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On June 3, the CNE announced that the opposition had obtained barely a sufficient number of signatures to trigger a referendum.
How was Chávez to respond? Many Chavistas were convinced that there had been an enormous fraud and that the opposition in fact had not reached the required signatures. They argued, therefore, that Chávez should refuse to recognize the result. The opposition (believing the characterization of Chávez that they presented in their own mass media) expected that Chávez would reject the results of the constitutionally mandated procedure and prove to the world that he was antidemocratic.
But, the president, contrary to these forecasts, accepted the decision of the CNE and masterfully turned the partial reversal into an overwhelming victory.
With his characteristic optimism, which he has always been able to transmit to his followers, Chávez called upon them to prepare for the electoral battle with great seriousness. He understood that for an electoral victory to be decisive it would have to be won by an overwhelming margin. And he knew that goal could only be achieved if everyone who supported the process was committed to getting out the vote.
The question was how to do this without a political apparatus capable of mobilizing all the popular support. Unfortunately, the Commando Ayacucho, the electoral coalition of Chavista parties and movements created in October 2003, had so far functioned poorly. Sectarianism, patronage, favoritism, inefficiency, the inability to correctly evaluate situations, and the lack of transparency had all combined to discredit the Commando Ayacucho among the people and barred it from playing a leading role in the coming battle. Only the president could take on this role, and he did this by communicating directly with his most committed supporters. He proposed the organization throughout the country of electoral patrols. The members of these units of ten political or social activists would each work, house by house, to convince ten more people to vote against the recall. Each patrol, therefore, would be responsible for working with a hundred people.
While he called upon the people to organize at the grassroots, the president appointed the national leadership for the electoral campaign (The Commando Maisanta). Their composition is interesting, aside from several ministers and a very few political cadres, the majority were artists, academics, and social communicators who had not previously participated in politics. These new faces, untainted by the past, lent prestige and freshness to the campaign.
And although the state and municipal directors of the campaign in many cases were guilty of the same bad habits that had plagued the Commando Ayacucho and were thus the weakest part of the structure, happily they had little influence in the work at the base or in the results of the campaign.
Although the president had insisted that organizations of up to twenty persons be created in each electoral area to carry out the struggle and that the Units of Electoral Battle (UBEs) be selected democratically by the base, in many places there were problems with top-down selection. Nevertheless, what was critical is that people at the base proceeded to organize themselves into patrols and campaign for the president. They carried out their tasks with the dedication and love of those who know that the future of their leader and of the revolutionary process rests in their hands.
Many of these patrols were not strictly as Chávez had envisioned: They were not composed of political or social activists, but with inexperienced supporters of the process. Rather than working the assigned electoral list they decided to organize street by street or building by building. They organized themselves according to where they worked instead of by where they lived. Still, there is no doubt that the patrols are the most significant organizational form through which the Venezuelan revolutionary process has lived. They allowed hundreds of thousands of supporters of the process to join together to carry out a concrete political task independently, regardless of the quality or lack of party leadership in their locale.
Many people, who were emotionally committed to the process, but until then had been inactive, took their first step into organizing and political activity. Thousands of anonymous beings contributed their grain of sand. And so, too, did the political leaders who were able to put aside their personal projects to work closely with the base for a single objective: to defeat the referendum.
The Venezuelan people have emerged greatly strengthened from this living, practical experience. Their self-esteem has risen, and they have grown as human beings. Whatever is planned for the future must take that into account. This victory, more than an electoral, quantitative victory, is a moral, qualitative victory.
Chávez’s electoral victory on August 15 is the third great defeat suffered by the opposition; it represents enormous support for the Venezuelan revolutionary process, and it makes clear the necessity of continuing the social transformations until they are irreversible.
What is the correlation of forces at this time, and how is it possible to improve it? The government is in a stronger position nationally as well as internationally. No one can deny the democratic character of the Bolivarian process and the great popular support behind Chávez. The media warriors are now out of ammunition. The opposition has been exposed and has lost much of its credibility (their analyses were revealed to be illusory, and they have demonstrated how separated they are from reality and the people). Further the splits in the opposition have become increasingly visible.
