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The Tornillo facility had opened in June in an isolated pocket of the Texas desert with capacity for 360 children. It expanded into a guarded detention camp that in mid-December held more than 2,700 largely Central American teens in rows of canvas tents. Politicians and advocates for immigrants and human rights protested at the site over the seven months it was open, with some even taking up vigils.
Since the Tornillo tent city closed, the Homestead center is the only temporary facility in use, Weber said. Lawmakers and immigrant rights advocates are fighting to shut this one down too, saying it does not comply with state child welfare laws.
Homestead is now one of the facilities with the largest number of migrant children in the U.S. Screens at the command center on Wednesday showed a population of 1,575 children, ages 13-17. Of the group, 670 are being housed in the new section.
The children in custody now are teenagers who arrived on their own, hoping to join relatives. Last summer, Homestead had taken in about 140 children who were separated from their families at the border.
New federal requirements mandating more stringent background checks on their families since last summer have slowed the children’s release to family members. The average length of stay at Homestead has gone up from 25 days last June to 67 days as of December.
The children eat three meals and also have three snacks, a program official told the media.
On Wednesday, a group of boys formed a line with trays in hand and got served white rice, red beans and fish.
Managers say there are attorneys at the facility every day and they meet privately with the children. There are four doctors and other physicians are on call.
Weber said the Homestead facility has approximately one mental health clinician for every 15 children. Under federal policy, migrant youth shelters generally must have one mental health clinician for every 12 kids.
A legal team visited the shelter last week to verify whether it complies with a 1997 agreement known as the Flores settlement, governing how migrant children are housed in custody. J.J Mulligan Sepulveda, an attorney at the Immigration Law Clinic at University of California, Davis, said they interviewed children and described a few instances in which they broke into tears describing the “military-style” conditions at the facility where they can’t hug one another.
“A lot of them saw mental health services as a punishment, and thought it would affect their immigration case,” Mulligan Sepulveda said. The attorney also said he met a boy who was separated from his brother when the center began its expansion. He said they are only allowed to see each other once a week.
Comprehensive Health Services, which is part of Virginia-based Caliburn, isn’t able to use Florida records to screen the staff for child abuse and neglect because Florida law bans any outside employer from reviewing information in its child welfare system. Child abuse and neglect checks were waived because of these limitations, officials say.
A new system for funding private schools per student, rather than from a capped pool of money, has been suggested in a review (PDF, 117KB) of funding for schools and early childhood services.
Post Primary Teachers' Association (PPTA) president Angela Roberts said private schools should not get any money at all and the government should support public schools first.
"Well, the money's got to come from somewhere and that's always the concern that we have. To prop up a private business effectively, being a private school, that's not the job of the state system," she said.
"The state system should be supporting our students and our public education system."
ACT Party leader David Seymour said the teachers' association needed to mind its own business.
"The PPTA should focus on their own business, which is representing teachers and industrial relations. If people want to pay taxes and choose to send their kids to independent schools, that is none of the PPTA's business," he said.
Private schools should be given more money than before because they had an important role, Mr Seymour said.
"If an independent school shuts down, all of those students go back to the state system. That is a massive cost to the taxpayer.
"Funding independent schools actually saves taxpayers a fortune and gives students a wider range of choices for their education."
The Ministry of Education said the new "per student" proposal would give schools more certainty.
Just how much would be paid per student was yet to be determined, but it would be a set percentage of the amount the government gave to state schools.
But Labour finance spokesperson Grant Robertson said private schools should not get any more money, especially when the government had announced a funding freeze for public schools in last month's budget.
"I think there is a risk here that private schools will go out and seek students and as we've been saying, state schools are underfunded and private schools have other backing other than the state," Mr Robertson said.
Minister of Education Hekia Parata said the education funding review was for all New Zealand children. Discussions were ongoing and no decisions had yet been made, she said.
The current private-school funding system divides a capped annual pool of $41 million across all private schools, depending on how many students are enrolled.
Independent Schools of New Zealand, which represents private schools, refused to comment.
Schools will not know which students are attracting funding targeted to children of beneficiaries, and they don't need to, Education Minister Hekia Parata says.
