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hat the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the res
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Franklin_Delano_Roosevelt%27s_Eighth_State_of_the_Union_Address
Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Eighth State of the Union Address
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ssion, or freedom of religion -or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety." As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Franklin_Delano_Roosevelt%27s_Eighth_State_of_the_Union_Address
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tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests. I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war. There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas.
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mediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate. But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captur
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on of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and their dupes- and great numbers of them are already here, and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they-not we—will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
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ime and the place and the method of their attack. That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and every member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril.
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almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency. Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
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Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Eighth State of the Union Address
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justice of morality must and will win in the end. Our national policy is this: First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense. Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere.
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are thereby keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation. Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.
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ictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom. In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
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Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Eighth State of the Union Address
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complete action in recognition of obvious danger. Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases—and I am sorry to say very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Franklin_Delano_Roosevelt%27s_Eighth_State_of_the_Union_Address
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by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans. The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.
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re not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Franklin_Delano_Roosevelt%27s_Eighth_State_of_the_Union_Address
Franklin Delano Roosevelt's Eighth State of the Union Address
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be uploaded to Wikimedia Commons and proofread . If not, it is preferably a URL; if one is not available, please explain on the talk page. My fellow Americans: Washington's Birthday is a most appropriate occasion for us to talk with each other about things as they are today and things as we know they shall be in the future. For eight years, General Washington and his Continental Army were faced continually with formidable odds and recurring defeats. Supplies and equipment were lacking.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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here in the world. This war is a new kind of war. It is different from all other wars of the past, not only in its methods and weapons but also in its geography. It is warfare in terms of every continent, every island, every sea, every air lane in the world. That is the reason why I have asked you to take out and spread before you a map of the whole earth, and to follow with me the references which I shall make to the world-encircling battle lines of this war.
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to the world-encircling battle lines of this war. Many questions will, I fear, remain unanswered tonight; but I know you will realize that I cannot cover everything in any one short report to the people. The broad oceans which have been heralded in the past as our protection from attack have become endless battlefields on which we are constantly being challenged by our enemies. We must all understand and face the hard fact that our job now is to fight at distances which extend all the way around the globe.
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tances which extend all the way around the globe. We fight at these vast distances because that is where our enemies are. Until our flow of supplies gives us clear superiority we must keep on striking our enemies wherever and whenever we can meet them, even if, for a while, we have to yield ground. Actually, though, we are taking a heavy toll of the enemy every day that goes by. We must fight at these vast distances to protect our supply lines and our lines of communication with our allies- protect these li
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of communication with our allies- protect these lines from the enemies who are bending very ounce of their strength, striving against time, to cut them. The object of the Nazis and the Japanese is to separate the United States, Britain, China, and Russia, and to isolate them one from another, so that each will be surrounded and cut off from sources of supplies and reinforcements. It is the old familiar Axis policy of "divide and conquer." There are those who still think in terms of the days of sailing ships
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still think in terms of the days of sailing ships. They advise us to pull our warships and our planes and our merchant ships into our own home waters and concentrate solely on last-ditch defense. But let me illustrate what would happen if we followed such foolish advice. Look at your map. Look at the vast area of China, with its millions of fighting men. Look at the vast area of Russia, with its powerful armies and proven military might.
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th its powerful armies and proven military might. Look at the British Isles, Australia, New Zealand, the Dutch Indies, India, the Near East, and the continent of Africa, with their resources of raw materials, and of peoples determined to resist Axis domination. Look too at North America, Central America, and South America. It is obvious what would happen if all of these great reservoirs of power were cut off from each other either by enemy action or by self-imposed isolation: First, in such a case, we could
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imposed isolation: First, in such a case, we could no longer send aid of any kind to China—to the brave people who, for nearly five years, have withstood Japanese assault, destroyed hundreds of thousands of Japanese soldiers and vast quantities of Japanese war munitions. It is essential that we help China in her magnificent defense and in her inevitable counteroffensive—for that is one important element in the ultimate defeat of Japan.
