into a boat and fled, as | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922103 | fast as oars could carry him, to his sister-in-law's, the Princess of Wales, at Kennington.[] The summoning of Wyclif thus had no result. But the Pope, in the same year, launched against the English theologian bulls pointing out eighteen erroneous propositions contained in his writings, and enjoining that the culprit should be put in prison if he refused to retract. | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922104 | The University of Oxford, being already a power at that time, proud of its privileges, jealous in maintaining solidarity between its members, imbued with those ideas of opposition to the Pope which were increasing in England, considered the decree as an excessive exercise of authority. It examined the propositions, and declared them to be orthodox, though capable of wrong interpretations, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922105 | on which account Wyclif should go to London and explain himself.[] He is found, therefore, in London in the beginning of ; the bishops are assembled in the still existing chapel of Lambeth Palace. But by one of those singularities that allow us to realise how the limits of the various powers were far from being clearly defined, it happened | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922106 | that the bishops had received positive orders not to condemn Wyclif. The prohibition proceeded from a woman, the Princess of Wales, widow of the Black Prince. The prelates, however, were spared the trouble of choosing between the Pope and the lady; for the second time Wyclif was saved by a riot; a crowd favourable to his ideas invaded the palace, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922107 | and no sentence could be given. Any other would have appeared the more guilty; he only lived the more respected. He was then at the height of his popularity; a new public statement that he had just issued in favour of the king against the Pope had confirmed his reputation as advocate and defender of the kingdom of England.[] He | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922108 | resumed, therefore, in peace his work of destruction, and began to attack dogmas. Besides his writings and his speeches, he used, in order to popularise his doctrines, his "simple priests," or "poor priests," who, without being formed into a religious order, imitated the wandering life of the friars, but not their mendicity, and strove to attain the ideal which the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922109 | friars had fallen short of. They went about preaching from village to village, and the civil authority was alarmed by the political and religious theories expounded to the people by these wanderers, who journeyed "from county to county, and from town to town, in certain habits under dissimulation of great holiness, without license of our Holy Father the Pope, or | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922110 | of the ordinary of the diocese."[] Wyclif justified these unlicensed preachings by the example of St. Paul, who, after his conversion, "preechide fast, and axide noo leve of Petir herto, for he hadde leve of Jesus Crist."[] From this time forth Wyclif began to circulate on the sacraments, and especially on the Eucharist, opinions that Oxford even was unable to | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922111 | tolerate; the University condemned them. Conformably to his own theory, which tended, as did that of the Commons, towards a royal supremacy, Wyclif appealed not to the Pope but to the king, and in the meantime refused to submit. This was carrying boldness very far. John of Gaunt separates from his _protg_; Courtenay, bishop of London, calls together a Council | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922112 | which condemns Wyclif and his adherents (); the followers are pursued, and retract or exile themselves; but Wyclif continues to live in perfect quiet. Settled at Lutterworth, from whence he now rarely stirred, he wrote more than ever, with a more and more caustic and daring pen. The papal schism, which had begun in , had cast discredit on the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922113 | Holy See; Wyclif's work was made the easier by it. At last Urban VI., the Pope whom England recognised, summoned him to appear in his presence, but an attack of paralysis came on, and Wyclif died in his parish on the last day of the year . "Organum diabolicum, hostis Ecclesi, confusio vulgi, hreticorum idolum, hypocritarum speculum, schismatis incentor, odii | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922114 | seminator, mendacii fabricator"[]: such is the funeral oration inscribed in his annals, at this date, by Thomas Walsingham, monk of St. Albans. By order of the Council of Constance, his ashes were afterwards thrown to the winds, and the family of the Wyclifs of Wyclif, firmly attached to the old faith, erased him from their genealogical tree. When the Reformation | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922115 | came, the family remained Catholic, and this adherence to the Roman religion seems to have been the cause of its decay: "The last of the Wyclifs was a poor gardener, who dined every Sunday at Thorpe Hall, as the guest of Sir Marmaduke Tunstall, on the strength of his reputed descent."