Under these circumstances, the more extreme members of the opposition may consider assassinating Chávez to be their only option, but it is an extremely risky one. Its predicable result would be the bloodiest slaughter on the continent since the Conquest, and its ultimate results are unpredictable.
We must not forget, however, the existence of those nearly four million people who voted to revoke the mandate of Chávez. One of the government’s great challenges will be to win the support of a significant portion of those people (who are clearly not all members of the oligarchy!) as well as of those who simply stayed at home. Nor can the government afford to forget the expectations that this victory has created in the six million who voted for Chávez.
The Bolivarian revolutionary process faces a variety of challenges in this new stage: political, economic, institutional, and communicative.
The process must foster a qualitative leap in the active participation of the people. The president’s strongest idea, that poverty cannot be eliminated if we do not give power to the people, must be realized in the organizational forms and embodied in people and expressed through their concrete participation. For this, it will be necessary to perfect the instruments of civic participation set out in the constitution, but not yet put into practice because of the polarized situation. The government must nurture the neighborhood meetings with the best popular activists and push for the implementation of the local planning councils and social accounting. And to the degree that new leaderships arise and some of the old ones consolidate, it is necessary to advance toward a more and more collective manner of working. Fidel is right when he says that Chávez cannot continue being the mayor of all Venezuela, and the president himself agrees emphatically.
Further, it is necessary to overcome the political baggage inherited from Venezuela’s Fourth Republic and create in its place the political forms appropriate to the new period. All the organizational experience and popular participation of the recent electoral campaign must not be lost. The patrols and UBEs must learn to coordinate their work, and this should be discussed in local assemblies. Where the UBEs have not worked well, they should consider ways of improving their efficiency. The cumulative experience, the knowledge gained, and the changes in people’s thinking should help build a great political front bringing together all the militants that identify with the Bolivarian project. The electoral patrols should be transformed into social patrols that invite all interested community members to discuss and analyze social problems with them. There should be a place in the revolutionary project for all who feel themselves to be patriots, who love Venezuela, without first requiring them to be a member of a Chavist party. It is necessary to ensure that everyone feels useful. There is much to do in this country, and the more people can be organized and mobilized, the quicker they will be able to advance. The radicalism of work in the process depends not on the radicalism of the discourse but on the capacity to mobilize and involve actively the broadest spectrum of people.
What kind of political organization could emerge from the referendum experience? It is essential, I believe, to overcome the dispersion and isolation of the immense numbers of potential militants by creating a space for all those people who are not part of a particular political or social organization. Some of the characteristics of this new type of political organization should include: being much more than the sum of parties and popular social organizations; not repeating disputes over positions at the leadership levels; those who organize at the base should be represented at every level in proportion to the work they have carried out at the base; and all patriotic forces without exclusion must be united around a unique program.
This new political organization must swim in the sea of social movements. It should begin with clear rules specifying the rights and duties of all members, establishing mechanisms for the base to control the leaders. The goal should be to grow not simply by building coalitions between organizations but primarily through organizing from below. This political organization should stimulate the emergence of an authentic leadership that is broadly respected.
It is necessary also to build a unifying organization for workers. There are still too many divisions and the old habits persist. It seems indispensable to discuss the new type of trade unionism that will be required to face the radical changes that the working class has undergone in the last decades and to reflect on the role of Venezuelan workers in the revolutionary process.
It is also necessary to advance in the development of an alternative economic model and for this state initiative is essential. Therefore it is necessary to consolidate big government enterprises in the strategic areas: petroleum, electricity, telecommunications, finances, the distribution of food, and transportation. These enterprises must be governed not by the logic of profit, but rather by a logic of humanism and solidarity, and the workers must play a leading role in assuring this. At the same time, it is necessary to expand on a grand scale the popular economy through cooperatives and associations of the most diverse types that allow the workers to provide leadership in the process and thereby transform the relations of production.