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mportant element in the ultimate defeat of Japan. Second, if we lost communication with the Southwest Pacific, all of that area, including Australia and New Zealand and the Dutch Indies, would fall under Japanese domination. Japan in such a case could release great numbers of ships and men to launch attacks on a large scale against the coasts of the Western Hemisphere- South America and Central America, and North America- including Alaska.
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ral America, and North America- including Alaska. At the same time, she could immediately extend her conquests in the other direction toward India, and through the Indian Ocean to Africa, to the Near East, and try to join forces with Germany and Italy. Third, if we were to stop sending munitions to the British and the Russians in the Mediterranean, in the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea, we would be helping the Nazis to overrun Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Persia, Egypt and the Suez Canal, the whole coast of North Af
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171684
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pt and the Suez Canal, the whole coast of North Africa itself, and with that inevitably the whole coast of West Africa- putting Germany within easy striking distance of South America- fifteen hundred miles away. Fourth, if by such a fatuous policy we ceased to protect the North Atlantic supply line to Britain and to Russia, we would help to cripple the splendid counteroffensive by Russia against the Nazis, and we would help to deprive Britain of essential food supplies and munitions.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171717
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Britain of essential food supplies and munitions. Those Americans who believed that we could live under the illusion of isolationism wanted the American eagle to imitate the tactics of the ostrich. Now, many of those same people, afraid that we may be sticking our necks out, want our national bird to be turned into a turtle. But we prefer to retain the eagle as it is—flying high and striking hard. I know that I speak for the mass of the American people when I say that we reject the turtle policy and will co
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171746
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I say that we reject the turtle policy and will continue increasingly the policy of carrying the war to the enemy in distant lands and distant waters—as far away as possible from our own home grounds. There are four main lines of communication now being traveled by our ships: the North Atlantic, the South Atlantic, the Indian Ocean, and the South Pacific. These routes are not one-way streets- for the ships that carry our troops and munitions outbound bring back essential raw materials which we require for o
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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ack essential raw materials which we require for our own use. The maintenance of these vital lines is a very tough job. It is a job which requires tremendous daring, tremendous resourcefulness, and, above all, tremendous production of planes and tanks and guns and also of the ships to carry them. And I speak again for the American people when I say that we can and will do that job. The defense of the world-wide lines of communication demands relatively safe use by us of the sea and of the air along the vari
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171806
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pe, or from California to the East Indies direct. A vessel can make a round trip by either route in about four months, or only three round trips in a whole year. In spite of the length, and in spite of the difficulties of this transportation, I can tell you that in two and a half months we already have a large number of bombers and pursuit planes, manned by American pilots and crews, which are now in daily contact with the enemy in the Southwest Pacific.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171837
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do-China coast, and in Thailand and Malay coasts. Japanese troop transports could go south from Japan and from China through the narrow China Sea which can be protected by Japanese planes throughout its whole length. I ask you to look at your maps again, particularly at that portion of the Pacific Ocean lying west of Hawaii. Before this war even started, the Philippine Islands were already surrounded on three sides by Japanese power.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171867
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tified in absolute violation of her written word. The islands that lie between Hawaii and the Philippines these islands, hundreds of them, appear only as small dots on most maps. But they cover a large strategic area. Guam lies in the middle of them—a lone outpost which we have never fortified. Under the Washington Treaty of 1921 we had solemnly agreed not to add to the fortification of the Philippines. We had no safe naval bases there, so we could not use the islands for extensive naval operations.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171901
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rial to the gallant defenders of the Philippines. For forty years it has always been our strategy—a strategy born of necessity—that in the event of a full-scale attack on the Islands by Japan, we should fight a delaying action, attempting to retire slowly into Bataan Peninsula and Corregidor. We knew that the war as a whole would have to be fought and won by a process of attrition against Japan itself. We knew all along that, with our greater resources, we could out build Japan and ultimately overwhelm her
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.171930
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ould out build Japan and ultimately overwhelm her on sea, on land, and in the air. We knew that, to attain our objective, many varieties of operations would be necessary in areas other than the Philippines. Now nothing that has occurred in the past two months has caused us to revise this basic strategy of necessity- except that the defense put up by General MacArthur has magnificently exceeded the previous estimates of endurance; and he and his men are gaining eternal glory therefor.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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e and his men are gaining eternal glory therefor. MacArthur's army of Filipinos and Americans, and the forces of the United Nations in China, in Burma, and the Netherlands East Indies, are all together fulfilling the same essential task. They are making Japan pay an increasingly terrible price for her ambitious attempts to seize control of the whole Asiatic world. Every Japanese transport sunk off Java is one less transport that they can use to carry reinforcements to their army opposing General MacArthur i