[] IV. Wyclif had begun early to write, using at | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922116 | first only Latin.[] Innumerable treatises of his exist, many of which are still unpublished, written in a Latin so incorrect and so English in its turns that "often the readiest way of understanding an obscure passage is to translate it into English."[] He obviously attracted the notice of his contemporaries, not by the elegance of his style, but by the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922117 | power of his thought. His thought deserved the attention it received. His mind was, above all, a critical one, opposed to formulas, to opinions without proofs, to traditions not justified by reason. Precedents did not overawe him, the mysterious authority of distant powers had no effect on his feelings. He liked to look things and people in the face, with | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922118 | a steady gaze, and the more important the thing was and the greater the authority claimed, the less he felt disposed to cast down his eyes. Soon he wished to teach others to open theirs, and to see for themselves. By "others" he meant every one, and not only clerks or the great. He therefore adopted the language of every | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922119 | one, showing himself in that a true Englishman, a partisan of the system of free investigation, so dear since to the race. He applied this doctrine to all that was then an object of faith, and step by step, passing from the abstract to the concrete, he ended by calling for changes, very similar to those England adopted at the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922120 | Reformation, and later on in the time of the Puritans. His starting-point was as humble and abstract as his conclusions were, some of them, bold and practical. A superhuman ideal had been proposed by St. Francis to his disciples; they were to possess nothing, but beg their daily bread and help the poor. Such a rule was good for apostles | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922121 | and angels; it was practised by men. They were not long able to withstand the temptation of owning property, and enriching themselves; in the fourteenth century their influence was considerable, and their possessions immense. Thin subterfuges were resorted to in order to justify this change: they had only the usufruct of their wealth, the real proprietor being the Pope. From | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922122 | that time two grave questions arose and were vehemently discussed in Christendom: What should be thought of the poverty and mendicity of Christ and his apostles? What is property, and what is the origin of the power whence it proceeds? In the first rank of the combatants figured, in the fourteenth century, an Englishman, Richard Fitzralph, archbishop of Armagh, "Armachanus," | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922123 | who studied the question of property, and contested the theory of the friars in various sermons and treatises, especially in his work: "De pauperie Salvatoris," composed probably between and .[] Wyclif took his starting-point from the perfectly orthodox writings of Fitzralph, and borrowed from him nearly the whole of his great theory of "Dominium," or lordship, power exercised either over | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922124 | men, or over things, domination, property, possession. But he carried his conclusions much farther, following the light of logic, as was the custom of schools, without allowing himself to be hindered by the radicalism of the consequences and the material difficulties of the execution. The theory of "Dominium," adopted and popularised by Wyclif, is an entirely feudal one. According to | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922125 | him, all lordship comes from God; the Almighty bestows it on man as a fief, in consideration of a service or condition the keeping of His commandments. Deadly sin breaks the contract, and deprives the tenant of his right to the fief; therefore no man in a state of deadly sin possesses any of the lordships called property, priesthood, royalty, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922126 | magistracy. All which is summed up by Wyclif in his proposition: any "dominium" has grace for its foundation. By such a theory, the whole social order is shaken; neither Pope nor king is secure on his throne, nor priest in his living, nor lord in his estate. The confusion is all the greater from the fact that a multitude of | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922127 | other subversive conclusions are appended to this fundamental theory: While sinners lose all lordship, the good possess all lordship; to man, in a state of "gratia gratificante," belongs the whole of what comes from God; "in re habet omnia bona Dei."