WHEN South African forces hit three neighboring countries in May, vainly seeking anti-apartheid guerrillas, its officials made clear that it was nothing personal toward those nations' citizens, three of whom were killed in the raids. This is standard operating procedure nowadays. Governments are careful to reassure the people they are bombing, strafing, or napalming that they are all fine, upstanding human beings: ``It's just that zany leadership of yours and, well, we're awfully sorry, but a nation's got to do what a nation's got to do . . . Ka-boom!'' The United States said as much when it attacked Libya. Iran isn't mad at the Iraqis, it just wants the leader to step down. The Soviet Union is renowned for its unsolicited ``fraternal assistance'' to the good folks in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Afghanistan. In fact, the USSR insists that having its tanks rumble down the streets of a foreign capital is a happy time for almost everyone involved.
In turn, the Kremlin doesn't blame you and me for Ronald Reagan (even though most of you and me put him where he is). All of which raises an obvious question: If the peoples of the world are as nice as pie, how come their leaders are always fussing and fighting? And how come officials keep threatening or bombing those swell folks they think the world of? Are we -- Soviets, American, Libyans, etc. -- good horses being ridden by bad riders, with often fatal results? If so, why don't we band together and make peace among ourselves and tell our alleged superiors to stick to paving roads and cutting ribbons at shopping center openings?
The notion that people would get along if it weren't for the brass upstairs finds a certain substantiation in instances when leaders of opposing nations have sat down and palavered like commoners. When such notorious rivals as President Reagan and Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega met in a reception line at the UN last year, their animosity was replaced by polite, if stiff, smiles and the usual vacuous small talk. In all, it was a big improvement. Summits between the US and the USSR have always generated spurts of good feeling, usually referred to as ``the spirit'' of wherever they happened to have been held. Our man looks theirs squarely in the eye and says: ``Hey, let's do this again, come summer, over to our place on the Potomac.'' Mikhail Gorbachev replies, ``You're on, big guy; I'll bring the chips and dip.'' To which Reagan quips, ``Aw, why don't you leave Gromyko home.'' They both bust out laughing.
Less-noble feelings always reemerge after the two men have parted company. So why don't we insist they stay together until they really get to like each other? The Reagans could spend half the year in a dacha outside Moscow and the Gorbachevs could summer on Maryland's Eastern Shore. Instead of exceeding the limits of unratified arms treaties, Nancy and Raisa could race about the two capitals, having a spiraling but friendly credit card competition. Meanwhile, the boys could be fighting tooth and nail over who is going to pick up the tab for dinner -- or even who could dismantle a nuclear weapon the fastest.
It might not work. We may well have the leaders we deserve and no amount of elbow-rubbing will help. But it's worth a crack. The Reagans spend about half the year vacationing anyway, so they might as well do it on the Volga.
A wakeboarder enjoys the waves created by the boat that’s towing him at Hidden Lake June 28, 2017 in Westminster.
WESTMINSTER — On a sweltering summer day, there’s nothing sweeter for Navy veteran Derek Garcia, back from serving his country abroad, than fishing the cool waters of Hidden Lake with his father, grandparents and daughter.
And the Trump administration’s recent proposal that would roll back federal protection against pollution and development at this oasis — and thousands of other lakes, streams and wetlands nationwide — upsets him deeply.
Protecting pristine pockets of water “is extremely important,” said Garcia, a business owner, helping Aaliyah, 8, reel in sunfish and bass.
U.S. Navy veteran Derek Garcia, 42, and daughter, Aaliyah, 8, catch a sunfish Wednesday, June 28, 2017 from Hidden Lake in Westminster – a waterway that could lose protection if Trump administration officials roll back clean water act coverage. Garcia says he favors as much protection as possible to make sure builders do not harm the lake and the surrounding wetlands environment.
Garcia’s reaction to President Donald Trump and Environmental Protection Agency administrator Scott Pruitt’s push to weaken federal power over streams and wetlands reflected wide concern across Colorado and the West, where more than half the waterways could lose protection. That’s because Western watersheds often do not hold water year-round or are less obviously linked to the “navigable waters” that Trump administration lawyers contend are the only waters that merit protection. The EPA proposal, hailed as reining in government overreach, would limit federal regulation of development and pollution to large connected waterways.