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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cements to their army opposing General MacArthur in Luzon. It has been said that Japanese gains in the Philippines were made possible only by the success of their surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. I tell you that this is not so. Even if the attack had not been made your map will show that it would have been a hopeless operation for us to send the fleet to the Philippines through thousands of miles of ocean, while all those island bases were under the sole control of the Japanese.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172037
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ases were under the sole control of the Japanese. The consequences of the attack on Pearl Harbor—serious as they were- have been wildly exaggerated in other ways. And these exaggerations come originally from Axis propagandists; but they have been repeated, I regret to say, by Americans in and out of public life. You and I have the utmost contempt for Americans who, since Pearl Harbor, have whispered or announced "off the record" that there was no longer any Pacific Fleet—that the fleet was all sunk or destr
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172070
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Pacific Fleet—that the fleet was all sunk or destroyed on December 7—that more than a thousand of our planes were destroyed on the ground. They have suggested slyly that the Government has withheld the truth about casualties—that eleven or twelve thousand men were killed at Pearl Harbor instead of the figures as officially announced. They have even served the enemy propagandists by spreading the incredible story that shiploads of bodies of our honored American dead were about to arrive in New York Harbor to
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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an dead were about to arrive in New York Harbor to be put into a common grave. Almost every Axis broadcast—Berlin, Rome, Tokyo—directly quotes Americans who, by speech or in the press, make damnable misstatements such as these. The American people realize that in many cases details of military operations cannot be disclosed until we are absolutely certain that the announcement will not give to the enemy military information which he does not already possess.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172131
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f discretion and that word "discretion" applies to the critics of Government ,as well. This is war. The American people want to know, and will be told, the general trend of how the war is going. But they do not wish to help the enemy any more than our fighting forces do; and they will pay little attention to the rumor-mongers and the poison peddlers in our midst. To pass from the realm of rumor and poison to the field of facts: The number of our officers and men killed in the attack on Pearl Harbor on Decem
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172161
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ined the fleet by now or are still undergoing repairs. And when those repairs are completed, the ships will be more efficient fighting machines than they were before. The report that we lost more than a thousand planes at Pearl Harbor is as baseless as the other weird rumors. The Japanese do not know just how many planes they destroyed that day, and I am not going to tell them. But I can say that to date—and including Pearl Harbor—we have destroyed considerably more Japanese planes than they have destroyed
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172198
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bly more Japanese planes than they have destroyed of ours. We have most certainly suffered losses—from Hitler's U-boats in the Atlantic as well as from the Japanese in the Pacific- and we shall suffer more of them before the turn of the tide. But, speaking for the United States of America, let me say once and for all to the people of the world: We Americans have been compelled to yield ground, but we will regain it.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172268
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compelled to yield ground, but we will regain it. We and the other United Nations are committed to the destruction of the militarism of Japan and Germany. We are daily increasing our strength. Soon, we and not our enemies will have the offensive; we, not they, will win the final battles; and we, not they, will make the final peace. Conquered Nations in Europe know what the yoke of the Nazis is like. And the people of Korea and of Manchuria know in their flesh the harsh despotism of Japan.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172310
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know in their flesh the harsh despotism of Japan. All of the people of Asia know that if there is to be an honorable and decent future for any of them or any of us, that future depends on victory by the United Nations over the forces of Axis enslavement. If a just and durable peace is to be attained, or even if all of us are merely to save our own skins, there is one thought for us here at home to keep uppermost—the fulfillment of our special task of production.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172357
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he fulfillment of our special task of production. Germany, Italy, and Japan are very close to their maximum output of planes, guns, tanks, and ships. The United Nations are not- especially the United States of America. Our first job then is to build up production—uninterrupted production—so that the United Nations can maintain control of the seas and attain control of the air—not merely a slight superiority, but an overwhelming superiority.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172391
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ght superiority, but an overwhelming superiority. On January 6 of this year, I set certain definite goals of production for airplanes, tanks, guns, and ships. The Axis propagandists called them fantastic. Tonight, nearly two months later, and after a careful survey of progress by Donald Nelson and others charged with responsibility for our production, I can tell you that those goals will be attained. In every part of the country, experts in production and the men and women at work in the plants are giving l
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172418
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e men and women at work in the plants are giving loyal service. With few exceptions, labor, capital, and farming realize that this is no time either to make undue profits or to gain special advantages, one over the other. We are calling for new plants and additions to old plants. We are calling for plant conversion to war needs. We are seeking more men and more women to run them. We are working longer hours.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172451
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e women to run them. We are working longer hours. We are coming to realize that one extra plane or extra tank or extra gun or extra ship completed tomorrow may, in a few months, turn the tide on some distant battlefield; it may make the difference between life and death for some of our own fighting men. We know now that if we lose this war it will be generations or even centuries before our conception of democracy can live again.