[] But how can that be? The easiest thing in the world, replies Wyclif, whom nothing disturbs: all goods should | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922128 | be held in common, "Ergo omnia debent esse communia"[]; wives should be alone excepted.--The Bible is a kind of Koran in which everything is found; no other law should be obeyed save that one alone; civil and canonical laws are useless if they agree with the Bible, and criminal if they are opposed to it.[]--Royalty is not the best form | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922129 | of government; an aristocratic system is better, similar to that of the Judges in Israel.[]--Neither heirship nor popular election is sufficient for the transmission of the crown; grace is needed besides.[]--The bequeathing to the Church of estates which will become mortmain lands is inadmissible: "No one can transmit more rights than he possesses, and no one is personally possessed of | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922130 | rights of civil lordship extending beyond the term of life."[]--If the convent or the priest make a bad use of their wealth, the temporal power will be doing "a very meritorious thing" in depriving them of it.[] The whole order of things is unhinged, and we are nearing chaos. It is going so far that Wyclif cannot refrain from inserting | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922131 | some of those slight restrictions which the logicians of the Middle Ages were fond of slipping into their writings. In time of danger this was the secret door by which they made their escape, turning away from the stake. Wyclif is an advocate of communism; but he gives to understand that it is not for now; it is a distant | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922132 | ideal. After us the deluge! Not so, answer the peasants of ; the deluge at once: "Omnia debent esse communia!" If all lordship vanishes through sin, who shall be judge of the sin of others? All real lordship vanishes from the sinner, answered Wyclif, but there remains to him, by the permission of God, a power _de facto_, that it | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922133 | is not given us to remove; evil triumphs, but with God's consent; the Christian must obey the wicked king and bishop: "Deus debet obedire diabolo."[] But the dissatisfied only adopted the first part of the theory, and instead of submitting to Simon Sudbury, their archbishop, of whom they disapproved, they cut off his head. These were certainly extreme and exceptional | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922134 | consequences, to which Wyclif only contributed in a slight measure. The lasting and permanent result of the doctrine was to strengthen the Commons of England in the aim they already had in view, namely, to diminish the authority exercised over them by the Pope, and to loosen the ties that bound the kingdom to Rome. Wyclif pointed out that, contrary | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922135 | to the theory of Boniface VIII. (bull "Unam Sanctam"), there does not exist in this world one single supreme and unequalled sovereignty; the Pope is not the sole depositary of divine power. Since all lordship proceeds from God, that of the king comes from Him, as well as that of the Pope; kings themselves are "vikeris of God"; beside the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922136 | Pope, and not below him, there is the king.[] V. The English will thus be sole rulers in their island. They must also be sole keepers of their consciences, and for that Wyclif is to teach them free investigation. All, then, must understand him; and he begins to write in English. His English works are numerous; sermons, treatises, translations; they | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922137 | fill volumes.[] Before all the Book of truth was to be placed in the hands of everybody, so that none need accept without check the interpretations of others. With the help of a few disciples, Wyclif began to translate the Bible into English. To translate the Scriptures was not forbidden. The Church only required that the versions should be submitted | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922138 | to her for approval. There already existed several, complete or partial, in various languages; a complete one in French, written in the thirteenth century,[] and several partial ones in English. Wyclif's version includes the whole of the canonical books, and even the apocryphal ones; the Gospels appear to have been translated by himself, the Old Testament chiefly by his disciple, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922139 | Nicholas of Hereford. The task was an immense one, the need pressing; the work suffered from the rapidity with which it was performed. A revision of the work of Nicholas was begun under Wyclif's direction, but only finished after his death.