Less than 30 percent of Colorado’s estimated 95,000 miles of streams are likely to qualify for protection if the current system is changed as proposed, according to a 2009 study by the conservation group Trout Unlimited. EPA data show that 77,850 miles of waterways in Colorado are ephemeral, only flowing seasonally or during rain.
Federal environmental officials must protect “waters of the United States” under the nation’s landmark 1972 Clean Water Act — by requiring property owners to obtain permits designed to minimize impact before water can be polluted or wetlands destroyed. The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers administers these permits, typically requiring six months or more for processing — a source of frustration for some.
Trump’s team has proposed to repeal a broader definition of “waters of the United States” that the EPA and Army Corps adopted in 2015 under President Barack Obama — one that expanded protection following U.S. Supreme Court decisions in 2001 and 2006 that created confusion. The court ruled that federal authorities could only require permits for pollution and dredging of “navigable waters.” The Obama-era approach, still not implemented due to lawsuits, allows regulation of flowing water, including ephemeral streams, with exemptions for agriculture.
Publication in the federal register on June 27 of the Trump administration’s proposal to repeal and replace clean water standards triggered a 30-day period for public comment. Then the rollback would take effect. However, more than 70 members of Congress last week requested an extension to no less than six months. On Thursday, the League of Conservation Voters and 18 other environment groups sent Pruitt a letter requesting the same.
While Colorado has state-level rules limiting water pollution that still could apply, there is no state rule against dredging and filling that destroys wetlands and streams.
Beer brewers were among the first to object. Eight craft brewers in Colorado, joined by counterparts nationwide, sent a letter to EPA and Army Corps leaders urging maximum protection.
In western Colorado, a growing reliance on pristine water for the economy — depending more on recreation and tourism — compelled concern. The fuzzy meaning of “waters of the United States” and delays issuing federal permits are a problem, many agree, and local officials would welcome greater clarity, said Torie Jarvis, co-director of the Water Quantity and Quality Committee (QQ) of the Northwest Colorado Council of Governments. But most favor greater protection, not less.
“While QQ supports increased clarity for the definition of ‘waters of the United States,’ this clarity should not mean reduced water quality protection under the Clean Water Act,” Jarvis and the other local leaders told EPA officials June 19, after the feds had asked for input for their proposed repeal and overhaul of clean water rules.
Some local officials reckon they could protect cherished watersheds on their own, without robust federal clean water rules, by using their power to regulate land use.
Environment groups last week argued that a federal role is necessary to buttress local power.
“Local governments may be able to control some impacts based on conditions they might impose on developments, but they do not have a statutory obligation to do so — so the ability to protect these important resources ends up relying on their level of commitment to protecting water quality, and their ability to have the expertise and resources to do so, which for smaller local governments can be a real limitation,” Colorado Trout Unlimited director David Nickum said.
A bird perches itself near moss-covered rocks near the spillway at Hidden Lake June 28, 2017 in Westminster.
“Our main practical concern with the change in these federal standards is that we would lose the protection for seasonal streams and for wetlands from being dredged or filled in — protection that currently is provided. … Allowing those areas to be degraded will in turn have ripple effects downstream onto our drinking water supplies and our important fishing and recreation rivers,” Nickum said.
“Colorado’s outdoor economy and quality of life depend on healthy, clean watersheds, and anglers know that starts at the source: the small, unassuming streams, headwaters and wetlands that rescinding the Clean Water Rule puts at risk,” he said.
In Westminster, city officials for years have been working to improve and expand open space, including lakes and wetlands along the Clear Creek corridor that flows into the South Platte River.
Since 1985, Westminster has tried to protect 87.5 acres of public wetlands just west of Hidden Lake. But the lake and its shoreline are privately owned. Developers now are planning to build new mansions around the north shore of Hidden Lake.
That construction, which requires a federal permit, likely would not be protected against pollution, dredging and filling if Trump and the EPA push through the changes of clean water rules, said Seth Plas in the city engineering office.
Late afternoon clouds at Hidden Lake June 28, 2017 in Westminster.
What do you do when you're pregnant and your partner doesn't want the baby?
I am 2 weeks late, first pregnancy test was negative, have nausea, headaches, swollen breasts, etc. My partner of a couple years already has a 5 year old child whom doesn't live with us, but he says if I really am pregnant, he thinks I should have an abortion. I don't want an abortion. He says if I'm pregnant, he won't be happy at all. We can't afford it, but I don't want to abort my first child if I am pregnant.
