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feel it just as strongly in America as I do here. Another thing, gentlemen, and now I want to speak to you for a moment from the religious standpoint, to speak to you in connection with the work of this mission. I wish I could make every member of a Christian church feel that just in so far as he spends his time in quarrelling with other Christians of other churches he is helping to discredit Christianity in the eyes of the world.
https://www.gutenberg.org/files/13930/13930-h/13930-h.htm
The Project Gutenberg eBook of African and European Addresses, by Theodore Roosevelt, et al
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discredit Christianity in the eyes of the world. Avoid as you would the plague those who seek to embroil you in conflict, one Christian sect with another. Not only does what I am about to say apply to the behavior of Christians towards one another, but of all Christians towards their non-Christian brethren, towards their fellow-citizens of another creed. You can do most for the colleges from which you come, you can do most for the creed which you profess, by doing your work in the position to which you hav
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n be uploaded to Wikimedia Commons and proofread . If not, it is preferably a URL; if one is not available, please explain on the talk page. Ladies and Gentlemen: Today I sent my Annual Message to the Congress, as required by the Constitution. It has been my custom to deliver these Annual Messages in person, and they have been broadcast to the Nation. I intended to follow this same custom this year. But, like a great many other people (of my fellow countrymen), I have had the "flu" and, although I am practi
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n), I have had the "flu" and, although I am practically recovered, my Doctor simply would not permit me to leave the White House to (and) go up to the Capitol. Only a few of the newspapers of the United States can print the Message in full, and I am (very) anxious that the American people be given an opportunity to hear what I have recommended to the Congress for this very fateful year in our history -- and the reasons for those recommendations.
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ory -- and the reasons for those recommendations. Here is what I said: This Nation in the past two years has become an active partner in the world's greatest war against human slavery. We have joined with like-minded people in order to defend ourselves in a world that has been gravely threatened with gangster rule. But I do not think that any of us Americans can be content with mere survival. Sacrifices that we and our Allies are making impose upon us all a sacred obligation to see to it that out of this wa
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sacred obligation to see to it that out of this war we and our children will gain something better than mere survival. We are united in determination that this war shall not be followed by another interim which leads to new disaster -- that we shall not repeat the tragic errors of ostrich isolationism. When Mr. Hull went to Moscow in October, (and) when I went to Cairo and Teheran in November, we knew that we were in agreement with our Allies in our common determination to fight and win this war.
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And the result was a peace which was not a peace. And right here I want to address a word or two to some suspicious souls who are fearful that Mr. Hull or I have made "commitments" for the future which might pledge this Nation to secret treaties, or to enacting the role of a world Santa Claus. Of course, we made some commitments. We most certainly committed ourselves to very large and very specific military plans which require the use of all allied forces to bring about the defeat of our enemies at the earl
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bring about the defeat of our enemies at the earliest possible time. But there were no secret treaties or political or financial commitments. The one supreme objective for the future, which we discussed for each nation individually, and for all the United Nations, can be summed up in one word: Security. And that means not only physical security which provides safety from attacks by aggressors. It means also economic security, social security, moral security -- in a family of nations.
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curity, moral security -- in a family of nations. In the plain down-to-earth talks that I had with the Generalissimo and Marshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill, it was abundantly clear that they are all most deeply interested in the resumption of peaceful progress by their own peoples -- progress toward a better life. All our Allies have learned by experience -- bitter experience that real development will not be possible if they are to be diverted from their purpose by repeated wars -- or even threats
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their purpose by repeated wars -- or even threats of war. The best interests of each nation, large and small, demand that all freedom-loving nations shall join together in a just and durable system of peace. In the present world situation, evidenced by the actions of Germany, and Italy and Japan, unquestioned military control over the disturbers of the peace is as necessary among nations as it is among citizens in any (a) community.
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ons as it is among citizens in any (a) community. And an equally basic essential to peace --permanent peace -- is a decent standard of living for all individual men and women and children in all nations. Freedom from fear is eternally linked with freedom from want. There are people who burrow -- burrow through the (our) nation like unseeing moles, and attempt to spread the suspicion that if other nations are encouraged to raise their standards of living, our own American standard of living must of necessity
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Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 11 January 1944 - Wikisource
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own American standard of living must of necessity be depressed. The fact is the very contrary. It has been shown time and again that if the standard of living of any country goes up, so does its purchasing power -- and that such a rise encourages a better standard of living in neighboring countries with whom it trades. That is just plain common sense -- and (it) is the kind of plain common sense that provided the basis for our discussions at Moscow, and Cairo and Teheran.