Simultaneous transformation in both the large enterprises and the popular economy is fundamental to solving the problem of unemployment and disguised unemployment in the informal sector—one of the most serious problems affecting the poor. A critical step in this direction is Mission Vuelvan Caras—a combination of state initiatives and cooperatives created to foster endogenous development (by creating centers of development oriented to internal requirements and also by technically and organizationally preparing the work force to master these tasks). This mission must be consolidated and expanded if the problems of the economy are to be resolved. Precisely because solving the problem of unemployment quickly is one of the highest priorities, it is also necessary to encourage the reactivation of that portion of the private sector that is willing to cooperate with the government’s endogenous development and foster the development of mixed companies.
Venezuela’s endogenous development project will only be able to fulfill its potential if Latin American is able to achieve its own economic integration. As an alternative to the Free Trade Area of the Americas, which the United States is trying to impose, Chávez has proposed the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), which will be guided by the logic of humanism and solidarity that characterizes the Bolivarian project. Thus, the creation of ALBA is another of the important economic tasks of this new stage.
Further, it is necessary to make gains within government institutions. In this sense the next elections of governors, mayors and councilors, at the end of October are very important, and the parish elections and elections of deputies to the National Assembly that will take place next year are even more so. If a clear majority is not achieved in those institutions, compromises with sectors of the opposition will be necessary to permit these institutions to function.
Especially, it is necessary to advance in the transformation of the state to overcome the limitations of the Fourth Republic. As Alí Rodríguez (president of PDVSA) said last April, we have a revolutionary government but we don’t still have a revolutionary state this explains why Chávez’s missions have had to be carried outside the structures of the corresponding ministries. It is essential now that these be included in a new model of the state. For this, it is necessary to restructure ministries and to create new ones. The essential thing is that government institutions must stop being bureaucratic mazes in the big cities and be brought to where people live and work, where people can exercise social control of public administration. People need to be informed about the resources available and the means by which they can exercise control—it is the only way to overcome the scourge of corruption, another of the high-priority tasks in this new stage. Transparency is absolutely fundamental.
One of the biggest challenges the government faces is that of reaching the hearts and minds of those millions of Venezuelans who up to now have not identified with the Bolivarian project. Many people, especially among the middle classes, have been deceived by the media. They have been convinced that Chávez is a dictator who wants to Cubanize Venezuela, destroy private property, and make the middle classes disappear. Furthermore, they have been told that he has no respect for union freedom, that he attacks journalists, and that he’s responsible for the climate of violence in the country. All are absolutely false accusations. What many of the four million who voted to recall Chávez reject is not the project of Chávez but a totally distorted cartoon of that project produced by the opposition mass media. Communicating the truth of Chávez’s project to all the people is one of the biggest challenges the government faces if it is to create the political conditions necessary for the process to advance.
It is essential that the government find a way to ensure that the distortions of the mass media no longer substitute for reality for so many Venezuelans. The opposition media must communicate information not disinformation. With the international support produced by the referendum result, the government should vigorously defend the right of the people to be correctly informed. There is no democracy without an informed people. All the media, including those of the state, should undergo a profound transformation process. The state media must quickly expand its capacity to reach all of the country and work more efficiently. The alternative community media, which reflect the concerns and interests of their communities, must be reinforced. Finally, a television station for the South must be developed as soon as possible—to communicate a true picture of Venezuela throughout Latin America and also to provide an alternative source of international news for Venezuelans.
Consider these four challenges, political, economic, institutional, and communicative, in the current period. They have a common element. They are not a call for an immediate end to capitalism. Rather, each has to do with developing the capacity of the people for a more conscious and active participation in the life of their country—politically, economically, through the state, and ideologically. Only this development will advance the Bolivarian revolutionary process in a sure way and make the transformation irreversible.
Marta Harnecker, The Left at the Threshold of the XXI Century: Making the Impossible Possible, published in Spanish by Siglo XXI Editores, 3rd. ed. 2000, pp. 7074.
The term correlation of forces refers to the relative strength of contending sectors based upon their economic power, the number of adherents, the number of activists, their capacities for organization, the degree of self-awareness, and their level of military support among other things.
It is symptomatic that Chávez has been accused at the international level of being a dictator when he has been the leader with the most popular consultations carried out in the world in so short period of time: eight if we count the recent recall referendum: elections for president of the republic (December 1998); referendum for creation of the Constituent Assembly (April 25, 1999); election of the constituents (July 25, 1999); approval of the new constitution (December 15, 1999); president mega-elections, deputies, governors and mayors (July 30, 2000); councilmen’s elections and members of the parochial meetings (December 3, 2000); union elections (AugustOctober 2001); recall referendum (August 15, 2004).