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Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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efore our conception of democracy can live again. And we can lose this war only if we slow up our effort or if we waste our ammunition sniping at each other. Here are three high purposes for every American: 1. We shall not stop work for a single day. If any dispute arises we shall keep on working while the dispute is. solved by mediation, conciliation, or arbitration- until the war is won. 2. We shall not demand special gains or special privileges or special advantages for any one group or occupation. 3.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_23_February_1942
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 23 February 1942 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172511
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al advantages for any one group or occupation. 3. We shall give up conveniences and modify the routine of our lives if our country asks us to do so. We will do it cheerfully, remembering that the common enemy seeks to destroy every home and every freedom in every part of our land. This generation of Americans has come to realize, with a present and personal realization, that there is something larger and more important than the life of any individual or of any individual group- something for which a man wil
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172540
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ny individual group- something for which a man will sacrifice, and gladly sacrifice, not only his pleasures, not only his goods, not only his associations with those he loves, but his life itself. In time of crisis when the future is in the balance, we come to understand, with full recognition and devotion, what this Nation is, and what we owe to it. The Axis propagandists have tried in various evil ways to destroy our determination and our morale.
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ways to destroy our determination and our morale. Failing in that, they are now trying to destroy our confidence in our own allies. They say that the British are finished- that the Russians and the Chinese are about to quit. Patriotic and sensible Americans will reject these absurdities. And instead of listening to any of this crude propaganda, they will recall some of the things that Nazis and Japanese have said and are still saying about us.
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Japanese have said and are still saying about us. Ever since this Nation became the arsenal of democracy—ever since enactment of lend-lease- there has been one persistent theme through all Axis propaganda. This theme has been that Americans are admittedly rich, that Americans have considerable industrial power- but that Americans are soft and decadent, that they cannot and will not unite and work and fight. From Berlin, Rome, and Tokyo we have been described as a Nation of weaklings- "playboys"—who would hi
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172628
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as a Nation of weaklings- "playboys"—who would hire British soldiers, or Russian soldiers, or Chinese soldiers to do our fighting for us. Let them repeat that now! Let them tell that to General MacArthur and his men. Let them tell that to the sailors who today are hitting hard in the far waters of the Pacific. Let them tell that to the boys in the Flying Fortresses. Let them tell that to the Marines! The United Nations constitute an association of independent peoples of equal dignity and equal importance.
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172657
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nt peoples of equal dignity and equal importance. The United Nations are dedicated to a common cause. We share equally and with equal zeal the anguish and the awful sacrifices of war. In the partnership of our common enterprise, we must share in a unified plan in which all of us must play our several parts, each of us being equally indispensable and dependent one on the other. We have unified command and cooperation and comradeship.
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unified command and cooperation and comradeship. We Americans will contribute unified production and unified acceptance of sacrifice and of effort. That means a national unity that can know no limitations of race or creed or selfish politics. The American people expect that much from themselves. And the American people will find ways and means of expressing their determination to their enemies, including the Japanese Admiral who has said that he will dictate the terms of peace here in the White House.