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our discussions at Moscow, and Cairo and Teheran. Returning from my journeying, I must confess to a sense of being "let down" when I found many evidences of faulty perspectives here in Washington. The faulty perspective consists in over-emphasizing lesser problems and thereby under-emphasizing the first and greatest problem. The overwhelming majority of our people have met the demands of this war with magnificent courage and a great deal of understanding.
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ficent courage and a great deal of understanding. They have accepted inconveniences; they have accepted hardships; they have accepted tragic sacrifices. However, while the majority goes on about its great work without complaint, we all know that a noisy minority maintains an uproar, an uproar of demands for special favors for special groups. There are pests who swarm through the lobbies of the Congress and the cocktail bars of Washington, representing these special groups as opposed to the basic interests o
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special groups as opposed to the basic interests of the Nation as a whole. They have come to look upon the war primarily as a chance to make profits for themselves at the expense of their neighbors -- profits in money or profits in terms of political or social preferment. Such selfish agitation can be and is highly dangerous in wartime. It creates confusion. It damages morale. It hampers our national effort. It prolongs the war.
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hampers our national effort. It prolongs the war. In this war, we have been compelled to learn how interdependent upon each other are all groups and sections of the whole population of America. Increased food costs, for example, will bring new demands for wage increases from all war workers, which will in turn raise all prices of all things including those things which the farmers themselves have to buy. Increased wages or prices will each in turn produce the same results.
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rices will each in turn produce the same results. They all have a particularly disastrous result on all fixed income groups. And I hope you will remember that all of us in this Government, including myself, represent the fixed income group just as much as we represent business owners, or workers or (and) farmers. This group of fixed-income people include: teachers, and clergy, and policemen, and firemen, and widows and minors who are on fixed incomes, wives and dependents of our soldiers and sailors, and ol
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and dependents of our soldiers and sailors, and old age pensioners. They and their families add up to more than a (one) quarter of our one hundred and thirty million people. They have few or no high pressure representatives at the Capitol. And in a period of gross inflation they would be the worst sufferers. Let us give them an occasional thought. If ever there was a time to subordinate individual or group selfishness for (to) the national good, that time is now.
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ess for (to) the national good, that time is now. Disunity at home, and (--) bickering, self-seeking partisanship, stoppages of work, inflation, business as usual, politics as usual, luxury as usual -- and sometimes a failure to tell the whole truth -- these are the influences which can undermine the morale of the brave men ready to die at the front for us here. Those who are doing most of the complaining, I do not think that they are (not) deliberately striving to sabotage the national war effort.
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ely striving to sabotage the national war effort. They are laboring under the delusion that the time is past when we must make prodigious sacrifices -- that the war is already won and we can begin to slacken off. But the dangerous folly of that point of view can be measured by the distance that separates our troops from their ultimate objectives in Berlin and Tokyo -- and by the sum of all the perils that lie along the way. Over-confidence and complacency are among our deadliest of all enemies.
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mplacency are among our deadliest of all enemies. And that attitude on the part of anyone -- Government or management or labor --can lengthen this war. It can kill American boys. Let us remember the lessons of 1918. In the summer of that year the tide turned in favor of the Allies. But this Government did not relax, nor did the American people. In fact, our nations effort was stepped up. In August, 1918, the draft age limits were broadened from 21 to (-) 31 all the way to 18 to (-) 45.
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ed from 21 to (-) 31 all the way to 18 to (-) 45. The President called for "force to the utmost," and his call was heeded. And in November, only three months later, Germany surrendered. That is the way to fight and win a war -- all out and not with half-an-eye on the battlefronts abroad and the other eye-and-a-half on personal selfish, or political interests here at home. Therefore, in order to concentrate all of our energies, all of our (and) resources on winning this (the) war, and to maintain a fair and
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inning this (the) war, and to maintain a fair and stable economy at home, I recommend that the Congress adopt: First, (1) A realistic and simplified tax law -- which will tax all unreasonable profits, both individual and corporate, and reduce the ultimate cost of the war to our sons and our daughters. The tax bill now under consideration by the Congress does not begin to meet this test. Secondly, (2) A continuation of the law for the renegotiation of war contracts --which will prevent exorbitant profits and
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Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 11 January 1944 - Wikisource
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tracts --which will prevent exorbitant profits and assure fair prices to the Government. For two long years I have pleaded with the Congress to take undue profits out of war. Third, (3) A cost of food law -- which will enable the Government ( (a) ) to place a reasonable floor under the prices the farmer may expect for his production; and ( (b) ) to place a ceiling on the prices the (a) consumer will have to pay for the necessary food he buys.