What do I do? I don't believe this is fair.
I agree-- it isn't fair to you and it certainly isn't fair to the unborn child who has no say in this decision. First you need to find out if in fact you are pregnant-- you can take another pregnancy test or go to your doctor for a blood test.
If you are pregnant-- this is your choice. Whether he chooses to be around for his child is his choice but giving a child a chance of life and a family, even if he isn't around, is yours.
If you aren't pregnant-- please re-evaluate your relationship. If you are not yet a mother, I am presuming that you want to be one based on your question and you need to decide if you want to be with someone who doesn't want children. Will it make you resentful? Will you fall out of love? Do you want to be scared about becoming pregnant because you'll lose your boyfriend? This is probably a good time to realize what is important in your life and what or who isn't.
If you decide to stay with this guy, please use protection.
The 25th annual Harrison Coal & Reclamation Historical Park Dinner-Auction will be May 11 at the Sally Buffalo Park's Wallace Lodge, 100 College way Cadiz, or 43000 Industrial Park Road Cadiz. Doors open at 5 p.m. Dinner at 6 p.m. Followed by speaker and auction. Tickets include buffet style dinner, drinks, and more. Tickets are $20. For reservation, information, or donate items for auction, contact 740-391-4135 or 740-942-3895. E-mail info@hcrhp.org. Mail reservations to HCRHP, 143 S. Main St., Cadiz, OH 43907. Make checks payable to HCRHP.
Barnesville Hutton Memorial Library will be hosting Storytime, Toddlertime and Little Tykes classes this spring. There will be two storytime sessions offered either Monday afternoons from 1 to 1:45 p.m. or Monday evenings from 6:30 to 7:15 p.m. The classes will begin March 4 and continue through April 22. Storytime is for children ages 3-5. The 45-minute program includes stories, finger-plays, songs, rhymes and crafts. Each week a theme is presented that becomes the center for all the activities.
Toddlertime is designed for the two year old child and an adult. Parents, caregivers and grandparents have all been a part of this successful program. The 30-minute program centers around the two year old child and the adult participating in songs, finger-plays, creative movement, stories and crafts. There will be two sessions offered either Thursday mornings at 10:30 a.m. or Thursday evenings at 6 p.m. Toddlertime will begin March 7 and continue through April 25.
Little Tykes is similar to the Toddlertime program, but is designed for babies, ages 6 months to 2, along with a parent, grandparent or caregiver. This short interactive program introduces board books to children plus we sing songs, participate in finger plays and creative movement. The Spring session will be offered either on Thursdays from 5 to 5:30 p.m. or Friday mornings from 10:30 to 11 a.m. beginning March 7-8 and ending April 25-26.
Registration is required and may be done by visiting the library or calling 740-425-1651.
When the corrupt and autocratic regimes of the Arab world began to topple one after another, in the Arab Spring of 2011, it would have taken a cold heart not to share in the hope of so many millions of people. But five years later, it seems that the cold-hearted—those who were skeptical of the possibility of genuine progress, those who warned that revolution would give way to civil war—were right all along. Revolutions never seem to bring the happiness they promise: not in France in 1789 or Russia in 1917, and not in Egypt or Libya or Syria in 2011. Instead, the Middle East has gone from bad—repressive dictatorships built on secret police and theft—to worse—open civil war and genocide.
For Americans witnessing these events, the great question tends to be what role our government played in the disaster. The problem is that there are several plausible answers, all of which contradict each other. In Iraq, America took the most active possible role, invading the country in 2003 to remove Saddam Hussein; today Iraq barely exists, divided irretrievably between Kurds, Shiites, and Sunnis. With Iraq in mind, when it came to overthrowing Muammar Qaddafi in Libya in 2011, the UnitedStates and NATO refused to invade, restricting their role to supporting the rebels with air strikes. But today Libya too barely exists, its territory carved up among feuding tribal militias. Looking back on Libya, then, President Barack Obama steadfastly refused to intervene in Syria, even retreating from his own “red line” about the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons. And today Syria barely exists, as rebellion grew into a years-long civil war that has cost hundreds of thousands of lives and turned millions into refugees. Into the vacuum has stepped ISIS, the Islamic State, whose barbaric violence and cruelty have shocked the world, though not exactly into action.