Marta Harnecker, Venezuela. A Sui Generis Revolution, paper presented in the LAC Seminary, III World Social Forum, January 24, 2003. In this article there is more information about the two first stages, especially the second one.
Through their technical knowledge and absolute control of the flow of information within the company, the high executives of PDVSA modified the access codes, interrupted processes, and seriously damaged some facilities which would have exploded if the new highly-qualified personnel had not discovered that they had sabotaged the temperature regulation systems. Lastly, when in spite of everything production continued, albeit slowly, they blocked the internal and external transport of raw materials. They prevented the movement of ships for two weeks.
On June 7, 2003, the medical clinics in Caracas were inaugurated.
On July 1, 2003, the Mission Robinson began.
On July 29, 2003, the Bolivarian University of Venezuela was inaugurated in Caracas.
The government created popular markets called MERCAL, which now provide 35 percent of the food that is sold.
Milky Chance is a German folk group originating from Kassel. It consists of lead vocalist and guitarist Clemens Rehbein, bassist and percussionist Philipp Dausch, guitarist Antonio Greger and drummer Sebastian Schmidt.
Their first single "Stolen Dance" was released in April 2013, peaking at No. 1 on charts in multiple countries including Austria, Belgium (Wallonia), Czech Republic, France, Hungary, Poland, and Switzerland. It also won the 1Live Krone radio awards for Best Single.
Their debut album Sadnecessary was released in October 2013, with singles such as "Down by the River". The album peaked at number 14 in Germany, and in 2014 SPIN named Sadnecessary their Album of the Week. SPIN further described the leading single "Stolen Dance" as a "serenely rollicking crossover jam," clarifying that "the great majority of Sadnecessary follows [the song's] pattern of low-octane beats and gently lapping guitar strumming." The band made their TV debut on Jimmy Kimmel Live! in October 2014, and also won the European Border Breakers Award that month. They started a tour of North America in late 2014, performing at venues such as the House of Blues and festivals such as Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival.
2018 Sun Bowl: Who has the edge between Stanford and Pitt.
A look at how Stanford and Pitt match up for Monday's Sun Bowl game.
Stanford's K.J. Costello is 12th nationally in passing efficiency and second behind's Alabama's Tua Tagovailoa when he throws beyond the first-down marker. Pitt's Kenny Pickett is more of a game manager, but he's good at that, completing 60 percent of his passes. He's at his best rolling out.
This check mark could be different if Cardinal Bryce Love was here, but he isn't. Pitt has a pair of 1,000-yard rushers in Qadree Ollison and Darrin Hall who average 7.0 yards per carry. For Stanford, this is a chance for Scarlett Cameron to take a star turn like Love did here two years here.
Cardinal JJ Arcega-Whiteside, a potential first-round NFL draft pick, is the big name, and Kaden Smith is among the better tight ends in the country. The run-first Panthers have three receivers with between 350 and 500 receiving yards, led by Taysir Mack with 489 yards.
Stanford is missing its best offensive lineman, left tackle Walker Little, or this would be a push. Pitt has the better run-blocking line (5.6 yards per carry vs. 3.7 for Stanford), but has allowed 31 sacks to the Cardinals' 21.
The Panthers have been able to generate pressure with their front four, as Rashad Weaver has 5.5 sacks and three fumble recoveries (fifth in the NCAA) and Dewaynen Hendrix has 4.5 sacks. Jovan Swann leads the Cardinal with 4.5 sacks while Thomas Booker has 3.5.
Stanford's inside duo of Bobby Okereke and Sean Barton have combined for 175 tackles, three forced fumbles and three fumble recoveries in the Cardinal's 3-4 defense. Pitt's Oluwaseun Idowu has eight tackles for loss and five pass breakups.
Cardinal cornerback Paulson Abedo leads the nation with 20 pass breakups and is a freshman All-American, part of a coverage unit that has been outstanding on the perimeter. The Panthers play a lot of nickle defense and safety Damar Hamlin is their leading tackler (86) and pass interceptor (two).