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will have to pay for the necessary food he buys. This should apply, as I have intimated, to necessities only; and this will require public funds to carry it out. It will cost in appropriations about one percent of the present annual cost of the war. Fourth, (4) An early re-enactment of the stabilization statute of October, 1942. This expires this year, June 30th, 1944, and if it is not extended well in advance, the country might just as well expect price chaos by summertime.
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.616972
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ht just as well expect price chaos by summertime. We cannot have stabilization by wishful thinking. We must take positive action to maintain the integrity of the American dollar. And fifth, (5) A national service law -- which, for the duration of the war, will prevent strikes, and, with certain appropriate exceptions, will make available for war production or for any other essential services every able-bodied adult in this whole Nation. These five measures together form a just and equitable whole.
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easures together form a just and equitable whole. I would not recommend a national service law unless the other laws were passed to keep down the cost of living, to share equitably the burdens of taxation, to hold the stabilization line, and to prevent undue profits. The Federal Government already has the basic power to draft capital and property of all kinds for war purposes on a basis of just compensation. And, as you know, I have for three years hesitated to recommend a national service act.
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rs hesitated to recommend a national service act. Today, however, with all the experience we have behind us and with us, I am convinced of its necessity. Although I believe that we and our Allies can win the war without such a measure, I am certain that nothing less than total mobilization of all our resources of manpower and capital will guarantee an earlier victory, and reduce the toll of suffering and sorrow and blood.
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educe the toll of suffering and sorrow and blood. As some of my advisers wrote me the other day: "When the very life of the nation is in peril the responsibility for service is common to all men and women. In such a time there can be no discrimination between the men and women who are assigned by the Government to its defense at the battlefront and the men and women assigned to producing the vital materials that are essential to successful military operations.
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are essential to successful military operations. A prompt enactment of a National Service Law would be merely an expression of the universality of this American responsibility." I believe the country will agree that those statements are the solemn truth. National service is the most democratic way to wage a war. Like selective service for the armed forces, it rests on the obligation of each citizen to serve his nation to his utmost where he is best qualified. It does not mean reduction in wages.
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share. National service provides that direction. I know that all civilian war workers will be glad to be able to say many years hence to their grandchildren: "Yes, I, too, was in service in the great war. I was on duty in an airplane factory, and I helped to make hundreds of fighting planes. The Government told me that in doing that I was performing my most useful work in the service of my country." It is argued that we have passed the stage in the war where national service is necessary.
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e in the war where national service is necessary. But our soldiers and sailors know that this is not true. We are going forward on a long, rough road -- and, in all journeys, the last miles are the hardest. And it is for that final effort -- for the total defeat of our enemies -- that we must mobilize our total resources. The national war program calls for the employment of more people in 1944 than in 1943. And it is my conviction that the American people will welcome this win-the-war measure which is based
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.617195
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ll welcome this win-the-war measure which is based on the eternally just principle of "fair for one, fair for all." It will give our people at home the assurance that they are standing four-square behind our soldiers and sailors. And it will give our enemies demoralizing assurance that we mean business -- that we, one hundred and thirty million Americans, are on the march to Rome, and Berlin and Tokyo. I hope that the Congress will recognize that, although this is a political year, national service is an is
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.617224
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his is a political year, national service is an issue which transcends politics. Great power must be used for great purposes. As to the machinery for this measure, the Congress itself should determine its nature -- as long as (but) it is (should be) wholly non-partisan in its make-up. Several alleged reasons have prevented the enactment of legislation which would preserve for our soldiers and sailors and marines the fundamental prerogative of citizenship -- in other words, the right to vote.
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citizenship -- in other words, the right to vote. No amount of legalistic argument can becloud this issue in the eyes of these ten million American citizens. Surely the signers of the Constitution did not intend a document which, even in wartime, would be construed to take away the franchise of any of those who are fighting to preserve the Constitution itself. Our soldiers and sailors and marines know that the overwhelming majority of them will be deprived of the opportunity to vote, if the voting machinery
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f the opportunity to vote, if the voting machinery is left exclusively to the States under existing State laws -- and that there is no likelihood of these laws being changed in time to enable them to vote at the next election. The Army and Navy have reported that it will be impossible effectively to administer forty- eight different soldier-voting laws. It is the duty of the Congress to remove this unjustifiable discrimination against the men and women in our armed forces -- and to do it just as quickly as
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r armed forces -- and to do it just as quickly as possible. It is our duty now to begin to lay the plans and determine the strategy. More than the winning of the war, it is time to begin plans and determine the strategy for (the) winning (of) a lasting peace and the establishment of an American standard of living higher than ever (before) known before. This Republic had its beginning, and grew to its present strength, under the protection of certain inalienable political rights -- among them the right of fr
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ble political rights -- among them the right of free speech, free press, free worship, trial by jury, freedom from unreasonable searches and seizures. They were our rights to life and liberty. We have come to a clear realization of the fact, however, that true individual freedom cannot exist without economic security and independence. "Necessitous men are not free men." People who are hungry, people who are (and) out of a job are the stuff of which dictatorships are made.