[] No attempt at elegance is found in this translation; the language is rugged, and on that account the better | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922140 | adapted to the uncouthness of the holy Word. Harsh though it be we feel, however, that it is tending towards improvement; the meaning of the words becomes more precise, owing to the necessity of giving to the sacred phrases their exact signification; the effort is not always successful, but it is a continued one, and it is an effort in | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922141 | the right direction. It was soon perceived to what need the undertaking answered. Copies of the work multiplied in astonishing fashion. In spite of the wholesale destruction which was ordered, there remain a hundred and seventy manuscripts, more or less complete, of Wyclif's Bible. For some time, it is true, the copying of it had not been opposed by the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922142 | ecclesiastical authority, and the version was only condemned twenty-four years after the death of the author, by the Council of Oxford.[] In the England of the Plantagenets could be foreseen the England of the Tudors, under whom three hundred and twenty-six editions of the Bible were printed in less than a century, from to . But Wyclif's greatest influence on | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922143 | the development of prose was exercised by means of his sermons and treatises. In these, the reformer gives himself full scope; he alters his tone at need, employs all means, from the most impassioned eloquence down to the most trivial pleasantry, meant to delight men of the lower class. Put to such varied uses, prose could not but become a | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922144 | more workable instrument. True it is that Wyclif never seeks after artistic effect in his English, any more than in his Latin. His sermons regularly begin by: "This gospel tellith.... This gospel techith alle men that ..." and he continues his arguments in a clear and measured style, until he comes to one of those burning questions about which he | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922145 | is battling; then his irony bursts forth, he uses scathing similes; he thunders against those "emperoure bishopis," taken up with worldly cares; his speech is short and haughty; he knows how to condense his whole theory in one brief, clear-cut phrase, easy to remember, that every one will know by heart, and which it will not be easy to answer. | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922146 | Why are the people preached to in a foreign tongue? Christ, when he was with his apostles, "taughte hem oute this prayer, bot be thou syker, nother in Latyn nother in Frensche, bot in the langage that they usede to speke."[] How should popes be above kings? "Thus shulden popis be suget to kynges, for thus weren bothe Crist and | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922147 | Petre."[] How believe in indulgences sold publicly by pardoners on the market-places, and in that inexhaustible "treasury" of merits laid up in heaven that the depositaries of papal favour are able to distribute at their pleasure among men for money? Each merit is rewarded by God, and consequently the benefit of it cannot be applicable to any one who pays: | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922148 | "As Peter held his pees in grauntinge of siche thingis, so shulden thei holden ther pees, sith thei ben lasse worth than Petir."[] Next to these brief arguments are familiar jests, gravely uttered, with scarcely any perceptible change in the expression of the lips, jests that Englishmen have been fond of in all times. If he is asked of what | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922149 | use are the "letters of fraternity," sold by the friars to their customers, to give them a share in the superabundant merits of the whole order, Wyclif replies with a serious air: "Bi siche resouns thinken many men that this lettris mai do good for to covere mostard pottis."[] It is difficult to follow him in all the places where | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922150 | he would fain lead us. He terrified the century by the boldness of his touch; when he was seen to shake the frail holy thing with a ruthless hand, all eyes turned away, and his former protectors withdrew from him.[] He did not, however, carry his doubt to the extreme end; according to his doctrine the _substance_ of the host, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922151 | the particle of matter, is not the matter itself, the living flesh of the body that Jesus Christ had on earth; this substance is bread; only by a miracle which is the effect of consecration, the body of Christ is present sacramentally; that is to say, all the benefits, advantages, and virtues which emanate from it are attached to the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922152 | host as closely as the soul of men is united to their body.