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Both the teenager and his mother have been booked on charges of second-degree battery.
ARSENAL's Premier League title hopes are not over as long as Arsene Wenger is in charge, claims Laurent Koscielny.
Wenger has come in for criticism this season after the Gunners seem to have thrown away their best opportunity to win the league in years.
The demise of Chelsea, Manchester United and City seemingly left the door open for the north London side, with only Leicester and Tottenham standing in their way.
"But the coach is still the right man to help us win the league, even if we only have a very small chance.
"We've got eight finals left — we have no room for error any more.
"We've used up all of our Joker cards and we will have to get stuck in, not just think playing good football will be enough to win games."
Sunny with gusty winds. High 63F. Winds NNW at 20 to 30 mph. Higher wind gusts possible..
DECATUR -- Marjorie J. “Fuzzy” Blancett 92, of Decatur, IL, passed away at 11:50PM, Friday, January 11, 2019.
A funeral service celebrating Marge’s life will be held at 12:00 Noon, Tuesday, January 15, 2019, at Dawson & Wikoff Funeral Home, Mt. Zion. The family will receive friends for visitation beginning at 10:00AM Tuesday morning until service time. Burial will be in the Mt. Zion Township Cemetery. Memorials are suggested in her memory to Lampstand Presbyterian Church or Cancer Care Specialists Charitable Fund. Messages of condolence may be sent to the family at www.dawson-wikoff.com.
Surviving are her daughters: Susie McGinnis of Decatur, Karen (Larry) Stephenson of Decatur, Dawn Followell of Mt. Zion, Kim (Paul) Van Camp of Lake St. Louis, MO; grandchildren: Jackie Pugh, Scott McGinnis, John McGinnis, Lori Terrell, Rick Morse, Rob Morse, Nick Followell, Shelby Van Camp, and Jacob Van Camp, eight great-grandchildren, three great-great- grandchildren, and three sisters: Janet, Sonja,Jacqueline,.
Marge was preceded in death by her parents, husband, her two brothers and one son-in-law.
the life of: Blancett, Marjorie J.
Rumaih Al Rumaih, chairman of Saudi Arabia's Public Transport Authority, the plan is to use public-private partnerships for both projects.
Saudi Arabia has issued transaction advisory services tenders for railway projects linking Yanbu, Industrial City and King Abdullah Port on the Red Sea and another connecting the existing Dammam-Riyadh line with the northern line, according to media reports.
Last week, Reuters reported that the government has also floated a tender to build a new dry port and logistic zone.
According to Rumaih Al Rumaih, chairman of Saudi Arabia's Public Transport Authority, the plan is to use public-private partnerships for both projects.
“We have done the feasibility and they are bankable, and now we are working on hiring the advisors who will prepare the PPP package,” he said.
Additionally, local media is reported that there are PPP opportunities for the 340 km Yanbu to Jeddah rail project, which runs via King Abdullah Port, as well as the 40 km track in Riyadh, designed to connect it to the new dry port.
In 2017, Saudi Railways Company (SAR) began operating passenger services on the 2,750 km connecting Riyadh with the town of Al Qurrayat, on the border with Jordan.
“In November last year, we opened the fifth station, Al Jouf, on this line and introduced night trains between the nearly 800-km stretch between Al Jouf and [the] capital Riyadh,” Al Rumaih said.
“Pardon Edward Snowden.” “SOPHIES CHOICE, smear test lowered to 16.” These are the top petitions Americans and Britons are asking their respective governments on online petition platforms run by the White House and the U.K. Cabinet Office. So how does the world of online activism work when it comes to government-hosted petition sites?
The U.K. government began hosting e-petitions in November 2006. During the website’s first iteration, which lasted until March 2011, it received more than 12 million signatures from over 5 million unique email addresses.
The White House’s online petition website, We the People, was launched in September 2011. In the last two months of 2012 it was reported that use of the website more than doubled with about 2.4 million new users, 73,000 petitions and 4.9 million signatures.
The popularity of government-hosted petition websites has seen a steady ratcheting up of signature thresholds. At its launch, We the People required a petition to reach a mere 5,000 signatures within 30 days before it would merit an official White House response. The required number of signatures was then raised to 25,000 signatures, and, in January 2013, to the current 100,000 threshold. In the U.K., the first government petition website only required 500 signatures to secure an official response. The new website requires 10,000 signatures for a response and 100,000 for a parliamentary debate on the issue.
Governments have also established a moderation function for petitions. The White House insists that creators of petitions first generate 150 signatures before their petition can be publically searchable on the We the People site. The British government has a process for screening all e-petitions, with the responsible department having the chance to block them under certain circumstances (for example if they are libellous, jokes, offensive or related to honors). The whole process usually takes up to seven days.