Invasion, limited intervention, and nonintervention all turned out, in the Arab world, to have equally disastrous results. Today, the Middle East is so ruinous that most Americans have simply thrown up their hands, resorting to the old platitude that did such hardy service in Yugoslavia—that these are age-old hatreds, which have to be allowed to play themselves out. Pundits now talk of a new Thirty Years’ War, unfazed by the fact that the first Thirty Years’ War, in Europe in the 17th century, killed perhaps one-third of the population of Germany.
In his new book A Rage for Order: The Middle East in Turmoil From Tahrir Square to Isis, Robert Worth does not offer any advice for the State Department or any forecasts of what will come next in the Arab world. Rather, Worth, a longtime foreign correspondent for the New York Times, offers a series of snapshots and profiles from the Arab Spring and its aftermath, showing how events unfolded at the scale of individual lives. This is an important service, since when we talk about the Middle East, we tend to use large religious and ideological abstractions—Sunnis and Shiites, secularists and Islamists. Worth brings those words back to their roots in the lives of real people, showing how people who never dreamed of making war or revolution ended up being unmade by them.
Perhaps the most painful and illustrative story in A Rage for Order is that of Aliaa Ali and Noura Kanafani, two young Syrian women. In 2011, when the Arab Spring came to Syria and the rebellion against Bashar al-Assad began, Aliaa and Noura were best friends, constantly in and out of each other’s houses in the Mediterranean city of Jableh. They paid no attention to the fact that Noura was a Sunni, part of Syria’s Muslim majority, while Aliaa was an Alawite, a follower of the minority sect that governed the country through the Assad regime. Indeed, Worth writes that Noura once turned down a marriage proposal from a Sunni suitor because he was so hostile to Alawis: “I can’t live with a man who thinks Alawis are forbidden,” she told Aliaa.
That these friends would end up as enemies is not exactly a surprise. We have seen the same thing happen too many times, between Serbs and Croats or between Hutu and Tutsi, to be surprised when the claims of the group destroy the bonds of individuals. Still, it feels shocking to read about how Aliaa and Noura turned against each other, driven by the increasing violence between Sunnis and Alawis, the rebels and the regime. The sinister thing about identity is that it is simultaneously the emptiest descriptor—knowing a person’s race or religion tells you nothing about what they are like—and potentially the most important. Once people feel threatened as a group, they will start considering themselves solely as members of that group, simply out of self-defense. The threat of violence provokes preemptive violence; both Alawis and Sunnis are convinced that they are the victims of the others’ aggression. Today, Noura and Aliaa live in different countries and no longer speak, each full of hatred and suspicion of the other.
But in Egypt, as in Syria and the other places Worth covers, the initial enthusiasm obscured the fatal deficit of trust among citizens. Divisions between liberals and Islamists, civilians and the military, rebels and supporters of the old regime, proved to be too poisonous and deeply rooted to be overcome. When the Muslim Brotherhood managed to elect their candidate, Mohammed Morsi, to the presidency, many former rebels urged the military to step in and oust him. The new military ruler, Adbel Fattah al-Sisi, immediately became the subject of a cult of personality, his likeness appearing on “flags, pins, pictures, chocolate, cups, and other forms of Al-Sisi mania,” in the words of a newspaper article quoted by Worth. When al-Sisi’s forces massacred 800 Islamists in Cairo, liberals applauded.
In Egypt, however, at least the state survived. The same can’t be said of Yemen, where the decades-long dictatorship of Ali Abdullah Saleh had no sooner ended than Saleh was back at the head of a Shiite coalition, doing battle with Saudi-funded Sunni forces. One aspect of the Arab disaster that Worth could have done more to explain is the role of Saudi Arabia and Iran as outside sponsors of violence: The money and weapons provided by these regional superpowers is what has allowed the violence in Yemen and Syria to continue for so long.
In Libya, too, the disappearance of the dictator exposed a society whose institutions had been totally hollowed out. Libya, like Iraq and many other Arab nations, was a country with no historical identity—it was created by joining together three separate Ottoman provinces—and therefore little ability to inspire loyalty. Here Worth meets a man named Nasser whose brother had been murdered in prison by the Qaddafi regime. Now, after the revolution, Nasser’s militia has captured his brother’s killers, and he is unsure whether to punish them himself or hand them over to the nominal government. Idealistically, he does the latter—only to find that the evidence he has compiled gets lost, and the prisoners are allowed to escape. In such circumstances, it’s no wonder that the tribe and the clan provide the only reliable source of authority and loyalty.