[] The other sacraments,[] ecclesiastical hierarchy, the tithes collected by the clergy, are not more respectfully treated by him. These criticisms and teachings had all the more weight owing to the fact that they were delivered from a pulpit and fell from the lips of an authorised master, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922153 | whose learning was acknowledged even by his adversaries: "A very eminent doctor, a peerless and incomparable one,"[] says Knighton. Still better than Langland's verses, his forcible speech, by reason of his station, prepared the way for the great reforms of the sixteenth century. He already demands the confiscation of the estates of the monasteries, accomplished later by Henry VIII.; he | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922154 | appeals at every page of his treatises to the secular arm, hoping by its means to bring back humility by force into the heart of prelates. But he is so far removed from its realisation that his dream dazzles him, and urges him on to defend chimerical schemes. He wishes the wealth of the clergy to be taken from them | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922155 | and bestowed upon poor, honest, brave, trustworthy gentlemen, who will defend the country; and he does not perceive that these riches would have fallen principally into the hands of turbulent and grasping courtiers, as happened in the sixteenth century.[] He is carried away by his own reasonings, so that the Utopian or paradoxical character of his statements escape him. Wanting | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922156 | to minimise the power of the popes, he protests against the rules followed for their election, and goes on to say concerning the vote by ballot: "Sith ther ben fewe wise men, and foolis ben without noumbre, assent of more part of men makith evydence that it were foli."[] His disciples, _Lollards_ as they were usually called, a name the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922157 | origin of which has been much discussed, survived him, and his simple priests continued, for a time, to propagate his doctrines. The master's principal propositions were even found one day in , posted up on the door of St. Paul's Cathedral, in the heart of London. Among them figure declarations that, at a distance of three centuries, seem a foreshadowing | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922158 | of the theories of the Puritans; one for instance, affirming "that the multitude of useless arts allowed in the kingdom are the cause of sins without number." Among the forbidden arts are included that of the goldsmiths, and another art of which, however, the Puritans were to make a somewhat notorious use, that of the armorers.[] At the University, the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922159 | followers of Wyclif were numerous; in the country they continued to increase until the end of the fourteenth century. Energetic measures were adopted in the beginning of the fifteenth; the statute "De hretico comburendo" was promulgated in (but rarely applied at this period); the master's books were condemned and prohibited; from that time Wyclifism declined, and traces of its survival | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922160 | can hardly be found at the period when the Reformation was introduced into England. By a strange fate Wyclif's posterity continued to flourish out of the kingdom. Bohemia had just given a queen to England, and used to send students every year from its University of Prague to study at Paris and Oxford. In that country the Wyclifite tenets found | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922161 | a multitude of adepts; the Latin works of the thinker were transcribed by Czech students, and carried back to their own land; several writings of Wyclif exist only in Czech copies. His most illustrious disciple, John Hus, rector of the University of Prague, was burnt at the stake, by order of the Council of Constance, on the 6th of July, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922162 | . But the doctrine survived; it was adopted with modifications by the Taborites and the Moravian Brethren, and borrowed from them by the Waldenses[]; the same Moravian Brethren who, owing to equally singular vicissitudes, were to become an important factor in the English religious movement of the eighteenth century: the Wesleyan movement. In spite of differences in their doctrines, the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922163 | Moravian Brethren and the Hussites stand as a connecting link between Wesley and Wyclif.