Thanks in part to the onerous petition process and cumbersome technology, the European Commission has registered just 24 ECIs since it launched. Thus far, only three have managed to overcome all the hurdles imposed by the European Commission (one concerning pro-life, another on vivisection and a third on water and sanitation) and two have received an official response.
So what impact do all these petitions have? Find out in part three soon.
In fact, the Illinois State Board of Elections is in the process of launching what will be one of the nation’s strongest statewide election cybersecurity efforts in the newly launched Cyber Navigator Program.
The state budget passed on May 31 requires that the State Board of Elections use “no less than half” of Illinois’ $13.9 million in federal aid under the Help America Vote Act to create and administer the Cyber Navigator Program which, among many other functions, will send nine “cyber navigators” into Illinois’ 108 local election authorities and establish a statewide protocol for election-related cybersecurity.
While we are required to spend half of the federal grant on the program, the reality is that it could cost well over $6.9 million to both conduct this effort and provide local election authorities the money needed to address any problems it identifies.
The bipartisan, eight-member governing board that oversees the Board of Elections believes ensuring the financial health and success of the Cyber Navigator Program must be the priority in using our federal grant. It will do no good to identify an election authority’s vulnerabilities without then providing the resources to fix them.
Having experienced and addressed a data breach two years ago that the U.S. Justice Department now attributes to Russian hackers, it is our goal today to make sure no county or municipal election office in Illinois becomes the next victim. Enacting a robust, statewide cybersecurity effort is the surest way to achieve that goal while bolstering public confidence in the integrity of the process that is the foundation of our democracy.
The GOP has fast become the minority party, but it manages to remain competitive by cheating. Oh, they don’t get called out for cheating by the Supreme Court, since they control its majority, but they are suppressing the Democratic vote — and that should not be allowed.
We were all surprised when Donald Trump won the presidency, but we needn’t have been. The voter purges and denial of vote by unnecessary voter identification laws, and the complete breakdown of voting in Detroit, gave Trump his victory.
The anticipated “blue wave” in the November elections may not be enough to overcome the GOP’s shenanigans. Gerrymandering makes a mockery of the concept of one-man-one-vote. Between 2014 and 2016, the GOP has purged 16 million voters from of the rolls. We are losing our democracy.
On August 20, in the Green Zone protest outside the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP) summit in Montebello, Dave Coles, the president of CEP confronted agents provacteurs.
Last Saturday I got kicked out of one mall and four big bad box stores for singing Christmas carols.
No matter where Tony Clement turns, or what he reads, Insite is there. It's been a top news story all over the country, and new Insite supporters are announcing themselves every day.
In a 1967 CBC radio address, Martin Luther King, Jr. chronicled the history of slavery and the underground railroad, the path by which fugitive slaves found freedom to the north.
Ms. Viso is an independent curator and museum consultant, and a former museum director.
Museums have long considered themselves above the fray of the political. But the past 18 months have brought unexpected challenges, and leaders across the country are being confronted with an urgent question: How do museums reconceive their missions at a time of great societal reckoning around race and gender, and as more diverse audiences demand a voice and a sense of accountability?
As director of the Walker Art Center, in Minneapolis, I faced this challenge in 2017 after a controversy over the placement of a public sculpture, “Scaffold,” by Sam Durant. The work, first exhibited in Europe in 2012, depicted gallows that represented seven state-sanctioned executions between 1859 and 2006. It was intended to critique the persistence of the death penalty in the old hierarchies that placed a museum’s authority above its public’s feelings had been in charge.
It is not easy to acknowledge one’s blind spots. What I had hoped would be an opportunity for public education and “truth to power” in the presentation of “Scaffold” was simply not possible because of the continuing historical trauma about an unreckoned-with colonial past. This was a humbling public admission for a person whose career has been devoted to providing a platform for underrepresented histories.
While I am no longer a museum director, I believe that museums must embrace this form of dialogue if they are to remain relevant. To do so requires radically different models of leadership than we’ve had until now. Yet it is hard to resist entrenchment, and difficult to take a risk. It is even more difficult to fail. But I believe that proceeding with empathy and humility are worth everything.
We have been here before. In the 1980s, during the Reagan presidency and the AIDS crisis, culture wars over artistic censorship raged. I was coming of age as a Cuban-American in an era of institutional critique. In my first curatorial jobs, I fought along with others to present art that exposed the underlying power structures of white establishment culture, corporate America and the federal government. But these efforts failed to effect lasting change.