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.172712
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ctate the terms of peace here in the White House. We of the United Nations are agreed on certain broad principles in the kind of peace we seek. The Atlantic Charter applies not only to the parts of the world that border the Atlantic but to the whole world; disarmament of aggressors, self-determination of Nations and peoples, and the four freedoms—freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. The British and the Russian people have known the full fury of Nazi onslaught.
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till fighting stubbornly and powerfully overseas. The great Chinese people have suffered grievous losses; Chungking has been almost wiped out of existence—yet it remains the Capital of an unbeatable China. That is the conquering spirit which prevails throughout the United Nations in this war. The task that we Americans now face will test us to the uttermost. Never before have we been called upon for such a prodigious effort. Never before have we had so little time in which to do so much.
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ave we had so little time in which to do so much. "These are the times that try men's souls." Tom Paine wrote those words on a drumhead, by the light of a campfire. That was when Washington's little army of ragged, rugged men was retreating across New Jersey, having tasted nothing but defeat. And General Washington ordered that these great words written by Tom Paine be read to the men of every regiment in the Continental Army, and this was the assurance given to the first American armed forces: "The summer
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n to the first American armed forces: "The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the sacrifice, the more glorious the triumph." So spoke Americans in the year 1776. So speak Americans today!
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be uploaded to Wikimedia Commons and proofread . If not, it is preferably a URL; if one is not available, please explain on the talk page. Last Thursday I described in detail certain economic problems which everyone admits now face the Nation. For the many messages which have come to me after that speech, and which it is physically impossible to answer individually, I take this means of saying "thank you." Tonight, sitting at my desk in the White House, I make my first radio report to the people in my seco
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ake my first radio report to the people in my second term of office. I am reminded of that evening in March, four years ago, when I made my first radio report to you. We were then in the midst of the great banking crisis. Soon after, with the authority of the Congress, we asked the Nation to turn over all of its privately held gold, dollar for dollar, to the Government of the United States. Today's recovery proves how right that policy was.
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the Constitution to establish an enduring Nation. In 1933 you and I knew that we must never let our economic system get completely out of joint again- that we could not afford to take the risk of another great depression. We also became convinced that the only way to avoid a repetition of those dark days was to have a government with power to prevent and to cure the abuses and the inequalities which had thrown that system out of joint.
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lities which had thrown that system out of joint. We then began a program of remedying those abuses and inequalities-to give balance and stability to our economic system to make it bomb-proof against the causes of 1929. Today we are only part-way through that program—and recovery is speeding up to a point where the dangers of 1929 are again becoming possible, not this week or month perhaps, but within a year or two. National laws are needed to complete that program.
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194375
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ational laws are needed to complete that program. Individual or local or state effort alone cannot protect us in 1937 any better than ten years ago. It will take time—and plenty of time—to work out our remedies administratively even after legislation is passed. To complete our program of protection in time, therefore, we cannot delay one moment in making certain that our National Government has power to carry through. Four years ago action did not come until the eleventh hour. It was almost too late.
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until the eleventh hour. It was almost too late. If we learned anything from the depression we will not allow ourselves to run around in new circles of futile discussion and debate, always postponing the day of decision. The American people have learned from the depression. For in the last three national elections an overwhelming majority of them voted a mandate that the Congress and the President begin the task of providing that protection—not after long years of debate, but now.
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otection—not after long years of debate, but now. The Courts, however, have cast doubts on the ability of the elected Congress to protect us against catastrophe by meeting squarely our modern social and economic conditions. We are at a crisis in our ability to proceed with that protection. It is a quiet crisis. There are no lines of depositors outside closed banks. But to the far-sighted it is far-reaching in its possibilities of injury to America.