[] FOOTNOTES: [] "Historia Anglicana," vol. i. pp. ff. By the same: "Gesta abbatum monasterii Sancti Albani," vols., "Ypodigma Neustri," vol. ed. Riley, Rolls, , . [] _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. . See above, p. . [] "Chronicon Angli," -, Rolls, ed. Maunde Thompson, , 8vo. Mr. | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922164 | Thompson has proved that, contrary to the prevalent opinion, Walsingham has been copied by this chronicler instead of copying him himself; but the s an important one on account of the passages referring to John of Gaunt, which are not found elsewhere. [] "Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden ... with the English translation of John Trevisa," ed. Babington and Lumby, Rolls, , | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922165 | vols. 8vo. [] See above, p. . [] "The buke of John Maundeuill, being the travels of Sir John Mandeville, Knight, -, a hitherto unpublished English version from the unique copy (Eg. MS. ) in the British Museum, edited together with the French text," by G. F. Warner; Westminster, Roxburghe Club, , fol. In the introduction will be found the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922166 | series of proofs establishing the fact that Mandeville never existed; the chain seems now complete, owing to a succession of discoveries, those especially of Mr. E. B. Nicholson, of the Bodleian, Oxford (_Cf._ an article of H. Cordier in the _Revue Critique_ of Oct. , ). A critical edition of the French text is being prepared by the Socit des | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922167 | Anciens Textes. The English translation was made after , and twice revised in the beginning of the fifteenth century. On the passages borrowed from "Mandeville" by Christine de Pisan, in her "Chemin de long Estude," see in "Romania," vol. xxi. p. , an article by Mr. Toynbee. [] The church and its dependencies were sold and demolished in : "Adjugs | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922168 | le nivse an vi., la citoyenne pouse, J. J. Fabry, pour , francs." Warner, _ibid._, p. xxxiii. [] Warner, _ibid._, p. v. [] "Et sachies que je eusse cest livret mis en latin pour plus briefment deviser, mais pour ce que plusieurs entendent miex roumant que latin, j'e l'ay mis en roumant par quoy que chascun l'entende, et que les | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922169 | seigneurs et les chevalers et les autres nobles hommes qui ne scevent point de latin ou pou, qui ont est oultre mer sachent et entendent se je dis voir ou non at se je erre en devisant pour non souvenance ou autrement que il le puissent adrecier et amender, car choses de lonc temps passes par la veue tournent en | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922170 | oubli et mmoire d'omme ne puet tout mie retenir ne comprendre." MS. fr. in the National Library, Paris, fol. , fourteenth century. [] On Odoric and Mandeville, see H. Cordier, "Odoric de Pordenone," Paris, , Introduction. [] A part of it was even put into verse: "The Commonyng of Ser John Mandeville and the gret Souden;" in "Remains of the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922171 | early popular Poetry of England," ed. Hazlitt, London, , vols. 8vo, vol. i. p. . [] Here is a specimen of this style; it is the melancholy end of the work, in which the weary traveller resigns himself, like Robinson Crusoe, to rest at last: "And I John Maundeville, knyghte aboveseyd (alle thoughe I ben unworthi) that departed from oure | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922172 | contrees and passed the see the year of grace , that have passed many londes and many isles and contrees, and cerched manye fulle straunge places, and have ben in many a fulle gode honourable companye and at many a faire dede of armes (alle beit that I dide none my self, for myn unable insuffisance) now I am comen | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922173 | hom (mawgre my self) to reste; for gowtes artetykes, that me distreynen, tho diffynen the ende of my labour, agenst my wille (God knowethe). And thus takynge solace in my wrecced reste, recordynge the tyme passed, I have fulfilled theise thinges and putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come in to my mynde, the year of grace | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922174 | in the yeer that I departede from oure contrees. Werfore I preye to alle the rederes and hereres of this boke, yif it plese hem that thei wolde preyen to God for me, and I schalle preye for hem." Ed. Halliwell, London, , 8vo, p. . [] See above, p. . [] "Boethius," in "Complete Works," vol. ii. p. . | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922175 | [] "Troilus," II. . See above, p. . _Cf._ Boece's "De Consolatione," Metrum III. [] "Et ut patesceret totius regni communitati eos non respectu avariti quicquam facere, proclamari fecerunt sub poena decollationis, ne quis prsumeret aliquid vel aliqua ibidem reperta ad proprios usus servanda contingere, sed ut vasa aurea et argentea, qu ibi copiosa habebantur, cum securibus minutatim confringerent et | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922176 | in Tamisiam vel in cloacas projicerent, pannos aureos et holosericos dilacerarent.... Et factum est ita." Walsingham, "Historia