Thirty years later, we are fighting the same cultural battles, and the curators who emerged then are today’s besieged leaders. Despite best efforts to make meaningful change, exponential gaps remain between the growing minority-majority American population and those who lead, support, attend or are employed by art museums. Wealth disparity and the shifting values and expectations of the next generation of museum donors are also factors.
The surging commercial art market has become another colonizing force, even as it has opened new economies for artists of color. There are now two incompatible art worlds: one committed to inclusion, artistic freedom and change, the other driven by money and entitlements. When agendas collide, there are casualties. Major museums with recent leadership turnovers, apart from the Walker, include the Museum of Contemporary Art in Los Angeles and the Queens Museum in New York, where directors and curators (all of them women) have stepped down.
Breakthrough actions are required in this era of reckoning and accountability. Susan Goldberg, National Geographic’s first female editor in chief, set a courageous example. For her April 2018 issue, she commissioned an outside assessment of the magazine’s treatment of race throughout its history. She discovered that until 1970, it “did little to push its readers beyond the stereotypes ingrained in white American culture.” Rather than minimize her institution’s history, Ms. Goldberg addressed it.
The exhibition “Americans,” developed by the noted Comanche curator Paul Chaat Smith at the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian, confronts the racism inherent in the celebration of Thanksgiving and the naming of certain sports teams. It does so in the nation’s capital with directness, honesty and humor. Its success points to the recognition — by major, predominantly white-run institutions like the Smithsonian — of the need to elevate alternative perspectives that disrupt mainstream understanding.
Individual artists have also taken bold steps to challenge institutional status quo. When Mark Grotjahn relinquished a prestigious artist award and acknowledged that the prize had been bestowed upon too many white male artists before him, many were startled. Sam Durant’s concession of the intellectual property rights to the Dakota people also demonstrated an unprecedented willingness to listen and seek earnest reconciliation.
Systemic change takes time, vision and nuanced leadership at every level, most especially among donors and museum boards. Selfless investment and fortitude are required. So is a willingness to endure discomfort. To move forward, the entire ecosystem must devote itself to a longer game.
Art can illuminate the fissures in society and in return offer opportunities for healing. But should artists be the only ones to bear the brunt of this responsibility? If museums want to continue to have a place, they must stop seeing activists as antagonists. They must position themselves as learning communities, not impenetrable centers of self-validating authority.
If they do not, museums run the risk of becoming culturally irrelevant artifacts. Now is the time to be open to radical change. The next wave of decolonizing America’s art museums must succeed, because to lose our capacity for empathy in a democracy is not an option.
Olga Viso is an independent curator and museum consultant, and a former director of the Walker Art Center in Minneapolis and the Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden in Washington, D.C. She has served on the board of the Association of Art Museum Directors.
If you`re not wildly enthusiastic about college football, Texas or newspapers, you might want to take a pass on Dan Jenkins` new novel, ''Fast Copy.'' But if that`s the case, you probably aren`t a Jenkins fan anyway, so this caveat shouldn`t apply.
''Fast Copy'' is a sentimental journey on Jenkins` part to the 1930s, a time when Slingin` Sammy Baugh was winning games for the Horned Frogs of TCU, when Texans were producing more oil than them A-rabs and when a reporter could hide a flask in his desk or smoke a cigarette while typing a story, without risking a lawsuit.
When she moves to New York to attend college, Betsy becomes living proof that you can take the girl out of Texas, but you can`t take the Texas out of the girl.
This rich little gal thrives in the sinful Big City whirl brought on by Prohibition, but her heart still belongs to Daddy and Southwestern Conference football. She gets a job with Time magazine, where she meets her future husband, a gridiron star from Yale, and hones her journalistic skills.
''favorite person'' back home, even if it means accepting a Yankee son-in-law. For Betsy, the move brings her closer to her roots, both as a Texan and as an ''ink-stained wretch,'' but for Ted it proves fatal: There just isn`t enough room in the state for an Ivy League liberal and two good ol` boys gone to seed, Slop Herster and Tommy Jack Lucas.
Slop and Tommy Jack, high school classmates of Betsy`s, fall in with a corrupt Texas Ranger, Lank Allred, who`s investing in an oil well with the town banker and a successful wildcatter. To cover his end of the deal, Lank collects bounty money from the Texas Bankers Association for killing hoodlums (''$5,000 for dead bank robbers. Not one cent for live ones''), who generally prove to be unarmed hobos serving as lookouts. Betsy uses the power of her newspaper to stop Lank.