It is the disintegration of countries like Yemen, Syria, and Libya that, in Worth’s view, explains the rise and the surprising allure of the Islamic State. As his title A Rage for Order suggests, Worth sees the Arab peoples as motivated not by a longing for freedom or justice, but for something more basic: the rule of law, the basic predictability of life, that only a functioning state (in Arabic, dawla) can provide. “They wanted something they had heard about and imagined all their lives but never really known: a dawla that would not melt into air beneath their feet, a place they could call their own, a state that shielded its subjects from humiliation and despair,” he writes at the end of his book.
This is a Hobbesian view of government: Rather than a state of nature where all war against all, better to have a single ruler with a monopoly on violence, no matter how arbitrary. The caliphate declared by ISIS promises just this—a strong government based on religious principles, able to bring order to regions plagued by anarchy and civil war. The reality, of course, is something else entirely. Worth writes about a Jordanian man, Abu Ali, who sneaks into Iraq to fight for ISIS but is so terrified and appalled by its cruelty that within three months he sneaks back out again. Like so many of the men and women in A Rage for Order, he has been condemned by history to live in a time and place that offers no good choices.
Samsung announced the iPad competing Galaxy Tab this week, and is repeating the successful Android (s goog) smartphone strategy by launching the tablet on all four U.S. carriers at once. The Tab is a 7-inch touch tablet running Android 2.2 with software optimizations fitting for the form. Samsung omitted the highest speed network options — 4G/WiMAX and HSPA+ — instead, sticking with 3G for the Galaxy Tab. This may have been done to prevent any one carrier’s model having a technical advantage over the others. The U.S. version of the Galaxy Tab is data-only, as no voice options are available, unlike the European version.
Another tablet in the news this week was the WeTab, appearing at the Intel Developer’s Forum in San Francisco. The WeTab is a big (11.6-inch) tablet running the MeeGo OS, a new platform that’s a venture between Intel (s intc) and Nokia (s nok). This tablet is reported to run Android apps, although it’s not clear if it runs the full Android OS in a virtual machine or runs the apps in some other fashion. This is the first non-Android device that can run Android in any form. The WeTab will be released next week.
Industry watchers were surprised at word that Verizon (s vz) was going to open its own Android store on handsets it sells. We weren’t surprised, as we reported over a year ago that the carrier was going to open a VCAST store to sell Android apps on its phones. The store will sell Verizon’s own apps, along with other apps it wishes to promote for its Android phone line. The traditional Android Market will not be installed on Verizon phones, but the carrier will not prevent customers from adding it to access the standard app store.
The Galaxy Tablet is very expensive.
I think that alone will be a major impediment to sales.
BOAZ MYHILL is ready to lay his claim for a regular inclusion in the West Brom first-team in the absence of number one Ben Foster.
Manager Steve Clarke called upon the Albion stopper against Swansea to replace Foster, who injured his foot in the goalless draw away at Everton in August.
Despite the defeat to the Swans and the arrival of Lee Camp on a one-month rolling contract, Myhill is hopeful he can impress.
"Obviously every club wants new players, we as a group will always welcome good players," Myhill told the Birmingham Mail.
"Of course, everybody wants to play every week.
"It’s not been possible for me. I hope the manager will show faith in me.
"I hope I can do myself justice."
The Baggies have endured a slow start to the new campaign, with the point at Goodison Park the only positive result to show from their opening three matches.
Clarke's side travel to Fulham at the weekend looking to register their first win and goal of the season with Myhill calling on his team-mates to improve on their poor early season form.
"I’ve heard that said before. That was one season this is a new one," he said.
"Teams can change completely. We have a completely different set of players to what we had last season.
"It’s up to us to make sure we draw a line under recent results and get points on the board quickly."
Heathrow saw a 2.1% rise in passenger numbers to 5.9 million in January.
The year-on-year increase was the London hub’s 27th consecutive record month, boosted by passengers returning home after the winter holidays.

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