Anglicana," vol. i. p. (Rolls). [] "Ad le Blakeheth, ubi ducenta millia communium fuere simul congregata hujuscemodi sermonem est exorsus: Whann Adam dalfe and Eve span Who was thanne a gentil man? Continuansque sermonem inceptum, nitebatur, per verba proverbii quod pro themate sumpserat, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922177 | introducere et probare, ab initio omnes pares creatos a natura, servitutem per injustam oppressionem nequam hominum introductam, contra voluntatem Dei; quia si Deo placiusset servos creasse utique in principio mundi constituisset quis servus, quisve dominus futurus fuisset." Let them therefore destroy nobles and lawyers, as the good husbandman tears up the weeds in his field; thus shall liberty and equality | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922178 | reign: "Sic demum ... esset inter eos qua libertas, par dignitas, similisque potestas." "Chronicon Angli," ed. Maunde Thompson (Rolls), , 8vo, p. ; Walsingham, vol. ii. p. . [] "Rotuli Parliamentorum, ut et petitiones et placita in Parliamento." London, vols. fol. (one volume contains the index). [] Richard restored it entirely, and employed English master masons, "Richard Washbourn" and "Johan | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922179 | Swalwe." The indenture is of March , ; the text of it is in Rymer, , vol. vii. p. . [] "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. . [] Ex. Ed. III., Ed. III., "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. pp. , . [] "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. . [] "Seigneurs et Sires, ces paroles qe j'ay dist sont tant due en | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922180 | Franceys, vostre Roi vient toy." _Ibid._, vol. iii. p. . A speech of the same kind adorned with puns was made by Thomas Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, to open the first Parliament of Henry IV.: "Cest honorable roialme d'Angleterre q'est le plus habundant Angle de richesse parmy tout le monde, avait este par longe temps mesnez, reulez et governez par | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922181 | enfantz et conseil de vefves...." , _Ibid._, p. . [] "Rotuli Parliamentorum." Speech of Knyvet, vol. ii. p. ; of Wykeham, vol. ii. p. . This same Knyvet opens the Good Parliament of by a speech equally forcible. He belonged to the magistracy, and was greatly respected; he died in . [] Ex: "Item, meisme le jour (that is to | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922182 | say the day on which the general proclamation was read) fut fait une crie qe chescun qi vodra mettre petition nostre seigneur le Roi et son conseil, les mette entre cy et le lundy prochein venir.... Et serront assignez de receivre les ptitions ... les sousescritz." _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. . [] _Ibid._, vol. ii. pp. , . "Fut dit | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922183 | les ditz Communes de par le Roy, q'ils se retraiassent par soi lour aunciene place en la maison du chapitre de l'abbeye de Westm', et y tretassent et conseillassent entre eux meismes." [] Vol. ii. p. , second Parliament of . [] "Ils tretrent longement," _Ibid._, ii. p. . [] "Sur quele demonstrance il respoundrent q'il voleient parler ensemble et | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922184 | treter sur cest bosoigne.... Sur quel bosoigne ceux de la Commune demorrent de lour respons doner tant qe Samedi, le XIX. jour de Feverer." A.D. , "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. . [] "Ils n'osoront assentir tant qu'ils eussent conseillez et avysez les Communes de lour pais." They promise to do their best to persuade their constituents. A.D. ; "Rotuli | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922185 | Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. . [] "Et les nuncia auxi la cause de la longe demore quele il avoit faite es dites parties saunz chivaucher sur ses enemys; et coment il le covendra faire pur defaute d'avoir." "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. p. , first Parliament of . [] Ed. III., "Rotuli Parliamentorum," ii. p. . [] "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. ii. | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922186 | p. . This speech created a great stir; another analysis of it exists in the "Chronicon Angli" (written by a monk of St. Albans, the abbot of which, Thomas de la Mare, sat in Parliament): "Qu omnia ferret quanimeter [plebs communis] si dominus rex noster sive regnum istud exinde aliquid commodi vel emolumenti sumpsisse videretur; etiam plebi tolerabile, si in | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922187 | expediendis rebus bellicis, quamvis gestis minus prospere, tanta pecunia fuisset expensa. Sed palam est, nec regem commodum, nec regnum ex hac fructum aliquem percepisse.... Non enim est credible regem carere infinita thesauri quantitate si fideles fuerint qui ministrant ei" (p. ). The drift of the speech is, as may be seen, exactly the same as in the Rolls of