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“Wala namang (audience). Kung pulitika ang pag-uusapan, baka alam nila na hindi nila ako kapartido, so wala namang abiso sa akin,” Domogan said.
He said he would have paid courtesy to Roxas had he been invited to accompany the administration bet in his Baguio sortie.
Domogan said when Roxas as then interior secretary visited Baguio City, he accompanied Roxas for his visit in the public market and his press conference although he was not included in the itinerary.
“Mayroong time na pumunta siya rito, hindi naman tayo included sa ating itinerary.. Yung kasamahan nila, sabi andito si Secretary Roxas, salubungin mo. Tumupad ako, as his subordinate obligado ako nung siya ay secretary ng local government,” Domogan said.
Domogan was elected as mayor in 2010, having served the same position from 1992 to 2001. He was also Baguio city congressman from 2001 to 2010.
On Sunday, Roxas visited the agricultural trade fair at the public market in La Trinidad in the morning, before Binay conducted a campaign rally at the same venue later in the afternoon.
The vice president attended the Philippine Military Academy graduation rites earlier in the morning.
A new study shows that a drug used to help control blood sugar in people with diabetes also can prevent or slow kidney disease, which causes millions of deaths each year and requires hundreds of thousands of people to use dialysis to stay alive.
The study tested the drug Invokana in people with Type 2 diabetes who were already getting standard treatments. Invokana lowered by 30% the risk of kidney failure, the need for dialysis or a kidney transplant or some other problems.
Results were discussed Sunday at a medical meeting in Australia and published by the New England Journal of Medicine.
Have Autonomous Vehicles Hit A Roadblock?
Arizona Governor Doug Ducey recently announced a new multimillion-dollar public-private research partnership in the pursuit of fully autonomous vehicles. The move is an indication that Arizona is doubling down on its status as an autonomous-vehicle testing hotbed—mere months after the first-ever human fatality involving an autonomous vehicle occurred on Arizona roads. Despite plenty of setbacks, automakers and tech companies remain committed to autonomous vehicles, with many saying that consumers will be able to hail a driverless taxi within the next couple of years. But serious cracks are beginning to emerge in this roadmap: Even younger generations are not yet onboard.
Plenty of invested capital is riding on autonomous vehicles. General Motors in December announced plans to deploy a large-scale fleet of driverless taxis in big cities by 2019. GM is also readying a vehicle with no steering wheel or pedals. The other market leader, Waymo (an Alphabet subsidiary), earlier this year launched the first-ever ridesharing service to operate without a human behind the wheel. Ford, meanwhile, aims to have a fully autonomous taxi service ready for consumers by 2021. And then there is the “me too” crowd, consisting of companies like Toyota, Honda, and Renault-Nissan that have made vague autonomous plans.
Are we witnessing the autonomous vehicle revolution?
On the surface, it seems as if automakers are all-in on bringing autonomous vehicles to market. But here’s the industry’s dirty little secret: Few insiders believe that it’s going to happen anywhere near as quickly as the PR and IR departments would have you believe.
Why exactly is full autonomy a long way off? Three main reasons: the technology isn’t ready; the regulations aren’t ready; and the public isn’t ready.
Sure, thanks to machine learning, the technology is inching closer to perfection. But progress becomes exponentially tougher the closer you get. By now, autonomous vehicles have mastered most of the “easy” scenarios like reading road signs, identifying other vehicles, and tracking lanes in good weather. The remaining work requires getting machines to make sense of situations in which rules disappear and higher-order human judgment takes over. We’re talking, for example, about encountering bad weather, driving in construction zones, and figuring out ambiguous lane markings or traffic signals.
Another barrier is a lack of uniform law and regulations. Currently, 33 states have either enacted or introduced legislation dealing with autonomous vehicles, with the particulars varying widely from state to state. Some states, like Arizona, have no formal regulations whatsoever.
A more fundamental challenge deals with our legal and insurance framework. If you are injured by a vehicle with no driver at the wheel, who is liable? The automaker? The manufacturer of whatever piece of software or hardware “caused” the accident? Or maybe nobody, if automakers succeed in getting consumers to sign contracts waiving their right to sue in the event of an accident.
Even if autonomous vehicle companies clear the above hurdles, there is one more barrier left: the general public.
According to Pew Research, 54% of adults are either “somewhat” or “very” worried about the development of driverless vehicles, compared to just 40% who are at least somewhat enthusiastic. Additionally, 56% say they would not personally want to ride in a driverless vehicle, compared to 44% who say they would want to do so. A separate survey finds that most consumers (64%) are worried about even being on the road with driverless cars. These survey results echo previous findings suggesting that consumers are skeptical of autonomous vehicles.