''Semi-Tough'' or ''Baja Oklahoma'' may be in for a disappointment. Oh, you`ll laugh, all right. The patented Jenkins characters are all here, with their wisecracks and Lone Star wisdom (Betsy could pass for Barbara Jane Bookman of ''Semi-Tough,'' 30 years removed), and Jenkins certainly hasn`t lost his touch for the well-placed one-liner.
The problem really is Betsy her own self-she`s just too perfect. Jenkins is so effective in contrasting Dust Bowl poverty with the affluence of those who survived the Wall Street crash that this Texas princess, however sympathetically she is drawn, never feels at home, even in her own back yard. The central criminal investigation isn`t much, either. In fact, an autopsy would have cut the book by a third.
Still, the basic mood of ''Fast Copy'' is upbeat, and, as such, tops Dostoevski for bedtime reading. It just seems that instead of going for a touchdown here, Jenkins settled for a field goal, and 3 points just weren`t enough to cover the spread.
High Country: Damn the Man! Save The Cannabist!
High Country author Katie Shapiro with Ricardo Baca, center, and cinematographer Zack Armstrong at the SXSW premiere of "Rolling Papers" in 2015.
When I received an email last Thursday morning with the subject line “Update from The Cannabist” from my editor, I dreaded opening it, already knowing what it was about to reveal.
My fear is a reality. The utter decimation of The Denver Post in recent months thanks to its New York City-based hedge fund owner, Alden Global Capital, has put the pioneer of pot journalism in jeopardy. As stated in an announcement from the company in March, 30 employees — or one-third of the masthead — will leave the newsroom and Alex Pasquariello is the latest journalist they’ve let go.
The site, however, will stay online, but The Denver Post will automatically populate it with stories filed by remaining reporters with articles tagged “marijuana.” Longtime Denver Post reporter Alicia Wallace, who officially joined The Cannabist in 2016, will continue contributing to the site until she leaves on her own volition for a prestigious Columbia Journalism School fellowship in June.
“I definitely fought for The Cannabist until the end. Ultimately, this decision is just a huge loss to cannabis journalism and credible industry news is more important now than ever as legalization advances on the federal level,” Pasquariello added.
Later that afternoon, a tweet-storm followed, starting with an epic thread from Jake Browne, one of The Cannabist’s first hires as a marijuana critic.
“One of the great experiments in journalism is, for all intents and purposes, dead today. The Denver Post’s marijuana vertical, The Cannabist, has cut all editorial staff and will replace them with bots. This is the story of stupid, stupid hedge funds,” tweeted Browne. I encourage you to read it in its entirety @fakejakebrowne; @beingalexp’s is also poignant.
I feel forever lucky to have been an active participant in said experiment during the greatest shift in cannabis culture to date: first, as a producer of the documentary “Rolling Papers” and soon after, as a staff writer for The Cannabist since its inception. I lived and breathed The Cannabist for those first few years even nabbing the designation as “the nation’s first-ever cannabis style writer” from Vox Media’s fashion site, Racked.
We were at the genesis of the green rush and The Denver Post became the first major media outlet to appoint a marijuana editor. Starting on Jan. 1, 2014 (day one of recreational cannabis sales in Colorado), our camera crew followed founding editor Ricardo Baca as he assembled a team of straight-laced staff writers and fish-out-of-water freelancers, together navigating an unprecedented beat.
After wrapping one of our early shoots over beers at the Satellite Bar on Colfax Avenue, I asked him if he had hired anyone to cover cannabis style yet. Half-joking, half-serious, we brainstormed about what that actually meant while laughing at my cashmere, fingerless gloves emblazoned with peace signs I had on that day. He told me to go for it and I filed my first story a week later (a cringe-worthy roundup of the worst “Stoner Bowl” T-shirts in honor of the Denver Broncos facing the Seattle Seahawks for XLVIII).
While my byline frequency has fluctuated over the years, it is only in writing this piece that I’ve realized I’m the last freelancer from the original team still contributing. Partly due to former longtime “Postie” and now Aspen Times editor David Krause for allowing me to pen this very column (in which a content-share agreement allows The Cannabist to republish my content). Most notably, Browne has gone on to Sensi Magazine as managing editor and his fellow marijuana critic Ry Prichard has gone on to host Viceland’s hit show “Bong Appétit.” Baca, who worked at The Denver Post for 15 years, saw the writing on the wall following its last major round of layoffs, leaving in late 2016 to form Grasslands: A Journalism-Minded Agency.
I saw the writing on the wall, too, watching on my newsfeed from afar as Cannabist staffers Aleta Labak, Polly Washburn and Lindsey Bartlett jumped ship one by one to join the Grasslands team, matched with some of the brightest public relations minds in the cannabis industry.