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ob are the stuff of which dictatorships are made. In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second Bill of Rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all -- regardless of station, or race or creed. Among these are: The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries, or shops or farms or mines of the nation; The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and recreation; The right of (
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e and enjoy good health; The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, and sickness, and accident and unemployment; And finally, the right to a good education. All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be prepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new goals of human happiness and well-being. America's own rightful place in the world depends in large part upon how fully these and similar rights have been carried into practice for all
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lar rights have been carried into practice for all our citizens. For unless there is security here at home there cannot be lasting peace in the world. One of the great American industrialists of our day -- a man who has rendered yeoman service to his country in this crisis -- recently emphasized the grave dangers of "rightist reaction" in this Nation. Any clear-thinking business men share that (his) concern.
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r-thinking business men share that (his) concern. Indeed, if such reaction should develop -- if history were to repeat itself and we were to return to the so-called "normalcy" of the 1920's -- then it is certain that even though we shall have conquered our enemies on the battlefields abroad, we shall have yielded to the spirit of fascism here at home. I ask the Congress to explore the means for implementing this economic bill of rights -- for it is definitely the responsibility of the Congress so to do, and
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y the responsibility of the Congress so to do, and the country knows it. Many of these problems are already before committees of the Congress in the form of proposed legislation. I shall from time to time communicate with the Congress with respect to these and further proposals. In the event that no adequate program of progress is evolved, I am certain that the Nation will be conscious of the fact. Our fighting men abroad -- and their families at home -- expect such a program and have the right to insist on
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Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 11 January 1944 - Wikisource
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2026-03-02T16:18:41.617523
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ect such a program and have the right to insist on (upon) it. It is to their demands that this Government should pay heed, rather than to the whining demands of selfish pressure groups who seek to feather their nests while young Americans are dying. I have often said that there are no two fronts for America in this war. There is only one front. There is one line of unity that (which) extends from the hearts of (the) people at home to the men of our attacking forces in our farthest outposts.
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of our attacking forces in our farthest outposts. When we speak of our total effort, we speak of the factory and the field and the mine as well as (of) the battlefield (ground) -- we speak of the soldier and the civilian, the citizen and his Government. Each and every one of them (us) has a solemn obligation under God to serve this Nation in its most critical hour -- to keep this Nation great -- to make this Nation greater in a better world.
https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Roosevelt%27s_Fireside_Chat,_11_January_1944
Roosevelt's Fireside Chat, 11 January 1944 - Wikisource
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es on Department Methods, at the Residence of Mr. Pinchot, Washington, March 20, 1906 694 To the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor and the Representatives of Labor Associated With Them, at the Executive Office, March 21, 1906 702 To the Members of the National Playgrounds Councils at the White House, April 12, 1906 708 To the German Veterans, at the White House, April 12, 1906 709 PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT ADDRESSING THE CITIZENS OF ATLANTA, GEORGIA October 20, 1905 Homeward Bound Edition PRES
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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MERCHANTS’ CLUB, CHICAGO, ILL., MAY 10, 1905 Mr. President and Gentlemen : This country of ours is pre-eminently a business country, and we can succeed only if as a country we carry on the national business as the typical member of this association carries on his business; that is, in an entirely practical spirit, in a spirit which desires and commands success, but which desires it and commands it as an incident to acting with decency toward all our fellow-citizens.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ting with decency toward all our fellow-citizens. No business community can permanently succeed if the average member of it does not possess a certain quantity of high ideals; and, gentlemen, there is not a business man of large experience here who will not agree with me when I say that. Permanent success will come to the business community where the average man’s word can be trusted, where the average man himself can be trusted in dealing with his fellows.