The Cardinal has been better at punting, but in perhaps the most lopsided matchup of this Sun Bowl, Stanford has the worst kickoff return defense in the nation while Pitt is 15th in returning kickoffs.
On Tuesday, 10-year-old Rosa Maria Hernandez was in an ambulance headed from Laredo to Corpus Christi, rushing to have emergency gallbladder surgery. But by Wednesday evening, instead of recovering back home in Laredo with her family, federal immigration agents took Rosa Maria, who has cerebral palsy, to a shelter for undocumented immigrant children in San Antonio, where she is awaiting deportation.
On their way to the hospital, Aurora Cantu, Rosa Maria's cousin, gave Border Patrol agents a letter explaining that Rosa Maria was undocumented and needed to be transported for the surgery. Rosa Maria, who has lived in Laredo, Texas since she was three months old, is not a citizen, but Cantu is. Border Patrol agents followed them to the hospital the rest of the way.
Cantu told Gonzales that agents followed Rosa Maria everywhere she went in the hospital — to studies, to her surgery, and to her hospital room where she was recovering. They stood outside and wouldn’t let her close the door to the room. Cantu said she wondered if they were breaking the law, and if she and her cousin were going to be taken into custody or incarcerated. In a Facebook video, Cantu said agents at the checkpoint had told her Rosa Maria would be deported after the surgery, and they asked if Rosa Maria had any family members in Mexico that could pick her up after she crossed the bridge from the U.S. to Mexico.
Rosa Maria was transported to the shelter in San Antonio by Border Patrol agents on Wednesday, where she is currently being held.
According to Gonzalez, agents said family could visit Rosa Maria, but would be unable to take her home while she was being processed for deportation. Gonzalez said agents told her they would expedite the process, but they refused to give her a specific time frame for how long Rosa Maria would be at the shelter. Once Rosa Maria's family realized they would be unable to take her home, they all cried.
In a Thursday morning phone conference, Gonzalez said Rosa Maria doesn't fully grasp the situation.
Rosa Maria's mother, Felipa de la Cruz, says her daughter doesn’t understand what is going on. Her mother told Rosa Maria she was there to recover, and that once she did, she would be able to come home — although there is no guarantee that will happen.
De la Cruz is still in Laredo. She has not been with Rosa Maria since before she left in the ambulance to Corpus Christi, and has only spoken to her on the phone or through video calls. De la Cruz had asked Cantu to go with Rosa Maria to the hospital because she and her husband are also undocumented, and they were fearful of crossing the checkpoint.
It's Rosa Maria's cerebral palsy that inspired de la Cruz to move to the United States in the first place.
Rosa Maria's case has garnered national attention — the Workers Defense Project has gathered 9,000 signatures for a petition to release Rosa Maria, and Congressman Joaquin Castro joined the Thursday press call to speak out against immigration officials' decision to detain her.
Aurora Cantu with Rosa Maria after the girl's surgery.
The case has also highlighted the contrast between the current and previous administrations when prioritizing undocumented individuals for deportation, and how immigration officials have disregarded "sensitive locations."
The Immigrations and Customs Enforcement directive that discourages agents from going into "sensitive locations," like schools, hospitals and places of worship, remains in place. But similar cases of immigration agents ignoring these directives have surfaced this year — in September, the undocumented parents of a two-month-old boy faced a similar situation, when they were allowed to cross the checkpoint to Corpus by Border Patrol agents if they agreed to be arrested and placed in deportation proceedings after their son's surgery, according to NPR.
Rosa Maria’s surgeon recommended she be released and sent to family members and people familiar with her medical and psychological needs, according to Gonzalez. Two of Rosa Maria’s family members with legal status — her cousin and her grandfather, who has been a legal permanent resident for 45 years— had offered to sponsor Rosa Maria.
But this didn't stop the immigration agents who took Rosa Maria into custody, Gonzalez said. Agents told the family it's possible that Rosa Maria could be released to her family — if she was taken to the San Antonio shelter first, according to Gonzalez. So her family complied, hoping this would help get Rosa Maria home.