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194472
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aching in its possibilities of injury to America. I want to talk with you very simply about the need for present action in this crisis- the need to meet the unanswered challenge of one-third of a Nation ill-nourished, ill-clad, ill-housed. Last Thursday I described the American form of Government as a three horse team provided by the Constitution to the American people so that their field might be plowed. The three horses are, of course, the three branches of government—the Congress, the Executive and the C
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194501
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can people themselves who want the furrow plowed. It is the American people themselves who expect the third horse to pull in unison with the other two. I hope that you have re-read the Constitution of the United States in these past few weeks. Like the Bible, it ought to be read again and again. It is an easy document to understand when you remember that it was called into being because the Articles of Confederation under which the original thirteen States tried to operate after the Revolution showed the ne
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nd which could not be met by merely local action. But the framers went further. Having in mind that in succeeding generations many other problems then undreamed of would become national problems, they gave to the Congress the ample broad powers "to levy taxes . . . and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States." That, my friends, is what I honestly believe to have been the clear and underlying purpose of the patriots who wrote a Federal Constitution to create a National Governm
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194559
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Federal Constitution to create a National Government with national power, intended as they said, "to form a more perfect union for ourselves and our posterity." For nearly twenty years there was no conflict between the Congress and the Court. Then Congress passed a statute which, in 1803, the Court said violated an express provision of the Constitution. The Court claimed the power to declare it unconstitutional and did so declare it.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194593
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as a judicial body, but as a policy-making body. When the Congress has sought to stabilize national agriculture, to improve the conditions of labor, to safeguard business against unfair competition, to protect our national resources, and in many other ways, to serve our clearly national needs, the majority of the Court has been assuming the power to pass on the wisdom of these Acts of the Congress—and to approve or disapprove the public policy written into these laws. That is not only my accusation.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
en.wikisource.org
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194626
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into these laws. That is not only my accusation. It is the accusation of most distinguished Justices of the present Supreme Court. I have not the time to quote to you all the language used by dissenting Justices in many of these cases. But in the case holding the Railroad Retirement Act unconstitutional, for instance, Chief Justice Hughes said in a dissenting opinion that the majority opinion was "a departure from sound principles," and placed "an unwarranted limitation upon the commerce clause." And three
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194657
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hem regretfully to thwart the will of the people. In the face of such dissenting opinions, it is perfectly clear, that as Chief Justice Hughes has said: "We are under a Constitution, but the Constitution is what the Judges say it is." The Court in addition to the proper use of its judicial functions has improperly set itself up as a third House of the Congress—a super-legislature, as one of the justices has called it-reading into the Constitution words and implications which are not there, and which were ne
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194686
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mplications which are not there, and which were never intended to be there. We have, therefore, reached the point as a Nation where we must take action to save the Constitution from the Court and the Court from itself. We must find a way to take an appeal from the Supreme Court to the Constitution itself. We want a Supreme Court which will do justice under the Constitution—not over it. In our Courts we want a government of laws and not of men.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194715
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urts we want a government of laws and not of men. I want—as all Americans want—an independent judiciary as proposed by the framers of the Constitution. That means a Supreme Court that will enforce the Constitution as written—that will refuse to amend the Constitution by the arbitrary exercise of judicial power—amendment by judicial say-so. It does not mean a judiciary so independent that it can deny the existence of facts universally recognized.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194746
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ny the existence of facts universally recognized. How then could we proceed to perform the mandate given us? It was said in last year's Democratic platform, "If these problems cannot be effectively solved within the Constitution, we shall seek such clarifying amendment as will assure the power to enact those laws, adequately to regulate commerce, protect public health and safety, and safeguard economic security." In other words, we said we would seek an amendment only if every other possible means by legisl
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194773
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dment only if every other possible means by legislation were to fail. When I commenced to review the situation with the problem squarely before me, I came by a process of elimination to the conclusion that, short of amendments, the only method which was clearly constitutional, and would at the same time carry out other much needed reforms, was to infuse new blood into all our Courts. We must have men worthy and equipped to carry out impartial justice.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194801
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rthy and equipped to carry out impartial justice. But, at the same time, we must have Judges who will bring to the Courts a present-day sense of the Constitution -Judges who will retain in the Courts the judicial functions of a court, and reject the legislative powers which the courts have today assumed. In forty-five out of the forty-eight States of the Union, Judges are chosen not for life but for a period of years. In many States Judges must retire at the age of seventy.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194828
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States Judges must retire at the age of seventy. Congress has provided financial security by offering life pensions at full pay for Federal Judges on all Courts who are willing to retire at seventy. In the case of Supreme Court Justices, that pension is $20,000 a year. But all Federal Judges, once appointed, can, if they choose, hold office for life, no matter how old they may get to be. What is my proposal?