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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mself can be trusted in dealing with his fellows. Just as that is true of the average business community, so it is true of the Nation as a whole. The Nation must act in a spirit which gives full recognition to the national demands, which is not in the least Quixotic, which sees the need of working for the interests of the average individual of the Nation, but in a spirit which recognizes duties as well as rights, which recognizes this in our internal affairs, which recognizes it in our external affairs.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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irs, which recognizes it in our external affairs. This leads me up to a subject concerning which [362] I wish not merely to congratulate, but on behalf of the Nation to thank those present; the part played by the Merchants’ Club in initiating, and with the aid of the Commercial Club in carrying to a successful conclusion, the movement which resulted in the establishment of a naval training station here on Lake Michigan.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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f a naval training station here on Lake Michigan. I need not say to those of you who know anything at all about me that I believe in a big navy; and I hope I need not say that I believe in it not as a provocative to war, but as a guarantee of peace. I want to see every section of this country realize that the navy stands for the whole country, and that the people of the seacoast are not a particle more interested in it than the people of the Mississippi Valley.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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in it than the people of the Mississippi Valley. There were two sides to the establishment of that naval station here, where it was established. In the first place, we get, as perhaps some of you know, a peculiarly valuable class of recruit for the navy from the Mississippi Valley and the region adjoining the Great Lakes. In the next place, I wanted to see part of the establishment of the navy have its local habitation and name here in the great West.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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local habitation and name here in the great West. So I feel that this organization conferred a favor not only upon the city of Chicago, but an advantage to the whole country in what it did toward securing the establishment of that station here where it has been established. I do not think that it is now very necessary to make an argument for an efficient navy. We are so fortunate that in this country we can get along with a very small army, an army which relatively to the [363] population of the country is
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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atively to the [363] population of the country is smaller than the police force of many of our great cities. With the navy the case is different We have not the choice, gentlemen, as to whether or not this country will play a great part in the world. We can not help playing a great part. All we can decide is whether we shall play it well or ill. That is the decision we have to make. We can decide whether we will do badly or well, but we can not decide whether the part is to be played.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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can not decide whether the part is to be played. We have got to play it. We can not abandon our position on the Monroe Doctrine. We can not abandon the Panama Canal. We can not abandon the duties that have come to us from the mere fact of our growth as a Nation, from the growth of our commercial interests in the East and in the West, on the Atlantic and in the Pacific. I earnestly hope that with the added responsibility will come not merely a growth of power to meet that responsibility, but a growth of men
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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r to meet that responsibility, but a growth of mental attitude on our part toward these new duties. If there is one thing that ought to be more offensive to every good American than almost anything else it is the habit of speaking with a loose tongue, speaking offensively about foreign nations, or adopting an ill-considered and irritating attitude toward any one of them. In private life there is no one to whom we rightly object more than to the man who is continually offending and insulting his neighbors; e
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ntinually offending and insulting his neighbors; except to the man who in addition to doing that then fails to make good. I hope to see our foreign policy conducted always in a spirit not merely of scrupulous [364] regard for the rights of others, but of scrupulous courtesy toward others; and at the same time to see us keep prepared so that there is no position that we take in either hemisphere that once taken we can not stand on.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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r hemisphere that once taken we can not stand on. With this in order not only is it important that the Government officials should behave themselves, but it is also important that private citizens should. The public speaker, the writer in the press, the legislator, the public servant, all owe it to this country to behave with the courtesy toward others which we would like to have extended toward us; but to behave with that courtesy whether it is extended in return or not.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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courtesy whether it is extended in return or not. Outsiders can not hurt us by being insolent so long as we behave ourselves. What they say is of no consequence to us compared to what we say to them. Hard words will not hurt us if we will only disregard them. Let them say anything; but let us go on and build up the navy. That will be a much greater provocative to friendship and respect than any amount of recrimination.