Parliament. | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922188 | Another specimen of pithy eloquence will be found in the apostrophe addressed to the Earl of Stafford by John Philpot, a mercer of London, after his naval feat of . _Ibid._, p. . [] "Rotuli Parliamentorum," ii. pp. ff. [] June , . [] The speech of this year was made "en Engleis," by Simon, bishop of Ely; but the | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922189 | Rolls give only a French version of it: "Le prophet David dit que ..." &c., vol. ii. p. . [] "Sires, I thank God, and yowe Spirituel and Temporal and alle the Astates of the lond; and do yowe to wyte, it es noght my will that no man thynk yt be waye of conquest I wold disherit any man | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922190 | of his heritage, franches, or other ryghtes that hym aght to have, no put hym out of that that he has and has had by the gude lawes and custumes of the Rewme: Except thos persons that has ben agan the gude purpose and the commune profyt of the Rewme." "Rotuli Parliamentorum," vol. iii. p. . In the fifteenth century | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922191 | the Parliamentary documents are written sometimes in French, sometimes in English; French predominates in the first half of the century, and English in the second. [] On Wyclif's family, see "The Birth and Parentage of Wyclif," by L. Sergeant, _Athenum_, March and , . This spelling of his name is the one which appears oftenest in contemporary documents. (Note by | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922192 | F. D. Matthew, _Academy_, June , .) [] "Determinatio quedam magistri Johannis Wyclyff de Dominio contra unum monachum." The object of this treatise is to show "quod Rex potest juste dominari regno Anglic negando tributum Romano pontifici." The text will be found in John Lewis: "A history of the life and sufferings of ... John Wiclif," , reprinted Oxford, , | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922193 | 8vo, p. . [] "Ambassatores, nuncios et procuratores nostros speciales." Lewis, _ibid._, p. . [] All these details are found in the "Chronicon Angli," -, ed. Maunde Thompson, Rolls, , 8vo, p. , one of the rare chronicles the MS. of which was not expurgated, in what relates to John of Gaunt, at the accession of the Lancasters. (See above, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922194 | p. .) [] This extreme leniency caused an indignation of which an echo is found in Walsingham: "Oxoniense studium generale," he exclaims, "quam gravi lapsu a sapienti et scienti culmine decidisti!... Pudet recordationis tant impudenti, et ideo supersedeo in husjusmodi materia immorari, ne materna videar ubera decerpere dentibus, qu dare lac, potum scienti, consuevere." "Historia Anglicana," Rolls, vol. i. p. | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922195 | , year . [] See in the "Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistri Johannis Wyclif cum tritico," ed. Shirley, Rolls, , 8vo, p. : "Responsio magistri Johannis Wycclifi ad dubium infra scriptum, qusitum ab eo, per dominum regem Angli Ricardum secundum et magnum suum consilium anno regni sui primo." The point to be elucidated was the following: "Dubium est utrum regnum Angli possit | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922196 | legitime, imminente necessitate su defensionis, thesaurum regni detinere, ne deferatur ad exteros, etiam domino papa sub poena censurarum et virtute obedienti hoc petente." [] "Statutes of the Realm," Rich. II., st. , chap. . Walsingham thus describes them; "Congregavit ... comites ... talaribes indutos vestibus de russeto in signum perfectionis amplioris, incedentes nudis pedibus, qui suos errores in populo ventilarent, | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922197 | et palam ac publice in suis sermonibus prdicarent." "Historia Anglicana," _sub anno_ , Rolls, vol. i. p. . A similar description is found (they present themselves, "sub magn sanctitatis velamine," and preach errors "tam in ecclesiis quam in plateis et aliis locis profanis") in the letter of the archbishop of Canterbury, of May , , "Fasciculi," p. . [] "Select | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922198 | English Works," ed. T. Arnold, Oxford, , vol. i. p. . [] "Historia Anglicana," Rolls, vol. ii. p. . Elsewhere, in another series of unflattering epithets ("old hypocrite," "angel of Satan," &c.), the chronicler had allowed himself the pleasure of making a little pun upon Wyclif's name: "Non nominandus Joannes Wicliffe, vel potius Wykbeleve." Year vol. i. p. . [] | 60 | gutenberg |
twg_000012922199 | L. Sergeant, "The Birth and Parentage of Wyclif," in the _Athenum_ of March , . [] The Wyclif Society, founded in London by Dr. Furnivall, has published a great part of the Latin works of Wyclif: "Polemical Works in Latin," ed. Buddensieg, , 8vo; "Joannis Wyclif, de compositione Hominis," ed. R. Beer, ; "Tractatus de civili Dominio ... from the | 60 | gutenberg |
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