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194858
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how old they may get to be. What is my proposal? It is simply this: whenever a Judge or Justice of any Federal Court has reached the age of seventy and does not avail himself of the opportunity to retire on a pension, a new member shall be appointed by the President then in office, with the approval, as required by the Constitution, of the Senate of the United States. That plan has two chief purposes. By bringing into the judicial system a steady and continuing stream of new and younger blood, I hope, firs
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194893
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uing stream of new and younger blood, I hope, first, to make the administration of all Federal justice speedier and, therefore, less costly; secondly, to bring to the decision of social and economic problems younger men who have had personal experience and contact with modern facts and circumstances under which average men have to live and work. This plan will save our national Constitution from hardening of the judicial arteries.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194941
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re may be 'only fourteen, or thirteen, or twelve. And there may be only nine. There is nothing novel or radical about this idea. It seeks to maintain the Federal bench in full vigor. It has been discussed and approved by many persons of high authority ever since a similar proposal passed the House of Representatives in 1869. Why was the age fixed at seventy? Because the laws of many States, the practice of the Civil Service, the regulations of the Army and Navy, and the rules of many of our Universities and
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194970
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avy, and the rules of many of our Universities and of almost every great private business enterprise, commonly fix the retirement age at seventy years or less. The statute would apply to all the courts in the Federal system. There is general approval so far as the lower Federal courts are concerned. The plan has met opposition only so far as the Supreme Court of the United States itself is concerned. If such a plan is good for the lower courts it certainly ought to be equally good for the highest Court from
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.194995
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ught to be equally good for the highest Court from which there is no appeal. Those opposing this plan have sought to arouse prejudice and fear by crying that I am seeking to "pack" the Supreme Court and that a baneful precedent will be established. What do they mean by the words "packing the Court"? Let me answer this question with a bluntness that will end all honest misunderstanding of my purposes. If by that phrase "packing the Court" it is charged that I wish to place on the bench spineless puppets who
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195020
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wish to place on the bench spineless puppets who would disregard the law and would decide specific cases as I wished them to be decided, I make this answer: that no President fit for his office would appoint, and no Senate of honorable men fit for their office would confirm, that kind of appointees to the Supreme Court. But if by that phrase the charge is made that I would appoint and the Senate would confirm Justices worthy to sit beside present members of the Court who understand those modern conditions,
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195049
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the Court who understand those modern conditions, that I will appoint Justices who will not undertake to override the judgment of the Congress on legislative policy, that I will appoint Justices who will act as Justices and not as legislators- if the appointment of such Justices can be called "packing the Courts," then I say that I and with me the vast majority of the American people favor doing just that thing—now.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195078
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ew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant. I suggest only the addition of Justices to the bench in accordance with a clearly defined principle relating to a clearly defined age limit. Fundamentally, if in the future, America cannot trust the Congress it elects to refrain from abuse of our Constitutional usages, democracy will have failed far beyond the importance to it of any kind of precedent concerning the Judiciary.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195106
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f any kind of precedent concerning the Judiciary. We think it so much in the public interest to maintain a vigorous judiciary that we encourage the retirement of elderly Judges by offering them a life pension at full salary. Why then should we leave the fulfillment of this public policy to chance or make it dependent upon the desire or prejudice of any individual Justice? It is the clear intention of our public policy to provide for a constant flow of new and younger blood into the Judiciary.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195136
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flow of new and younger blood into the Judiciary. Normally every President appoints a large number of District and Circuit Judges and a few members of the Supreme Court. Until my first term practically every President of the United States had appointed at least one member of the Supreme Court. President Taft appointed five members and named a Chief Justice; President Wilson, three; President Harding, four, including a Chief Justice; President Coolidge, one; President Hoover, three, including a Chief Justice
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195164
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President Hoover, three, including a Chief Justice. Such a succession of appointments should have provided a Court well-balanced as to age. But chance and the disinclination of individuals to leave the Supreme bench have now given us a Court in which five Justices will be over seventy-five years of age before next June and one over seventy. Thus a sound public policy has been defeated. I now propose that we establish by law an assurance against any such ill-balanced Court in the future.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.195198
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gainst any such ill-balanced Court in the future. I propose that hereafter, when a Judge reaches the age of seventy, a new and younger Judge shall be added to the Court automatically. In this way I propose to enforce a sound public policy by law instead of leaving the composition of our Federal Courts, including the highest, to be determined by chance or the personal decision of individuals. If such a law as I propose is regarded as establishing a new precedent, is it not a most desirable precedent?