In a statement from Border Patrol, a spokesperson indicated Rosa Maria would be processed for deportation.
"Due to the juvenile's medical condition, Border Patrol agents escorted her and her cousin to a Corpus Christi hospital where she could receive appropriate medical care. Per the immigration laws of the United States, once medically cleared she will be processed accordingly," a Border Patrol spokesman said in a statement.
By our recent, unscientific study, a college freshman spends about 30 percent of their time eating, snacking, or thinking about where their next meal will come from. Let's face it, delivery is the most convenient mode of sustenance and allows you to cut down on that thinking-about-food time so you can focus on more pressing matters, like making up witty stories for FMyLife.com. Unfortunately, figuring out who to dial can be more difficult than it seems, so we've compiled a guide on where to place that call, whether you're nursing a hangover, splitting a dinner tab with friends, or satisfying a midnight craving.
Aromas: Delivery on the peninsula, 11 a.m.-10 p.m. Thai, Japanese, and Chinese standbys. 50 N. Market St. (843) 723-9588.
Brent's on Broad: Delivery from East Bay to King, Battery to Market. 11 a.m.-2:30 p.m. Solid sandwich selection. 40 Broad St. (843) 853-8081.
Caviar and Bananas: Complimentary delivery below the Crosstown and $5 above it. Mon.-Sat.: 11 a.m.-8:30 p.m. Sun.: 11 a.m.-8 p.m. Daily specials and an eclectic array of local products. 51 George St. (843) 577-7757.
Dixie Supply Bakery and Café: Delivery south of the Crosstown, 8 a.m.-2:30 p.m. Great homemade breakfast — served all day. Rotating specials and Southern favorites at lunchtime. Tasty desserts for either. 62 State St. (843) 722-5650.
D'Allesandro's Pizza: Delivery on the peninsula Sun.-Thurs.: 11 a.m.-midnight. Fri.-Sat.: 11 a.m.-3 a.m. Subs, wings, paninis, and, of course, plenty of pies. Large and creative menu. 229 St. Philip St. (843) 853-6337.
East Bay Deli: Delivery on the peninsula all day. Great locally inspired sandwiches, spuds, and deli-style hot dogs. 334 East Bay St. (843) 723-1234.
Gilroy's Irish Pizza Pub: Delivery on the peninsula, Sun.-Wed.: 11 a.m.-3 a.m. Thurs.-Sat.: 11 a.m.-4 a.m. Pizza, subs, wings, salads, and calzones. 353 King St. (843) 937-9200.
Kickin' Chicken: Delivery south of Crosstown and Citadel campus. 4 p.m.-11 p.m.. Broad selection of wings, sandwiches, and wraps, as well as some burgers for the red meat lover. 337 King St. (843) 805-5020.
Mama Kim's: Delivery south of the Crosstown, 5-9 p.m. Until 10:30 p.m. on weekend. Authentic Japanese and Korean grill with traditional fare like bi-bim-bap, plus sushi. 145 Calhoun St. (843) 577-7177.
Mellow Mushroom: Delivery south of Crosstown, Sun.-Thurs.: 11 a.m.-2 p.m. and 5-11 p.m. and until midnight on Sat. and Sun. Groovy, Southern-style pizzas on several different bases. Also, hoagies, calzones, and salads. 309 King St. (843) 723-7374.
Mia Pomodori: Delivery on the peninsula, Sun.-Thurs.: Noon-10 p.m. Fri.-Sat. Noon-10:45 p.m. Thin-crust pizzas, calzones, stromboli, and soft, chunky Sicilian squares. (Don't forget the focaccia breadsticks). 212 Rutledge Ave. (843) 724-3560.
Norm's Pizza, Subs, & Grill: Delivery on the peninsula, Mon-Thurs.: 10 a.m.-midnight. Fri- Sat.: 10 a.m.-2 a.m. Sun.: Noon-Midnight. Pizza, calzones, and some basic pastas. Plus, Norm's out of retirement and back in the restaurant. 227 Calhoun St. (843) 723-0506.
Pizzeria di Giovanni: Delivery on the peninsula, 8 a.m.-3 p.m., 6 p.m.-Midnight. NY-style pizza, calzones, as well as espresso and cannoli all at a nice price. 40 N. Market St. (843) 727-6767.