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/76020/pg76020-images.html
Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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hip and respect than any amount of recrimination. I have a right to appeal to the men here before me, to the men who in so many different walks take the lead in this great city, to aid in consistently building up just that type of foreign policy, a foreign policy under which we shall make the name of the United States Government a symbol on the one hand, as it ought to be, for the just and proper insistence upon its own rights, but also a symbol for a disinterested and generous willingness to treat all othe
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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erested and generous willingness to treat all other nations, all other powers, with just and with frank courtesy and good-will, and to make it evident [365] that in this country’s foreign policy it recognizes its duty toward the weak just as much as its responsibility to the strong. AT THE BANQUET OF THE IROQUOIS CLUB, CHICAGO, ILL., MAY 10, 1905 Mr. President, Mr. Toastmaster, and you, my Hosts : Our country is governed, and under existing circumstances can only be governed, under the party system, and tha
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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only be governed, under the party system, and that should mean, and that will mean, when we have a sufficient number of people who take the point of view that Judge Dickinson takes, that there shall be a frank and manly opposition of party to party, of party man to party man, combined with an equally frank refusal to conduct a party contest in any such way as to give good Americans cause for regret because of what is said before election, when compared with what is said after election.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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, when compared with what is said after election. The frankest opposition to a given man or a given party on questions of public policy not only can be, but almost always should be, combined with the frankest recognition of the infinitely greater number of points of agreement than of the points of difference. I have accepted your kind and generous invitation to come before you this evening, because the longer I am in public life the more firmly I am convinced that the great bulk of the questions of most imp
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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d that the great bulk of the questions of most importance before us as a people are questions which we can best decide not from the standpoint of republicanism or democracy, but from the standpoint [366] of the interests of the average American citizen, whether Republican or Democrat. This is true of both foreign and domestic questions. Our political differences should, and in the great majority of cases do, disappear at the water’s edge.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ority of cases do, disappear at the water’s edge. When I had to choose a man to represent to a peculiar degree the interests of this Government in one of the most important foreign negotiations of recent years—that concerning the Alaskan boundary—I chose the best lawyer, one of the ablest public men, and one of the most fair-minded patriots that could be found in the country; and the fact that he was of opposite political faith did not interfere with Judge Dickinson’s doing that work well.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ic sense as the representative of all the people. One of the works that Uncle Sam has on hand just at present is digging the Panama Canal; and it is going to be dug. It is going to be dug honestly and as cheaply as is compatible with efficiency; but with the efficiency first. I wanted Congress to give me power to remodel the commission. It did not do it. So I remodeled it anyhow, purely in the exercise of my executive functions.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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purely in the exercise of my executive functions. I made up my mind [367] this time that I was not going to make the slightest effort to represent different sections of the country on that commission, that I was going to have the whole country represented, by putting the best man I could get in any given position, without the slightest regard to where he came from; and while it was an accident, still I may mention it as a fortunate accident that the two most important positions were filled from Illinois—Sho
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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important positions were filled from Illinois—Shonts and Wallace are both from Illinois. These are external questions, as regards which the interests of the whole country and not the interests of any party or any section of the country must be considered by the President. So it is with certain of our great internal policies. Among the vital questions that have come up for solution, because of the extraordinary industrial development of this country, as of all the modern world, are the questions affecting c
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ll the modern world, are the questions affecting capital and labor as regards each other, and the questions resulting from the effect upon the public of the organization into great masses of both capital and labor. I believe thoroughly in each kind of organization, but I recognize that if either kind of organization does what is wrong, the increase in its power for efficiency that has resulted from the combination means the increase in its power to do harm; and that, therefore, corporation—that is, organize
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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and that, therefore, corporation—that is, organized capital—and union—that is, organized labor—must alike be held to a peculiar responsibility to the public at large, and that from each alike we have the right to [368] demand not only obedience to the law, but service to the public. There are two sides to what I have said, and we are very apt to hear only insistence upon one side—sometimes insistence upon one side, sometimes insistence upon the other, but not as often as we should insistence upon both sides
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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t as often as we should insistence upon both sides. I take up first the question of organized capital. When this Nation was created, such a thing as a modern corporation not only did not exist, but could not be imagined. This is especially true of the great modern corporations engaged in interstate commerce. A century ago the highways of commerce were exactly such as they had been from the days of the dawn of civilization on the banks of the Nile and in Mesopotamia.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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s Republic could not foresee, and therefore, doubly, could not provide for, the conditions of the present day. We now have the great highways of commerce of an entirely different kind. The waterway, the road for wheeled vehicles, have sunk into absolute insignificance compared with the railway. We therefore have for the first time in history a highway [369] for the commerce of all the people under the control of a private individual or private corporation.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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l of a private individual or private corporation. Now, gentlemen, let me in the first place insist upon this fact, that we should keep ever before us that the men who have built up the great railroad systems of this country, like the men who have built up the other great industries of this country, have as a rule (there are exceptions, but as a rule) made their fortunes as incidents to benefiting and not to harming the country.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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nts to benefiting and not to harming the country. As a rule benefit and not harm has come from their efforts, and in making fortunes for themselves they have done good to all of us. We have all benefited by the talents of the great captains of industry. I am speaking, as I say, as a rule, with full knowledge of the exceptions to what I say, but disregarding those exceptions in making a general statement. We can not afford to do damage to those men or to those corporations, because in the first place we can