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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precedent, is it not a most desirable precedent? Like all lawyers, like all Americans, I regret the necessity of this controversy. But the welfare of the United States, and indeed of the Constitution itself, is what we all must think about first. Our difficulty with the Court today rises not from the Court as an institution but from human beings within it. But we cannot yield our constitutional destiny to the personal judgment of a few men who, being fearful of the future, would deny us the necessary means
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 9 March 1937 - Wikisource
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l of the future, would deny us the necessary means of dealing with the present. This plan of mine is no attack on the Court; it seeks to restore the Court to its rightful and historic place in our system of Constitutional Government and to have it resume its high task of building anew on the Constitution "a system of living law." The Court itself can best undo what the Court has done. I have thus explained to you the reasons that lie behind our efforts to secure results by legislation within the Constitutio
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cure results by legislation within the Constitution. I hope that thereby the difficult process of constitutional amendment may be rendered unnecessary. But let us examine that process. There are many types of amendment proposed. Each one is radically different from the other. There is no substantial group within the Congress or outside it who are agreed on any single amendment. It would take months or years to get substantial agreement upon the type and language of an amendment.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
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be the first to exclaim as soon as an amendment was proposed, "Oh! I was for an amendment all right, but this amendment that you have proposed is not the kind of an amendment that I was thinking about. I am, therefore, going to spend my time, my efforts and my money to block that amendment, although I would be awfully glad to help get some other kind of amendment ratified." Two groups oppose my plan on the ground that they favor a constitutional amendment.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat%2C_9_March_1937
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by delay the legislation demanded by the mandate. To them I say: I do not think you will be able long to fool the American people as to your purposes. The other group is composed of those who honestly believe the amendment process is the best and who would be willing to support a reasonable amendment if they could agree on one. To them I say: we cannot rely on an amendment as the immediate or only answer to our present difficulties.
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diate or only answer to our present difficulties. When the time comes for action, you will find that many of those who pretend to support you will sabotage any constructive amendment which is proposed. Look at these strange bed-fellows of yours. When before have you found them really at your side in your fights for progress? And remember one thing more. Even if an amendment were passed, and even if in the years to come it were to be ratified, its meaning would depend upon the kind of Justices who would be s
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ld depend upon the kind of Justices who would be sitting on the Supreme Court bench. An amendment, like the rest of the Constitution, is what the Justices say it is rather than what its framers or you might hope it is. This proposal of mine will not infringe in the slightest upon the civil or religious liberties so dear to every American. My record as Governor and as President proves my devotion to those liberties.
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President proves my devotion to those liberties. You who know me can have no fear that I would tolerate the destruction by any branch of government of any part of Our heritage of freedom. The present attempt by those opposed to progress to play upon the fears of danger to personal liberty brings again to mind that crude and cruel strategy tried by the same opposition to frighten the workers of America in a pay-envelope propaganda against the Social Security Law.
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elope propaganda against the Social Security Law. The workers were not fooled by that propaganda then. The people of America will not be fooled by such propaganda now. I am in favor of action through legislation: First, because I believe that it can be passed at this session of the Congress. Second, because it will provide a reinvigorated, liberal-minded Judiciary necessary to furnish quicker and cheaper justice from bottom to top.
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high purposes of the framers of the Constitution. It is my purpose to restore that balance. You who know me will accept my solemn assurance that in a world in which democracy is under attack, I seek to make American democracy succeed. You and I will do our part. This work is in the public domain in the United States because it is a work of the United States federal government ( see 17 U.S.C. 105 ). Public domain Public domain false false Retrieved from " https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=Roosevelt
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