Part of the skepticism stems from our inability to process seemingly random twists of fate that take lives. In a car accident caused by a human, there is usually a logical, even relatable, explanation—like texting and driving. In a car accident caused by an autonomous vehicle, there is no such understanding. By their very nature, machine-learning algorithms cannot reveal their intentionality. America’s ingrained car culture is also working against autonomous vehicles. Boomers and early-wave Gen Xers have participated all their lives in America’s century-long love affair with automobiles. To them, analog cars bestow a sense of freedom that would be lost with autonomous vehicles.
To be sure, America’s attachment to the risk, independence, and privacy of car culture has a strong generational dimension. Millennials have shown far less attachment to car culture than their parents by any measure. Even so, just 19% of 18- to 29-year-olds say they’d prefer to drive a fully autonomous vehicle, barely above average. Millennials also are more likely to believe that we need a whole new crop of rules and regulations before driverless cars are unleashed onto the public.
In the near term, full autonomy can achieve profitability in certain niche conditions. It is already proving itself on farms and in mines. It may soon begin to take on long-haul trucking, which features hours on end of monotonous, routine highway driving. It could even provide shuttle services along limited, pre-planned routes. But commercial production for everyday use by individual drivers? That’s still a very long way off.
Two hundred years ago, the only ships that docked off Goree Island in Senegal, West Africa, were slave ships. Now tourist boats come every day.
Many visit Goree Island because of its legacy, the port from which an estimated 20 million Africans sailed across the Atlantic as slaves.
Guides showing visitors around the old fort that housed the captives before passing through the so called "door of no return", say many tourists often break down and cry as they are told about the last heartbreaking moments when families were torn apart, never to be reunited.
A few thousand miles away, Senegal's former colonial master, France, is commemorating the victims of slavery in towns and cities across the country.
French ships transported one and a quarter million Africans to plantations in its Caribbean colonies.
It was Europe's fourth largest slave trader.
This is a dark chapter in French history that President Jacques Chirac says his country should never forget.
So after years of pressure from the black community he has designated 10 May as an annual day of remembrance for the victims of slavery.
Inaugurating the first day of remembrance in Paris, he said slavery was an odious trade, an indelible stain on the nation's conscience.
He said justice was owed to these people, the millions and millions of victims of such cruelty.
In French schools it is now a requirement that children be taught the horrors of colonialism.
But some people believe this is a one-sided view of history.
A number of historians argue that colonialism was not all bad, that there were positive aspects, too.
But that is not the view of Catherine Lothaire, a town councillor from Goree Island who visited Paris for the day of remembrance.
She says that now every year this day will be a special day, like Bastille day, ensuring our ancestors who perished will not ever be forgotten.
For the black community here in France, the struggle to get official recognition for the victims of slavery has been a long one.
While some here might wish the past is left alone, for the foreseeable future this country will have to confront its terrible colonial legacy.
Hardly a day passes without the leadership of the Palestinian Authority (PA) affirming its strong opposition to US President Donald Trump’s yet-to-be-announced Middle East peace plan, also referred to as the “deal of the century.” Palestinian leaders have convinced their people that Trump is the worst person on the face of the earth and that no one should be doing business with him.
The Palestinian Authority is not the only Palestinian party that continues to voice its opposition to the upcoming peace plan. No Palestinian group or individual has come out in favor the plan, although no one in the Middle East seems to have seen it or knows anything about its details. Trump has united the Palestinians in a way that no Palestinian or Arab has been able to do since the beginning of the Hamas-Fatah war 11 years ago.
The Palestinians are united in their opposition to the Trump administration and its policies, especially in the aftermath of the US president’s decision to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and relocate the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, as well as its decision to cut US funding to the Palestinian Authority for paying terrorists and to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA). The Palestinians have already determined that the US peace plan is “biased” in favor of Israel, and that is why, they say, they cannot accept it.
The anti-Trump rhetoric that the various Palestinian parties employ is identical: Trump is not someone the Palestinians or any Arab or Muslim can trust. Trump, they argue, has surrounded himself with a team of “Zionists” who have allegedly endorsed the policies of the Israeli government.
This week, after reports surfaced that Trump was scheduled to meet with his top national security and foreign policy advisors to discuss the details and release of the US peace plan, the Palestinians stepped up their verbal attacks on the US administration. This time, the Palestinians accused the Trump administration of endorsing a “Zionist policy” in the Middle East. According to the reports, the White House “peace team,” led by senior adviser Jared Kushner and special envoy Jason Greenblatt, has been working on the plan for two years — and Trump wants it published between December 2018 and February 2019.