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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e corporations, because in the first place we can not afford to do injustice to any man, rich or poor; in the next place, because to do such damage to them would mean widespread damage among the wage-workers and among the general public. All of this that I have said I wish kept in mind steadily in appreciating what I am about to say; for while acknowledging in the frankest manner the benefits that have come from the development of these great industrial enterprises, I also feel that we must recognize that t
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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rprises, I also feel that we must recognize that the time has now come when it is essential in the interests of the public that there should be, and be exercised, an effective power of supervision [370] and regulation over them in the interests of the public. The State can properly deal with the corporations doing business within its own limits. The State can not deal at all with corporations doing business in many different States, and it is an absurdity at once ludicrous and harmful to leave it in the pow
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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once ludicrous and harmful to leave it in the power of one State to create a corporation of gigantic size which shall do all its work in a number of other States, and perhaps with the scantiest regard for their laws. Personally, I believe that the Federal Government must take an increasing control over corporations. It is better that that control should increase by degrees than that it should be assumed all at once.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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grees than that it should be assumed all at once. But there should be, and I trust will be, no halt in the steady progress of assuming such national control. The first step toward it should be the adoption of a law conferring upon some executive body the power of increased supervision and regulation of the great corporations engaged primarily in interstate commerce of the railroads. My views on that subject could not have been better expressed than they were expressed yesterday by Secretary Taft in Washingt
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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expressed yesterday by Secretary Taft in Washington, and as they were expressed by the Attorney-General in his communication to the Senate Committee a couple of weeks ago. I believe that the representatives of the Nation—that is, the representatives of all the people—should lodge in some executive body the power to establish a maximum rate, the power to have that rate go into effect practically [371] immediately, and the power to see that the provisions of the law apply in full to companies owning private
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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the law apply in full to companies owning private cars and private tracks, just as much as the railroads themselves. The courts will retain, and should retain, no matter what the Legislature does, the power to interfere and upset any action that is confiscatory in its nature. I am well aware that the action of such a body as I have spoken of may stop far short of confiscation, and yet do great damage. In other words, I am well aware that to give this power means the possibility that the power may be abused.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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eans the possibility that the power may be abused. That possibility we must face. Any power strong enough, any power which could be granted sufficiently great to be efficient, would be sufficiently great to be harmful if abused. That is true of the power of taxation. It is perfectly possible for the body that has the power of taxation intrusted to it to use it viciously and harmfully against certain interests or certain classes. Nevertheless, the power must exist.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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tain classes. Nevertheless, the power must exist. The power must be lodged in the representatives of the people. So it is with the power of which I speak. It must exist; it must be lodged in some body which is to give expression to the needs of the people as a whole. The fact that it is possible that the power may be abused is not, and can not be, an argument against placing it where we shall have a right to expect that it will be used fairly toward all. One thing I wish definitely understood.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ward all. One thing I wish definitely understood. If the power is granted me to create such a board, such a commission, or to continue in power, if I so desire, [372] a commission or board with increased powers, I shall strive to appoint and retain men who will do exactly the same justice to the railroads as they will exact from the railroads. False hopes are always raised by any measure of reform, because there are always people who expect the impossible.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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here are always people who expect the impossible. If the measure which I advocate is enacted into law, a good many people will expect that it will bring the millennium considerably nearer than will prove to be the case. The men whom I appoint to execute that law will be, so far as my ability to choose them exists, men who will no more be frightened by an even sincere popular clamor into doing an act of injustice to any great corporation than they will be frightened, on the other hand, into refraining from d
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ghtened, on the other hand, into refraining from doing an act of justice because it is against the interests of some great corporation. In other words, I shall strive to see that that branch of the Government with its increased power is administered as every branch of the Government ought to be administered—that is, in a spirit of striving to do exact justice to the men of great means just as much as, and no more than, to the man of small means. Now for the other side of the question.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ll means. Now for the other side of the question. There have been a great many republics before our time, and again and again these republics have split upon the rock of disaster. The greatest and most dangerous rock in the course of any republic is the rock of class hatred. Sometimes in the past the republic became a republic in which one class grew to dominate over another class, so that for loyalty to the republic [373] was substituted loyalty to a class. The result was in such case inevitable.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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he republic, the end of the republic was at hand. No true patriot will fail to do everything in his power to prevent the growth of any such spirit in this country. This Government is not and never shall be a government of a plutocracy. This Government is not, and never shall be, a Government of a mob. I believe in corporations. They are indispensable instruments of our modern industrialism; but I believe that they should be so supervised and regulated that they shall act for the interest of the community as