Daunting shoes to fill and a proven track record of success to maintain, Pasquariello worked tirelessly to keep The Cannabist running robustly under an unfathomable, understaffed and stressful environment — even having to relocate to The Denver Post’s new-ish headquarters in suburbia — a shell of its shiny, former offices in downtown Denver.
With an offer on the table and a built-in team at the ready, I have a hunch it’s just the beginning (again).
Katie Shapiro has a heavy heart, but is hopeful. She can be reached at katie@katieshapiromedia.com and followed around high country @kshapiromedia.
Rob Gronkowski is a star player for the New England Patriots. He's in his 9th NFL season and is considered one of the best tight ends in the league.
To perform at his highest level on and off the field, Gronkowski says he follows a year-round routine that includes a good night's rest and a daily workout.
"You've gotta have a routine to get your mind and body set so that it's always ready to go when you need it to go," he tells CNBC Make It. "I usually like to get to bed around a decent time between 11 and 12 at night. And I get about seven to nine hours of sleep every night and I wake up and start my day from there. I get going by staying active throughout the whole day and getting a workout in."
The 29-year-old says that even in the off-season, it's important for him to stick to this routine.
"You've got to get your body strong and get your body fit so you can last through training camp and last through the season," he says. "I don't believe in just using game day to get ready. It is a year-round process, I believe. You can't just not do anything and think you're in shape. It doesn't work like that. It's like anything else where you have to put the work in. You have to put the time in, and you've gotta get that good night's sleep."
Gronkowski's isn't the only successful individual committed to getting his rest. Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos tells Thrive Global that he strives to get eight hours of sleep every night. "For me," he says, "that's the needed amount to feel energized and excited."
He says that a good night's rest will not only help you feel more energized, but it will also help you make sharper, more thoughtful decisions the next day. "Making a small number of key decisions well is more important than making a large number of decisions," Bezos emphasizes. "If you shortchange your sleep, you might get a couple of extra 'productive' hours, but that productivity might be an illusion."
In addition to logging seven to nine hours of sleep each night, Gronkowski says he usually eats a little snack before bed, including a bowl of Honey Nut Cheerios and a glass of almond milk.
The star teamed up with the cereal brand for its Good Rewards program. Shoppers can scan a symbol on their Honey Nut Cheerios box for a chance to score points to donate to their favorite participating celebrity and charity. Gronkowsi is competing against Lucy Hale and Michael B. Jordan. If he earns the most points, he'll win $100,000 to donate to The Gronk Nation Youth Foundation, a community sports organization he started with his family.
"I grew up in Buffalo, New York, where Cheerios are made, and I could always smell the Cheerios in the air when I would go to downtown Buffalo because it was right by the factory," he says. "Now, it just brings back the memories of growing up."
Company officials have been in the area surveying, and preliminary plans have been cleared by Harrison County’s planning zoning, Furnish said. The next step is a ruling by fiscal court.
The proposed $50-million solar farm could increase the area’s tax base if the land is taken out of agriculture use, Furnish explained. Commercial and industrial use are taxed at a higher rate, he said.
It’s unlikely that the company would add any substantial amount of jobs, but some workers may be needed to do basic maintenance on the panels, he added.
At the proposed size, the solar field will be by far the largest in Kentucky, said Donald Colliver, director of the Kentucky Industrial Assessment Center at University of Kentucky.
Kentucky’s current largest field is 50 acres in Mercer County with 44,600 panels, Colliver said. It became fully operational in June. A field the size proposed for Harrison County generates about half as much energy as a standard coal fire plant. The Berea Solar Farm has 246 panels. It opened in 2012.
Kentucky still ranks near the bottom of all states –– for all renewable energy production, at 2.4 percent, and solar is barely noticeable at less than 1 percent of all electricity consumed, according to the U.S. Department of Energy.
Geenex did not respond to the Herald-Leader’s request for comment.
I looked into one of these places for my mother a few years ago. I found they had a "prospectus" that was over 100 pages. Reading the fine print, they have the caveat that their promise assumes you have long term care insurance. And you will be billed to additional services.
You are supposed to get your initial deposit (usually of 2 or 3 yrs rent) back when you leave. But of course, your deposit goes first when you run out of cash.
The newspaper examined more than 2,000 filings in the EPA's registry of dangerous chemicals for the past three years. In more than half the cases, the EPA agreed to keep the chemical name a secret. In hundreds of other cases, it allowed the company filing the report to keep its name and address confidential.