These reports have made the Palestinians rather anxious. They say that do not want to deal with the Trump administration in any way. They say that they consider the Trump administration one of the most anti-Palestinian administrations in modern history.
Palestinian leaders have also radicalized their people against the Trump administration to a point where no Palestinian would ever dare to even be seen meeting in public with a representative of the Trump administration.
In case anyone was wondering why the “Palestinian friends” were afraid to have their names published, it is worth noting that Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas and his Palestinian Authority have been officially boycotting the Trump administration. In recent months, Palestinian activists belonging to Abbas’s ruling Fatah faction have been waging a campaign against Palestinians invited to meet with US officials in Jerusalem and the West Bank.
Last September, for instance, the activists staged a protest outside a hotel in east Jerusalem where Palestinian businessmen were scheduled to meet with a US delegation. Some of the Palestinian businessmen turned back and left the hotel out of fear of being shamed and physically attacked by the activists.
Last July, Palestinians thwarted a planned visit to the city of Nablus in the West Bank by a US consular delegation. The planned engagement was part of an ongoing US commitment to improve cooperation and expand economic opportunities for Palestinians. The visit was cancelled out of concern for the safety of the US delegates, after Palestinian protesters threatened to foil the meeting and called for boycotting the visiting delegation.
Earlier this year, Palestinian protesters chased US diplomats out of Bethlehem.
These incidents are the direct result of the Palestinian Authority leadership’s recurring attacks on the Trump administration. Abbas and his senior officials and spokesmen in Ramallah, the de facto capital of the Palestinians, have turned the Trump administration into the number-one enemy of the Palestinians.
The Palestinian media is full of examples of how the PA leadership has delegitimized and demonized the US administration in the eyes of Palestinians.
In recent months, Abbas himself has vowed at least 15 times to thwart Trump’s upcoming plan. At one point, Abbas went as far as comparing the unseen plan to the 1917 Balfour Declaration, which saw the British government commit to the creation of a state for Jews in historic Palestine. “If the Balfour Declaration passed, this deal will not pass,” Abbas said in reference to the prospective Trump plan.
Given that strong incitement against the Trump administration and its policies, as well as the continued boycott of White House officials, it is hard to see how Abbas or any other Palestinian would be able to accept anything that comes from the Americans.
This move is precisely parallel to the one they have taken with Israel. Abbas and his representatives in Ramallah have radicalized their people against the Israeli government to a point where meeting or doing business with any Israeli official is tantamount to treason. That is why Abbas does not and cannot return to the negotiating table with Israel and also why Abbas cannot change his position toward the Trump administration.
Rather than building state institutions and imposing reforms, democracy and accountability, the Palestinian Authority leadership is now focusing its energies on foiling the US peace plan. Apparently, this effort is more pressing than improving the living conditions of the Palestinians.
Wasel Abu Yousef, a senior Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) official, summed up the current Palestinian strategy when he said this week that the Palestinians were moving on three levels to thwart Trump’s upcoming plan: rallying worldwide support for the Palestinian position against the plan, uniting all Palestinians, and opposing attempts to normalize relations between the Arab countries and Israel.
Were Palestinian leaders to impose a small portion of these efforts to bringing democracy, freedom and accountability to their people, the Palestinians would be further from the brink of disaster. But the two Palestinian governments — in the West Bank and Gaza Strip — are far from interested in doing something so positive for their own people. On the one hand, these regimes are still engaged in a struggle to the death over money and power; on the other, they agree on sabotaging a peace plan they know nothing about. A peace plan just might include something positive for the Palestinians — something else the Palestinian leaders know precious little about.
The actor, who played the notorious TV villain JR Ewing for more than a decade, has passed away in Texas at the age of 81.
LARRY HAGMAN, whose predatory oil baron JR Ewing on television’s long-running nighttime soap opera “Dallas” became a symbol for 1980s greed and coaxed forth a Texas-sized gusher of TV ratings, has died. He was 81.
Linda Gray, his on-screen wife in the original series and the sequel, was with Hagman when he died in a Dallas hospital, said her publicist, Jeffrey Lane.
“He brought joy to everyone he knew. He was creative, generous, funny, loving and talented, and I will miss him enormously. He was an original and lived life to the fullest,” Gray said in a statement.
Hagman was diagnosed in 1992 with cirrhosis of the liver and acknowledged that he had drank heavily for years. In 1995, a malignant tumor was discovered on his liver and he underwent a transplant.
Years before “Dallas,” Hagman had gained TV fame as a nice guy with the fluffy 1965-70 NBC comedy “I Dream of Jeannie,” in which he played Capt. Tony Nelson, an astronaut whose life is disrupted when he finds a comely genie, portrayed by Barbara Eden, and takes her home to live with him.