Ted's Butcherblock: Delivery on the peninsula, 11 a.m.-7 p.m. High-quality sandwiches and salads with daily specials. Closed Sun. and Mon. 334 East Bay St. (843) 577-0094.
Toast: Delivery for orders more than $20, only within a few blocks of restaurant. Sun.: 6:30 a.m.-9 p.m. Mon-Thurs.: 6:30 a.m.-10 p.m.; Fri.-Sat.; 6:30 a.m.-11 p.m. Has a reputation for great desserts and breakfast specials, and the entrees and sandwiches aren't bad either. 155 Meeting St. (843) 534-0043.
Zappo's Pizza: Delivery on the peninsula, Sun.-Tue.: 11:a.m.-1 a.m. Wed.-Sat.: 11 a.m.-3 a.m. Fresh, steaming pizza delivered all over downtown. 708 King St. (843) 722-9911.
Also, don't forget Charleston Delivers, which has done a whole lot of good in the lives of hungry students. Call them at (843) 724-5000 or place your order online to get cuisine from a host of downtown restaurants that wouldn't normally be available for delivery. They'll deliver from lunch until 10 p.m. during the week and until 10:30 p.m. on the weekend. Wait times can get a little steep during peak hours, so plan ahead if you can, and don't be surprised by the $15 minimum, $5 delivery fee, and 5 percent processing fee.
Man, parents can be real assholes sometimes.
dad says "go Bears" in thick Chicago accent.
Not gonna lie, I laughed. Stupid kids wanting to get presents they like.
This is the era of Internet and there is a large movement towards consumer shopping. It is different from what we saw in Web 1.0 which was shaped by Amazon and eBay. Now, the same is undergoing a re-invention as consumer behavior like ‘how people purchase’, ‘how they make decision’, ‘how companies cater to those purchases’ and more are making in-roads. Today the shopping is research based and mobiles have come to play a very important role. There are apps to help consumers get instant reviews on what is out there in the stores before they go out there to make a physical purchase. Similarly, Web 2.0 led by social networking is forcing the consumers to change their purchasing behavior. Facebook and Twitter has leveraged social interaction tremendously and this is having a direct impact on a consumer’s purchasing behavior. One can easily connect with their friends and ask for their opinion before making a purchase.
For Startups today, it is important not only to build a cool product but also bring innovation into the business model so that it is monetizing. This is important in terms of funding as VC’s are becoming more and more discriminating into what and where they invest.
With globalization, the biggest challenge for an entrepreneur is to collaborate with his teams across the world. Ten years ago, when one started a company with 5 or 6 people in the office, one could walk to someone’s desk and ask how the UI is developing or how a mobile app coming along. But now with the emails and twitters and setting up a collaboration projects online with the teams virtually, is a challenge when quality comes into question.
The next challenge is to find the right people to either join you or become partners with. With a lot of people out there doing similar work; to find the right partner can involve a lot of prescreening. In case of large companies the problem is that the right hand doesn’t know what the left hand is doing. They launch a project, there is another team doing a similar project and a lot of miscommunication tend to happen. Apart from these challenges, it is fairly exciting times to be an entrepreneur.
Will Cloud Help You to Spend Smarter and Save Money?
“Aravot” reports that opposition leader Raffi Hovannisian encountered unusually strong police presence when he walked to the presidential palace in Yerevan on Friday to deliver his accusatory open letter to Robert Kocharian. The paper says about a dozen police vans and cars were parked near the building. The presidential administration’s reception was closed by that time and Hovannisian had to put the letter behind the compound’s railings. One of the policemen at the scene picked up and “carefully hid” the letter.
“Hayots Ashkhar” likens opposition attempts to capitalize on the referendum controversy to a passenger who missed a train and is desperately trying to catch it. The paper says the opposition crowd was even thinner on Friday. Only a few hundred people turned up for the latest rally, it says.
"Dear diary, I hate my parents for grounding me."
Did you keep a diary in your adolescent years?
You might have used it as an artistic outlet.
Or a shrine for your latest obsession.

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