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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hey shall act for the interest of the community as a whole. So I believe in unions. I am proud of the fact that I am an honorary member of one union. But I believe that the union, like the individual, must be held to a strict accountability to the power of the law. Mr. Mayor, as President of the United States, and therefore as representative of the people of this country, I give you, as a matter of course, my hearty support in upholding the law, in keeping order, in putting down violence, whether by a mob o
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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rder, in putting down violence, whether by a mob or by an individual. There need not be the slightest apprehension in the heart of the most timid that ever the mob spirit will triumph in this country. Those immediately [374] responsible for dealing with the trouble must, as I know you feel, exhaust every effort in so dealing with it before a call is made upon any outside body. But if ever the need arises, back of the city stands the State, and back of the State stands the Nation.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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United States, and of the several States that go to make up our Nation. REMARKS TO STRIKERS’ COMMITTEE, CHICAGO, ILL., MAY 10, 1905 Mr. Shea : We are here as a committee to present to you a statement stating our position in this controversy between the Employers’ Association and the Teamsters’ Association. We have understood that they had asked your aid for bringing troops into Chicago. We want to present our position to you. Mr. Quinn has the memorial. Mr.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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position to you. Mr. Quinn has the memorial. Mr. Quinn : It will take about ten minutes to read this. Perhaps we had better leave it with you. [375] The President , after reading the memorial: Mr. Shea, Mr. Quinn, and Gentlemen: I have read the petition you have presented to me, the conclusion of which is a request for a hearing before any action be taken by the Federal President, relating to the Chicago strike situation.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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sident, relating to the Chicago strike situation. As yet no suggestion of any kind has come to me from any source that I should take any action. Of the merits of the case I am wholly ignorant. I have no knowledge of what the situation is, or of what steps should properly be taken to end it. I feel, however, that in view of one statement, or series of statements, in your letter, I ought to say this: I regret that you should have in the letter spoken at all of the use of the Federal army as you have there spo
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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the use of the Federal army as you have there spoken. No request has been made to me for action by the Federal Government, but at the same time, Mr. Shea, as you have in this communication to me brought up that fact, I want to say one thing with all the emphasis in my power. In upholding law and order, in doing what he is able to do to suppress mob violence in any shape or way, the Mayor of Chicago, Mayor Dunne, has my hearty support.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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r of Chicago, Mayor Dunne, has my hearty support. I am glad to be able to say this to you gentlemen before I say it to any other body. Now let me repeat that I know nothing of the facts of the situation. I know nothing of the rights or wrongs of the points at issue. What I have to say is based purely upon what I regard as the unfortunate phrasing of a letter presented to the President of the United States. I have not been [376] called upon to interfere in any way, but you must not misunderstand my attitude.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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y way, but you must not misunderstand my attitude. In every effort of Mayor Dunne to prevent violence by mobs or individuals, to see that the laws are obeyed and that order is preserved, he has the hearty support of the President of the United States, and in my judgment he should have that of every good citizen of the United States. Now, gentlemen, it has been a great pleasure to see you, and I am glad to have had the chance to say this to you. Mr. Quinn : Mr.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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ad the chance to say this to you. Mr. Quinn : Mr. President, what prompted us to come to you with this statement is that for the past two or three weeks there has been a continual howl for the Federal army. I have known you long enough to know that you would not respond to a one-sided demand, that you will not respond until you have thoroughly investigated the case. The President : Mr. Quinn, as yet the Mayor has not made any appeal to the Governor, and therefore, of course, the Governor has made none to me
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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efore, of course, the Governor has made none to me; and as yet nothing in the situation has demanded action by me. Mr. Shea : Let me explain that. The Governor has been requested by the committee of the employers to demand Federal troops. The statement has been made in the papers. I immediately telegraphed Governor [377] Deneen that we would allow him to appoint a commission. Regardless of that I want to make our position known to you in regard to mob violence.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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position known to you in regard to mob violence. Every time a mob congregates, every act of violence performed by either a union man or a sympathizer, it reacts to our detriment. I believe that we are skilled workmen enough in our particular craft to demonstrate to our business men of Chicago that it is to their interest to employ us. There is nothing at stake but the re-employment of citizens of Chicago who have been forced out of their positions.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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cago who have been forced out of their positions. Acts of violence meet with the condemnation of the officials, both local and national, of our organization. It does not meet with the sympathies of our organization. I simply want to say that we want to be fair, to preserve the business interests of Chicago, realizing that the prosperity of our employers is our prosperity. The President : Mr. Shea, I can only repeat what I have said. I am a believer in unions. I am an honorary member of one union.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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in unions. I am an honorary member of one union. But the union must obey the law just as the corporation must obey the law, just as every man, rich or poor, must obey the law. As yet no action whatever has been called for by me, and most certainly if action is called for by me I shall try to do exact justice under the law to every man, so far as I have power. But the first essential is the preservation of law and order, the suppression of violence by mobs or individuals.
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Presidential Addresses and State Papers Volume 4 (of 7) | Project Gutenberg
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