But it was Hagman’s masterful portrayal of the charmingly loathsome JR that brought him his greatest stardom. The CBS serial drama about the Ewing clan and those in their orbit aired from April 1978 to May 1991.
The “Who shot JR?” story twist, in which Hagman’s character was nearly murdered in a cliffhanger episode, fueled international speculation and millions of dollars in betting-parlour wagers. It also helped give the series a ratings record for the time.
When the answer was revealed in a November 1980 episode, an average 41 million viewers tuned in to make “Dallas” the second most-watched entertainment show of all time, trailing only the “MASH” finale in 1983 with 50 million viewers.
It was JR’s sister-in-law, Kristin (Mary Crosby) who plugged him — he had made her pregnant, then threatened to frame her as a prostitute unless she left town — but others had equal motivation.
Hagman played Ewing as a bottomless well of corruption with a charming grin: a business cheat and a faithless husband who tried to get his alcoholic wife, Sue Ellen (Linda Gray), institutionalised.
Ten episodes of the new edition of “Dallas” aired this past summer and proved a hit for TNT. Filming had been completed for five of the episodes for the second season and work on the sixth episode was in progress, the network said.
There was no immediate comment from Warner or TNT on how the series would deal with Hagman’s loss.
The Fort Worth, Texas, native was the son of singer-actress Mary Martin, who starred in such classics as “South Pacific” and “Peter Pan.” Martin was still in her teens when he was born in 1931 during her marriage to attorney Ben Hagman.
As a youngster, Hagman gained a reputation for mischief-making as he was bumped from one private school to another. He made a stab at New York theater in the early 1950s, then served in the Air Force from 1952-56 in England.
While there, he met and married young Swedish designer Maj Axelsson. The couple had two children, Preston and Heidi, and were longtime residents of the Malibu beach colony that is home to many celebrities.
Hagman returned to acting and found work in the theater and in such TV series as “The U.S. Steel Hour,” ”The Defenders” and “Sea Hunt.” His first continuing role was as lawyer Ed Gibson on the daytime serial “The Edge of Night” (1961-63).
“I didn’t put anything in that I thought was going to hurt someone or compromise them in any way,” he told The Associated Press at the time.
After his transplant, he became an advocate for organ donation and volunteered at a hospital to help frightened patients.
He also was an anti-smoking activist who took part in “Great American Smoke-Out” campaigns.
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Ottawa police will not be using the recently approved roadside saliva test to detect cannabis impairment when recreational marijuana becomes legal next month.
Chief Charles Bordeleau said practical factors severely limit their ability to use the Drager Drug Test, though police will be monitoring its adoption in other Canadian cities.
"From a cost perspective, they're $6,000 each. The issue around keeping the swabs at a right temperature is problematic in our current climate," Bordeleau told reporters outside a meeting of the police services board.
He said language in the law would also require police to administer the test immediately, which may force an even larger expense.
"Once we buy one, we have to equip each police cruiser with one of these devices and that's not practical at this time."
Gatineau police said in a statement to CBC they haven't decided on their plans for the Drager device because Quebec's police academy hasn't issued its guidelines yet.
Bordeleau said the service has invested in doubling the number of drug recognition experts to 24 officers since legalization was announced, with more still being trained.
Nearly half of Ottawa police patrol officers — 246 people — are trained in the standard field sobriety test, which will serve as the primary way of detecting and stopping impaired drivers.
Bordeleau said those drug recognition experts are court-tested and will be more important when it comes to charges.
"The device that's used will only detect the presence of THC [or tetrahydrocannabinol, the main psychoactive component of cannabis]," he said.
"So absolutely, the drug recognition expert is the expert that is brought into court to testify."
After the field sobriety test, motorists suspected of impaired driving would be taken back to a station where one of 24 officers trained as a drug recognition expert would administer another test, said Insp. Murray Knowles.
Knowles said the 24 trained officers have been split among six platoons to ensure two to three of them are on duty at any given time.
Const. Amy Gagnon, a drug recognition expert, said the process involves 12 steps including tests for cognitive and physical symptoms of impairment.
"We're taking blood pressure, we're checking your heart rate, your body temperature, because drugs — not just THC, we have seven categories of drugs — play with your neurotransmitters. They actually do a lot to the body," she said.
Gagnon said if someone does poorly on those tests, police demand a blood or urine sample under the Criminal Code to determine their level of intoxication and what substances is in their system.
Varying levels of intoxication will affect the severity of charges, she said.
The training of drug recognition experts has been limited because training is done in coordination with the RCMP, and part of the training takes place in Florida, according to the police chief.

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